A49362	----	A loyal satyr against Whiggism 1682 Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49362 Wing L3365 ESTC R5469 12986400 ocm 12986400 96198 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49362) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96198) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 719:24) A loyal satyr against Whiggism Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 4 leaves. Printed for C.B. and are to be sold by W. Davis, [London : 1682] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Attributed to Thomas Spratt in the Wrenn catalogue. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Loyal Satyr against Whiggism . AS I did lately travel from the Town Through distant Roads , and deserts scarcely known , From whose dark thickets when I 'd made my way , A new-found World , as well as new-born day I thought appear'd ; where Nature rul'd alone , No Art , or help , no gawdy pomp was shown , But every Plant , each Bush , and spreading Tree Did grow without mans Care or Industry . There as I stood , and cast my eyes around , Pleas'd with the sight of that delightful ground , Something from midst the Walks did towards me make , Which nearly did resemble humane shape ; Soon as it nigher came it prov'd to be A man of most inviting honesty ; An Aspect courteous , and a brow serene , Of humane nature , and most humble meen , His hoary head did Veneration bear , And his face spoke his Noble Character . Joyful I was in those strange parts to find A front that did foretel so brave a mind , For asking me Transactions of the Town , I told him what disorders late were done ; What wild distractions and mishapen fears , And what a Cloud of Faction round appears , What daring Treasons were but now maintain'd By Sh. and City both in Faction train'd , And how the bloudy minded Whigs do aim To play again their old King-killing game . Which when the good old man heard me relate , In flowing tears he mourn'd his Countrys fate , And gave me this Advice , Beware my Son Lest by the Wiles of Traytors thou' rt undone , For I have known th' Experience of those times , When Loyalty was thought the worst of Crimes ; And when Rebellion with a daring eye Was cover'd by the Veil of sanctity , But thou art young , therefore I 'le plainly show How thou a Monster Whig mayst surely know , It somewhat favours man ; so have I seen When on a Christmas Evening we have been On frolicks bent , a thing of such like note , With hairy Chin , diminish'd hanging Coat , Broad Hat , stiff Band , and a malicious Eye , Which at a distance fully seem'd to be The very Villain that sequestred me . It rais'd my wonder , but as 't tow'rds us prest What should it prove but a Baboon well drest , For so morose are they , and more precise : As we 're in truth , they 're positive in lies ; What one but says , the other straight will swear , Let it be right or wrong , or foul or fair , It is all one , since they the Godly are . Vile hypocrites , who 're only good in show , Whose whole Religion lies in seeming so : For were their Souls laid open to our view , We should not find amongst 'em all one true . Therefore beware ( again the old man said ) Lest by their flattering tongues thou art betray'd , But if they find you loyal , wise , and brave , They 'l leer , and smile , and smiling dig your grave ; Such is their malice , spight , and mortal hate 'Gainst all that love their Country , Prince , and State. Now gentle Youth let any man of wit Weigh right their Cause , and well Consider it They 'l find conceal'd a lurking Jesuit . Morals and Whigs are Inconsistent things , The one still saves , the other still kill 's Kings ; Morality would teach'em to obey , And make 'em happy under Sovereign sway , Make 'em speak well of , and do good to all ; Envious tow'rds none , but love in general . The very Herds do due submission yield To the Imperial Lion of the Field ; No Mutinies or Factions do they know , But pay Allegiance where they ought to do ; 'T is only Whig , that worser Beast than they , That does pretend to Sense , and disobey . He that although he hears his Brothers name Unjustly wrong'd , won't vindicate his fame , But rather blow those ashes into fire Which were before just ready to expire . Oh! where is then his Justice , does it lie In things like these , or Acts of charity ? There I have known 'em well ; ye poor beware , Better ye starve than ask for mercy there : For stead of helping , they will spurn your grief , Contemn your sorrows , and forbid relief . Once one of these did my assistance crave For certain Sums , which I most frankly gave Without the least distrust , his Note , or Bond , ( For who would think that man could do such wrong ) Which when I call'd for in , in rage he says , Nay vows he never saw me in his days . By this I only warn thee to be wise , Nere trust 'em , for they 're all deceit and lies , Whilst still they seem to act on pious grounds , Yet cut your throat to gain an hundred pounds . 'T is Interest alone that they adore , Almighty Interest , and a secret Whore Can touch the Letchers so , that they agen Shall hug and fleer as if they 're Jurymen ; Oh that blest time ! then , then the Cause did rise , And full revenge for Tory Injuries , It was not Right , but Faction did prevail , A well-grown Whig of Verdicts ne're could fail ; Oh then ye common Hirelings , Cheats , and Knaves , Heroes in Stews , Stabbers , and Alley-braves ; Turn , turn t' embrace so good , so safe a Cause There you may act your Murders with applause , Kill but a Tory , and you serve the Laws . Nay , though 't is prov'd , that 't was your dire Intent To seize your King at Oxford Parliament . Yet bring it up to Town , and you shall be Prais'd by a Jury for your Loyalty ; Though at the very moment Oaths they take That all they do is mee● for Conscience sake . At this he paus'd , and somewhat weary grown In a fine od'rous Grotto we sate down , And then he thus went on , Think not dear Youth That what I 've said is malice more than truth , For Heaven can tell from such vile thoughts I 'm free , And all is out of sense of honesty . Which did they know , they would not dare to own The Hellish Principles of Forty one , Nor in their Tubs of Treason still declare That Kings Elective by the People are . Nor would they now , ( but Whig is still the same ) Foment Divisions , and blow up the flame ; But Jealousies , Suspicion , Guilt , and Fear Do on their disaffected brow appear ; Their business is to raise Commotions higher , Lay open breaches , peoples hearts to fire With wild Chimeraes of tyrannick Pow'r , And of another bloudy Massacre ; Or now , which is so much the Nations Cry , The eminent increase of Popery . 'T is Popery that round our City waits , 'T is Popery that taints our Magistrates ; 'T is that alone that makes our Nation fear A Popish Miss , and Popish Successor , Cries out old Belial's Heir , the noble Peer . Whose little bulk with Treason 's so orecast That it is vanish'd in the mist at last ; He that 's reserv'd so long only to be A fitter pattern of Hells Cruelty , Where with his Faction when he groveling lies , They may , too late , cast up repenting eyes , And ask forgiveness of that Prince , whose name They made it still their business to defame ; Whilst he shall dazle with a Crown so bright , Their guilty heads shan't bear that glorious light , But from his presence sink , and howl in dismal night . Another Tenet Whig does surely hold , Is to rail at these times , and praise the old ; To cry out on the Nations horrid pride , And cast all sins upon the Tory side ; As if that formal looks and dress precise Mayn't hide a heart more proud than ever lies In those that wear more handsom Decencies . Then Whoring , Drinking , Swearing to our Charge They all impute , and lay our Crimes at large ; And Crimes they are , but such with them are done , Ienny can tell how well the Tap did run . 'T is thus that Faction moves , 't is these foul ways That makes Rebellions , broyls , and threatning days ; These are the men from whom all trouble springs ; 'T is they that ruine States , 't is they that ruine Kings ; Though he be ne're so gracious , just , and good , One that wa'nt pleas'd ev'n with Traytors bloud ; And though whole Hecatombs could ne'r attone For Royal bloud , and an Usurped Throne , Yet , like the Almighty , with a giving hand Pours favours still on an ungrateful Land ; And how do they requite him now at last ? 'T is well , 't is well , Acts of Oblivion past . Sure 't was enough to have a Father slain , Not to attempt it in the Son again : But they who are not grateful , cannot be Ever expected to have honesty . The very Beasts do gratitude profess ; Oblige them once , what kindness they 'l express By every sign , and in their Language say , Rather than you shall die , we 'll be the prey : Now to be Whig and grateful ne'r was known , It is enough to make their Charter none . For if such bounteous graces of their Prince Can't raise a grateful , nor a Loyal sense , But they who after all , his Pow'r disown , His Favours slight , and undermine his Throne , First bring him low , to seize at last his Crown . who 're so to Kings , oh what will they then be To Fellow Creatures of their own Degree ? How are they fit for Mans Society ? London , Printed for C. B. and are to be sold by W. Davis , 1682. 
A36701	----	Three poems upon the death of the late usurper Oliver Cromwel written by Mr. Jo. Drydon, Mr. Sprat of Oxford, Mr. Edm. Waller. Dryden, John, 1631-1700. 1682 Approx. 31 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A36701 Wing D2382 ESTC R9114 11906206 ocm 11906206 50677 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36701) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50677) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 866:15) Three poems upon the death of the late usurper Oliver Cromwel written by Mr. Jo. Drydon, Mr. Sprat of Oxford, Mr. Edm. Waller. Dryden, John, 1631-1700. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. [2], 26 p. Printed by William Wilson, And reprinted for R. Baldwin, London : 1659 : 1682. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Cromwell, Oliver, 1599-1658 -- Poetry. Cromwell, Oliver, 1599-1658 -- Death and burial -- Poetry. 2002-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THREE POEMS Upon the Death of the Late USURPER Oliver Cromwel . Written By Mr. IO. DRYDON . By Mr. SPRAT , of Oxford . By Mr. EDM. WALLER . LONDON : Printed by William Wilson , in the Year , 1659. And Reprinted for R. Baldwin , 1682. HEROIQE STANZA'S , On the Late USURPER Oliver Cromwel . Written after his FVNERAL . ANd now 't is time for their Officious hast , Who would before have born him to the Sky , Like eager Romans , e're all Rites were past , Did let too soon the Sacred Eagle fly . ( 2 ) Though our best notes are treason to his fame , Joyn'd with the loud applause of publick voice ; Since Heav'n , what praise we offer to his name , Hath render'd too authentick by its choice : ( 3 ) Though in his praise no Arts can liberal be , Since they whose Muses have the highest flown , Add not to his Immmortal Memory , But do an Act of friendship to their own . ( 4 ) Yet 't is our duty and our interest too , Such Monuments as we can build to raise ; Lest all the World prevent what we should do , And claim a Title in him by their Praise . ( 5 ) How shall I then begin or where conclude , To draw a Fame so truly Circular ? For in a round what order can be shew'd , Where ●ll the parts so equalperfect are ? ( 6 ) His Grandeur he deriv'd from Heaven alone , For he was Great e're Fortune made him so ; And Wars , like mists that rise against the Sun , Made him but greater seem not greater grow . ( 7 ) No borrowed Bays his Temples did adorn , But to our Crown he did fresh Iewels bring , Nor was his Vertue poysoned soon as born With the two early thoughts of being King. ( 8 ) Fortune ( that easie Mistress of the young , But to her ancient servants coy and hard ) Him at that age her favourites rank'd among When she her best-lov'd Pompey did discard . ( 9 ) He , private , mark'd the faults of others sway , And set as Sea marks for himself to shun ; Not like rash Monacrhs who theiry outh betray By Acts their Age too late would wish undone , ( 10 ) And yet Dominion was not his design , We owe that blessing not to him but Heaven , Which to fair Acts unsought Rewards did joyn , Rewnads that less to him than us were given ( 11 ) Our former Cheifs like sticklers of the War. First sought t' inflame the Parties , then to poise ; The qnarrel lov'd , but did the cause abhor , And did not strike to hurt but make a noise . ( 12 ) War our consumption was their gainful trade , VVe inward bled whilst they prolong'd our pain : He fought to end our fighting , and assaid To stanch the Blood by breathing of the vein . ( 13 ) Swift and resistless through the Land he past , Like that bold Greek who did the East subdue ; And made to Battels such Heroick hast As if on wings of Victory he flew ( 14 ) He fought secure of fortune as of fame , Till by new Maps the Island might be shown , Of Conquests which he strew'd where e're he came , Thick as the Galaxy with Stars is sown . ( 15 ) His Palms though under weights they did not stand , Still thriv'd ; no Winter could his Laurels fade ; Heav'n in his Portraict shew'd a VVorkman's hand And drew it perfect yet without a shade . ( 16 ) Peace was the Prize of all his toyls and care , VVhich VVar had banifh't , and did now restore ; Bolognia's VVall thus mounted in the Air , To Seat themselves more surely than before . ( 17 ) Her safty rescued , Ireland to him owes , And Treacherous Scotland to no int'rest true , Yet blest that fate which did his Arms dispose , Her Land to Civilize asto subdue . ( 18 ) Nor was he like those Stars which only shine , When to pale Mariners they storms portend , He had his calmer influence ; and his Mine Did Love and Majesty together blend . ( 19 ) 'T is true his Count'nance did imprint an awe , And naturally all Souls to his did bow ; As Wands of Divination downward draw , And point to Beds where Sov'raign Gold dothgrow . ( 20 ) When past all offerings to Feretrian Iove He Mars desposd , and Arms to Gowns made yield , Successful Councels did him soon approve As fit for close Intrigues , as open field . ( 21 ) To suppliant Holland he vouchsaf'd a Peace , Our once bold Rival in the British Main , Now tamely glad her unjust claim to cease , And buy our Friendship with her Idol gain . ( 22 ) Fame of th' asserted Sea through Europe blown Made France and Spain ambitious of his Love ; Each knew that side must conquer he would own , And for him fiercely as for Empire strove . ( 16 ) No sooner was the French mans cause embrac'd Than the light Mounsire the grave Don outweigh'd , His fortune turn'd the Scale where it was cast , Though Indian Mines were in the other laid . ( 24 ) When absent , yet we conquer'd in his right ; For though some meaner Artist's Skill were shown , In mingling colours , or in placing light , Yet still the fair designment was his own . ( 25 ) For from all tempers he could service draw ; The worth of each with its allay he knew ; And as the Confident of Nature , saw How she Complexions did divide and brew . ( 26 ) Or he their single vertues did survay By intuition in his own large Breast , Where all the rich Ideas of them lay , That were the Rule and measure to the rest . ( 27 ) When such Heroique Vertue Heaven sets out . The Stars like Commons sullenly obey ; Because it drains them when it comes about , And therefore is a Tax they seldom pay . ( 28 ) From this high-spring our foraign Conquests flow , Which yet more glorious triumphs do portend , Since their Commencement to his Arms they owe , If Springs as high as Fountains may ascend . ( 29 ) He made us Freemen of the Continent Whom Nature did like Captives treat before , To nobler prey 's the English Lyon sent , And taught him first in Belgian walks to rore . ( 30 ) That old unquestioned Pirate of the Land , Proud Rome , with dread , the fate of Dunkirk har'd ; And trembling wish't behind more Alpes to stand , Although an Alxander were her guard . ( 31 ) By his command we boldly crost the Line , And bravely sought where Southern Stars arise , We trac'd the far fetch'd Gold unto the Mine , And that which brib'd our Fathers made our prize ( 32 ) Such was our Prince ; yet own'd a Soul above The highest Acts it could produce to show : Thus poor Mechanique Arts in publick move Whilst the deep Secrets beyond practice go . ( 33 ) Nor dy'd he when his ebbing Fame went less , But when fresh Lawrels courted him to live ; He seem'd but to prevent some new success ; As if above what triumphs Earth can give . ( 34 ) His latest Victories still thickest came , As , near the Center , Motion does increase ; Till he press'd down by his own weighty name , Did , like the Vestal , under Spoils decease . ( 35 ) But first the Ocean as a tribute sent That Giant Prince of all her watery Heard , And th' Isle when her Protecting Genius went Upon his Obsequies loud sighs confer'd . ( 36 ) No Civil broyls have since his death arose , But Faction now by habit does obey : And Wars have that respect for his repose , As Winds for Halcyons when they breed at Sea. ( 37 ) His Ashes in a peaceful Urn shall rest , His Name a great example stands to show How strangely high endeavours may be blest , Where Piety and Valour joyntly go . To the Reverend Dr. WILKINS WARDEN OF WADHAM COLLEDGE IN OXFORD . SIR , SEeing you are pleas'd to think fit that these Papers should come into the publick , which were at first design'd to live only in a Desk , or some private friends hands ; I humbly take the boldness to commit them to the Security which your name and protection will give them with the most knowing part of the world . There are two things especially in which they stand in need of your defence . One is , that they fall so infinitely below the full and lofty Genius of that excellent Poet , who made this way of writing free of our Nation : The other , that they are so little proportion'd and equal to the renown of that Prince on whom they were written . Such great Actions and Lives deserving rather to be the Subjects of the Noblest Pens and most Divine Phansies , than of such small beginners and weak essayers in Poetry , as my self . Against these dangerous Prejudices , there remains no other shield than the universal Esteem and Authority , which your judgment and approbation carries with it . The right you have to them , Sir , is not only upon the account of the Relation you had to this great Person ▪ nor of the General favour which all Arts receive from you ; but more peculiarly by reason of that obligation and zeal with which I am bound to dedicate my self to your service . For , having been a long time the object of your care and Indulgence towards the advantage of my studies and fortune , having been moulded , ( as it were ) by your own hands , and form'd under your Government ; not to intitle you to any thing which my meaness produces , would not only be injustice , but sacrilege . So that if there be any thing here tolerably said , and which deserves Pardon , it is yours , Sir , as well as he , who is Your most Devoted and Obliged Servant . TO THE MEMORY Of the Late USURPER Oliver Cromwel Pindarick Odes . ( 1 ) T Is true , Great Name thou art secure From the forgetfulness and Rage Of Death or Envy , or devouring Age. Thou canst the force and teeth of Time endure . Thy Fame , like men , the elder it doth grow , Will of it self turn whiter too Without what needless Art can do ; Will live beyond thy breath , beyond thy Hearse , Though it were never heard or sung in verse . Without our help , thy Memory is safe ; They only want an Epitaph , That does remain alone Alive in an Inscription Remembred only on the Brass or Marble Stone . 'T is all in vain what we for thee can do , All our Roses and Perfumes Will but officious folly shew , And pious Nothings to such mighty Tombs . All our Incence , Gums and Balm Are but unnecessary duties here : The Poets may their spices spare Their costly Numbers and their tuneful feet : That need not be inbalm'd , which of it self is sweet . ( 2 ) We know to praise thee is a dangerous proof Of our Obedience and our Love : For when the Sun and Fire meet , Th' ones extinguish't quite ; And yet the other never is more bright . So they that writ of Thee and joyn Their feeble names With Thine , Their weaker sparks with thy Illustrious light , Will lose themselves in that ambitious thought , And yet no Flame to thee from them be brought . We know , blest Spirit , thy mighty name Wants not Addition of another's Beam ; It 's for our Pens too high and full of Theam . The Muses are made great by thee , not thou by them . Thy Fames eternal Lamp will live And in thy Sacred Urn survive , Without the food or Oyl , which we can give . 'T is true ; but yet our duty calls our Songs Duty Commands our Tongues , Though thou want not our praises , we Are not excus'd for what we owe to thee : For so men from Religion are not freed . But , from the Altars , Cloud must rise , Though Heaven it self doth nothing need ; And though the Gods don't want , an Earthly Sacrifice . ( 3 ) Great life of Wonders , whose each year Full of new Miracles did appear ! Whos 's every Month might be , Alone a Chronicle or a History ! Others great Actions are But thinly scatter'd here and there ; At best , all but one single Star : But thine the Milky way , All one continued light , and undistinguish't day . They throng'd so close , that nought else could be seen Scarce any common Sky did come between What shall I say , or where begin ? Thou mayest in double Shapes be shown ; Or in thy Arms , or in thy Gown . Like Iove sometime with Warlike Thunder , and Sometimes with peaceful Scepter in thy hand , Or in the Field , or on the Throne ; In what thy Head , or what thy Arm hath done . All that thou didst was so resin'd , So full of Substance , and so strongly joyn'd ; So pure , so weighty Gold , That the least grain of it , If fully spread and beat , Would many leaves , and mighty volumes hold . ( 4 ) Before thy name was publish't , and whilst yet Thou only to thy self wert great : Whilst yet thy happy Bud Was not quite seen , or understood ; It then sure signs of future greatness shew'd ; Then thy domestick worth Did tell the World , what it would be When it should fit occasion see , When a full Spring should call it forth . As bodies , in the Dark and Night , Have the same Colours , the same Red and VVhite , As in the open day and Light ; The Sun doth only show That they are bright , not make them so : So whilst , but private Walls did know What we to such a Mighty mind should owe : Then the same vertues did appear Though in a less , and more Contracted Sphear ; As full , though not as large as since they were . And like great Rivers , Fountains , though At first so deep , thou didst not go ; Though then thine was not so inlarg'd a flood Yet when 't was Little , 't was as clear as good . ( 5 ) 'T is true , thou wast not born unto a Crown , The Scepter 's not thy Fathers , but thy own . Thy Purple was not made at once in haste , But after many other colours past , It took the deepest Princely Dye at last . Thou didst begin with lesser Cares And private Thoughts took up thy private Years : Those hands which were ordain'd by Fates To change the World , and alter States , Practic'd , at first , that vast design On meaner things , with equal mind . That Soul , which should so many Scepters sway . To whom so many Kingdoms should obey , Learn'd first to rule in a Domestick way : So Government , it self began From Family , and single Man , Was by the small relations first Of Husband and of Father nurst And from those less beginnings past , To spread it self , o're all the World at last . ( 6 ) But when thy Country ( then almost enthrall'd ) Thy Vertues and thy Courage call'd , When England did thy Arms intreat And t 'had been sin in thee , not to be great ; When every Stream , and every Flood , Was a true vein of Earth , and ran with blood . When unus'd Arms , and unknown War , Fill'd every place , and every Ear ; When the great Storms and dismal Night Did all the Land afright ; ` T was time for thee , to bring forth all our Light. Thou lest'st thy more delightful Peace Thy Private life and better case ; Then down thy Steel and Armor took , Wishing that it still hung upon the hook : When death had got a large Commission out Throwing her Arrows and her Stings about ; Then thou ( as once the healing Serpent rose ) Was 't listed up , not for thy self but us . ( 7 ) Thy Country wounded 't was , and sick before , Thy Wars and Arms did her restore : Thou knew'st where the disease did lye And like the Cure of Simpathy , Thy strong and certain Remedy Unto the Weapon didst apply , Thou didst not draw the Sword , and so Away the Scabbard throw ; As if thy Country shou'd Be the inheritance of Mars and Blood ; But that when the great work was spun War in it self should be undone : That Peace might land again upon the shore Richer and better than before . The Husbandman no Steel should know None but the useful Iron of the Plow ; That bays might creep on every Spear . And though our Sky was over-spread With a destructive Red , 'T was but till thou , our Sun , didst in full light appear . ( 8 ) When Ajax dyed , the Purple Blood That from his Gaping Wounds had flow'd Turn'd into Letters , every Leaf Had on it writ his Epitaph : So from that Crimson Flood Which thou by fate of times wert led Unwillingly to Shed Letters and Learning rose , and were renew'd . Thou fought'st not out of Envy , Hope or Hate , But to refine the Church and State ; And like the Romans , what er'e thou In the Field of Mars didst mow , Was , that a holy Island thence might grow . Thy Wars , as Rivers raised by a Shour Which Welcome louds do pour ; Though they at first may seem To carry all away , with and inraged Stream Yet did not happen , that they might destroy Or the better parts annoy ; But all the filth and Mud to scower And leave behind a Richer Slime , To give a birth to a more happy power . ( 9 ) In Field unconquer'd , and so well Thou didst in Battels , and in Arms excel , That Steelly Arms themselves might be Worn out in War as soon as thee . Success so close upon thy Troops did wait , As if thou first hadst conquered Fate ; As if uncertain Victory Had been first overcome by thee ; As if her wings were clipt and could not flee , Whilst thou didst only serve , Before thou hadst what first thou didst deserve . Others by thee did great things do , Triumph'st thy self and mad'st them Triumph too : Though they above thee did appear , As yet in a more large and higher sphear , Thou the Great Sun , gav'st light to every Star. Thy self an Army wert alone , And mighty Troops contain'dst in one : Thy only Sword did guard the Land Like that which slaming in the Angels hand From Men God's Garden did defend : But yet thy Sword did more than his , Not only guarded , but did make this Land a Paradise . ( 10 ) Thou sought'st not to be high or great , Not for a Scepter or a Krown , Or Ermyne , Purple or the Throne ; But as the Vestal heat Thy Fire was kindled from above alone . Religion putting on thy shield Brought thee Victorious to the Field : Thy Arms like those which ancient Hero's wore VVere given by the God thou didst adore : And all the Swords , thy Armies had Were on an Heavenly Anvil made . Not Int'rest , or any weak desire Of Rule , or Empire , did thy mind inspire : Thy valour like the holy Fire , Which did before the Persian Armies go , Liv'd in the Camp , and yet was sacred too . Thy mighty Sword anticipates VVhat was reserv'd for Heaven , and those blest Seats And makes the Church triumphant here below . ( 11 ) Though Fortune did not hang on thy Sword , And did obey thy mighty word ; Though Fortune for thy side , and thee , Forgot her lov'd Inconstancy ; Amidst thy Arms and Trophies Thou Wert Valiant , and Gentle too ; Wounded'st thy self , when thou didst kill thy Foe . Like Steel , when it much work hath past That which was rough doth shine at last ; Thy Arms by being oftner us'd , did smoother grow ▪ Nor did thy Battels make thee proud or high ; Thy Conquest rais'd the State not thee : Thou overcame'st thy self in every Victory . As when the Sun in a directer line Upon a Polish'd Golden Shield doth shine , The Shield reflects unto the Sun again his Light ; So when the Heavens smil'd on the in Fight , When thy propitious God had lent Success and Victory to thy Tent ; To Heaven again the Victory was sent . ( 12 ) England , till thou didst come , Confin'd her Valour home ; Then onr own Rocks did stand Bounds to our Fame as well as Land ; And were to us as well As to our Enemies unpassible : We were asham'd , at what we read ; And blush't at what our Fathers did ; Because we came so far behind the dead . The British Lyon hung his Main and droopt , To slavery and burthens stoopt , With a degenerate sleep , and Fear Lay in his Den and languish't there ; At whose least voice before A trembling Eccho ran through every Shore , And shook the World at every Rore . Thou his subdued Courage didst restore , Sharpen his Claws , and in his Eyes Mad'st the same dreadful Lightning rise ; Mad'st him again afright the neighbouring Floods His mighty Thunder sound through all the woods . Thou hast our Military Fame redeem'd Which was lost , or Clouded seem'd , Nay more , Heaven did by thee bestow On us at once an Iron Age , and Happy too . ( 13 ) Till thou Command'st , that Azure Chains of Waves Which Nature round about us sent Made us to every Pirate slaves , Was rather burden than an Ornament . Those fields of Sea that washt our shores Were plow'd and reap'd , by other hands than ours . To us the Liquid Mass Which doth about us run As it is to the Sun , Only a Bed to sleep in was . And not , as now , a powerful throne To shake and sway , the World Thereon . Our Princes in their hand a Globe did shew , But not a perfect one Compos'd of Earth and Water too . But thy Command the Floods obey'd ; Thou all the Wilderness of Water sway'd ; Thou didst but only Wed the Sea Not make her equal , but a slave to thee . Neptune himself did bear thy Yoke , Stooped and trembled at thy Stroke : He that ruled all the Main Acknowledg'd thee his Soveraign . And now the Conquer'd Sea doth pay More Tribute to thy Thames ; than that unto the Sea. ( 14 ) Till now our Valour did our selves more hurt ; Our Wounds to other Nations were a sport ; And as the Earth , our Land produced Iron and Steel which should to tear our selves be ( used . Our Strength within it self did break , Like Thundering — Cannons Crack , And kill those that were nere ; While the Enemies secur'd and untouch't were . But now our Trumpets thou hast made to sound Against our Enemies Walls in Foraign-ground , And yet no Eccho back on us returning found . England is now the happy peaceful Isle , And all the World the while Is exercising Arms and Wars With forraign or Intestine Jars . The Torch extinguish't here , we lend to others Oyl , We give to all , yet know our selves no fear , We reach the Flame of ruine and of death Where e're we please Our Swords t'unsheath . hilst we in calm and temperate Regions breath . Like to the Sun , whose heat is hurl'd Through every corner of the World ; Whose Flame through all the Air doth go , And yet the Sun himself the while no fire doth know . ( 15 ) Besides the Glories of thy peace Are not in number , nor in value less ; Thy hand did Cure and close the Scars Of our bloody Civil Wars ; Not only Lanc'd , but heal'd the Wound ; Made us again , as healthy and as sound . When now the Ship was well nigh lost After the Storm upon the Coast , By its Mariners endanger'd most ; When they their Ropes and Helms had left , When the Planks asunder clest , And Floods came roaring in with mighty sound ; Thou a safe Land , and Harbour for us found , And savedst those that would themselves have drown'd . A work which none but Heaven and thee could do , Thou mad'st us happy whe're we would or no : Thy Judgment , Mercy , Temperance so great , As if those Vertues only in thy mind had seat . Thy Piety not only in the Field but Peace , When Heaven seem'd to be wanted least . Thy Temples not like Janu's only were Open in time of VVar : VVhen thou hadst greater cause of fear Religion and the Awe of Heaven possest . All places and all times alike , thy Breast . ( 16 ) Nor didst thou only for thy Age provide , But for the years to come beside , Our after-times , and late posterity Shall pay unto thy Fame , as much as we ; They too , are made by thee . When Fate did call thee to a higher Throne , And when thy Mortal work was done , When Heaven did say it , and thou must be gon : Thou him to bear thy burthen chose , Who might ( if any could ) make us forget thy loss : Nor hadst thou him design'd , Had he not been Not only to thy Blood , but Vertue Kin ; Not only Heir unto thy Throne , but Mind . 'T is He shall perfect all thy Cures And , with as sine a Thread , weave out thy Loom . So , One did bring the Chosen people from Their Slavery and Fears , Led them through their Pathless Road , Guided himself by God , He brought them to the Borders : but a Second hand Did settle and Secure them , in the Promis'd Land. UPON THE LATE STORM , AND DEATH Of the Late USURPER Oliver Cromwel Ensuing the same . By Mr. Waller . WE must resign ; Heav'n His great Soul do's claim In storms as loud , as His Immortal Fame : His dying groans , his last Breath shakes our Isle , And Trees uncut fall for His Funeral Pile , About His palace their broad Roots are tost Into the Air ; So Romulus was lost : New Rome in such a Tempest mis't their King , And from Obeying fell to Worshipping . On Oeta's top thus Hercules lay dead , VVith ruin'd Okes and Pines about him spread : The Poplar too , whose bough he wont to wear On his Victorious Head , lay prostrate there . Those his last fury from the Mountain rent , Our dying Hero , from the Continent , Ravish'd whole Towns ; and Forts from Spaniards rest ▪ As his last Legacy to Britain left . The Ocean which so long our hopes confin'd , Could give no limits to His vaster mind ; Our Bounds inlargement was his latest toyl ; Nor hath he left us Prisoners to our Isle ; Under the Tropick is our language spoke , And part of Flanders hath receiv'd our yoke . From Civil Broils he did us disingage , Found nobler objects for our Martial rage ; And with wise Conduct to his Country show'd Their Ancient way of conquering abroad . Ungrateful then , if we no Tears allow To him that gave us Peace and Empire too . Princes that fear'd him , grieve , concern'd to see No pitch of glory from the Grave is free . Nature her self took notice of his death , And sighing swel'd the Sea with such a breath That to remotest Shores her Billows rold , Th' approaching Fate of her great-Ruler told . FINIS 
A61160	----	The Lord Bishop of Rochester's letter to the right honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesties Ecclesiastical Court Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1688 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61160 Wing S5034 ESTC R37588 16976791 ocm 16976791 105602 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61160) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105602) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1159:41) The Lord Bishop of Rochester's letter to the right honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesties Ecclesiastical Court Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1 broadside. s.n., [London? : 1688?] Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Ecclesiastical Commission (1686) Great Britain -- History -- James II, 1685-1688. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Lord Bishop of Rochester's LETTER to the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesties Ecclesiastical Court. MY LORDS , I Most humbly intreat your Lordships favourable Interpretation of what I now Write , that since your Lordships are resolved to proceed against those who have not Complied with the King's Command in Reading his Declaration , it is absolutely impossible for me to serve his Majesty any longer in this Commission . I beg leave to tell your Lordships , That tho' I my self did Submit in that particular , Yet I will never be any ways Instrumental in Punishing those my Brethren that did not : For as I call God to Witness , that what I did was meerly on a Principle of Conscience , so I am fully satisfied , that their forbearance was upon the same Principle . I have no reason to think otherwise of the whole Body of the Clergy , who upon all Occasions have signalized their Loyalty to the Crown , and their Zealous Affections to his present Majesties Person , in the worst of Times . Now my Lords , the Safety of the Church of England , seeming to be exceedingly Concern'd in this Prosecution , I must Declare I cannot with a safe Conscience sit as Judge in this Cause upon so many Pious and Excellent Men , with whom ( if it be God's Will ) it rather becomes me to suffer , than to be in the least accessary to their Sufferings : I therefore Earnestly Request your Lordship to interceed with his Majesty , That I may be Graciously dismissed any further Attendanee at the Board , and to assure him , that I am still ready to Sacrifice whatever I have to his Service ; but my Conscience & Religion . My Lords , Your Lordships most Faithful and Humble Servant R — 
A61159	----	A letter from the Bishop of Rochester, to the right honourable the Earl of Dorset and Middlesex, Lord-Chamberlain of His Majesties houshold concerning his sitting in the late ecclesiastical commission. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1688 Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61159 Wing S5033 ESTC R24609 08254178 ocm 08254178 41217 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61159) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41217) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1241:5) A letter from the Bishop of Rochester, to the right honourable the Earl of Dorset and Middlesex, Lord-Chamberlain of His Majesties houshold concerning his sitting in the late ecclesiastical commission. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 20 p. Printed by Edw. Jones, [London?] : 1688. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Dorset, Charles Sackville, -- Earl of, 1638?-1706. Church of England -- Government. England and Wales. -- Ecclesiastical Commission (1686) 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER FROM THE Bishop of Rochester , To the Right Honourable The Earl of Dorset and Middlesex , LORD-CHAMBERLAIN OF His MAJESTIES Houshold , Concerning his Sitting in the Late Ecclesiastical Commission . In the Savoy : Printed by EDW. IONES . MDCLXXXVIII . A LETTER From the Bishop of ROCHESTER , To the Right Honourable The Earl of Dorset and Middlesex , &c. MY LORD , I Think I should be wanting to my self at this time , in my own necessary Vindication , should I forbear any longer , to give my Friends a True Account of my Behaviour in the late Ecclesiastical Commission . Though I profess , what I shall now say , I only intend as a Reasonable Mitigation of the Offence I have given , not entirely to Justifie my Sitting in that Court ; for which , I acknowledge , I have deservedly incurr'd the Censure of many Good Men : And I wish I may ever be able to make a sufficient Amends to my Country for it . Yet thus much , My Lord , I can justly alledge for my self , That the Commission was made , and my Name put into it , altogether without my Knowledge ; when I hapen'd to be at Salisbury , holding an Archiepiscopal Visitation with the Bishop of Chichester , and other Commissioners : Where , by God's Blessing , we composed several old Differences and Animosities , and restored Peace and Unity to that Church . At my return from thence to London , I found I was appointed to be one in a New Commission : But I could never see a Copy of it , nor did I ever hear its Contents , or know the Powers granted in it , till the time of its being publicly open'd at Whitehal ; whither I was sent for , on purpose , in haste , that very Morning , from my House in the Country ; being just come home from a Confirmation , and from paying my Duty to Her Royal Highness the Princess of Denmark at Tunbridge . Upon the first publishing the Commission , I confess , through my Ignorance in the Laws , I had little or no Objection in my Thoughts against the Legality of it ; especially when I confider'd , That having past the Broad Seal , it must needs , according to my apprehension , have been examin'd and approved by the King 's Learned Council in the Law , Men generally esteemed of eminent Skill in their Profession . Besides , I was farther confirm'd ( though too rashly I grant ) in my Error , when I saw two Gentlemen of the Long Robe , Persons of the greatest Place and Authority in Westminster-Hall , joyned with us ; who , I should have thought , would never have ventur'd their Fortunes and Reputations , by exercising a Jurisdiction that was Illegal . And I believ'd I had Reason to conclude , That this very Argument might prevail also with some others of the Temporal Lords , that sate among us . Particularly the Earl of Rochester has often assur'd me , 't was that which induc'd him to accept of the Commission ; and that he did it , as I my self did , with a purpose of doing as much Good as we were able , and of hindring as much Evil , as we possibly could , in that Unfortunate Juncture of Affairs . As for my own Part , I was startled when I perceived my Lord of Canterbury scrupled to be present with us ; whose Example , 't is true , I ought rather to have followed than the greatest Lawyers in all Matters of Conscience . Yet I hope his Grace will excuse me , if I declare , that I did not at first know He made a Matter of Conscience of it . Nor did I understand his Grace took Exception at the Lawfulness of the Commission it self , till after my Lord of London was Cited , and had Appear'd , and Answer'd , and the unjust Sentence was past against him . For it was on the very Day the Commission was open'd , immediately , as I remember , after it was read , that my Lord of London was inform'd against , for not Suspending Dr. Sharp : Which , though it exceedingly surpriz'd me at first , yet observing with what heat the Prosecution was like to be carryed on against him , that very Consideration did the more incline me to Sit and Act there , that I might be in some Capacity of doing Right to his Lordship . And whether I did him any Service through the whole Process of his Cause , I leave it to my Lord himself to judge . That I gave my Positive Vote for his Acquittal , Both the Times when his Suspension came in question , I suppose I need not tell the World. Having thus , in the beginning of that Court , and the highest Ferment of it , freely discharg'd my Conscience , by Endeavouring to clear my Lord of London , I must own , I thenceforth unawares took a Resolution , which , how hurtful soever it may now prove to my self , yet I am still apt to believe , did the Church of England no Disservice in the Main . My Design , by continuing longer among them , was to make sure of one Vote at least , and to do my Part , to the utmost of my small Interest and Ability , to lessen the Blow which I fear'd was coming on the Clergy , since it could not altogether be avoided . And I was the more persuaded to take this Course , not only because the Legality or Illegality of the Commission seem'd at first rather a Moot-case , than a determin'd Point either way ; divers of the Principal Lawyers , as I was told , being divided in their Opinions concerning it ; but also because I saw , some other Persons were ready to fill my Chair there , as soon as it should be empty ; Men of whose Principles and Practices I was so well aware , that I knew they wou●d not have the same regard as my self for the Churches Preservation . And perhaps I might add this further for the Extenuation of my Fault , That I was not discouraged by some Grave and Worthy Persons , for this very purpose , to keep in some longer time : But I forbear to name them , that I may not involve any Good Man in my Infelicity . However , upon these Motives I Acted , and , in pursuance of this Design , God knows , I Voted , as long as I remained at the Board : Where all my Opinions were so contrary to the Humour of the Court , that I often thought my self to be really in as much Hazard from the Commission it self , by my not Complying , as any of my Brethren could be , that were out of it . I Appeal to all that were acquainted with the Transactions there , whether ever I gave my Consent to any Irregular or Arbitrary Sentence ; whether I did not constantly and firmly Declare against every Extravagant Decree . I could almost presume to affirm , That I was , as far as in me lay , some way or other , a Common Sollicitor , or Advocate for all that were unjustly Prosecuted before them . And I might exemplifie this beyond all Contradiction , if I should enumerate every particular Cause , that came under their Cognizance . After my Lord of London was Sentenced , his Lordship knows , I was always upon the Watch to obstruct all farther Proceedings against him . Nay , his Lordship well remembers , I had once obtained to have his Suspension taken off , if he would but have made an ordinary Submission . Then I was Zealous for Exeter-College , in their Defence against Father Petre , in a Business of so great Importance , that if the College had been overcome in the Suit , that whole Society must soon have been abandoned to Popery . I did my utmost to oppose the Violent Persecution upon the whole University of Cambridge ; when the Vice-Chancellor was suspended his Office , and his Mastership of Magdalen-College , because a Popish Priest , who was one of the Missionaries to pervert the Scholars , was denied a Degree in their Convocation . I faithfully Assisted and Served Christ-Church in Oxford , when they were in danger of having new Statutes Imposed upon them , which would Infallibly have laid open that Royal College , to the Ruine of their Good Learning and Religion . I absolutely resisted all the Alterations in the Statutes of Sidney-College , and all other Changes and Abrogations of Oaths , that were then made or designed in the Statutes of either University , for the advantage of Popish Priests and Students , and for the freer course of Mandamus's in their Favour . I ever gave my Advice for all sorts of Business , to be return'd into the common course of Justice ; as that all Ecclesiastical Matters should be referred back to the several Bishops from whose Dioceses the Complaints were brought ; and that all Informations against Colleges and Hospitals should be recommitted to their proper Visitors . I persisted unmoveable in my Dissent from every Vote that passed against Magdalen-College in Oxford ; from their very first Citation before that Court , to the cruel incapacitating of the President and Fellows . I could mention many other Particulars , wherein I successfully labour'd to relieve divers of the inferior and greater Clergy from Oppression ; to prevent some from being call'd before us at all ; to preserve others after they were accused by malicious Sycophants and Informers , that swarm'd then every where : Some in the Case of Tythes ; some for pressing Churchwardens to take Legal Oaths ; some for not Reading , some for Preaching against the King's Declaration . But there are Two Eminent Instances , which I cannot omit . The one , That when the Bishop of Lincoln was Petition'd against by his Arch-Deacon , and there was , at that time , Inclination enough in the Court to pursue him to Extremity , yet my Lord Bishop of Peterburgh , by interceding for him with the King , and I with the Commissioners , so effectually wrought , that the Prosecution against him was discountenanced and fell to the Ground . The other Instance concerns my Lord of Canterbury ; and I am confident his Grace will readily give me this Testimony , That I served him honestly and industriously on some Occasions , wherein he was like to be embroiled with the Commission ; which must inevitably have ended in his Grace's Suspension at least , since he was resolved , whenever he should be brought before them , whatever the Pretence had been , to deny the whole Power and Jurisdiction of the Court. As for the last Scene transacted there , which was in Order to Censure the whole Clergy , for refusing to Read the Declaration : In that I hope I need say nothing in my Defence , it being publicly known to the whole Nation , how I then demean'd my self ; how I broke loose from the Commission in a time , when I was convinced I could do the Church no farther Service there , and when the Popish Party was in the height of their Power and Rage . Then it was that I joyned my self again to the Common Interest of the honest Clergy , just when they were on the very Brink of Destruction , before we ever dream'd of this Glorious Deliverance . This is certain , that my leaving and defying the Commission at that time , did apparently exasperate the Popish Priests , and the Ring-leaders of the Jesuitical Faction against me , to the highest Degree imaginable . Nay , some Worthy Men have made me almost so vain as to fancy , that my bidding the Commission then Farewel in so public and peremptory a Manner , was no inconsiderable Stroke towards the Dissolution of the Commission it self . It is evident , that immediately upon the receit of my Letter , wherein I renounc'd them , they Adjourned in Confusion for Six Months , and scarce ever met afterwards . Thus far I am sure , my perpetual Behaviour therein , was so much all of a piece , so directly against the Vogue of the Court , and the Counsels of Popery then prevailing ; and the Effects of it did so visibly destroy my former Interest with the King , that whereas it is manifest , I was , when the Commission began , in as fair a probability as any Clergy-Man in England , to receive great Effects of His Majesties Favour ; yet after my Opposing my Lord Bishop of London's Suspension , and my other Votes Conformable to that , I fell by Degrees under His severe Displeasure . I might add moreover , that it is very probable , I was at last in more imminent Danger than any of my Brethren ; I say , my Lord , than any of my Brethren , the Seven Petitioning Bishops , and my Lord of London only excepted ; whose Merits and Sufferings , in Asserting our Laws and Religion , were so conspicuous , and by consequence the Fury of the Papists against them so implacable , that perhaps it would be Presumption in any other Clergy-Man , much more in Me , to come in Competition with Them for either of those Honours . Upon the whole Matter therefore , tho' as to the Legal Part of the Commission , which belong'd to Lawyers to judge of , I was mistaken , for Acting in it at all : Yet in the Conscientious Part , which properly concern'd me as a Divine , to Act in it honestly and sincerely , according to the best of my Judgment , in that , if I shall not be thought to deserve Thanks , yet I hope I may obtain Pardon from all Men of Candor and Ingenuity . My Lord , I know your Lordship's Generosity and Tender Concern for your Friends , whereof I have had so much Experience , will excuse me for troubling you with this my long Confession and Apology , for my share in the Ecclesiastical Commission . I wholly submit it to your Lordship's Prudence and Kindness , to make what use of it you please in my behalf . Only , this I will say , That if I had as good a Cause for you to Plead , as I have in your Lordship a Patron to Defend me , I should not have an Enemy in all England . Westminster , Feb. 21 , 1688. My Lord , I am Your Lordship's most Faithful , Humble , and Obedient Servant , Tho. Roffen . FINIS . 
A61157	----	A discourse made by the Ld Bishop of Rochester to the clergy of his diocese at his visitation in the year 1695 : published at their request. Church of England. Diocese of Rochester. Bishop (1684-1713 : Sprat) 1696 Approx. 76 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61157 Wing S5031 ESTC R39999 18595896 ocm 18595896 108092 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61157) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108092) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1102:4) A discourse made by the Ld Bishop of Rochester to the clergy of his diocese at his visitation in the year 1695 : published at their request. Church of England. Diocese of Rochester. Bishop (1684-1713 : Sprat) Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [2], 68 p. Printed by Edw. Jones, In the Savoy [London] : MDCXCVI [1696] Half-title page reads: The Ld Bishop of Rochester's discourse to his clergy, &c. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges. Pastoral theology -- Anglican Communion. Visitation sermons. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE L d Bishop of Rochester's DISCOURSE TO His Clergy , &c. A DISCOURSE Made by the L d Bishop OF ROCHESTER TO THE Clergy of his Diocese , AT His Visitation in the Year 1695. Published at their Request . In the SAVOY : Printed by Edw. Iones , MDCXCVI . A DISCOURSE MADE BY The L d Bishop of Rochester TO THE CLERGY , &c. I Can scarce think it worth my while , or yours , ( my good Brethren , ) that I should now spend much time in any long general Exhortation , to your Diligent and Conscientious performing the Duties incumbent on you , as you are the Ministers of GOD , duly called according to the Will of of our Lord Christ , and the Order of this Excellent Church of England . Did I find , there were here any absolute need to use many Words , towards the exciting your Care in the several Administrations of your Holy Calling ; yet , I am persuaded , I my self might well spare my own Labour , and your Patience , on this Subject ; since all that kind of wholesome Advice has been already so very sufficiently , and so much better given you , in Arguments deduced out of the Holy Scriptures , and most fitly applied to this Purpose , by the venerable Compilers of our Public Liturgy , in the Forms appointed for the Ordering of Deacons and Priests . There , you know , this Work has been so wisely , and so fully , long ago , done to a Bishop's hands ; there all the Parts of your weighty Office are so judiciously laid before you ; the high Dignity , and great Importance of it , towards the Salvation of Mankind , is so substantially urg'd ; the blessed Fruits , and everlasting Rewards of well-attending it , and the extreme Dangers of neglecting it , are so justly amplified ; the Necessity of adorning your Doctrine by an innocent , virtuous , and pious Life of your own , towards the rendring it efficacious on the Lives of others , is so pathetically inforc'd ; that , I am confident , the very best Charge , a Bishop could give to his Clergy , were to recommend seriously to all their Memories , as I now do most affectionately to yours , those very same Questions and Answers , those very same Promises and Vows , as you ought to esteem them , where-with every one of you did most solemnly charge his Conscience , at the time of your Admission into Holy Orders . I profess , I cannot , nor , I believe , can the the Wit of Man , invent any more proper Method of Instruction to Men in your Circumstances , from a Man in mine , than to exhort you all to a continual Recollection of , and Meditation upon , those many and great Obligations , you then seem'd voluntarily and cheerfully to lay on your selves . Whence there could not but ensue ( by GOD's Blessing , ) a firm Resolution in your Minds to endeavour the performance of them , and a Holy Perseverance in those Endeavours , and in Conclusion , the happy Effects of all on your selves , and the Flocks committed to you : That by thus Meditating on these Things , and giving your selves wholly to them , your profiting may appear to all ; and that by taking heed to your selves , and your Doctrines , and continuing in them , you may both save your selves , and those that hear you . Wherefore seeing that , which else had been a Bishop's proper Business in such Meetings as this , I hope , is , or may be so easily shorten'd for me , by you your selves , by your having recourse to a Rule so well known , and so obvious to you , in a Book , which ought scarce ever to be out of your hands ; I shall the rather , at this time , purposely omit the prescribing you many Admonitions , touching the matter and substance of the Duties of your Sacred Function . Instead of them , I shall only offer you some few familiar Considerations , which may serve as so many friendly and brotherly Advices , concerning , chiefly , the Manner and Way of performing some of the principal Offices of your Ministry . And , I trust in GOD , that if these Advices shall be as carefully examin'd , and , if you find them useful , as industriously observed by you , as they are honestly intended by me , they may , in some sort , enable you to do laudably , and with Commendation , the same Things , which , I hope , you already do , without just Exception . Only , in this place , let me premise once for all , that whatever Instructions I shall now give you , I intend them not only as Directions to you , but especially to my self . As indeed , in all Matters , that come under Deliberation , he ought to be esteem'd no good Counsellor , who is very ready and eager in giving , but averse from receiving the same Counsel , as far as it may be also proper for himself . The first Advice I presume to set before your view , shall relate to the Manner of doing your part , in all the ordinary Offices of the Public Liturgy . As to that , it is my earnest Request , that you would take very much Care , and use extraordinary Intention of Mind , to perfect your selves in a true , just , sensible , accurate becoming way of Reading , and administring them as you have occasion . A Suggestion , which some perhaps , at first hearing , may think to be but of a slight and ordinary Concernment : Yet , if I am not much deceiv'd , it will be found of exceeding Moment and Consequence in its Practice ; and of singular Usefulness towards the raising of Devotion in any Congregation piously inclined : When your weekly , or rather daily labours of this kind shall be thus performed ▪ I mean , not with a meer formal or artificial , but with such a grave , unaffected Delivery of the Words , as ( if the defect be not in our selves , ) will , indeed , naturally flow from a right and serious considering of their Sense . I pray therefore , take my Mind a-right in this particular . I do not only mean , that you should be very punctual in reading the Common Prayer Book , as the Law requires ; that is , not only to do it constantly , and entirely in each part , without any maiming , adding to , or altering of it , that so Supplications , Prayers , Intercessions , and giving of Thanks , may be made , by you , for all Men : For Kings , and for all that are in Authority ; that we may lead a quiet and peaceable Life in all Godliness and Honesty . If you do not so , you are liable to a Legal Punishment and Censure . But my aim now is , not meerly to prevent that , or to provide only against your breaking the Law. What I intend is something higher , and more excellent ; something , that you cannot be punish'd for , tho' you do it not ; but , if you shall do it in any reasonable Perfection , it will redound to the unspeakable Benefit of your Congregations . The purpose then of this my plain Motion to you is , in short , to beseech you all to employ much serious Pains , in practising the public and private Reading of all your Offices , as the Use of any of them shall occur , distinctly , gravely , affectionately , fervently ; so as every where to give them all that Vigour , Life and Spirit , whereof they are capable : Which certainly is as great as in any human Writings whatsoever ; if we be not wanting to them in the Repetition . The Truth is , whatever some may imagine to the contrary , such a compleat and consummate Faculty of reading the Common Prayer , Quam nequeo monstrare , & sentio tantum , is of so great difficulty , as well as use , that I am fully convinced , it very well deserves to have some place among our constant Studies ; at least in the first Initiation into our Ministry , if not throughout the whole course of it . I could heartily wish , it were altogether needless for me to lay so much stress on this Advice as I do . Yet , I hope , I may do it without Offence ; since it is not with design of censuring any particular Mens Failings or Deficiencies , but only for the public Good ; that we may all strive to attain not only to a Mediocrity , but to an Excellency in this kind : Which , in my small Judgment , can never be done , unless we shall make this Duty a Business by it self , and assign it a special Place among our other Ecclesiastical Studies . It cannot be denied , but the Church it self has provided for this with all imaginable Circumspection ; having solemnly enjoin'd every Clergy-man , besides the Times of his public Ministry , to read some very considerable Parts of his Office , once a day , at least , to himself , except he shall be excused by indispensable Business . By which wise Injunction , tho' , no doubt , the Church intended primarily to produce and increase , in the Minds of all its Ministers , a frame of Spirit perpetually serious and devout : Yet , if that be also accompanied with a proportionable Regard to the Manner , as well as to the Matter of our Public Prayers , this other Advantage of well-reading , what is so often to be read , will follow of course , and by necessary Consequence . It seems indeed to me , that the very way of performing all the outward Acts of Religion , has so wonderful an Influence towards obtaining the inward Effects of it , on our Hearts and Consciences , that I cannot but think , we can never be too laborious in preparing and exercising our Thoughts , and even our very Voices , in private , for a public Service of so great Importance . 'T is true , we generally value and esteem Preaching , as our great Privilege and Honour . And so far we are in the right . But we are not so , if we look on the reading of Prayers only as our Task and Burthen ; and , as such , shall be willing to get rid of it altogether , or to get thro' it in any undecent Manner , with such Heaviness or Precipitation , as , in any Affairs of worldly Interest , we would never be content with . A preposterous Custom , which , if due Care be not taken , may be very prejudicial and mischievous to our Church , by quenching the Spirit of Devotion in our own People , and giving occasion to our Adversaries to throw Scorn and Contempt on our otherwise-incomparable Liturgy . Consider , I pray you , How can we expect that others should revere , or esteem it according to its true worth , if we our selves will not keep it so much in Countenance , as to afford it a fair Reading ? If we will not do it so much common Justice as to contribute , as much as lies in our Power , that it may have an impartial Hearing , equal , at least to any other Divine Ordinance ? If we shall refuse to lay as much weight on those Devotions , which our whole Church has injoin'd us to pour out before the Throne of Grace , for the People , as we do on those Discourses , which we make , on our own Heads , to the People ? Wherefore , I say again , this very commendable Skill of devout and decent Reading the Holy Offices of the Church , is so far from being a perfunctory or superficial Work , a mean or vulgar Accomplishment , or a subordinate lower Administration , only fit for a Curate ; that it deserves to be placed among your Ministerial Endowments of greater Superiority and Praeeminence ; as being one of the most powerful Instruments of the Holy Spirit of GOD , to raise and command Mens Hearts and Affections : of the Holy true Spirit of GOD , I say ; which , tho' in our inward Ejaculations , or private Supplications towards Heaven , it often helpeth our Infirmities , and maketh Intercession for us with Groanings that cannot be uttered ; Yet , in the public Worship , is most frequently pleased to operate by such Words , and Sounds , as are express'd with the best Utterance . So that now , with a just Assurance , I may assert this to be a very proper Qualification of a Parochial Minister ; that he has attain'd to an habitual Faculty of setting forth the public Prayers to all their due Advantage , by pronouncing them leasurably , fitly , warmly , decently ; with such an Authority in the Speaker , as is , in some degree , suitable to the Authority of what is spoken . Thus much I may safely say , that the Reader of the Prayers ; if he does his part , in the manner I have mention'd , by such a vigorous , effectual , fervent Delivery of the Words and Conceptions , put into his Mouth by the Church it self , may give a new enlivening Breath , a new Soul , as it were , to every Prayer , every Petition in it : He may quicken and animate those Confessions , Intercessions and Thanksgivings , which , when read coldly , and indifferently , with irreligious Carlesness , or ignorant Flatness , will seem to some to be but a dead Letter : He may make every Hymn , every Psalm , every Lesson , Epistle and Gospel , to become well nigh a new Sermon ; at least he may give , to the old standing Text of the Bible , a very good clear Exposition , even by his very way of reading it to the Congregation . This , upon Experience , you will find to be apparently true . For if , as is usually observed by Men of Learning , in printed Books , the very accurate and critical pointing of the Copy is one of the best kinds of good new Commentaries on any old Author ; how much more , in all the Offices of Devotion , would that , which consists not only in good Pointing , and observing all due Stops , but in so much more besides , I mean a good , distinct , forcible , yet easie , and unforced reading of every Prayer , and Portion of the Holy Scriptures ; how much more would all this really serve for a good new Paraphrase and Illustration of every Sentence in them ! It is indeed almost incredible , how quite another thing the daily morning and evening Prayers will appear ; what new Figures and Beauties , and hidden Treasures of sacred Eloquence , they will continually discover , when thus pronounc'd ; how much apter they will be to kindle in us , and our Auditors , all manner of Heavenly Affections , of Spiritual Grief , and Contrition , of Love and Gratitude , of Faith , Hope , and Charity , and Joy in the Holy Ghost ; When the Harmony of the Tongue shall be tuned , as it were , to the Harmony of the Matter ; When the Zeal of the Reader shall keep Company with his Voice ; and his Voice shall be adapted to , and varied together with every Sense and Expression ; When by long Use , and Imitation of the best Masters , or the best we can come at , we shall know familiarly how to give every Word and Sentence its due poise ; Where to lay a greater or smaller weight on every Clause , according to its natural or spiritual Force ; where to be quicker or more vehement , where slower and more sedate ; how to observe equally all Pauses and Distances ; how to avoid Monotonies on the one hand , and immoderate Elevations and Depressions on the other ; Yet , where to use the same Tones , where to rise or fall in the right place : When , I say , the Reader shall be throughly expert and vers'd in practising these , and many more such natural Decencies of Pronouncing ; tho' they may seem but light , and petty things , taken singly , and a part , yet all together , in their full united Power , they will be found to have an admirable Concurrence towards the creating , augmenting , well tempering , and well-governing of Devotion . Had I time , it were easie to exemplifie this , in every Office of our Church . Give me leave only to mention one Instance within the compass of my own Knowledge , which perhaps may not be unworthy your special remarking : Tho' I doubt not but many of you have met with several Examples of the like nature . It was immediately after the Happy Restoration of King Charles the Second , when , together with the Rights of the Crown , and the English Liberties , the Church , and the Liturgy , were also newly restored ; that a noted Ringleader of Schism in the former times , was to be buried in one of the principal Churches of London . The Minister of the Parish , being a wise and regular Conformist , and he was afterwards an eminent Bishop in our Church , well knew how averse the Friends and Relations of the Deceased had always been to the Common Prayer ; Which , by hearing it so often call'd a low Rudiment , a beggarly Element , and Carnal Ordinance , they were brought to contemn to that degree , that they shunned all occasions of being acquainted with it . Wherefore , in order to the Interment of their Friend , in some sort , to their Satisfaction , yet so as not to betray his own Trust , he used this honest Method to undeceive them . Before the day appointed for the Funeral , he was at the pains to learn the whole Office of Burial by Heart . And then , the time being come there being a great Concourse of Men of the same Phanatical Principles , when the Company heard all delivered by him without Book , with a free Readiness , and profound Gravity , and unaffected composure of Voice , Looks , and Gestures , and a very powerful Emphasis in every part ; as indeed his Talent was excellent that way ; they were strangely surprised and affected : Professing , they had never heard a more sutable Exhortation , or a more edifying Exercise , even from the very best and most precious Men of their own Persuasion . But they were afterwards much more surprised and confounded , when the same Person , who had officiated , assured the principal Men among them , that not one Period of all he had spoken was his own ; and convinc'd them by ocular Demonstration , how all was taken Word for Word out of the very Office ordained for that purpose , in the poor contemptible Book of Common Prayer . Whence he most reasonably inferr'd , how much their ill grounded Prejudice , and mistaken Zeal , had deluded them , that they should admire the same Discourse , when they thought it an unprepared , unpremeditated , Rapture : which they would have abominated , had they known it to be only a set Form prescribed by Authority . And from the same Observation , we also may as justly infer , that all the Coldness and Dulnes , which too many , such abused and wanton Spirits , have complain'd they find in set Forms , is not really in the Forms themselves ; in ours it is far otherwise . If there be any colour for the Complaint , that can only proceed from a cold , flat , supine , insipid manner of repeating them . Upon the whole Matter it is most certain , that , in the public Worship of GOD , nothing can be more grave , or moving , more lofty , or Divine , either in the confessing , petitioning , or praising part , than where the Thoughts and Expressions are strictly weigh'd , and prudently reduced into standing unalterable Forms : Provided also , those very Forms be not pronounced in a formal way ; but that they be assisted , inflamed , inspired , as I may say , with such a present Ardour , and sprightly Zeal in reading them , as will always make them seem to be extempore : Extempore , I mean , in the new , ready , vehement manner of their Pronunciation ; but set Forms still , in the solid Ripeness of the Sense , and the due Choice , and deliberate ordering of their Phrases and Figures ; Which are the peculiar Advantages of set Forms : And therefore , so spoken , they will , in all Reason , produce a far more real , unfeigned , and durable Devotion , than all the other meerextempore , raw , and indigested Effusions ought to pretend to . I should crave your pardon , that I have dwelt so long on this first Head of Advice . But it appear'd to me so very material , that I could not hastily pass it over : Especially since what I have now said on this Subject , may concern in common all your public Ministrations , and is equally applicable , not only to the well-performing the daily morning and evening Prayers throughout the Year , both of ordinary Days and Sundays , and extraordinary Fasts and Festivals ; but also to the Offices of Baptism , Matrimony , and the Holy Communion ; and indeed to every other part of our established Liturgy : In all which , as the Reader officiates better or worse , so most usually is their Benefit and Efficacy more or less on the Minds of the Hearers . Nay , I will now make bold to go farther , to apply the Usefulness of this Counsel , not only to the Praying Part , but also to another Part of your Office , I am next to consider , which is that of Preaching . I am verily persuaded , that the Sermons preached every Sunday in this one Kingdom , by the Church of England Clergy in this Age , are more excellent Compositions of that kind , than have been delivered , in the same space of time , throughout the whole Christian World besides . Only let me take the Freedom to suggest , that perhaps it would add much , tho' not to the solid and substantial Part of such Discourses , yet to their just popularity , and more general Acceptance , and to the greater Edification of our Hearers , if we would universally addict our selves a little more to this Study of Pronunciation : By which Advantages alone of the Freedom , and life of their Elocution , we know the Preachers of some other Nations do seem to reign and triumph in the Pulpit , whilest their Sermons , as far as we can judge by those we have of them in Print ▪ are not comparable to the English. An Observation , which , methinks , may rouze our Preachers to out do them in this kind of Perfection also : I mean , in a natural , comely , modest , yet undaunted force of Pronunciation : Not such as is full of over-Action , and mimical Gesticulations ; which , though some Parties may admire for a time , and to serve a Turn , yet the serious Temper of our Nation will never long approve or admit of . But I intend such a steddy composed , severe , decent , lively , and apposite managing your Voices and Gestures in the Pulpit , as is best accommodated to the Gravity and Solidity of the English Genius , and is also agreeable , as much as may be , to the Simplicity , Power , and height of the Message you bring from Heaven . The next great Duty then of your Priestly Office , which comes in our way , being that of Preaching , I shall begin with one short Admonition , which , I confess , I am almost ashamed to give ; and yet it may be very expedient , that it should be given ; not , I declare , as a Correction to any of you here present , for any thing past , but only in regard to the future , and for the sake of those who as yet are less experienced Preachers , and young timorous Beginners . The Caution , in plain Terms , is this , that every Person , who undertakes this great Employment , should make it a master of Religion and and Conscience , to preach nothing but what is the Product of his own Study , and of his own Composing . I would not be mistaken , as if I should hereby condemn the Reading of the Homilies ; which were composed by the Wisdom and Piety of former Times , and have been ever-since allowed , nay recommended , by our Church , in some Places , and upon some Necessities to be used . I am so far from doing so , that I rather wish from my Heart we were furnish'd with a larger Stock of such learned plain , and orthodox Discourses . There can be no manner of hurt , nay there is very great reason , that , upon some urgent Occasions , a Preacher should have liberty to take something out of that public Treasury , which was laid up for that end , and has the Stamp of Authority upon it to make it current . My Purpose is only to dissuade you from all unjust Rapine of this kind , from all under-hand dealing with the private Stores of particular Persons . As to that , I dare avouch , it is far better and more advisable , even for the rawest Practiser , to exhibit but very mean Things of his own , at first , than to flourish it in the best of other Mens Sense and Oratory . For he , who does never so ordinarily at first , provided it be from himself , may , and will do better , and better in time , by GOD's Assistance , thro' fervent Prayer , and indefatigable . Attention to reading , and hearing , and practising to preach . Whereas this sordid borrowing , this shameful , I had almost said , sacrilegious purloining from other Mens Labours , is an utter irreconcilable Enemy to all manner of Growth and Improvement in Divine Learning , or Eloquence . I will not now insist on the meaness of Spirit , and perpetual fear , that must attend the Consciousness of this Guilt , lest it should be , some time or other , discover'd ; or on the shame and contempt that often happens to such Pilferers upon the Discovery . But besides all this , in Truth , when once Men have indulged themselves in this easie , but despicable and shuffling Commerce , they seldom or never give it over ; nay , at last , they can very hardly give it over if they would . Thence will succeed such a visible decay of Parts , such a neglect of all serious Studies , such a desuetude , and unaptness for regular thinking , such Emptiness of Invention and Memory , such a Diffidence of their own Style , Understanding and Judgement ; that they , who at first made bold with others Sermons , perhaps meerly out of Idleness , will at length be forced to do it out of Necessity ▪ It will unavoidably happen to this kind of Thieves , as most commonly it does to all others ; they steal so long in their Youth , and Strength of Age , because they will not work , that in their old Age , they are compell'd to steal on , because they cannot work . But enough , or too much of this . I know to whom I speak ; to those , who , for ought I could ever observe , or hear , do not only Preach , but themselves compose what they Preach . Yet I thought it became me to give this Intimation , seeing , in my own small Experience , I have been forced to deny Orders to some Persons , because I found them peccant in this very Crime . I was at first exceedingly amazed to hear them produce most excellent Sermons , whilest I found their Gifts of Nature , and Abilities of Learning , and Knowledge , were far from being passable . But my Wonder was soon over , when I manifestly discover'd , that nothing but their Ignorance was their own , their Sermons belonging of right to their Betters . Now then , my Brethren , that we may come into the Way again , after this unwelcome Digression , in making our Sermons , great regard ought to be had to the Words , and to the Matter ; great to both , tho' not equally great to both . Your Words and Style should be simple , expressive , weighty , authoritative : And therefore , tho' not without some true Art , yet not very artificial ; and rather void of all Ornament , than over-adorn'd ; but as much Scriptural as may be without Affectation ; and as easie , familiar , and intelligible as possible . And Perspicuity is always possible . Nay it is almost impossible , that ones Words should not be perspicuous , when his Thoughts are clear , and untroubled , and the Thing to be spoken of is throughly understood . When the Matter is well invented , digested , and ordered in the Mind , it very rarely happens , but the fittest and most expressive Words will occur to the Fancy and Tongue of the Speaker . Verba non invita sequentur . Next , since your Matter must , of course , be either Doctrinal or Practical ; where it shall be meerly Doctrinal , there it may suffice for your common Auditories , and , in good Truth , for all other , from the lowest to the very highest , that it be plain , sound , substantial , ancient , catholic ; seldom or never curiously drawn out into the fine Threads of Dispute and Speculation , or , as the Apostle terms them , Oppositions of Science falsly so called . It were indeed , much to be wished , that the agitating of all manner of Controversies could be utterly excluded from the great Work of saving Souls , which is your special Work. Yet , because in times so degenerate from the Primitive Purity , and in this militant State of the Christian Church , it cannot be expected , that you should teach aptly , or oppose Schism and Heresie solidly , without touching sometimes , and entring upon some Walks of Controversies ; Certainly the best way , in these inevitable Cases , is never to meddle with such obscure Subtilties , out of Spiritual Pride or Ostentation , but meerly out of Necessity ; and then only with the most necessary Parts of them ; and then also that you be ever sure to keep close to the Form of sound Words used in the Church , and to contain your selves within the known Bounds of Scripture Determinations , in every controverted Point , to deliver the Faith to your People , as it was once deliverd to the Saints . As little a Lover then as I am of Controversial Divinity in the Pulpit , yet I cannot be faithful to you , or to our Mother the Church of England , if I do not recommend two sorts of it to be seriously studied by you : But I must still say , rather to be studied than preach'd ; tho' preach'd too upon reasonable Occasions . The first kind is that of the Controversies between us and the Church of Rome . For we are not yet so exempt from Fear on that Quarter , that we should securely lay aside , and suffer to rust on the Walls , those very Arms , which , to the immortal praise of the Parochial Clergy , were so successfully managed by them , during the last great Crisis of danger from the Popish Interest . I the rather mention these , because they are still almost in every Mans hands ; and perhaps a judicious summ , and full Epitome , collected out of them all , would be as useful a Body of Controversies on those Questions , as any is yet extant . Wherefore , that you may preserve your own , and the Souls under your Care , from Infection , and be able to convince Gainsayers , I exhort you all , according to your several Stations and Opportunities , to be still conversant and prepared in those very same Arguments against the Papists : Yet , let me say also , not only now in those . For there is another sort of Controversies , or rather blasphemous Doctrines , reviv'd in this Age , and which seem , indeed , to be the most cherish'd and darling Tenents of the loose and Antichristian part of the Age ; I mean those execrable Opinions against the Incarnation and Eternal Godhead of our Saviour , the Satisfaction of his Meritorious Sufferings , and Death , and the very Being of the Ever-blessed Trinity : Which being all of them the peculiar and distinguishing Foundations of Christianity , whatever they , who so directly oppose them , may at first pretend , yet they cannot but really tend to the Destruction of the Primitive Faith in Christ , and the Introduction of another Religion , new , and therefore abominable . Wherefore , to maintain no less than the main Fundamental Points of our pure and Vndefiled Religion , you are now most zealously to apply your Thoughts to the serious Study of those Divine Mysteries . Yet , if you please to take my Judgment , after you shall be never so well furnish'd with Weapons defensive , or offensive , of this nature , you should very rerely brandish , or so much as shew them in your ordinary Pulpits ; never but when you cannot avoid it without betraying , or deserting the Orthodox Truth . And whenever you shall produce any of them in such Auditories , even then , it were best done in a calm , positive , and didactical , rather than in a sharp , wrangling , or contentious way . But always take along with you , what I said before , to wade no farther in them , in your popular Sermons , than as the Scripture Light primitively expounded shall plainly lead you . This may suffice , at present , touching the doctrinal and speculative part of your Preaching . As to the other , which is the Practical , in that I need not forewarn you to proceed with such reserve , or restraint . In the greatest abundance of that , if managed with any tolerable Prudence , there can hardly be any manner of excess . Most assuredly the less controversial , and the more practical your Pulpit Discourses are , the better they must be , and the more profitable . Now , my dear Brethren , the Subject of this part of your Sermons , being , as you cannot but know , so comprehensive and vast , as to take in the whole compass of all our Spiritual and Moral Duties ; I say of Moral also ; For , let none be deceived , Moral Preaching is of marvellous use where-ever it is subservient to the inspired Doctrine of Christianity , and does not strive to justle that , which is its Principal , quite out of the Pulpit : But , I say , the Matter of your practical Preaching being in it self so large , as to extend to all the Precepts and Promises . both of the Law , and the Gospel ; to all the Temptations and Corruptions of the World , the Flesh , and the Devil ; whereof the one ought to be the eternal Argument of your Exhortations , the other of your Reproofs and Admonitions : Here it is especially , that I would beseech you all , with a Brotherly Tenderness , and oblige you , with a Fatherly Authority , to lay out the whole stress , and bent of your Souls , to draw all your Studies , all your Learning , Human or Divine , all your Eloquence , all your Affections , all your Zeal this way : This being the great Work you have chosen for the Business of your whole Lives , and for which we all were so peculiarly dedicated to the Service of GOD , and his Church : And let me add , this being the great Purpose , for which all Scripture seems to have been given by Inspiration of GOD : That it may be profitable for Doctrine , for Reproof , for Correction . There is the chief end of all the Doctrine you are to teach . But what follows ? For Instruction in Righteousness ; that the Man of GOD may be perfect , throughly furnished to every good Work. There is the great Design of all the Practice you are to inforce . I have dispatched what I thought proper now to say on this Head of Preaching , unless you will suffer me to name one very obvious Caution ; which yet I cannot think to be ever the less necessary , for being so very obvious . The Caution is , that in all your Sermons , where you have Occasion to praise any Virtue , or dispraise any Vice ; in all your Commendations of what is bad ; you would always separate the good Person from the good Thing , and always distinguish the Sinner from the Sin : That is , That you would never put any one Virtue , never any one Vice , you are to deal with in the Pulpit , into the Habit or Countenance of any one Member of your Congregations , so that they may be known thereby : In a word , that you would utterly shun , and abhor all Personal Flatteries of the Good ; and all Personal Reflections on the wicked . As to the first of these Extremes , that of Flattery , I need only mention it here . That is seldom thought worthy of such plain Country Congregations , as yours generally are : 'T were well , if it were as much excluded out of all other Religious Assemblies of better Quality . It is indeed great pity , that such glosing and deceitful Language should at last , in any measure , take Sanctuary in the Church ; when it had been so long , in all Ages , by common Consent of wise and good Men , judg'd fit to be banish'd out of all other well-constituted Societies . Has it not been always found , by Experience , that a flattering Tongue is so far from increasing the Virtues of the Good , and the Great , that it rather serves to deprave the real Worth they might have before ? So that , as the Psalmist says , the Men who flatter with their Tongue , have not only no Faithfulness in their Mouth , but their very Throat is an open Sepulcher . But , above all , it is most unbecoming the Pulpit ; where Men would seem to speak as from GOD , and with Authority , which nothing can more debase or prostitute than Flattery . As to the other Excess , that of secret Reflections , and malicious Insinuations against , or open Defamations of Persons , I would absolutely dissuade you from the very Shadow , and Suspicion of it . I would intreat you all , in the Bowels of our Lord Christ , that you would never , on any Occasion , or Accident , not even on the greatest Provocation , do that Affront to the Honour and Modesty of the Pulpit , as to make it a Place for any Rudeness , or Scurrility whatsoever . Surely nothing can be more disgraceful to the Reputation of your Profession , or more destructive to Edification , or more unbeseeming the Gravity and Charity of a Church-of-England Divine , than to make an Ordinance so sacred ; and the Word of GOD handled in it , become instrumental to your own private Passions , Animosities , or Revenges . I am now arrived at the next great Duty of your Holy Office , which is that of Catechising ; not so much to recommend to you the Duty it self ; tho' I might do that most earnestly and vehemently , and with some kind of Episcopal Expostulation and Reprehension , if any where it should be totally neglected . But that I would not here so much as suppose . I cannot doubt but we are all of one Mind , touching the inexpressible Advantages of this Ordinance in general ; we especially who have lived in these Times . We cannot but be abundantly convinced of it by a woful and dear-bought Experience : Since it is evident , that the far greater part of the monstrous Looseness of Opinions , and profane Enormity of Manners , which overwhelm'd the whole face of the last Age , and has too much descended on this , did remarkably proceed from the notorious defect , or universal Omission of Orthodox Catechising , during the Calamities and Confusions of the great Rebellion . Wherefore , touching the imminent Necessity of restoring , or , I may well hope rather , among you , of continuing this first part of Christian Discipline , I make sure account we are all agreed . The only Thing , to be debated , is the Manner , how this Holy Exercise may be so put in use , that the blessed Ends , which , I am assured , we all aim at alike , may be attained . Without all Controversie then , the first Practice of your regular Catechising , in all your Churches , ought to be in the very same Order , and on the same Materials , which the Church Catechism has traced out , and the Law has injoin'd . I would therefore desire you all to begin , or rather incourage you to go on , plainly and literally in that way , with a strict Consinement of your Catechumens , as they may be called , to that very compendious Introduction ; to have your Youth throughly versed , and instructed perfectly in all the Questions and Answers there prescribed . This ought by no means to be left undone in the smallest or poorest of your Country Cures ; where the highest Capacities are not at first above , and the lowest can scarce be below , this kind of plain Information . But in greater Towns , where the Youth are somewhat better educated , and so should be more capable of Improvement , there , supposing still you never omit the other more simple way , you may , by degrees , with a sober , and discreet Pace , proceed farther ; I will not say , by inlarging the Foundations , but by raising the Building higher on the same compass of Ground . And this I have known done with very remarkable Fruit , and Benefit to the Learners , in a familiar Method , whereof I will only trace out to you the imperfect Draught ▪ which , by Time and Custom , you may easily advance , and complete . The Method is this , That to every Article , and every Clause of it , in the Church Catechism , after they have learnt them by Heart , you should annex , at first , some such Texts of Scripture , as may suffice to prove the Matter contain'd in them , and do it in the fewest Words , and clearest to the Purpose . These Texts you should induce your young Disciples to repeat often , and perfectly without Book , together with each Article , and should begin to let them understand , by a very brief Exposition , how evidently each Scripture proves each Article . Then , by degrees , after they shall be made intimately acquainted with that first Sett of Texts , you may more securely add other Quotations out of the Bible , somewhat larger , but still tending to the same Purpose ; and when you have explain'd them , in the like manner , but more copiously , you may cause those also to be learnt as exactly , and repeated as readily as the former . And the same Course you may begin , and go through with again , still adding more Texts , and more distinctly dividing the Parts , and Members of the several Articles , as often as you shall find it practicable , or convenient . Thus , whilest you do not over-burden tender Minds , but softly instil these Instructions into them , Drop after Drop , the Children , you have undertaken in this way , so very little out of the common Rode , and many also of riper Years , who shall be present , and attentive , will , beyond their own , and even your first Expectation , come to have treasured up , almost unawares , in their Minds , a little Body , as it were , of Orthodox Divinity : which cannot but be all Orthodox , all Primitive , as being , without mixture , purely collected out of the Holy Scriptures . With the Scriptures , by this means , their Memories will unperceivably be filled ; yet not so as only to fit them to cant with unseasonably , in common Discourse , but so as to instruct or confirm their Judgments , and teach them to apply properly , what they shall there read , to every part of a sober Christians Belief , or practical Duty . In this great Article of Catechising , I would offer one honest Direction more . It is , that you should not so much aim in it at the length of the Exercise , or at the perpetual changing of your Thoughts and Expressions , as at the sound Bottom , on which you build your Discourse , and the solid , unmovable Ground of each Doctrine , whereon you fix your Explanations ; tho' your Performance each time be the shorter , so it be not unreasonably short , and tho' your Words , and Phrases , may happen frequently to be the same , and repeated more than once . In truth , I would , if I durst , offer some such Advice also as to your Preaching . But I know the common Vogue is against my real Opinion in this Matter . And therefore I must handle this point the more tenderly . It is indeed a very great Burden , that the Humour of the People , and our own too , in some measure , has laid on our Profession : Such as , I think , no other Calling , or Way of Life , were ever willing to lay on themselves ; no , nor any other Nation , that I know of , has exacted in so high a degree , from their Clergy ; that you should twice or once a week , at least , always present your Auditories with new Sermons ; and those also to be composed with the Care and Accuracy , almost of Elaborate , and Complete Treatises . Whereas I am sure , in the business of Catechising , and most probably , the same will be found true in Preaching also , that a sound , substantial , well-collected , and well-woven Provision , of Plain , Instructive , Godly , and Devout Discourses , altered , and increased , according to the Teachers growing Abilities , and used over , and over , tho' in the same Desks , or Pulpits , would be more edifying , and sink deeper into the Minds , and Consciences of the Hearers , than all the greatest Afluence , and Redundance of new Words , and Phrases multiply'd , or interchanged , which the most fanciful , copious Catechist , or Preacher can devise . I have known some very learned and pious Men , and excellent Preachers , and zealous Lovers of our Church , and Country ; whose Welfare and Prosperity they wisely judg'd to be inseparably join'd ; I say I have known these Persons affectionately declare their Wishes that some such Order , as this I shall subjoin , were observed by the greatest part , if not by all our Parochial Ministers . That , on the very entring into their Ministry , or at any time afterwards , if they have not done it before , they would set themselves to draw out the general Lineaments , and larger Members of a whole Years , or perhaps a two Years Course of Catechisms , and Sermons : following therein the annual Method of our Churches Devotions , or any other Scheme they shall approve , and form to themselves ; provided it comprizes all the main Points of Christian Doctrine , and Practice . That on this Stock they should set up ; and , in the first , and second Year , begin to fill up the void Spaces , and lay the first Colours , towards the finishing , as well as their Sufficiency will then allow ; still collecting , and conveying all the Streams of their useful Reading and Learning into those common Receptacles and Channels ; and so successively Preaching them on , as the Year turns round . That ever after , in the whole Progress of their Ministry , they should still be adding to , or cutting off from , or polishing those first imperfect Ideas ; altering the Method , and Shape of the whole , if needful ; inforcing , or increasing the Arguments , Illustrations , and Amplisications , if Wanting ; inserting new Doctrines before-unobserved , making new practical Inferences before-untouched , as their Judgements , or Light , or Experience shall improve ; but especially , still drawing more , and more , over all , a new beautiful Skin , and the lovely Features of Scripture Language : And then , without Scruple , or Disguise , should preach them again , and again , so corrected , augmented , and in some part renewed . And I have heard these very wise Persons , some of them most excellent Fathers of our Church , often conclude , that , by this , or some such Method , any Preacher , tho' of no extraordinary-bright Endowments at first , yet of an honest Mind , clear Sense , unwearied Industry , and judicious Learning , would , in process of time , in all likelihood , have by him in store , a complete , domestic , Course of sound , well-compacted , affecting Sermons ; that , by GOD's Blessing , might with the just Advantages of Delivery , be of far greater use to his Conscientious Hearers , than all that pompous Novelty , and counterfeit Variety , which some others may boast of . I say counterfeit Variety . For so indeed it is often , upon tryal , found to be . And now I have faithfully told you the Opinion of those Great Men , I will presume , under so safe a Shelter , to disclose my own Thoughts in this Business ; yet still with all deference , and candour towards any , who may differ from me in this Particular . We have lived in an Age , when the two Gifts , as they are wont to be call'd , of Extempore Praying , and Extempore Preaching , have been more pretended to , and magnified , than , I believe , they ever were before , or , I hope , ever will be again , in this Church and Nation . Yet , for all I could ever learn , or observe , the most sudden Readiness , and most profuse Exuberancy , in either of these Ways , has been only Extempore in Shew and Appearance , and very frequently but a cunningly-dissembled Change of the very same Matter , and Words often repeated , tho' not in the same order . As to that of Extempore Praying , which therefore too many mistake for Praying by the Spirit ; it is manifest , that the most exercised , and most redundant Faculty , in that kind , is , in reality , only Praying by the Fancy , or , the Memory , not by the Spirit . They do but vary , and remove the Scripture Style , and Language , or their own , into as many Places , and Shapes , and Figures , as they can . And tho' they have acquired never so plentiful a Stock of them , yet still the same Phrases , and Expressions , do so often come about again , that the Disguise may quickly be seen through , by any attentive and intelligent Hearer . So that , in plain terms , they who think themselves most skilful in this Art , do really , all the while , only pray in set Forms disorderly set , and never ranged into a certain Method . For which Cause , tho' they may not seem to be set Forms to their deluded Auditors , yet they are so in themselves ; and the very Persons who use them most variously , and most artificially , cannot but know them to be so . This , my Brethren , seems to be all the great Mystery of the so much boasted Power of Extempore Praying . And why may not the like be affirm'd , in great measure , of Extempore Preaching , which has so near an Affinity with the other ? Is not this also , at the Bottom , only a more crafty Management of the same Phrases and Observations , the same Doctrines , and Applications , which they had before provided , and composed , and reserved in their Memories ? Do but hear the most voluble Masters in this way , once or twice , or perhaps oftner , as far as their Changes shall reach , and at first , no doubt , you will be inclined to wonder at the strange Agility of their Imaginations , and compass of their Inventions , and Nimbleness of their Utterance . But if you shall attend them calmly , and constantly , the Vizour will be quickly pull'd off , tho' they manage it never so dextrously : You will at last find , they only walk forward , and backward , and round about : One , it may be , in a larger Labyrinth than another ; but in a Labyrinth still ; through the same Turnings and Windings again , and again , and , for the most part , guided by the same clue . The Explanations , perhaps , of their Texts , the Connexions , and Transitions of the Parts , and some sudden Glosses , and Descants , and Flights of Fancy ▪ may seem new to you . But the material Points of Doctrine , and the common Places , to which , upon any Loss , or Necessity , they have recourse , these they frequently repeat , and apply , to several Subjects , with very little Alterations in the Substance , oftentimes not in the Words . These are the constant Paths , which they scruple not to walk over , and over again , 'till , if you follow them very close , you may perceive , amidst all their Extempore Pretensions , they often tread in the same Rounds 'till they have trodden them bare enough . But , GOD be thanked , the Church of England neither requires , nor stands in need of any such raptural ( if I may so call it ) or Enthusiastical Spirit of Preaching . Here the more advised , and modest , the more deliberate and prepared the Preacher is , the better he is furnished , by GOD's Grace , to deliver effectually our Churches solid Sense , its fixed Precepts , its unalterable Doctrines . Our Church pretends not to enter into Mens Judgements ; meerly by the Affections ; much less by the Passions to overthrow their Judgements . The Door , which that strives first to open , is of the Understanding , and Conscience : It is content , if by them , a Passage shall be made into the Affections . I have detain'd you the longer on this Argument , because I am perfectly convinced , that although one , or two Preachers in an Age , or perhaps some few more , Men of extraordinary Parts , Assurance of Mind , and Volubility of Tongue , may , by long use , make a remarkable Blaze , for a time , in this sudden , unstudied Way : Yet , if it should ever become the general Custom of the whole English Clergy , it would produce little more than Ignorance and Confidence in many of our Preachers , and tempt many of the Laity , who presume themselves to be equally gifted , to think they had an equal Right to the Ministry . But what need I say any more of this Matter ? It is confess'd on all hands , that if an Extempore kind of Preaching had been universally put in use among us , from the beginning of our Reformation , the whole Church of Christ had been much impoverished thereby , had been deprived of the best Treasury of Sermons , that ever it was inrich'd with , since the Apostles , and their Successors , and the primitive Fathers Times . There is still behind one solemn Duty more , belonging to all of us , wherein I would willingly suggest one serious Word of Counsel : And it concerns the Office of Visiting the Sick. I would not doubt , but herein you generally do your Parts , diligently , piously , and prudently . But there are some Things in this , as well as in the others before-mentioned , touching the Manner of doing it , whereof the Observation may be of a peculiar and signal Benefit to your selves , as well as to your Spiritual Patients . If you please to consult the Rubricks relating to this Office , you will find , you are more left to your own Liberty in this , than , I think , in any of the rest . For this Duty of Friendship , and Charity , being supposed to be more in private , the Rule it self in the Liturgy seems to give way to , nay to direct some occasional Admonitions , and Exhortations , to which I do not remember , it does equally impower you in any of the rest , out of the Pulpit . Wherefore , to prepare your Thoughts , and to replenish your Minds throughly for this Work not only of Ministerial Duty , but of Compassion , and Brotherly Love , you shall not only do well to furnish your Memories , with a plentiful Store of pious , moving , affectionate Expressions , out of the Book of Psalms , and other practical and devotional Parts of the Holy Scriptures first ; and , next to them , out of our own Liturgy ; and all these to be casually used , as shall be most proper : But principally I would persuade you , to have some good , sound Body of Casuistical Divinity , of your own studying I mean , to be always at hand , that is , in your Hearts , as well as Heads . You can scarce imagine , unless you have try'd it , as , I hope , some of you have , of what unspeakable Use this Divine Science of Cases of Conscience will be to you upon any sudden , unforeseen Emergency in such Ghostly Visits . Indeed the being a sound , and well-experienced Casuist is also a most excellent Qualification , towards all the other Ends of your Ministerial Office ; there being no kind of Skill , or Proficiency in all your Theological Studies , that more becomes a Divine of the Church of England ; whose highest Spiritual Art is to speak directly from his own Conscience to the Consciences of those under his Pastoral Care : and this at all times ; but most especially when they are on their Sick-Beds : When Mens Consciences are usually most awakened , most managable , most truly tender , and capable of the best Impressions . So that I say it again , and can never say it too often , one of the most necessary Provisions , and Instruments of your sacred Armory , which you are always to carry about with you , in your own Souls , ( for there it is best lodged ; thence it will be drawn forth , on all Occasions , with the quickest Expedition , ) is such a firm Sense , and general Scheme of the primitive , uncorrupt , practical , Casuistical Divinity : Such as , on the one side , is purged from the Spiritual Crafts , and Equivocations of the Jesuits , and , on the other , is freed from the Narrowness and Sourness of Enthusiasm . I told you even now , it highly concern'd you all to be well stock'd with plenty of good Matter for present Use , in the Visitation of the Sick ; and that for your own Sakes as much as theirs . And , in truth , so it is . A Clergy-man can , no way better , have his own Affections , and Passions regulated , tempered , soften'd , mortified , sanctified , than by frequently performing this Office in a right Godly manner . By thus often seeing Death before our Eyes , in all its ghastly Shapes , we cannot , if it be not the Fault of our own Insensibility , but be the better accustomed , and made skilful to teach the whole , and the healthful , how to prepare to meet that King of Terrors . By these Spiritual Anatomies of the Dying , ( if I may be allowed to use so bold a Metaphor , ) we cannot but be made more expert in discerning the inward Frames and Constitutions of the Living , and to apply the properest Remedies to the Diseases of their Souls . And , to instance now only in one Duty of such a faithful Spiritual Physician , that of relieving and refreshing the Conscience throughly searched and purged , and of comforting and restoring the true Penitent , What , I beseech you , can be a more God-like Work among Men , than for us to be humbly serviceable in that , which GOD owns to be His Work , to be skill'd in not breaking the bruised Reed , and not quenching the Smoaking Flax ? To be instrumental in performing our Lords own Office , under the Parable of the good Samaritan , in binding up the wounded Spirit , and pouring Wine , and Oyl into it ? What can more adorn your Evangelical Ministry , than a soft , melting , compassionate , Fellow-feeling , merciful Habit , and Disposition of Mind , and , as the Scripture styles it , the Ornament of a meek Spirit ? Or , Where can such a blessed Temper be more seasonably practised , or sooner learn'd and increas'd , than in the Chambers of sick and dying Persons ? Now , my dear Brethren , having all along insisted , that , for the furnishing and inriching your Minds with Spiritual Knowledge , towards the due performing these , and all other Offices of your Holy Profession , you should make the Holy Scriptures the principal Subject , and indeed the only final Center of all your Studies ; that your Doctrine should never swerve from that unerring Rule ; your very Words , Language , and Style , should every where tast of , and overflow with those living , and inexhaustible Streams of Truth , and Godliness ; it may be expected , that , for the Sake only of the younger Divines among you , I should add a Word or two , touching the Manner , and Method , of your studying these sacred Writings . It is indeed a Business too large to be drawn within the narrow compass of the Conclusion of such a Discourse . But since a true , at least a competent Understanding of this Blessed Book , ought to be the Beginning , and End of all our Spiritual Studies ; and because I may speak to some , whose Circumstances in this World are not so plentiful , as to enable them to purchase large Libraries ; yet their Industry is by no means to be discouraged , nor their Zeal , in pursuing this Holy Skill , abated ; I will open to you my own simple Apprehensions in this Matter , with Submission still to better Judgements . My Opinion is , That altho' , without question , all manner of Secular , or Ecclesiastical Learning , can never be more usefully employ'd , than in this search , and is all little enough for it , and too little to compleat it ; yet , when all is done , the Scripture it self is the best Expositor , the best Commentator on it self . It is apparent , that the whole New Testament is so to the whole Old Testament ; that being the real Light of the others figurative Darkness , and Mysteries ; the very Consummation of the others Prophecies , and Shadows of good Things to come . But I will also aver , that every Part , every Book , every Sentence almost , both of the Old and the New Testament , well-compared , and judiciously set one over against the other , in their right View , and Reflection , cannot but prove , by GOD's Blessing , an inestimable Explanation of each other : If a due and accurate Care , I say , be taken to interpret their difficult Texts , by others of their own , that are easier ; and to collate their Words , Phrases , and Sense , that may seem dark , or doubtful in some Places , with the same , or the like in other Places , where they are clearer and more intelligible . I cannot forbear , as I go along , to declare my Meaning a little fuller in this Matter , by one special Instance . For , consider , I pray , how is it possible for any , the most learned , or sagacious Student in Divinity , to conceive the true , and genuine Sense of the Eloquent and Divine Epistle to the Hebrews , except he has been also throughly conversant in the Writings of Moses ? Or where can there be found a clearer , a more Spiritual , and more illustrious Commentary on the whole Ritual Part of the Pentateuch , than the Epistle to the Hebrews ? The like also may be proved of all other Portions of the Holy Book of GOD. And indeed to manifest , what mutual Brightness , and Splendor , the Scripture gives to and takes from it self , by comparing its several Parts , I need only urge the frequent Practice of our Saviour himself , and the inspired Pen-men of the Gospel , in thus expounding the Old Law by the New , and the New by the Old. So that now I may with greater Freedom propound my humble Conceptions in this Matter ; That where Multitudes of Fathers , Councils , Schoolmen , Histories are wanting , ( which are all very beneficial Helps , where they can be had , but , where they cannot be come at , ) if a Clergy-man shall resort immediately to the Fountain it self , first , and always imploring the Assistance of that Divine Spirit , by which the Scriptures were written , and then , with a sincere Love of the Truth , and Resolution to live according to it , without which GOD will neither hear our Prayers , nor bless our Endeavours ; and also with an humble Heart , a devout Mind , and unquenchable Fervour of Spirit , and a right unbyass'd Judgement ; join'd with a sufficient Skill in the Original Languages , and in those other Introductory Studies ; which no Man in Holy Orders , if it be not the Bishop's Fault , as well as his own , can possibly be altogether to seek in : And if withal he shall be assisted with some of the ancient , and some few of the modern sound , and Orthodox Commentaries ; he will , in all human Probability , by an incessant , daily , and nightly meditating upon , and revolving in his Mind , the Divine Text it self , become , in time , tho' not perhaps , as Apollos is said to have been , Eloquent , and Mighty in the Scriptures , yet a Workman that needeth not to be ashamed , rightly dividing the Word of Truth . The more to incourage your Studies in this Method , if you shall be necessitated to it , give me leave to present you with one Example of a great Divine , and Bishop , in the Time of King Charles the First , who was one of the most Eminent Confessors then , and survived those Calamities , to die in Peace and Tranquillity , several Years after the Return of King Charles the Second . In the common Persecution , which then happened to the whole Episcopal Order , this Reverend Person was exposed to a more than ordinary Degree of popular Malice , and Rage ; so that , without ever being once brought to his Tryal , he was closely imprisoned in the Tower , for almost twenty Years , and was not only despoil'd of his annual Revenue , and Personal Estate , in the first Fury of the Civil Wars ; but was also plunder'd of most of the Collections of his former Labours , and a very considerable Library . Wherefore , being thus laid up in Prison , without any prospect of Liberty , having also a numerous Family to maintain , so that he was not able , in any sort , to repair the Loss of his Books , and Papers , he betook himself to this course of Study . Well-knowing , that he could have no faithfuller Companion for his Solitude , nor surer Consolation in his Afflictions , than the Holy Scriptures , he applied himself to them immediately , with little other help , but what he had within himself , and the best Prints of the Originals in the Learned Tongues , and their Translations in the Learned , and Modern , in both which he was a great Master . Thus however he firmly , and vigorously proceeded so far in the single Study of the Scriptures , that long before his Enlargement , he had composed a great Mass of Annotations on divers Parts of the Bible . What is become of them , I know not . If they are either imbezill'd , or suppress'd , no doubt , it is to the great Damage of the Church ; since the Native Thoughts of a Great Man are generally , at least , as good as the most Artificial . Perhaps you will say , he might be able to do all this by the Strength of his Memory , and the Variety of Learning he had laid up in it before-hand : And I make no doubt but those were an exceeding great Assistance to him . But what was very remarkable , and for which I am bold to produce him as an Instance worthy your Imitation in this Particular , I know , he was often heard to profess solemnly , that in all his former Studies , and various Reading , and Observations , he had never met with a more useful Guide , or a surer Interpreter , to direct his Paths in the dark Places of the lively Oracles , to give Information to his Understanding in the obscure Passages , or Satisfaction to his Conscience in the experimental Truths of them , than when he was thus driven by Necessity , to the assiduous Contemplation of the Scripture alone , and to weigh it by it self , as it were , in the Ballance of the Sanctuary . Had I not been already so tedious , there is one Particular behind , on which I ought most justly to have expatiated , which now I can only name ; And it is that touching the Manner of your Conversation ; that it be such , as may render you Vessels , not only sanctified , but meet for your Masters Vse , and , as St. Paul also adds , Vessels of Honour . I would therefore recommend to Men of your Character , not only the Innocency , and Sincerity , but ( as much as human Frailties will allow , ) the Comeliness , and the Amiableness of every Word , and Action of your Lives : That you especially would not only strive to follow whatsoever Things are true , or honest , or just , but moreover whatsoever Things are pure and lovely , and of good Report ; that you would think on these Things , not only if there be any Virtue , but if there be any Praise of Virtue . From you , my Brethren , it may well be expected ▪ that your Behavior should not only be unblameable , but , if I may be permitted so to say , something more than strictly unblameable , and that not only to those within , but also towards them who as yet are without ; that you should not only keep your Minds clean , your Hands unpolluted , your Tongues well-govern'd , your whole Course of Life spotless , and upright , and your Consciences undefiled , but also your Consciences void of Offence , and that towards Men , as well as towards GOD : That you may be not only exemplary in your Families , in your Parishes , in the Neighbouring Country , in the whole Church of GOD , to the Gentry , to the Laity , to your Brethren of the Clergy , to the Commonalty of our Communion , for your Justice , Modesty , Sobriety , Prudence , Quietness , and Obedience to Superiors ; but that you would exercise , and extend all these Virtues , and also your Humility , Long-suffering , good Will , good Wishes , Condescention , and Affability , even beyond the Church it self , to the very Enemies of it : That towards all Men you would sweeten the Gravity of your Behaviour , and soften the Strictness of your Conversation , with the Gentleness , and Suavity of your Manners : That you would take special Care , as never to be obstinately in the wrong , so , when you are sure you are in the right , even then never to be too rigidly , austerely , or morosely in the right : That by all reasonable Respects , mild and winning Converse , and not only by a ready Return , but by a chearful Prevention of all Christian good Offices ; and even by making your very Oppositions , and Contentions with those , that differ from you , if you shall happen to be forced to any , as humane and friendly , and easie to be intreated , as possible ; by all this you may do your part to put to silence the Ignorance of foolish and unreasonable Men. Who knows but you may convert , and gain some of them ? Who knows , but by your thus following not only Righteousness , and Faith , but Peace and Charity ; by your being not only apt to teach , but gentle to all Men , and patient , in Meekness instructing those that oppose themselves ; who knows , but by these Means GOD peradventure will give the fiercest Adversaries of our Church Repentance to the acknowledging of the Truth ? Most certainly by these Means , or by no other , in all human Probability . I cannot now enlarge , as I would , on this most necessary and seasonable Argument . But unquestionably by thus keeping your selves free from haughty Censoriousness , and untractable Peevishness , and sullen Darkness of Life , and Manners ; And by excelling in the contrary Virtues , you will , in the best way , teach and convince all that dissent from you , how unworthy such a Pharisaical Garb , and Disposition is of the true Christian Liberty , or Severity . In short , by such a grave , sedate , decent , charitable Course , and Colour of your whole Lives , you will do your selves , and especially the Church of England most Right . For our Church it self , wherever she is set in a true Light , cannot but be found to be most of this sweet , meek , and truly pacific Temper , of any Church in the Christian World. I conclude therefore . Whoever among her Sons , and Members , much more among her Teachers , and Fathers , as you , and we are , shall not do their utmost , to attain to this gentle , obliging , charming Manner of Conversation , which our Church prescribes towards all Men , Adversaries as well as Friends , I must repeat what our Blessed Saviour said to his Disciples , on the like Occasion , they know not what Spirit they are of . There is one or two short Requests more I am to make you , which chiefly respect me , as your unworthy Bishop ; and then I shall give ease to your Patience . One is to intreat , that you would be exceeding watchful , and indeed religiously serupulous , for whom you give Certificates and Testimonials . For what some of you , perhaps out of good Nature , or good Neighbourhood , or an Easiness , and not being able to resist Importunity , may at first think to be only a Matter of Form , is not so to me . I have scarce any other way possible of being rightly informed , from without , of the good Lives , or sufficient Endowments of the Persons , but only by yours , and the like Testimonies . The Law of the Land appoints that Method to me , and almost confines me to it . Whereas , if you make this to be only a Business of private Favour , or Partiality , not of public Judgement , and Conscience , I may chance to be led into very mischievous , and sometimes irreparable Mistakes ; only by that , which you may esteem but as a piece of Bashfulness , and good Breeding : I may be induced to lay Hands on the ignorant , and unworthy , meerly by the Authority of your Names , the subscribing of which you might think to be only an Office of common Humanity and Modesty . My next and last Request to you , at this time , shall concern your Curates . This it may suffice only to intimate to you . I know , I need not spend many Words on it in this Assembly ; because there is but a very small inconsiderable Number of Pluralists in my Diocese . I am persuaded , they will be found upon Inquiry the fewest of any in 〈…〉 . I cannot but say , I could be very well content there were more : Especially if all , so qualified , would be rigorously true to the Church , in their Choice of Substitutes , where they cannot always reside themselves . For , as I will frankly own , I never yet heard an invincible Objection , against the prudent Allowance , and moderate Use of Pluralities ; but only some plausible popular ones against the Abuse of them ; which we are as much offended with as any others can be : So , I verily believe , were this Legal Indulgence to the Clergy so carefully observed every where , as , among divers other good Ends of it , to furnish us with a Race of painful , learned , Godly Curates ; who , by this way of Probation , may make , and shew themselves worthy to be promoted to a higher Charge ; there Pluralities would be so far from being a Scandal , or Prejudice , that they would conduce to the Strength , and Defence , as well as they do to the Ease , and Ornament of the Church of England . The great Obligation then I am to lay upon you ; you , I mean , whom it does at present concern , is this , That you would be very unmovably faithful to me , to your selves , and to the whole Church of GOD , in the Persons , whom , on just Occasions , you shall offer to me to be your Curates . I do not only intend , that you should never Own , or Patronize any , as your Curates , who really are not so , that , under that Colour , by false Titles , they may slip into Holy Orders . But I speak of such Instances where you really have need of , and the Law allows you to have Curates . In such Cases , it is my earnest Intreaty , that you would not only keep all the Legal Times of your own Residence , and Hospitality ; and not only afford your Curates a liberal Maintenance in your Absence ; Liberal , I mean , not only for their own Livelihood , but for their continuing some kind of Hospitality too , to the Poor at least : But that you , you especially , who are of greater Age , and Experience , would watch over your Curates as your Fellow-Labourers , your Friends , your Probationers ; for whose Improvement , in Divine Learning , Godly Conversation , and Abilities of Teaching , you ▪ or I , must be answerable to the Great Shepherd of our Souls . But it is high time to dismiss you . I beseech Almighty GOD to assist , and prosper all your Labours , to His Glory , and your own Comfort in the Great Day of Account . Towards the obtaining which Blessed Ends , you can never think of any better ▪ or indeed of any other Means , than by living up ▪ in your private Conversation , to the Religion you profess , and teach others ; and , in your public Office , by defending and supporting the Church established by Law in this Kingdom . A Religion , and a Church , that well deserves all this at your hands ; being in its Faith most Primitive , in its Orders most Apostolical ; in its Discipline most Moderate ; in its Charity most Diffusive ; in its Devotions most Spiritual as to the Substance ; most decent as to the Circumstances . In few Words , in its Interests it is inviolably united with the Laws and Rights , with the Well-Being , I had almost said with the Being , of the English Nation and Government : In its Principles , it is irreconcilable with the Interests of Popery , and the only impregnable Defence against its Return into this Land : Which , it is much to be lamented , that the Dissenters will not see , and are therefore Dissenters , since it is evident , the Papists themselves have always seen it but too well . What then remains ? but that as Christians , as English-Men , as Church-Men , we should all make it our principal , our only great Concern , and pray to GOD the Father of Mercies , that all others of our Character , throughout the Nation , would make it theirs ; to represent to the World the true Excellencies of such a Religion , and such a Church , by our Doctrine and Example , with Industry , and Vigilance , with Stedfastness , and Courage , in Meekness of Wisdom , and with Zeal according to Knowledge . And if we shall all , in this Manner , devote our selves to this Work , we may then be assured , that the same Promise , which our Lord Christ , in some of his last Words on Earth , made to his whole Church , will be eminently made good to this , the purest part of it in these latter Ages of Christianity , that He himself will be alway with it even to the End of the World. Amen . FINIS . 
A61163	----	The plague of Athens, which hapned in the second year of the Peloponnesian Warre first described in Greek by Thucydides, then in Latin by Lucretius / now attempted in English, by Tho. Sprat. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1665 Approx. 51 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61163 Wing S5040 ESTC R17244 11931346 ocm 11931346 51147 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61163) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51147) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 825:9) The plague of Athens, which hapned in the second year of the Peloponnesian Warre first described in Greek by Thucydides, then in Latin by Lucretius / now attempted in English, by Tho. Sprat. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Book 2. English. Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. [6], 6, 24 p. Printed by E.C. for Henry Brome ..., London : 1665. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Translated from Thucydides by Thomas Hobbes. Advertisement at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Athens (Greece) -- Plague, 430 B.C. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Let this Book be Printed . Roger L'Estrange . March 28. 1665. THE Plague of Athens , Which hapned in the SECOND YEAR OF THE Peloponnesian Warre . First described in Greek by Thucydides ; Then in Latin by Lucretius . Now attempted in English , By THO. SPRAT . LONDON , Printed by E. C. for Henry Brome , at the Gun in Ivy-lane , 1665. To my Worthy and Learned Friend , Dr. Walter Pope , late Proctor of the Vniversity of Oxford . SIR , I Know not what pleasure you could take in bestowing your commands so unprofitably , unless it be that for which Nature sometimes cherishes and allows Monsters , The love of Variety . This onely delight you will receive by turning over this rude and unpolisht Copy , and comparing it with my excellent Patterns , the Greek and Latin. By this you will see how much a noble Subject is chang'd and disfigured by an ill hand , and what reason Alexander had to forbid his Picture to be drawn but by some celebrated Pencil . In Greek Thucydides so well and so lively expresses it , that I know not which is more a Poem , his description , or that of Lucretius . Though it must be said , that the Historian had a vast advantage over the Poet ; He having been present on the place , and assaulted by the disease himself , had the horror familiar to his Eyes , and all the shapes of the misery still remaining on his mind , which must needs make a great impression on his Pen and Fancie . Whereas the Poet was forced to allow his foot-steps , and onely work on that matter he allow'd him . This I speak , because it may in some measure too excuse my own defects : For being so far remov'd from the place whereon the disease acted its Tragedy ; and time having denied us many of the circumstances , customes of the Countrey , and other small things which would be of great use to any one who did intend to be perfect on the subject ; besides onely writing by an Idaea of that which I never yet saw , nor care to feel , ( being not of the humor of the Painter in Sir Philip Sidney , who thrust himself into the midst of a Fight , that he might the better delineate it ) having , I say , all these disadvantages , and many more , for which I must onely blame my self , it cannot be expected that I should come near equalling him in whom none of the contrary advantages were wanting . Thus then , Sir , by emboldning me to this rash attempt , you have given opportunitie to the Greek and Latin to Triumph over our Mother tongue . Yet I would not have the honour of the Countries or Languages engaged in the comparison , but that the inequality should reach no farther than the Authors . But I have much reason to fear the just indignation of that excellent Person , ( the present Ornament and Honour of our Nation ) whose way of writing I imitate : for he may think himself as much injured by my following him , as were the Heavens by that bold mans counterfeiting the sacred and unimitable noise of Thunder by the sound of Brass and Horses hoofs . I shall onely say for my self , that I took Cicero's advice , who bids us in imitation propose the Noblest pattern to our thoughts ; for so we may be sure to be raised above the common Level , though we come infinitely short of what we aim at . Yet I hope that renowned Poet will have none of my crimes any way reflect on himself ; for it was not any fault in the excellent Musician , that the weak Bird , indeavouring by straining its throat , to follow his Notes , destroyed her self in the Attempt . Well , Sir , by this , that I have chosen rather to expose my self than be disobedient , you may guess with what zeal and hazard I strive to approve my self , SIR , Your most Humble and Affectionate Servant , THO. SPRAT . THUCYDIDES , Lib. 2. As it is excellently Translated by Mr. Hobbs . IN the very beginning of Summer , the Peloponnesians , and their Confederates , with two thirds of their forces , as before invaded Attica , under the conduct of Archidamus , the son of Zeuxidamas , King of Lacedaemon , and after they had encamped themselves , wasted the Countrey about them . They had not been many days in Attica , when the Plague first began amongst the Athenians , said also to have seized formerly on divers other parts , as about Lemnos , and elsewhere ; but so great a Plague , and Mortality of Men , was never remembred to have hapned in any place before . For at first , neither were the Physicians able to cure it , through ignorance of what it was , but died fastest themselves , as being the men that most approach'd the sick , nor any other art of man availed whatsoever . All supplications to the Gods , and enquiries of Oracles , and whatsoever other means they used of that kind , proved all unprofitable ; insomuch as subdued with the greatness of the evil , they gave them all over . It began ( by report ) first , in that part of Aethiopia that lieth upon Aegypt , and thence fell down into Aegypt and Afrique , and into the greatest part of the Territories of the King. It invaded Athens on a sudden , and touched first upon those that dwelt in Pyraeus , insomuch as they reported that the Peloponnesians had cast poyson into their Wells ; for Springs there were not any in that place . But afterwards it came up into the high City , and then they died a great deal faster . Now let every man , Physician , or other , concerning the ground of this sickness , whence it sprung , and what causes he thinks able to produce so great an alteration , speak according to his own knowledge ; for my own part , I will deliver but the manner of it , and lay open onely such things , as one may take his Mark by , to discover the same if it come again , having been both sick of it my self , and seen others sick of the same . This year , by confession of all men , was of all other , for other Diseases , most free and healthful . If any man were sick before , his disease turned to this ; if not , yet suddenly , without any apparent cause preceding , and being in perfect health , they were taken first with an extream ache in their Heads , redness and i●flamation of the Eyes ; and then inwardly their Throats and Tongues grew presently bloody , and their breath noysome and unsavory . Upon this followed a sneezing and hoarsness , and not long after , the pain , together with a mighty cough , came down into the brest . And when once it was setled in the Stomach , it caused vomit , and with great torment came up all manner of bilious purgation that Physicians ever named . Most of them had also the Hickeyexe , which brought with it a strong Convulsion , and in some ceased quickly , but in others was long before it gave over . Their bodies outwardly to the touch , were neither very hot , nor pale , but reddish , livid , and beflowred with little pimples and whelks ; but so burned inwardly , as not to endure any the lightest cloaths or linnen garment to be upon them , nor any thing but meer nakedness , but rather , most willingly to have cast themselves into the cold water . And many of them that were not looked to , possessed with insatiate thirst , ran unto the Wells ; and to drink much , or little , was indifferent , being still from ease and power to sleep as far as ever . As long as the disease was at the height , their bodies wasted not , but resisted the torment beyond all expectation , insomuch as the most of them either died of their inward burning in 9 or 7 dayes , whilest they had yet strength , or if they escaped that , then the disease falling down into their bellies , and causing there great exulcerations and immoderate looseness , they died many of them afterwards through weakness : For the disease ( which took first the head ) began above , and came down , and passed through the whole body ; and he that overcame the worst of it , was yet marked with the loss of his extreme parts ; for breaking out both at their Privy-members , and at their Fingers and Toes , many with the loss of these escaped . There were also some that lost there Eys , & many that presently upon their recovery were taken with such an oblivion of all things whatsoever , as they neither knew themselves nor their acquaintance . For this was a kind of sickness which far surmounted all expression of words , and both exceeded Humane Nature , in the cruelty wherewith it handled each one , and appeared also otherwise to be none of those diseases that are bred amongst us , and that especially by this . For all , both Birds and Beasts , that use to feed on Humane flesh , though many men lay abroad unburied , either came not at them , or tasting perished . An Argument whereof as touching the Birds , is the manifest defect of such Fowl , which were not then seen , neither about the Carcasses , or any where else ; but by the Dogs , because they are familiar with Men , this effect was seen much clearer . So that this disease ( to pass over many strange particulars of the accidents that some had differently from others ) was in general such as I have shewn ; and for other usual sicknesses , at that time , no man was troubled with any . Now they died , some for want of attendance , and some again with all the care and Physick that could be used . Nor was there any , to say , certain Medicine , that applied must have helped them ; for if it did good to one , it did harm to another ; nor any difference of Body for strength or weakness that was able to resist it ; but it carried all away what Physick soever was administred . But the greatest misery of all was , the dejection of Mind , in such as found themselves beginning to be sick , ( for they grew presently desperate , and gave themselves over without making any resistance ) as also their dying thus like Sheep , infected by mutual visitation : For if men forbore to visit them for fear , then they died forlorn , whereby many Families became empty , for want of such as should take care of them . If they forbore not , then they died themselves , and principally the honestest men . For out of shame , they would not spare themselves , but went in unto their friends , especially after it was come to this pass , that even their Domesticks , wearied with the lamentations of them that died , and overcome with the greatness of the calamity , were no longer moved therewith . But those that were recovered , had much compassion both on them that died , and on them that lay sick , as having both known the misery themselvs and now no more subject to the like danger : For this disease never took any man the second time so as to be mortal . And these men were both by others counted happy , and they also themselves , through excess of present joy , conceived a kind of light hope , never to die of any other sickness hereafter . Besides the present affliction , the reception of the Countrey people , and of their substance into the City , oppressed both them , and much more the people themselves that so came in . For having no Houses , but dwelling at that time of the year in stifling Booths , the Mortality was now without all form ; and dying men lay tumbling one upon another in the Streets , and men half dead about every Conduit through desire of water . The Temples also where they dwelt in Tents , were all full of the dead that died within them ; for oppressed with the violence of the Calamity , and not knowing what to do , Men grew careless , both of Holy and Prophane things alike . And the Laws which they formerly used touching Funerals , were all now broken ; every one burying where he could find room . And many for want of things necessary , after so many Death 's before , were forced to become impudent in the Funerals of their Friends . For when one had made a Funeral Pile , another getting before him , would throw on his dead , and give it fire . And when one was in burning , another would come , and having cast thereon him whom he carried , go his way again . And the great licentiousness , which also in other kinds was used in the City , began at first from this disease . For that which a man before would dissemble , and not acknowledge to be done for voluptuousness , he durst now do freely , seeing before his Eyes such quick revolution , of the rich dying , and men worth nothing inheriting their Estates ; insomuch as they justified a speedy fruition of their Goods , even for their pleasure , as Men that thought they held their Lives but by the day . As for pains , no man was forward in any action of Honour , to take any , because they thought it uncertain whether they should die or not , before they atchieved it . But what any man knew to be delightful , and to be profitable to pleasure , that was made both profitable and hononourable . Neither the fear of the Gods , nor Laws of men , awed any man. Not the former , because they concluded it was alike to worship or not worship , from seeing that alike they all perished : nor the latter , because no man expected that lives would last , till he received punishment of his crimes by Iudgement . But they thought there was now over their heads some far greater Iudgement decreed against them ; before which fell , they thought to enjoy some little part of their Lives . The Plague of ATHENS . I. UNhappy Man ! by Nature made to sway , And yet is every Creatures prey , Destroy'd by those that should his power obey . Of the whole World we call Man-kind the Lords , Flattring our selves with mighty words ; Of all things we the Monarchs are , And so we rule , and so we domineer ; All creatures else about us stand Like some Praetorian Band , To guard , to help , and to defend ; Yet they sometimes prove Enemies , Sometimes against us rise ; Our very Guards rebel , and tyrannize . Thousand Diseases sent by Fate , ( Unhappie Servants ! ) on us wait ; A thousand Treacheries within Are laid weak Life to win ; Huge Troops of Maladies without , ( A grim , a meager , and a dreadful rout : ) Some formal Sieges make . And with sure slowness do our Bodies take ; Some with quick violence storm the Town , And all in a moment down : Some one peculiar sort assail , Some by general attempt prevail . Small Herbs , alas , can onely us relieve , And small is the assistance they can give ; How can the fading Off-spring of the Field Sure health and succour yield ? What strong and certain remedie ? What firm and lasting life can ours be ? When that which makes us live , doth ev'ry Winter die ? II. Nor is this all , we do not onely breed Within our selves the fatal seed Of change , and of decrease in ev'ry part , Head , Bellie , Stomach , and the Root of Life the Heart , Not onely have our Autumn , when we must Of our own Nature turn to Dust , When Leaves and Fruit must fall ; But are expos'd to mighty Tempests too , Which do at once what that would slowlie do , Which throw down Fruit and Tree of Life withal . From ruine we in vain Our bodies by repair maintain , Bodies compos'd of stuff , Mouldring and frail enough ; Yet from without as well we ●ear A dangerous and destructful War , From Heaven , from Earth , from Sea , from Air. We like the Roman Empire should decay , And our own force would melt away By the intestine jar Of Elephants , which on each other prey , The Caesars and the Pompeys which within we bear : Yet are ( like that ) in danger too Of forreign Armies , and external foe , Sometimes the Gothish and the barbarous rage Of Plague , or Pestilence , attends Mans age , Which neither Foree nor Arts asswage ; Which cannot be avoided , or withstood , But drowns , and over-runs with unexpected Flood . III. On Aethiopia , and the Southern-sands , The unfrequented Coasts , and parched Land , Whether the Sun too kind a heat doth send , ( The Sun , which the worst Neighb●ur is , and the best Friend ) Hither a mortal influence came , A fatal and unhappy flame , Kindled by Heavens angry beam . With dreadful frowns the Heavens scattered here Cruel infect●ous heats into the Air , Now all their stores of poyson sent , Threatning at once a general doom , Lavisht out all their hate , and meant In future Ages to be innocent , Not to dlstrub the World for many years to come . Hold ! Heavens hold ! Why should your Sacred Fire , Which doth to all things Life inspire , By whose kinde beams you bring Each year on every thing , A new and glorious Spring , Which doth th' Original Seed Of all things in the Womb of Earth that breed , With vital heat and quick'ning feed , Why should you now that heat imploy , The Earth , the Air , the Fields , the 〈◊〉 to annoy ? That which before reviv'd , why should it now destroy ? IV. Those Africk Desarts strait were double Desarts grown , The rav'nous Beasts were left alone , The rav'nous beasts then first began To pity their old enemy Man , And blam'd the Plague for what they would themselves have done . Nor stay'd the cruel evil there , Nor could be long confin'd unto one Air , Plagues presently forsake The Wilderness which they themselves do make , Away the deadly breaths their journey take . Driven by a mighty wind , They a new booty and fresh forrage find . The loaded wind went swiftly on , And as it past was heard to sigh and groan . On Aegypt next it seiz'd , Nor could but by a general ruine be appeas'd . Aegypt in rage back on the South did look , And wondred thence should come th' unhappy stroke , From whence before her fruitfulness she took . Egypt did now curse and revile Those very Lands from whence she has her Nile ; Egypt now fear'd another Hebrew God , Another Angels Hand , a second Aarons Rod. V. Then on it goes , and through the Sacred Land It s angry Forces did command , But God did place an Angel there , Its violence to withstand , And turn into another road the putrid Air. To Tyre it came , and there did all devour , Though that by Seas might think it self secure : Nor staid , as the great Conqueros did , Till it had fill'd and stopt the tyde , Which did it from the shore divide , But past the waters , and did all possess , And quickly all was wilderness . Thence it did Persia over-run , And all that Sacrifice unto the Sun ; In every Limb a dreadful pain they felt , Tortur'd with secret coals did melt , The Persians call'd upon their Sun in vain , Their God increas'd the pain . They lookt up to their God no more , But curse the beams they worshipped before , And hate the very fire which once they did adore . VI. Glutted with ruine of the East , She took her wings and down to Athens past : Just Plague ! which dost no parties take , But Greece as well as Persia sack . While in unnatural quarrels they ( Like Frogs and Mice ) each other slay , Thou in thy ravenous claws took'st both away . Thither it came and did destroy the Town , Whilest all its Ships and Souldiers lookt upon : And now the Asian Plague did more Than all the Asian Force could do before . Without the Walls the Spartan Army sate , The Spartan Army came too late ; For now there was no farther work for fate . They saw the Citie open lay , An easie and a bloodless prey , They saw the rampires emptie stand , The Fleet , the Walls , the Forts Unman'd . No need of crueltie or slaughters now The Plague had finisht what they came to do : They might now unresisted enter there , Did they not the very Air , More than th' Athenians fear . The Air it self to them was wall , and bull-warks too . VII . Unhappy Athens ! it is true , thou wert The proudest work of Nature and of Art : Learning and strength did thee compose , As soul and body us : But yet thou onely thence art made A nobler prey for Fates t' invade . Those mighty numbers that within thee breath , Do onely serve to make a fatter feast for Death . Death in the most frequented places lives , Most tribute from the croud receives ; And though it bears a sigh , and seems to own A rustick life alone : It loves no Wilderness , No scattred Villages , But mighty populous Palaces , The throng , the tumult , and the town ; What strange , unheard-of Conqueror is this , Which by the forces that resist it doth increase ! When other Conquerors are Oblig'd to make a slower war , Nay sometimes for themselves may fear , And must proceed with watchful care , When thicker troops of enemies appear ; This stronger still , and more successeful grows , Down sooner all before it throws , If greater multitudes of men do it oppose . VIII . The Tyrant first the haven did subdue , Lately the Athenians ( it knew ) Themselves by wooden walls did save , And therefore first to them th' infection gave , Least they new succour thence receive . Cruel Pyraeus ! now thou hast undone , The honour thou before hadst wone : Not all thy Merchandize , Thy wealth , thy treasuries , Which from all Coasts thy Fleet supplies , Can to atone this crime suffice . Next o're the upper Town it spread , With mad and undiscerned speed ; In every corner , every street , Without a guide did sets its feet , And too familiar every house did greet . Unhappy Greece of Greece ! great Theseus now Did thee a mortal injury do , When first in walls he did thee close , When first he did thy Citizens reduce , Houses and Government , and Lawes to use . It had been better if thy people still Dispersed in some field , or hill , Though Salvage , and undisciplin'd did dwell , Though barbarous , untame , and rude , Than by their numbers thus to be subdu'd , To be by their own swarms anoid , And to be civilized onely to be destroid . IX . Minerva started when she heard the noise , And dying mens confused voice . From Heaven in haste she came to see What was the mighty prodigie . Upon the Castle pinacles she sate , And dar'd not nearer fly , Nor midst so many deaths to trust her very Deity . With pitying look she saw at every gate Death and destruction wait ; She wrung her hands , and call'd on Iove , And all th' immortal powers above ; But though a Goddess now did prey , The Heavens refus'd , and turn'd their ear away . She brought her Olive , and her Shield , Neither of these Alas ! assistance yield . She lookt upon Medusaes face , Was angry that she was Her self of an Immortal Race , Was angry that her Gorgons head Could not strike her as well as others dead ; She sate , and wept awhile , and then away she fled . X. Now Death began her sword to whet , Not all the Cyclops sweat , Nor Vulcaus mighty Anvils could prepare Weapons enough fo● her , No weapon large enough but all the Air. Men felt the heat within 'um rage , And hop'd the Air would it asswage , Call'd for its help , but th' Air did them deceive , And aggravate the ills it should relieve . The Air no more was Vital now , But did a mortal poyson grow , The Lungs which us'd to fann the heart , Onely now serv'd to fire each part , What should refresh increas'd the smart , And now their very breath , The chiefest sign of life , turn'd the cause of death . XI . Upon the Head first the disease , As a bold Conqueror doth seize , Begins with Mans Metropolis , Secur'd the Capitol , and then it knew It could at pleasure weaker parts subdue . Blood started through each eye ; The redness of that Skie , Fore-told a tempest nigh . The tongue did flow all ore With clotted Filth and Gore ; As doth a Lions when some innocent prey He hath devoured and brought away : Hoarsness and sores the throat did fill , And stopt the passages of speech and life ; No room was left for groans or grief ; Too cruel and imperious ill ! Which not content to kill , With tyrannous and dreadful pain , Dost take from men the very power to complain . XII . Then down it went into the breast , There are all the seats and shops of life possest , Such noisome smells from thence did come , As if the stomach were a tomb ; No food would there abide , Or if it did , turn'd to the enemies side , The very meat new poysons to the Plague supply'd . Next to the heart the fires came , The heart did wonder what usurping flame , What unknown furnace shou'd On its more natural heat intrude , Strait call'd its spirits up , but found too well , It was too late now to rebell . The tainted blood its course began , And carried death where ere it ran , That which before was Natures noblest Art , The circulation from the heart , Was most destructful now , And Nature speedier did undoe , For that the sooner did impart The poyson and the smart , The infectious blood to every distant part . XIII . The belly felt at last its share , And all the subtil labyrinths there Of winding bowels did new Monsters bear . Here seven dayes it rul'd and sway'd , And oftner kill'd because it death so long delay'd . But if through strength and heat of age , The body overcame its rage , The Plague departed , as the Devil doeth , When driven by prayers away he goeth . If Prayers and Heaven do him controul , And if he cannot have the soul , Himself out of the roof or window throws , And will not all his labour lose , But ●akes away with him part of the house : So here the vanquisht evil took from them Who conque●'d it , some part , some limb ; Some lost the use of hand , or eyes , Some armes , some legs , some thighs , Some all their lives before forgot , Their m●ndes were but one darker blot ; Those various pictures in the head And all the numerous shapes were fled ; And now the ransackt memory Langu●sh'd in naked poverty , Had lost its mighty treasury ; They past the Lethe Lake although they did not die . XIV . Whatever lesser Maladies men had , They all gave place and vanished ; Those petty tyrants fled , And at this mighty Conqueror shrunk their head . Feavers , Agues , Palsies , Stone , Gout , Cholick , and Consumption , And all the milder Generation , By which Man-kind is by degrees undone , Quickly were rooted out and gone ; Men saw themselves freed from the pain , Rejoyc'd , but all alas , in vain , 'T was an unhappy remedie , Which cur'd 'um that they might both worse and sooner die . XV. Physicians now could nought prevail , They the first spoils to the proud Victor fall , Nor would the Plague their knowledge trust , But feared their skill , and therefore slew them first : So Tyrants when they would confirm their yoke , First make the chiefest men to feel the stroke , The chiefest and the wisest heads , least they Should soonest disobey , Should first rebell , and others learn from them the way . No aid of herbs , or juyces power , None of Apollo's art could cure , But helpt the Plague the speedier to devour . Physick it self was a disease , Physick the fatal tortures did increase , Prescriptions did the pains renew , And Aesculapius to the sick did come , As afterwards to Rome , In form of Serpent , brought new poyson swith him too . XVI . The streams did wonder , that so soon As they were from their Native mountains gone , They saw themselves drunk up , and fear Another Xerxes Army near . Some cast into the Pit the Urn , And drink it dry at its return ; Again they drew , again they drank ; At first the coolness of the stream did thank , But strait the more were scorch'd , the more did burn ; And drunk with water in their drinking sank : That Urn which now to quench their thirst they use , Shortly their Ashes shall inclose . Others into the Chrystal brook , With faint and wondring eyes did look , Saw what a ghastly shape themselves had took , Away they would have fled , but them their leggs forsook ▪ Some snach'd the waters up , Their hands , their mouths the cup ; They drunk , and found they flam'd the more , And onely added to the burning store . So have I seen on Lime cold water thrown , Strait all was to a Ferment grown , And hidden seeds of fire together run : The heap was calm , and temperate before , Such as the Finger could indure ; But when the moistures it provoke , Did rage , did swell , did smoke , Did move , and flame , and burn , and strait to ashes broke . XVII . So strong the heat , so strong the torments were , They like some mighty burden bear The lightest covering of Air. All Sexes and all Ages do invade The bounds which Nature laid , The Laws of modesty which Nature made . The Virgins blush not , yet uncloath'd appear , Undress'd do run about , yet never fear . The pain and the disease did now Unwillingly reduce men to That nakedness once more , Which perfect health and innocence caus'd before . No sleep , no peace , no rest , Their wandring and affrighted minds possest ; Upon their souls and eyes , Hell and Eternal horrour lies , Unusual shapes , and images , Dark pictures , and resemblances Of things to come , and of the World below , O're their distemper'd fancies goe : Sometimes they curse , sometimes they pray unto The Gods above , the Gods beneath ; Sometimes they cruelties , and fury breath , Not sleep , but waking now was sister unto death . XVIII . Scattred in Fields the Bodies lay , The earth call'd to the Fowls to take their Flesh away . In vain she call'd , they come not nigh , Nor would their food with their own ruine buy , But at full meals , they hunger , pine , and die . The Vulters afar off did see the feast , Rejoyc'd , and call'd their friends to taste , They rallied up their troops in haste , Along came mighty droves , Forsook their young ones , and their groves , Each one his native mountain and his nest ; They come , but all their carcases abhor , And now avoid the dead men more Than weaker birds did living m●n before . But if some bolder fowls the flesh essay , They were destroy'd by their own prey . The Dog no longer bark't at coming guest , Repents its being a domestick Beast , Did to the woods and mountains haste : The very Owls at Athens are But seldome seen and rare , The Owls depart in open day , Rather than in infected Ivy more to stay . XIX . Mountains of bones and carcases , The streets , the Market-place possess , Threatning to raise a new Acropolis . Here lies a mother and her child , The infant suck'd as yet , and smil'd , But strait by its own food was kill'd . There parents hugg'd their children last , Here parting lovers last embrac'd , But yet not parting neither , They both expir'd and went away together . Here pris'ners in the Dungeon die , And gain a two-fold liberty , They meet and thank their pains Which them from double chains Of body and of iron free . Here others poyson'd by the scent Which from corrupted bodies went , Quickly return the death they did receive , And death to others give ; Themselves now dead the air pollute the more , For which they others curs'd before , Their bodies kill all that come near , And even after death they all are murderers here . XX. The friend doth hear his friends last cries , Parteth his grief for him , and dies , Lives not enough to close his eyes . The father at his death Speaks his son heir with an infectious breath ; In the same hour the son doth take His fathers will , and his own make . The servant needs not here be slain , To serve his master in the other world again ; They languishing together lie , Their souls away together flie ; The husband gasp'th and his wife lies by , It must be her turn next to die , The husband and the wife Too truly now are one , and live one life . That couple which the Gods did entertain , Had made their prayer here in vain ; No fates in death could then divide , They must without their priviledge together both have dy'd . XXI . There was no number now of death , The sisters scarce stood still themselves to breath : The sisters now quite wearied In cutting single thred , Began at once to part whole looms , One stroak did give whole houses dooms ; Now dy'd the frosty hairs , The Aged and decrepid years , They fell , and onely beg'd of Fate , Some few months more , but 't was alas too late . Then Death , as if asham'd of that , A Conquest so degenerate , Cut off the young and lusty too ; The young were reck'ning ore What happy dayes , what joyes they had in store ; But Fate , e're they had finish'd their account , them slew . Thr wretched Usurer dyed , And had no time to tell where he his treasures hid . The Merchant did behold His Ships return with Spice and Gold , He saw 't , and turn'd aside his head , Nor thank'd the Gods , but fell amidst his riches dead . XXII . The Meetings and Assemblies cease , no more The people throng about the Orator . No course of Justice did appear , No noise of Lawyers fill'd the ear , The Senate cast away The Robe of Honour , and obey Deaths more resistless sway , Whilest that with Dictatorian power Doth all the great and lesser Officers devour . No Magistrates did walk about ; No Purple aw'd the rout , The common people too A Purple of their own did shew ; And all their Bodies o're , The ruling colours bore , No Judge , no Legislators sit Since this new Draco came , And harsher Laws did frame , Laws that like his in blood are writ . The Benches and the Pleading place they leave , About the streets they run and rave : The madness which Great Solon did of late But counterfeit For the advantage of the State , Now his suceessors do too truly imitate . XXIII . Up starts the Souldier from his bed , He though Deaths servant is not freed , Death him cashier'd , 'cause now his help she did not need . He that ne're knew before to yield , Or to give back , or lead the Field , Would fain now from himself have fled . He snatch'd his sword now rusted o're , Dreadful and sparkling now no more , And thus in open streets did roar : How have I death so ill deserv'd of thee , That now thy self thou shouldst revenge on me ? Have I so many lives on thee bestow'd ? Have I the earth so often dy'd in blood ? Have I to flatter thee so many slain ? And must I now thy prey remain ? Let me at least , if I must dye , Meet in the Field some gallant enemy . Send Gods the Persian troops again ; No they 're a base and a degenerate train ; They by our Women may be slain . Give me great Heavens some manful foes , Let me my death amidst some valiant Grecians choose , Let me survive to die at Syracuse , Where my dear Countrey shall her Glory lose For you Great Gods ! into my dying mind infuse , What miseries , what doom Must on my Athens shortly come : My thoughts inspir'd presage , Slaughters and Battels to the coming Age ; Oh! might I die upon that glorious stage : Oh that ! but then he grasp'd his sword , & death concludes his rage . XXIV . Draw back , draw back thy sword , O Fate ! Lest thou repent when 't is too late , Lest by thy making now so great a waste , By spending all Man-kind upon one feast , Thou sterve thy self at last : What men wilt thou reserve in store , Whom in the time to come thou mayst devour , When thou shalt have destroyed all before : But if thou wilt not yet give o're , If yet thy greedie Stomach calls for more , If more remain whom thou must kill , And if thy jawes are craving still , Carry thy fury to the Scythian coasts , The Northern wildness , and eternal frosts ! Against those barbrous crouds thy arrows whet , Where Arts and Laws are strangers yet ; Where thou may'st kill , and yet the loss will not be great , There rage , there spread , and there infect the Air , Murder whole towns and families there , Thy worst against those Savage nations dare , Those whom Man-kind can spare , Those whom man-kind it self doth fear ; Amidst that dreadful night , and fatal cold , There thou may'st walk unseen , and bold , There let thy Flames their Empire hold . Unto the farthest Seas , and Natures ends , Where never Summer Sun its beams extends , Carry thy plagues , thy pains , thy heats , Thy raging fires , thy tortering sweats , Where never ray , or heat did come , They will rejoyce at such a doom , They 'l bless thy Pestilential fire , Though by it they expire , They 'l thank the very Flames with which they do consume . XXV . Then if that banquet will not thee suffice , Seek out new Lands where thou maist tyrannize ; Search every forrest , every hill , And all that in the hollow mountains dwell ; Those wild and untame troops devour , Thereby thou wilt the rest of men secure , And that the rest of men will thank thee for . Let all those humane beasts be slain , Till scarce their memory remain ; Thy self with that ignoble slaughter fill , 'T will be permitted thee that blood to spill . Measure the ruder world throughout , March all the Ocean shores about , Only pass by and spare the British Isle . Go on , and ( what Columbus once shall do , When daies and time unto their ripeness grow ) Find out new lands , and unknown countries too . Attempt those lands which yet are hid From all Mortalitie beside : There thou maist steal a victory , And none of this world hear the cry Of those that by thy wounds shall die ; No Greek shall know thy cruelty , And tell it to posterity . Go , and unpeople all those mighty Lands , Destroy with unrelenting hands ; Go , and the Spaniards sword prevent , Go , make the Spaniard innocent , Go , and root out all min-kind there , That when the Europaean Armies shall appear , Their sin may be the less , They may find all a wilderness , And without blood the gold and silver there possess . XXVI . Nor is this all which we thee grant ; Rather than thou should'st full imployment want , We do permit in Greece it self thy kingdom plant . Ransack Lycurgus streets throughout , They 've no defence of walls to keep thee out . On wanton and proud Corinth seise , Nor let her double waves thy flames appease . Let Cyprus feel more fires than those of Love , Let Delos which at first did give the Sun , See unknown Flames in her begun , Now let her wish she might unconstant prove , And from her place might truly move : Let Lemnos all thy anger feel , And think that a new Vulcan fell , And brought with him new Anvils , and new hell . Nay and at Athens too we give thee up , All that thou find'st in Field , or camp , or shop , Make havock there without controul Of every ignorant and common soul ; But then kind Plague , thy conquests stop ; Let Arts , and let the learned there escape , Upon Minerva's self commit no rape ; Touch not the sacred throng , And let Apollo's Priests be like him young , Let him be healthful too , and strong . But ah ! too ravenous plague , whilst I Strive to keep off the misery , The learned too as fast as others round me die ; They from corruption are not free , Are mortal though they give an immortality . XXVII . They turn'd their Authors o're , to try , What help , what cure , what remedy All Natures stores against this Plague supply , And though besides they shunn'd it every where , They search'd it in their books , and fain would meet it there . They turn'd the Records of the antient times , And chiefly those that were made famous by their crimes ; To find if men were punish'd so before , But found not the Disease nor cure . Nature alas ! was now surpriz'd , And all her Forces seiz'd , Before she was how to resist advis'd : So when the Elephants did first affright The Romans with unusual fight , They many battels lose , Before they knew their foes , Before they understood such dreadful troops t' oppose . XXVIII . Now ev'ry different Sect agrees Against their common adversary the disease , And all their little wranglings cease ; The Pythagoreans from their precepts swerve , No more their silence they observe , Out of their Schools they run , Lament , and cry , and groan ; They now desir'd their Metempsychosis ; Not onely do dispute , but wish That they might turn to beasts , or fowls , or fish . If the Platonicks had been here , They would have curs'd their Masters year , When all things shall be as they were , When they again the same disease should bear : And all Philosophers would now , What the great Stagyrite shall do , Themselves into the waters head-long throw . XXIX . The Stoick felt the deadly stroke , At first assault their courage was not broke , They call'd to all the Cobweb aid , Of rules and precepts , which in store they had , They bid their hearts stand out , Bid them be calm and stout ; But all the strength of precepts will not do'r . They cannot the storms of passions now asswage , As common men are angry , grieve , and rage . The Gods are called upon in vain , The Gods gave no release unto their pain , The Gods to fear even for themselves began . For now the sick unto the Temples came , And brought more than a holy flame , There at the Altars made their prayer , They sacrific'd and died there , A sacrifice not seen before ; That Heaven , onely us'd unto the gore Of Lambs or Bulls , should now Loaded with Priests see its own Altars too . XXX . The woods gave fun'ral piles no more , The dead the very fire devour , And that almighty Conqueror over-power . The noble and the common dust Into each others graves are thrust , No place is sacred , and no tomb , 'T is now a priviledge to consume ; Their ashes no distinction had ; Too truly all by death are equal made . The Ghosts of those great Heroes that had fled From Athens long since banished , Now o're the City hovered ; Their anger yielded to their love , They left th' immortal joyes above , So much their Athens danger did them move , They came to pity and to aid , But now alas ! were quite dismay'd , When they beheld the marbles open lay'd , And poor mens bones the noble Urns invade : Back to the blessed seats they went , And now did thank their banishment , By which they were to die in forreign Countries sent . XXXI . But what , Great Gods ! was worst of all , Hell forth its magazines of Lusts did call , Nor would it be content With the thick troops of souls were thither sent ; Into the upper world it went , Such guilt , such wickedness , Such irreligion did increase , That the few good who did survive , Were angry with the Plague for suffring them to live , More for the living than the dead did grieve : Some robb'd the very dead , Though sure to be infected ere they fled , Though in the very Air sure to be punished . Some nor the shrines nor temples spar'd , Nor Gods , nor Heavens fear'd , Though such examples of their power appear'd . Vertue was now esteem'd an empty name , And honesty the foolish voice of fame ; For having pass'd those tort'ring flames before , They thought the punishment already o're , Thought Heaven no worse torments had in store , Here having felt one Hell , they thought there was no more . FINIS . A List of some choice Poems , Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in Ivy-lane . POems Lyrique , Macronique , Heroique , &c. by Mr. Henry Bold . Songs and Poems by Mr. A. Brome , the second Edition . All the Songs and Poems on the Long Parliament , from 1640. till 1661. by Persons of Quality . Songs and Poems by the Wits of both Universities . Scarronnides , or Virgil Travestie , a Mock-Poem , being the first Book of Virgils Aeneis in English , Burlesque . Scarronnides , or Virgil Travestie , a Mock-Poem , being the fourth Book of Virgils Aeneis in English , Burlesque : both by a Person of Honour . Also , a List of what Damages we have received by the Dutch ; And a brief History of the late War with the Turks . PLAYES . The English Moor. The Love-sick Court. The New Academy . The Weeding of Covent-Garden . The Royal Exchange . The Jovial Crew ; or the Merry Beggars . All by Mr. Richard Brome . 
A54302	----	The Rye-house travestie, or, A true account and declaration of the horrid and execrable conspiracy against His Majesty King William and the government collected out of original papers and unquestionable records, whereby the whole narration has undeniable clearness and strength / in a letter to the Right Reverend Father in God, Dr. Thomas Sprat ... from his Lordship's most humble servant, Thomas Percival. Percival, Thomas, fl. 1696-1697. 1696 Approx. 120 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54302 Wing P1454A ESTC R20526 12355302 ocm 12355302 60129 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54302) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60129) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 220:14) The Rye-house travestie, or, A true account and declaration of the horrid and execrable conspiracy against His Majesty King William and the government collected out of original papers and unquestionable records, whereby the whole narration has undeniable clearness and strength / in a letter to the Right Reverend Father in God, Dr. Thomas Sprat ... from his Lordship's most humble servant, Thomas Percival. Percival, Thomas, fl. 1696-1697. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [2], 80 p. Printed for A. Bell ..., London : 1696. Errata on p. 80. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng William -- III, -- King of England, 1650-1702. Rye House Plot, 1683. Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Rye-house Travestie : Or , a True Account and Declaration Of the Horrid and Erecrable CONSPIRACY AGAINST His Majesty King WILLIAM and the Government . Collected out of Original Papers and unquestionable Records , whereby the whole Narration has undeniable Clearness and Strength . In a LETTER to the Right Reverend Father in God , Dr. Thomas Sprat , Lord Bishop of Rochester , from his Lordship's most Humble Servant THOMAS PERCIVAL . — Mutato nomine vestra Narratur Fabula , — LONDON , Printed for A. Bell at the Cross-Keys in the Poultry . 1696. A True ACCOVNT of the Horrid and Execrable Conspiracy , against His Most Sacred Majesty King WILLIAM III. and the Government . In a LETTER To the Reverend Father in God , THOMAS Lord Bishop of ROCHESTER . My Lord , TO remind the Nation of the Rise , Progress and mischievous Designs of our Blood-thirsty Iacobites , I think sit to lay open and declare to your Lordship , and the World , an exact Account of the late accursed Conspiracy , which was actually form'd and carried on in France against His Sacred Majesty's Life , and against the Peaceable and Flourishing Government of His Majesty's Kingdoms ; as far forth as hitherto the Particulars of it have come to my knowledg , by the Voluntary Confessions and undeniable Convictions of divers of the Principal Conspirators . And I shall here faithfully present the Plain matter of Fact ; whereby I doubt not but wholly to put to silence the Malicious Insinuations of Factious Men , who have hitherto had the Artifice to support and encourage their Party by Impudent Slanders and Falshoods , against the clearest Light and most evident Proof : And I heartily wish that this may tend to confirm the Loyalty and good Affections of His Majesty's Subjects at Home , and to establish Abroad the Reputation and Honour of his Royal Justice . And moreover ( which I hope your Lordship and I shall ever regard ) this publick and lasting Testimony will be given of our sincere thankfulness to Almighty God , for that Miraculous Deliverence from a Danger which came so near His Majesty's Sacred Person , and was so far spread in the Ruin it threatn'd to all his People . It is well known what Mischievous Arts of late Years have been used , and what Treasonable Courses taken , to whithdraw these Nations from their bounden Duty and Allegiance ; and to expose His Majesty's most Just and Merciful Goverment to Calumny and Contempt . This Rebellious Design has been apparently carried on by Male-contents , whose Crimes or Wants , whose furious Zeal or unbounded Ambition inclin'd them to wish for a Disturbance of the Peace and Prosperity of these Nations . To this wicked purpose , many the very same fatal Methods and specious Pretences which had heretofore involved these Kingdoms in Confusion and Blood , were again reviv'd : and by many of the very same Persons ; Men of Crafty , restless and implacable Spirits ; Impenitent after the most Gracious Pardons ; whom long Experience had made skillful in seducing weak and unstable Minds by Counterfeiting the Plausible Names of things in themselves most Excellent , but most Dangerous when abused . By these wretched Instruments was His Majesty's most Gentle and Benign Government reproch'd ; Sedition was every where promoted to destroy our present Tranquility ; Desperate Speeches ( such as Sir Iohn Knight's , of Bristol and others ) ; Infamous Libels , Traiterous Books swarm'd in all Places , and the worst of all unchristian Principles were put in practice . From these Preparations to a Rebellion , the Party began by degrees to proceed to Action ; Distinctions of Sides were made ; Names and Tokens of Seperation were given ; Illegal Conventicles were maintain'd , in Defiance of the Laws of God and Man ; Tumultuous Feasts and Factious Clubs were set up in City and Country . Close and Seditious Meetings haunted . Frequent Cabals appointed , and by Men of High degree with the lowest ; Great Stores of Arms provided by private Persons . Insolent Progresses made through divers Countries ; thereby to glory in their Numbers , and to carry far and near the the Terrour of their Power , and even to Muster their Party for some sudden Blow and General Insurrection . All these and many more such Personal Indignities and Publick Assaults , on the Government , his Majesty long endured with the same Mildness and Clemency wherewith he had already forgiven the highest Crimes against himself ; His Royal Goodness still patiently expecting and wishing , that in time the most obstinate of his misguided Subjects would see their Error , and return at length to a sense of the Duty they owe him , by all the strongest Bonds of Nature and Laws , Religion and Gratitude that can possibly oblige Subjects towards a Sovereign . But when His Majesty was abundantly convinc'd that all those dark Consultations and open Tumults of unruly Men , were but so many Infallible Signs and Fore-runners of Rebellion , or some extraordinary Commotions , then , at last , in a tender respect to his People's Safety , more than to his own , was his Majesty constrain'd to awaken his Authority , to try what good Effect the Vigour of his Laws would have on those Offenders , with whom his repeated Mercy and Indulgence had so little prevailed . And such was His Majesty's good Fortune , that the disaffected had been found impotent in their repeated Attempts to set up Sheriffs of London and Middlesex , to pack Juries to serve their purpose ; so that whilst his Majesty carefully endeavoured to distribute Impartial Justice to all his Subjects , he very happily obtained the same Right himself , and the Number of his Enemies was found very inconsiderable , in those very places where their Desperate Enterprizes against the Government , were likely to be most sudden and pernicious . Amongst divers other famous Examples of this Nature was that of Charnock , King and Keys , for these Criminals were very considerable , for their audacious Forwardness in carrying on the execrable Design against His Majesty's Life , for which they were brought to a fair and Legal Tryal , and His Majesty procured Justice to be done , without removing the Process into another County , for here ( the Jacobite Party being no way powerful ) that old Damnable Opinion and Practice of the Lawfulness of Equivocating , and even of Perjury , for the Support of their Good Old Cause , had not prevailed over the Old and Honest English Principles of Truth and Honour . Thus His Majesty's Justice got the better at this time and is in little danger of being defeated in a greater and more important Instance , should even any Peer of the Realm , not only be reasonably suspected , but in the Issue manifestly discovered to have been an Author or Manager , of those Traiterous Contrivances against His Majesty's Crown and Life , for even such a Person will find he is not under the Protection of Juries of his own Appoinment or Approbation ; and therefore may not presume that he stands out of the reach of His Majesty's just Indignation ; for should he be Legally Indicted of Crimes of the Highest Nature , on clear and positive Evidence ; he will undoubtedly be brought to a Lawful Tryal by his Peers , and the Indictment not be Stifled by a shamful Ignoramus , for at this Day His Majesty has gain'd this very considerable Advantage , that he plainly perceives the strength of all his Enemies Arrogance lyes not now , as heretofore , in their extravagant Power to pack the City Juries . Therefore now may not even a Lord Securely project , or a Ferguson write , or a Confederacy act against the Government ; they not having Sheriffs and a Settled Club at hand , with their Corrupt Pannels to indempnify , and to second and applaud their most Villainous Practices ; And His Majesty seems resolv'd , at length , after a many intollerable Provocations , to strike at that which he has now found to be the very Root of the Faction , and not to suffer an ill Party of Men to destroy his Government , as they might have done , had they been suffered to go on never so little farther uncontrouled ; and it is not to be doubted but the Righteousness of His Majesty's Cause will meet with an answerable Success ; and that so many guilty Persons will not escape unpunished , who were just at the point of bringing their devilish Purposes to a quick Issue , and once for all to strike boldly at the Heart of the King and Kingdom . But to proceed to the History of the Times ; this Conspiracy was resolved upon by the French King , and the late King Iames , in Ianuary last : and for the carrying of it on , the Duke of Berwick and others were sent into England , to concert the grand Point of the Assassination . Their Party thenceforth gave over all their quieter and more plausible Arts of Sedition , and betook themselves to more precipitate Enterprizes : inflaming some to Insurrections , others to Assassinations . They proudly brag'd throughout the Nation that , the late King Iames would be here within a Month , Nay they offered to lay Wagers , that within that time we should have a New Lord Keeper , and Mr. F. was to be the Man. They bought up Horses and Arms in all Parts of the Kingdom , at the same time using innumerable Deceits to alienate the minds of His Majesty's Subjects from His Government . Their pretended Protestant Clergy , both Iurors and Non-Iurors , talked , at this time , very impertinently of the horrid Murder of King Charles the First , insinuating the Abdication of Iames the Second to be of the same Complexion : They ridicul'd the Popish Plot in 1678 , that theirs of 1695 might be less credited ; They took occasion to exclaim against the Rebellion in 1641 , and of the Duke of Monmouth's , not sticking to represent the Prince of Orange's glorious Expedition parallel thereto . At other times under Umbrage of great Loyalty to King William , many of them declaim'd of the Divine Right of Kings , and of their unaccountableness on this side Heaven , from whence this wicked Inference was made , that the late King Iames still remains their rightful King. Such Practices as these were found by evident Proof , to have been the Principal Rise and Occasion of ripening the horrid Conspiracy in this Nation . As for his Majesty's Kingdom of Scotland , it is Notorious there has been long Shelter'd in it a desperate Faction of furious Zealots , that under the Notion of Prelatists were growing up by degrees to a Violation , at last , not only of all the Rules and Institutions of true Religion , but of Common Humanity . Have they not proceeded to all the execrable Rage of Rapine aud Violence ? Their Principles are not yet entirely extinguish'd , tho their Force has been Vanquish'd in open Field , by God's Provindence prospering His Majesty's Arms. It is certain also , the Peace of that Kingdom has been much endangered by other Factious and Seditious Spirits , who , tho at first they would not venture to encourage publickly the Treason , yet stuck not secretly to favour and foment their Cause , and would soon have own'd and headed the furious Traitors , had the Plot prospered . By this brief Recollection of the Troubled State of Affairs , and the tumultuous temper of ill Men's Minds , in His Majesty's Kingdoms of England and Scotland , about the time when this Treasonable Conspiracy was in Agitation , the Impartial World may perceive from what destructive Seeds of Sedition , private Passions and Animosities , under the disguise of Religion and the Publick Interest , so Monstrous a Birth was produced . In the wonderful Discovery of which detestable Confederacy , and in the happy prevention of its dire Effects ; as all who have heard of it must acknowledg , that a signal care of God's Providence has appear'd for His Majesty and these Nations preservation : so it must be acknowledged by all , that nothing has been done on his Majesties Part , but what was agreeable to that Royal Benignity and Natural Candor of his whole Life whereof all the World , even his Enemies , have had such undoubted Experience Much of the Evidence was deliver'd in His Majesty's own presence . The Examinations were taken by Men of unquestionable Reputation and Honour . The whole proceedings has been managed with all imaginable Integrity . There has been no straining or extorting of Accusations to blemish the Fame of the Innocent : No Temptations of Rewards proposed : no Pardon assured before-hand , for discovering or aggravating the Crimes of the Guilty . Some Witnesses who offer'd themselves , of whom there might have been any colourable Suspition , were wholly rejected : Lest it should once again happen that the blasted Credit or needy Condition , or Profligate Lives of the Persons deposing , should derogate from the strength of their Depositions , and administer any the least doubt of Subornation . Those Witnesses His Majesty admitted had been generally Men strongly prepossessed in Conscience , Zeal and Interest for that Party ; Men whose former avow'd Hatred of the Government , was reason sufficient to gain them an absolute Trust with any who studied to overthrow it . They were not of desperate Fortunes , nor despicable Men ; for the most part they seperatly and singly brought in their Discoveries . Divers of them had little or no Conversation or Familiarity one with another . There was no shadow or possibility of a Combination between them all to discover ; yet such is the prevalence of self Conviction , and so great the Power of Truth , that all their several Discoveries did perfectly agree with themselves and with each other , in all Material Parts and Circumstances . It was therefore in the Year 1695 , a time when all His Majesty's Dominons enjoyed a settled Peace and profound Security , whilst the greatest part of the Neighbouring World was involved in Wars and Combustions ; that his Majesty and his Council were suddenly awaken'd with the surprizing Knowledg of this dreadful Conspiracy , which had been laying very deep and broad for many Months before . The Man whom God chose to make the first Discoverer was Mr. Prendergast , a Person of good Credit in his Conversation , but otherwise a most perverse Papist , and fiercely addicted to their Cause , and one of the busiest Sticklers against the Government . He by his approved Activity and Violence for the French Interest , was Judg'd by the Chief Conspirators fitly qualified to be admitted into their most private Consultations ; and accordingly thereafter they trusted him as one of their surest Confidents . Insomuch that he was invited to make one of those 40 Miscreants , whose proper part it was to Assassinate his Majesty's Person . Of which Number , after he had freely consented to be , and had met and acted joyntly with therest for some time , to prepare the cursed Work for a speedy Execution ; It pleased the Divine Goodness so to touch his Soul with the Horrour of so amazing a Crime , that he determined to discharge his Conscience of the Hellish Secret. Wherefore he immediately resolved to prevent the Mischief of the following Day , by giving his Majesty timely Notice : accordingly he went and acquainted the Earl of Portland with the Design , who communicated the whole Matter to His Majesty , who at his return told him the King would speak with him . On Friday Night the 14 th of February , he went to Kensington , and was introduced to His Majesty by the Earl of Portland , and laid before him his whole Knowledg of this Diabolical Conspiracy . But the intended Assassination , upon the first disclosing of it , appeared to be so prodigious a Barbarity that His Majesty for some time gave but very little Ear and slow Credit to this Information , as little suspecting as deserving such Usage from the worst of His Subjects . Which generous Caution , that His Majesty took not to be imposed upon by new Rumours of Plots , and His Gracious Tenderness not to believe so ill of his very Enemies , but upon certain Demonstration , was one of the Chief Occasions that the Duke of Berwick and divers others of the principal Agitators and Managers of the whole Business took the Alarm , and got time to scatter aud withdraw beyond the Seas . However , by God's Providence continually watching over His Majesty's and these Nations Safety , so many of the Traytors soon after fell into the Hands of Justice , who did voluntarily acknowledg their being Partakers of the Treason , or were convicted of it by evident Proof , that henceforth whoever shall pretend not to believe the Truth of the whole , they must either be such as were Parties in the Design , or so monstrously unreasonable as to believe there never can be a real Plot against any Prince or State , but what does actually succeed and take effect . Thus much is certain of this Conspirary , and it is so remarkable and extraordinary , that perhaps the like cannot be affirmed of any other mentioned in all History , that there was scarce a man Attainted or Executed for it , who did not more or less add some new light to the several parts of the Dark Contrivance , either by a plain confession of it , or by the very manner of dening it , and by the weakness of the Subterfuges , whereby they endeavoured to palliate their Crimes . Upon the whole matter , tho it is not doubted but the Treasonable Infection was in some degree or other spread into most parts of these Kingdoms , amongst the Ring leaders of the Jacobite Clubs , and lawless Conventicles in Town and Countrey . Yet I declare an utter Abhorrence that bare Suspitions , though never so probably grounded , should prevail to conclude any Man guilty , and therefore resolve to make no reflection on the Fame of any , but only Such whose Part in it was made out by positive Testimony . And in the Kingdom of England the Persons who are already Judicially found to have been deeply concerned as Actors , some in the Insurrection part , others in the Assassination , divers of them in both together , are these . The Duke of Berwick , who , not only by Extraction but Education has been long corrupted , and alienated from his Duty to his Native Countrey , and now 't is evident his Frenchified Mind is poyson'd with unjust and forbidden Hopes . The Earl of Aylesbury , who for some Years had been ingaged in the most furious Designs of the Faction , and of late especially . Capt. George Porter , who had always been a busy Promoter of Popish and Slavish Projects for overturning our Church and State ; and was therefore for a time a great Favourite of the Disaffected : Whilst he was imprisoned with Capt. Goodman , Maj. Matthews , Capt. Shevery , Rhoads , a Trumpeter , and the rest of the Drury-Lane Trayterous Riotors , in Iune 1695. Nor did they ever make any Objections against the Honesty of his private Life till he came to the Honestest part of it . The late Sir Thomas Roe of Islington , whose dark and turbulent Spirit and insatiable Ambition had carryed him on to be one of the Principle Persons engaged in this Hellish Conspiracy . It being well known that this Unhappy Gentleman not long before the Discovery , was heard to say that he should be at the Head of a Reginment of Horse , and in the first place would cut the Throat of Mr. Keck a Master in Chancery . But finding the Hellish Design to be dispointed and Discover'd , on Sunday the 23 d of February ( the Day after the Fatal Blow was to have been given , ) God permited him to become his own Executioner , and he shot himself into the Head , not venturing to give His Majesty time to make use of the excellent Goodness of his Nature . Sir William Parkyns , a Person carried away beyond his Duty and Allegiance into this Trayterous Enterprize , by a vain Air of Popish Principles ; whereby he was the more easily seduc'd by the Wicked Teachers of that most Unchristian Doctrine which has been the Cause of so many Rebellions , and was so conformable to his Antichristian Education , That it is Lawful to cut the Throat of a Protestant Prince . Sir Iohn Friend , who ever since this happy Revolution had profest himself an Enemy to the Government of his Country , and had acted accordingly . As he Liv'd , so he Dyed , a Stubborn Assertor of the Jacobite Cause . Capt. Robert Charnock , a Popish Debauchee , who was a most active Instrument to promote the Hellish Design against His Sacred Majesty , under colour of an affected Zeal of Conscience and pure Religion . Leiut . Edward King a furious Papistical Bravo ; who had often laid Designs for the King's Murder , which God as often prevented by his signal Providence . Thomas Keys , a desperate and bloddy Raviliac , he was a Trumpeter in the late King's Army in the West against Monmouth : He was actually engag'd in this Horrid Conspiracy , and has receiv'd the just Reward of his Treason . Major Robert Lowick , a furious Roman Catholick and great Confident of the late King Iames , by whom he was recommended to Sir George Barclay to make one in the Assassination . Peter Cook , Gent. a mighty Jacobite , one of those , who with an Hypocritical Zeal would have pass'd for the most forward Reformers of Church and State : whilst they themselves both in their Practice and Opinions , were the greatest Corrupters of Vertue and all Good Manners . Charles Cranburne , a Person whose resolute boldness recommended him to Capt. Porter as a Person fit for his turn in any desperate Attempt , and at his Death Confest enough to shew his Crime tho not his Repentance . Brigadier Rookwood , a notorious Enemy of the Establish'd Government in Church and State , and was actually to engage in putting the Hellish Conspiracy in Exectuion . — Goodman , — Harris , — Knightly , — Bertram , and Bois , notorious Papists , their Hatred to the Government transported them to be Factious : These were all Men of crafty Heads , and nimble Tongues ; restless spreaders of False News , bold Talkers in seditious Clubs ; where according to the Corrupt Fashion of the Times , the most Profligate Persons of all Conditions were wont openly to Arraign the Monarchy , and Vilifie the Church , under the fair Shews of amending both and a tender Concernment for the Publick Good. However these five last mentioned did in some measure expiate their Guilt , by their Ingenious and Voluntary Confessions . Sir George Barclay , a Scotch Man , and a Leiutenant in the late King's Guards , and egregiously disaffected to the present Government , and therefore of considerable Interest with the Court of St. Germain's and the French King , who are the most professed Enemies of these Kingdoms , by whom he was sent into England with about 20 Troopers , under the disguise of being turn'd out of Commission to bring to pass his Master 's Devilish Contrivance . And he was known to be one of the Chief Actors in the whole Conspiracy . Brice Blair , a furious Roman Catholick , he was fitted for such a Design by his hot and fiery Temper , and was a most desperate Enemy to the Government of these Kingdoms . But of all the Conspirators , the Man to whom belonged the Cheif Place and Precedence in the whole Diabolical Design , was Robert Ferguson , a Scotch Man ; he had long brandished his poysonous Tongue and virulent Pen against the Government . He is manifestly convicted to have had a hand in the most Scandalous Libels of these Times , and was particularly cherished and magnified by the Party , for his peculiar Talent in aspersing the Government and reviling His Majesty's Person ; so that upon all Accounts of his restless Spirit , fluent Tongue , subtile Brain , and Hellish Malice , he was perfectly qualified to be the great Incendiary and common Agitator of the whole Conspiracy ; and it cannot be deny'd but he was the Life and Soul of all , especially for the carrying on of the whole Design . These Persons appear hitherto , to have been the Principal Contrivers or Instruments of the whole Treason in the Kingdom of England and Scotland . Divers others there are , concerning whom more than conjectural Proofs may be given of their having been engaged in it , but I chuse to spare particular Names , as far as may stand with the necessary and just Vindication of the Government . It may suffice , that of these here mentioned the World is abundantly satisfied that the several Shares they undertook in this Conspiracy , were very agreeable to their former well-known perverse Principles and declared Disaffections to the Government . It is therefore certain , that in the Year 1695 , a time when the French King's Affairs were reduc'd to the heighth of Desparation , this Diabolical Design of Assassinating His Majesty came afresh to be agitated , and the whole Factious Interest , in and about the Town , nay throughout the three Kingdoms , prepar'd to employ the main of their Power and Craft for overturning the Government . All which time nothing was omitted by the Disloyal Citizens , who were no way Numerous , and a Multitude of Strangers unduly mingled with them in their Clubs , to terrify the Loyal , and gain over the timerous Members of the City ; and a new and Devillish Invention was much in Vogue , by which they made the Swearing to the Government to be only an Instrument for the promoting their ungodly Designs . All sorts of Arms , never before known to be procured in such quantities by private Persons , such as Blunderbusses , &c. were carefully sought after and bought up . The most improbable and villainous false Rumors , wherewith too many of our Pulpits , with equal Industry and Malice design'd to poison our unthinking People , filled every Street . My Lord ( for tho I have insensibly slid into a tedious Letter , I may not forget to whom I address this ) I take the freedom to reflect on the Stile of Modern Sermons , which , my Lord , you know , are or ought to be serious Things , and , to be confined to the Rules of strict and sober Truth . When the Clergy find or make occasion to discourse of Princes , one would think the Subject Matter should teach them Moderation and Temperance , Decorum and Decency ; but I shall evince that some have little regarded Truth or Manners : and for the performing it , shall not ransack many Sermons , but give your Lordship a Taste of the Fraternity's Goodly Method of disparaging and reproaching His Majesty , and of their fine knack at Representation and Character , and that from your Lordship's next Neighbour , and a Prebendary of your Church of VVestminster , I mean the Famous Dr. Birch , who with his effronted Forehead ( tho then His Majesty's Chaplain ) began , and that very early , to sound the Trumpet to Rebellion ; and that before the August Assembly of the Nation 's Representatives , in his lewd Harangue on the 30 th of Ianuary 1693 , for which , by surprise , Sir T. D. obtain'd an Order of the House of Commons , that he and Mr. H. ( who was soon after expell'd for Bribery ) should return the Doctor Thanks , and desire him to print his Sermon ; which they accordingly did ; and so the World became Obliged by these high and extraordinary Flights . We ( quoth His Majesty's Chaplain ) are still threatned in their Turn , either with no Church at all , or the worst among Christians . Are not our very Blessings turn'd into a Curse ? Our Boasted Freedom is now only a Liberty to bite and devour one another . Our long cry'd up Liberty of Conscience , proves one of Impiety Licentiousness , and Errour , and at best serves for a Step to Dominion more than Devotion . Our Laws are indeed open , but to the continual Conspiracies of false Witnesses against the Lives and Fortunes of the Innocent . Ours ( proceeds the Doctor ) is the first State-Schism known in the World. We have ( says he ) entailed upon us Disputed Titles ; and for ought yet appears endless Wars . We are fallen into those Dregs of Time , wherein Hypocrisy and Profaneness seem to divide the World between them ; and all true and unaffected Piety is out of Countenance ; wherein all the Sacred Tyes to our King and Country appear as loose as our Manners . If then we dare own discouraged Vertue , and would stand in the Gap to save the whole from Destruction , the true way is not to follow a Multitude to do Evil , or to joyn in those Fashionable Flatteries that are ruine to the Embracers . My good Lord , I appeal to You whether this vile Discourse is not stufft with the most audacious Reproaches of a Crown'd Head , that were ever heard among Christians ; Are such rare Men as this , I beseech your Lordship , fit to be trusted with our Consciences ? Now if I have not here set this bold Clergy-man in his true light , I hope I shall do it to purpose , when I tell yonr Lordship , that this very Doctor was seen walking in St. Iames's Park , with that remarkable Knight Sir Iohn Fenwick , who Disappear'd for some Months , but was after taken at Rumney in Kent ; and with a certain nameless Earl , on that very Sunday before Noon ( February 23. ) when their Party waited for the much long'd for News of His Majesty's Assassination . But to pass on , Not only the Pulpit but the Press was imploy'd for promoting this barbarous Design , as I shall demonstrate to your Lordship , by a few Touches out of some envenom'd Libels . The Clergy ( says one of their Incendiaries ) see on what Terms they stand with their renown'd Deliverer , and what great and glorious Designs he has to devour them , so soon as he has Power and Opportunity . He has as good a Will to the Church-Lands as to his Father's Crown : But he durst never put it to the Issue , lest it should discover the weakness of his Interest , for the Eyes of the Nation are open'd , They see themselves Cheated and Abus'd , and instead of Liberties and Privileges , find themselves made Tools to insatiable Ambition , and a Morsel for execrable Parricide . And it was the most unaccountable Infatuation to have expected otherwise ; that he who had Stomach enough to devour his Father , would ever Stick at preying on the Wealth , the Rights and Vitals of the Nation . Read this envenom'd Author a little farther , I entreat your Lordship . The whole Nation ( proceeds he ) must be sacrificed to revenge that generous Pity and Compassion which has been shewn [ by the King of France ] to an oppressed Prince , whom we have infinitly wrong'd . 'T is not his Oppression but his Piety , is the Ground of this Immortal Hatred : and 't is manifest to all , that the Noble , Princely and Christian Succour he has afforded our Injur'd King , is more provoking than all the Oppressions in the World. Another of their Emissaries says , he Challenges the whole World to produce such an Instance of Injustice , and Violation of Promises , as this pretended Saint , and Mirror of Justice has afforded us . Our Constitution both of Church and State are revers'd , and quite disjointed , our Liberties and Properties most unjustly invaded , and more Instances of Arbitrary Power daily committed , than in several of the former Reigns . I proceed says this venemous Libeller , to address my self to those of my Country-men who has had the misfortune to be misled , that since they have had all their Expectations decceiv'd , themselves gull'd out of all those real Blessings of Government they formerly enjoy'd , Peace , Plenty , Liberty and Property , and all that could render a People happy , by one whom a Man would be tempted to think could never have been procreated of Human Race , void of all sence of Religion , Justice , Honour , and every Qualification that is apt to conciliate Love or Veneration from Mankind ; who has really forfeited the Crown by his own Act , having violated the very Instrument of Government he Subcribed : One who has been the Occasion of shedding more Christian Blood , than has been spilt in the ten Persecutions , meerly upon a sham Pretence of Religion to us : That it is their Interest and indispensible Duty , if they have any sence of Goodness remaining to free these Nations of such a Plague and Curse , and if possible to redeem all those Blessings which have been withheld from us by his Means , by atoning God Almighty , by doing Justice to their highly injur'd King and Queen , to themselves , and to all Europe , and averting those dismal Plagues which otherwise e're long will fall upon their Heads : Otherwise let 'em do what they can , be as obstniate , malicious and revengful as they please , if they be resolv'd yet to act wickedly they shall be consumed both they and their King. All this was evidently with design to shake the Crown and undermine the true Protestant Religion ; The Truth is , to such a Heighth of Arrogance were things grown on their Side , that who ever shall Indifferently reflect on the Dangerous Devices , Slanderous Reports , and Writings , and other Violent Emotions of the whole Party that Winter , in the City and throughout the Kingdom , they will have just cause to conclude that the Course of their Proceedings , was a daring Struggle for Victory , and a Decisive Contention for Mastery over the Government . Yet however cunningly the Train was laid , it took no effect but on themselves , the Noise and Rage of all their Mutinous Routs , vanished into Air. Sir Iohn Houblon , the Lord Mayor , together with the whole Body of the Greater , Wiser and Richer Citizens understood rightly , and stuck Unmovable to the Nation 's and their own true Interest . Which the Conspirators perceiving , many disaffected Lords and others withdrew from their Houses , redoubling their Exclamations of Usurpation , Tyranny , Oppression , and what not : and still apply'd themselves with all Diligence to expedite the Rebellious Work before projected ; fancying that yet the whole City and Kingdom , would be at the French King's Beck , and upon the holding up his Finger , would presently rise in Arms to extirpate the two Brothers , Liberty and Property . The French King had set on foot a Treaty with the Disaffected in England , and sent the Duke of Berwick privily to London , who held divers Meetings with the Confederates , who offer'd , that if that King would furnish 10000 Men they would make a Sturdy Commotion here . About that time also both ways of destroying these Kingdoms were brought under their Consideration ; the general way of an Insurrection , and the more compendious way , as they call'd it of Assassinating the King in his return from Hunting . The Assassination was Instantly promoted on all Hands in Town and Country , immediately after which the Insurrection was to follow . At last it was thought adviseable to send one to France to acquaint the late King Iames with the result of their whole Proceedings , desiring him to prevail with the French King to lend him 8000 Foot , 1000 Horse , 1000 Dragoons , and they would meet him at his Landing , at the Head of 2000 Horse ; and knowing no one fitter to employ in such a Concern , they desir'd Mr. Charnock would be the Man , because they knew him to be of a fluent Tongue , and subtile Brain , and one of the Chief Contrivers and Managers of the whole Design ; he readily consented to their Desire , and immediatly provided for his Departure , after he had advised and encourag'd each of them to be hearty in the Cause . Though Charnock was gone for a while , yet the Impressions of Mischief he had left behind on the Minds of the Confederates , would not so easily vanish . They soon reflected on his last advice , that so many having been made Conscious to the Design , they should certainly find more Safety in pushing it on boldly , than in too late a Retreat . Upon this immediately they recover'd their Spirits and Resolutions , which his Departure had somewhat damp'd ; thenceforth they renew'd their Consultations 'till his Return , which was soon after , with the Answer , That the French King's Affairs being in such a Posture he could not at that time comply with their Demand , which for the present broke all their Measures . But upon the Arrival of Sir George Barclay , who after having declar'd to the Disaffected Party the Occasion of his coming , produc'd a Commission authorizing them to perpetrate the Parricide , he withal told them that the late King was retired from St. Germains to Calais , where lay a considerable Body of Troops under his Command , that the French King had given Orders to Bouffleurs to draw together immediately to Imbark , as soon as the Signal was given that their Hellish Contrivance for Assassinating His Majesty's Person had taken effect : Whereupon they renew'd their Cousultations with more Vigour than before . The Principal Managers having their frequent Meetings , as also the Inferiour Instruments theirs , whilst some of each number gave secret Intimations to the other of what was passing in their seperate Assemblies . Of the great Council ; the Consults that have been hitherto plainly testified and sworn to , were those , at the old King's-head in Leadenhall street , and Mrs. Montjoy's in St. Iames's - street . The Subordinate Cabals were kept in divers other Places in and about the City of London ; as in Ianuary , in that Year , at Capt. Porter's , and at Mr. Charnock's Lodgings in Norfolk-street : Or in common Taverns , as at the Nag's-Head in Covent-Garden , the Sun in the Strand , the Globe in Hatton-Garden , &c. As also on February the 14 th , the very Day the Discovery was made , at the Blew-Posts in Spring-Garden ; and on the 15 th and 22 d , at Capt. Porter's Lodging in Maiden-lane , being both the Times agreed upon to put the Design in Execution . Their Meetings being so generally in places of publick Entertainment ; therefore to prevent the Observation of Drawers and Servants , they often discours'd of their whole Bloody Business in a Canting Language of their own making . The King was sometimes call'd the Spark , the Prince of Orange , the Little Gentleman , &c. Provision of Arms , as Bluuderbusses , Musquets , Pistols , &c. were talk'd of under disguised Names . The Insurrection was stil'd the General Point , the Assassination taking off the Spark , and striking at the Head. And because several or most of the Conspirators were notorious Papists , it was sometimes agreed that their wicked Intentions against the King and Government should be veil'd under the terms of taking off the Insupportable Yoke . But for the most part when they were free and among themselves , they did discourse of the whole Contrivance in plain Language , and without Reserve ; their common Healths were such as these , To the Restoring the late King James , the Health of the Prince of Wales , the late Queen , and the French King. But when Harris , Lowick , and others , who were less harden'd in Cruelty , express'd some kind of Consternation and Dread of the Consequences of so dire a Stroak , readily declar'd themselves willing to joyn in the Insurrection , but shrunk a little at first at the Horror of the Assassination ; they said tho it was a Barbarous Work , yet they would obey Sir George Barclay's Orders . In these their private Cabals , the Matters they promiscuously treated of , were either a general Insurrection or the Assassination of the King's Person . Of the Assassination divers ways were consulted , 'till they fix'd on that Lane coming form Brentford to Turnham-Green . The Insurrection was propos'd to be made at the same time in England and Scotland . The adjusting that part of it which related to Scotland was chiefly under the Care and manag'd by Commissioners appointed for that purpose , by the French King and the late King Iames , as well as this in England ; all which Particulars are Circumstantially set forth , so often repeated , and demonstrably confirm'd in the ensuing Evidences , that it will be sufficient here only to direct the Reader 's Observation by given a brief Summary of the whole . Towards an in Insurrection throughout England , they laid the greatest Stress on the City of London ; not doubting but if that was once secured to them , the rest of the Nation would of Course fall in . For the increasing their Numbers , and drawing in New Converts this one General Rule was carefully prescribed , that the bottom of the Design should in the beginning be warily conceal'd from all Persons with whom they treated . First their Inclinations were to be tried by gradual Insinuations , and plausible Discourses at a Distance , till they had gain'd a full assurance of their Fidelity . They were to be ask'd , If they would be concern'd , in Easing them from the Yoke that laid upon ' em ? Meaning to murder King William ; when it was Answer'd , They would readily assist in any thing of that Nature : Then it was next to be demanded , Whether they would contribute the Assistance of their Persons or Purses , or both ? That being also determined , It was to be farther inquired , What Furniture of Arms , Horses , and Money they had in readiness ? What Friends they could engage ? And if these Questions were resolved according to their Minds , then the whole Mystery of the Villainy was to be frankly disclos'd . They were to be told in down-right Terms , That their Design was to Assassinate the Person of King William in order to fix King Iames again in the Throne , to which if they would lend their Assistance it would answer their Expectation . He having already sent over several Men and Money to buy Horses to help to do the Work. The way being thus made to sound and prepare the Dispositions of ill Men for any Violent Enterprize ; the next thing came under deliberation was Money . For that several of the Conspirators declar'd , they had considerable sums of their Own , or deposited with them , which were ready , and might be call'd for on Occasion . That Sir George Barclay subscribed Money , enough to furnish 40 Horses , likewise Sir Iohn Friend offered if the late K. Iames would give order for it , to disburst 3000 l. that the Cause might not be lost . Neither was Sir W. Parkyns , with many others slack in making provision for a sudden Push , for they if the Business succeeded were in Hopes to satisfy their thirsty Appetites and inrich themselves with the Blood and Estates of just and honest Men. The next necessary Provision they debated on was Arms. And it is notoriously known , the whole Party had been gathering great abundance of all sorts . All probably with the same prospect and in the same proportion for their parts in the Conspiracy as Sir William Parkyns had done for his , though they happened not all to be so manifestly detected ; for not long after the Conspiracy was discover'd to His Majesty and His Ministers : the said Sir William Parkyns was found to have by him , hid under-ground by his Garden-Wall , several Chests of compleat Arms , belonging as he pretended to his Country-House , where no thought of Robbery or Assault could be fear'd ; and by consequence , there could not be the least shadow or pretence that they were laid in there for his own lawful use or defence . But besides these Stores , which they had every one made for themselves , it was resolved , at the very first News of the late King Iames's Landing with his Cut-Throat Army to be in readiness , some to attempt the publick Magazines in and about the City , whilst others in the remote Parts , were to use their utmost Diligence to form themselves into a Body and join the Invasion . Many Thoughts were also spent how to engage the Sea-Men to their Side : Tho it must be said that their Practices with them met with the least Success of any . Nor is it imaginable , the brave Race of English Mariners should ever prove false to His Majesty , who has cherish'd , encourag'd and promoted that Profession more than all the Kings of England have done since the Conquest : His Majesty well understanding that the Safety , Riches and Honour of this Kingdom depend most on its Maratime Greatness . However , the Conspirators not in the least doubting but they should have sufficient Numbers , as soon as their Friends were arrived from France , to make a Stand , and give time to others to come in , and declare ; their Rendezvouses were appointed in most of the convenient Posts of London and Westminster ; whence they might at once attack the Bridg , the Exchanges , the Guards , the Savoy , Whitehall and the Tower : And they had ready in Town and Country a considerable number of Officers to head and govern the mixt Multitude as soon as they should appear in Arms. At the same time , a Party was to be ready to scowr the Streets , and immediately Barricadoes were to be made : The Horses of Hackney-Coaches , and other Strangers , were to be seiz'd on : The Horse-Guards not actually Mounted to be surpriz'd in their several Stables : For which end a Committee was chose , who undertook to vew the Posture of their Quarters , and reported back to the Principals that the seizing 'em was a thing very feasible . Ferguson had also often assur'd them he could promise for a considerable Number of Men to be ready at a day , and that he would make one of the same Party himself . Upon supposition of this Strength , their principal aim being to surprize the Tower , as a Place most able to annoy them , and where there lay great Magazines of Stores of Ammunition to furnish them ; they had many Debates on that Subject . And it is very well known they had brought an Officer in Trust therein to be of their Party , who was to deliver the Tower into their Hands . Besides securing to themselves by these means the Cities of London and Westminster , which was their greatest Care ; they had also under Consideration the raising Commotions at the same time in divers other Parts of England : Especially those Counties of the West and North , in which they believ'd the Iacobite Party to be most Numerous , and most inclin'd to their Factious Interest . In every County some one Great Man was to put himself at the head of the Rebellion , and divers of them had their proper Stations appointed . In the North they depended on a numerous Assistance , having been inform'd , by Sir William Parkyns , who had made a Journey into that part of the Kingdom , that the North was as well inclin'd to their Party as the West . Most Sea-Port Towns of any considerable Strength was to be attempted , particularly Portsmouth , by some going into the Town on pretence of seeing the Place , at the same time another Party coming in on the Market-day , disguiz'd like Country-men , and both together were to fall on the Guards . At the same time when they were making these Preparations for an Insurrection , the other Design of Assassinating His Majesty kept equal Pace with it . It is manifest that the French King and late King Iames , had often devised his Majesty's Murder ; it being indeed a Talent peculiar to them both to murder Princes , and lay their Nations in Blood and Confusion . That of all Men living they can most easily turn themselves into all Shapes , and comply with all Dispositions , to get Agents to compass their Damnable Purposes ; having by long practice , got the skill to cover their Hooks with Baits fitting every Humour . The Covetous , who are no small Number of their Iacobite Party , those they feed and deceive with hopes of Wealth and new Sequestrations : The Ambitious , with Praise and Vain-Glory : The Church of England , with Promises of Liberty and Religion : Sometimes not refusing to stoop lower , and even to serve and assist the Pleasures and Debauches of Men that way inclin'd , if they find them any way useful for their purposes . And now also upon this Occasion , divers Ways of performing the Assassination were debated ; one was to make the Attempt on His Majesty , as He came from Richmond by the Road. Another when He was upon Horse-back at Cue . Another to Surprize Him by Ambuscade as He was diverting Himself with Shooting or Hunting in the Park by Richmond . But of these Propositions Sir George Barclay approv'd of none like the last mention'd , in order to which he desir'd Capt. Porter to go with Mr. Knightly to View the Ground ; accordingly they went , and Mr. King with them : At their return made their Report : That the Lane between Brentford and Turnham-Green to be much more Feasible to dispatch the Business , or do the Trick , as they call'd it . The Account they gave of the Commodiousness of the Lane for any such desperate Enterprize soon incourag'd them to fix it there . It being a Place lonely and retired , with a River on one Side and Pales on the other , which would afford all Advantages imaginable to the Assailants , and give as great Inconveniences to the Persons Attack'd . The Place being agreed on , it was first question'd , Whether the Stroak should be struck upon His Majesty's going to , or coming from Hunting : But it was thought more expedient to defer it 'till His Majesty's return . That Point being over , they had several Meetings , to consult of all the Circumstances of the Parricide . The number of the Men to be Personally engag'd , were Forty at least , of which Number Sir George Barclay was to make up about Twenty . Mr. Charnock was to furnish Eight , Capt. Porter Seven , Sir William Parkyns Three Men and 5 Horses . To that end 2 or 3 Lists of Names were drawn up , out of which choice was made of Two which were call'd Ordely Men , and Quarter'd at Kensington , to give Notice to the Rest when His Majesty went a Hunting . The Arms to be used were Blunderbusses , Musquets , Pistols , &c. The several Parties were to be dispers'd at the Inns at Brentford and Turnham-Green , that they might be in a readiness against the approach of the Fatal Hour . On the day the Design was to be executed , the Attempt was agreed to be made in this Manner : Some one or two , were to be at the Ferry , to give Notice when His Majesty Landed , first to Sir George Barclay , then to the rest . Upon Warning given of the King 's being near at hand , all were to be in a readiness , to Issue forth in a Moment , some on Horse-back , some on Foot. Immediately , upon the Coach's coming within the Lane , they were to shut the Gate , and the Conspirators were to divide into three Parties : Some before in the Habit of County-men were to throw down the Pales , afore sawn a-sunder for the same purpose , in the narrowest Passage , so to prevent all possibility of Escape : Then Mr. Charnock with his Party were to attack the Guards in the Rear , and Rookwood and Porter with another Party in two Wings were to attack both sides of the Guards . The other Party to Aim only at His Majesty's Coach , which Party consisted of 8 Persons , and was to be under the Particular direction of Sir George Barclay ; the Villian declaring before-hand , Mr. Prendergast was to have a very good Blunderbuss , which carried 7 or 8 Bullets , to be of his Party , and to Shoot into it . King at the same time telling him , He hop'd he would not be afraid of breaking the Glass-Windows . It is indeed a thing prodigious to tell , and were it not for the undeniable Proofs of it , very difficult to be believ'd , that not only One or Two such Furies should rise up in a whole Age , but that so great a Number of Men should , be found so void of all Humanity , as not only to imagine and contrive so Horrid a Fact , but to discourse of it in so many Meetings , so sportfully and merrily as they did , as if the Cruelest Tragedy , which Wicked Men or the Devil ever invented , had been only a Matter of Common Past-time and loose Raillery . The execrable Deed being thus supposed by them to be feasible , without much Opposition , they then farther considered the several Ways of their escaping afterwards . Sometimes they thought if it were possible to take the King alive and carry him to France , whether they intended to bear him Company . But if not , another way was proposed by Sir George Barclay , after the Fatal Blow was given , to get privately into the City before the News of what was done could possibly get thither . It was concluded at the same time , That those Lords and Principal Men of their Party should be ready to Head the Faction upon the first arrival of the News that the late King Iames was Landed . Thus Saturday the 15 th of February being come , the first day pitch'd upon for executing their Hellish Design ; whilst they were thus wholly intent on this Barbarous Work , and proceeded securely in its Contrivance without any the least doubt of a prosperous Success , having prepar'd every thing in order to have perpetrated this Villainous Work ; Behold ! on a sudden God miraculously disappointed all their Hopes , by Chamber 's bringing word , about Noon , the King went not Abroad that day . Yet notwithstanding they being disappointed at this time , which made them look one on another in much disorder , yet they could not part 'till they had drank their accustomed Healths : And to add to their Villainny , Capt. Porter took an Orange in his Hand , and began a Health to the Squeezing the rotten Orange , which having gone round , they took leave of each other for that Time. Presently after , at their next meeting , their Discourse first tended to doubting whether the Design had not been discover'd ; but then 't was immediately answer'd , If it had , they should not have been there , but taken up . Whereupon they resolv'd , notwithstanding the former Disappointment , to Excecute the Divilish Design the next Saturday following . The Result of this their Consultation they imparted to their inferior Agents who were to act under them and order'd all things to be ready against that time . The late King for preparing a Declaration to facilitate his Re-accession to the Crown order'd divers of his Agents in England to send him their Conceptions , out of which Collection a Compleat Remonstrance was gather'd . The main Drift of the whole was to amuse the People's Fancies for a Time with new Chymera's of Freedom from Taxes , and Advantages for Trade : Then to calumniate and asperse King William as a Tyrant and Oppressor , and accuse all his Faithful Subjects , as Servile Instruments of Arbitrary Power , and Betrayers of their Country : Whilst he and his Party were to be magnified as the only Asertors , and Restorers of Liberties , and Properties ; who it is notoriously known have ever acted the contrary . His and their Design in all this being the same that has been put in Practice by all Promoters of Popish and Slavish Principles , Sedition and Treason in all Ages ; who have always thought they have done more than half their Business , if they can but once appropiate to themselves all the good and pleasing Words of things plausible and popular , and fasten on His present Majesty's Government the Names and Titles of things vulgarly odious , or contemptible . But in their particular Heads of Discourse in which the Con●pirat●rs chiefly delighted , and were wont in their Meetings most amply to enlarge their Inventions , was concerning their resolutions of several kinds of Vengeance to be executed on those Eminent Persons of all Professions , whom they thought most capable and willing to oppose their Bloody Enterprize . Their Passions in that part indeed transported them beyond all bounds of common Prudence even to the highest degree of ridiculous Vanity , and extravagant Ostentation of their full assurance to succeed in the dire Attempt . Having first gloried in the Imagination of imbruing their Hands in Royal Blood , they scrupl'd not to profess they would continue the Assassination on all the Principal Officers of the Crown , and Ministers of Justice ; and spightfully projected all Circumstances imaginable which they thought might aggravate the Terrour or Ignominy of their Punishment . The Lord Mayor , and the Sheriffs of that Year , were concluded fit to be Murder'd . All others were doom'd to the like Destiny , who might think they deserv'd well of the Faction by their Moderation : But they resolv'd that Neuters should be treated as ill as their most avowed Enemies . They made no Distinction of Opinions , the Soberest and Richest of the Church of England , together with the Presbyterians and orher Dissenters they hated and dispis'd in general , as Men whose Interest could not be divided from King William , as knowing they must fall with him , and undergo the same Fate . In this furious manner they proceeded to lay about 'em in their common Discourses , with all the Infernal Malice that is so agreeable to their Principles and inseperable from them : There never having yet been found , in all Records of Time , any Popish Plot but it was always most certainly attended with a fierce Spirit of Implacable Cruelty . As it cannot be imagin'd that either of the Cabals was altogether unacquainted with what the other were doing , during all this time ; so it is manifest , some of their great Men understood the dark Hints that were sometimes given them , of taking off the Spark , removing the Yoke that lay so heavy upon them ; and knocking him on the Head : And also that the inferiour Instruments proceeded on assurance , That when they came to Action they should be Headed by Men of much higher Quality and Condition than as yet openly appear'd amongst them . Wherefore of the Debate and Resolutions of the French King and the late King Iames ; in France it was thought expedient for the farthering of their Design , that a small select Number of the most eminent Heads of the Party , in and about London , should be united into a close Cabal , or secret Council ; who might have their frequent Assemblies , and be ready on all Occasions , to guide and direct the motions of the lower Agents . The Persons who undertook this Universal Care and Inspection , were the Duke of Berwick , sent from France for that purpose , Sir William Parkyns , Sir Iohn Friend , Sir George Barclay , Sir Iohn Fenwick , Mr. Charnock , Mr. Porter ; and some others , were admitted , as occasion serv'd , on some particular Debates . After their Arrival from France , they had several Meetings in Ianuary , particularly at the Globe-Tavern in Hatton-Garden , and at the Sun-Tavern in the Strand , where some General Heads were propounded of things to be resolv'd on , in their more mature Thoughts , as where the Insurrection should first be made , in City , or Country , or both at once : what Countries were most disposed for Action : What Places would be most proper for their Rendezvouses : What Arms were necessary , how to be provided , where to be laid in , so as to administer no Ground of Jealousy : And how and by what means a Disturbance might be made in Scotland , at the same time . The last was look'd upon as a Principal Point , and therefore the managment of that Affair was left to the French King , who had appointed a Considerable Body of Men to disturb the Peace and Tranquility of that Kingdom : And who deliver'd this as his Opinion , That the Plot was so close and deeply laid , it was past the Power of Men and Devils to hinder the Fatal Blow . The late King Iames , that nothing should be wanting on his part , deputed some of his Confidents hither , to attend the Issue of their Debates , to represent their Proposals ; and to assist in the Assassination . The first Day appointed for the accomplishing this wicked Design was the 15 th of February , which being over , and they by the Singular Mercy of God disappointed ; yet so great was their Thirst after Royal Blood , that they did resolve to go on and execute it . And the next Saturday , which was the 22 d of February , was pitch'd upon for the time of Execution ; and accordingly , on Friday the 21 st of February , the day before , they met at the Nags-Head in Covent-Garden , where they had some discourse among them that they were in doubt , because of the first Disappointment , whether there had not been some Discovery , but that Doubt was soon over ; for it was said it could not be so , for then they should not have been there together . That seemed probable , and the Disppointment was imputed to some Accident which gave them new Assurance to go on , and they resolv'd to go on and do the Business they had formerly resolv'd on , the next day , which was Saturday . Thus , on the 14 th of February , was the whole Conspiracy going on in a full Carreer , when Mr. Prendergast made his Discovery : But finding that His Majesty and His Ministers , were exceeding diffident of his single Intelligence , in a business of so vast a Moment ; therefore , whilst he was considering which way he might best strengthen his Evidence , Mr. De la Rue , on Friday Night , the 21 st of February , was introduc'd to His Majesty by the Earl of Portland , who discover'd to him the Hellish Designs of his Implacable Enemies . Upon Saturday the 22 d of February in the Morning , which was the 2 d time appointed for the Execution of this Bloody Design , they Met together at Porter's Lodging , and resolved to go on with it and put it in Execution , where they had Notice from Chambers that the King did go a Hunting that Day , and there was great Joy among them all , thinking themselves sure ; and so they ordered all things to be got ready . From thence they went to the Blew-posts in Spring-Garden , where . News was brought about one a Clock , That the King did not go Abroad , for the Guards were all come back in great haste , their Horses being all in a Foam , and the King's Coaehes to the Mews-Gate . They at first receiv'd the News with various Apprehensions and Motions of Mind , looking on one another with much Astonishment and Confusion ; and immediately parted in great Disorder , being fully assur'd the thing had taken Air , and was discovered . His Majesty , with inexpressible Surprize , found by undoubted Evidence that many of his mis-guided Subjects had deeply engaged themselves to imbrue their Hands in His Royal Blood , went on Monday the 24 th of February to the House of Lords , and in His Speech accquainted both Houses , That he was come on an extraordinary Occasion , which might have proved fatal if it had not been disappointed by the singular Mercy and Goodness of God. That he had received several concurring Informations of a Design to assassinate him , and that our Enemies were very forward in their Preparations for a sudden Invasion of the Kingdom . That His Majesty had not been wanting to give the necessary Orders for the Fleet , and that he hoped there was a Strength of Ships , and in such a Readiness , as would be sufficient to disappoint the Intentions of our Enemies . That he had dispatched Orders for bringing Home such a Number of our Troops , a might secure us from any Attempt ; and exhorted them to do every thing which they should judg proper for our Common Safety , &c. Upon this astonishing News the House of Commons ( Nemine Contradicente ) resolved to address His Majesty to congratulate his happy Deliverance , and to give him their Thanks for imparting the Horrid Design to the House , and to desire His Majesty to take more than ordinary Care of his Royal Person , assuring him that they will stand by , assist , and defend His Majesty with their Lives and Fortunes , against the late King Iames and all other His Enemies both at Home and Abroad ; and that in case His Majesty should come to any violent Death ( which God forbid ) they would revenge the same upon all his Enemies an their Adherents , &c. The House of Lords also unanimously agreed upon an Address to His Majesty , to which they desired the Concurrence of the Commons ; who made some Amendments thereunto , to which the Lords agreeing : The same Evening both Houses attended His Majesty therewith . You have here a Copy thereof . WE your Majesty's most Loyal and Dutiful Subjects , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled ; having taken into our serious Consideration , what your Majesty hath been pleased to Communicate to us this day , think it our Duty in the first place , to give Your Majesty most Humble Thanks , for having acquainted Your Parliament , with the great Danger Your Sacred Person hath been so nearly expos'd to , and the Design of an Invasion from our Enemies Abroad ; We heartily Congratulate Your Majesty's Happy Preservation , and thankfully acknowledg the signal Providence of God in it ; and at the same time Declare our Detestation and Abhorrence of so Villainous and Barbarons a Design : And since the Safety and Welfare of Your Majesty's Dominions do so intirely depend upon Your Life , We most Humbly Beseech Your Majesty to take more than Ordinary Care of Your Royal Person : And we take this Occasion to Assure Your Majesty of our utmost Assistance , to Defend Your Person , and Support Your Government against the late King James , and all other Your Enemies , both at Home and Abroad ; hereby Declaring to all all the VVorld , That in case Your Majesty shall come to any Violent Death , ( which God forbid ) we will Revenge the same upon all your Enemies , and their Adherents . And as an In●nce of our Zeal for Your Majesty's Service , we will give all possible Dispatch to the Publick Business : And we make it our Desire to Your Majesty , to Seize and Secure all Persons , Horses , and Arms , that Your Majesty may think fit to Apprehend upon this Occasion . To which His Majesty gave a gracious Answer to the effect following , viz. My Lords and Gentlemen , I Thank you heartily for this kind Address : On my Part you may be assured , that I will do all that is within my Power for the Conservation of this Kingdom , to which I have so many Obligations . I will readily adventure my Life for the Preservation of it , and recommend my self to the Continuance of your Loyalty and good Affections . The House of Commons also the same Day resolved upon the following Association to be signed by their Members . Whereas there has been a Horrid and Detestable Conspiracy , Formed and Carried on by Papists , and other Wicked and Traiterous Persons , for Assassinating His Majesty's Royal Person in Order to Incourage an Invasion from France , to Subvert our Religion , Laws , and Liberty : We whose Names are hereunto Subscribed , do Heartily , Sincerely , and Solemnly Profess , Testify and Declare , That His Present Majesty King William is Rightful and Lawful King of these Realms . And we do Mutually Promise and Engage to stand by and assist each other , to the utmost of our Power , in the Support and Defence of His Majesty's most Sacred Person and Government , against the late King James and all his Adherents . And in case His Majesty come to any Violent or Vntimely Death ( which God forbid ) We do hereby further Freely and Vnanimously Oblige our Selves , to Vnite , Associate , and Stand by each other , in Revenging the same upon his Enemies , and their Adherents ; and in Supporting and Defending the Succession of the Crown , according to an Act made in the First Year of the Reign of King William and Queen Mary , Intituled , An Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject , and Settling the Succession of the Crown . There was also an Association agreed upon by the House of Lords , which was carried by a Majority , which appears to be of a Comfortable Importance . Their Lordships Association differs so little from that of the Commons , that I do not transcribe it ; but shew you how they vary : Instead of the Words [ King William is RIGHTFVL and Lawful King ] their Lordships insert . That His Present Majesty King William hath A RIGHT BY LAW to the Crown of this Realm , and that neither the late King James , nor the pretended Prince of Wales , nor any other Person hath any Right whatsoever to the same , &c. Ninety six of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , that was then present , subscribed their Association , and others who were at first absent , come in daily ; it hath been refused only by 15. The House of Commons having , as I told you , agreed upon the above-written Association , ordered it to be engrossed , to be Signed by their Members ; and near 400 of that August Assembly , which consists of 513 , have already ( with great Alacrity ) subscribed it . On Tuesday the House ordered that their absent Members , as they come to the House , do come up to the Table , and sign the Association ; or , in their Places , declare their Refusal so to do : and On Thursday it was ordered that the Association , and the Subscriptions thereunto , be entred upon the Journal of the House ; and Resolved that it should be presented to His Majesty , by the Speaker , and the whole House , before the end of that Session . It was also , the same day , ordered that such Members who had not already , should by Monday Fortnight Sign the Association , or declare their Refusal . Now a day or two before the Conspirators final Seperation , the King and his Council began to be convinc'd of the truth of Prendergast and Dela Rue's Evidence , by a full knowledg of the Witnesses Characters , and by the firmness and constancy of their Testimony , besides many other concurring Circumstances . Wherefore His Majesty ordered Warrants should be Issued out against the Persons accused , whereof some absconded , others were taken ; of these last divers confirm'd what Prendergast and De la Rue had sworn , and Named others as Partakers in the Treason . Whereupon more and more appearing every day to have been engaged , Proclamations were Published in England and Scotland for their Speedy Apprehension . By this means through the Providence of God , so many of them were either Seized or Delivered themselves up , as have irrefragably confirmed every part of the foregoing Account . What became of the several Conspirators will appear by the Following List. The Duke of Berwick presently fled beyond the Seas from the Coast of Sussex . Capt. Porter , Mr. Prendergast and Mr. Keyes , was taken at Letherhead in Surrey , and were brought up to Town ; the last mention'd received the deserved Reward of his horrid Ingratitude and Treasons : the two former largly confessed . Capt. Harris surrender'd himself to Mr. Secretary Trumbull , and largly confess'd . Capt. Bois was taken , and freely Confess'd . Mr. ●ela Rue came in , and Confess'd what was done and said at the Trayterous Meetings at Capt. Poter's Lodging , &c. Sir Iohn Friend fled frōm his own House to hide himself at ▪ Quaker's in Stratton Ground , where he was Taken , Arraign'd , Condemned and Executed . Sir VVilliam Parkyns was Taken at Mr. Castlemain's Chamber in the Temple ; he was likewise Arraign'd , Condemn'd and Executed ; he confest enough to shew his Crime , but not his Repentance . Mr. Bryerly taken , and Confess'd . Peter Cook , Gent. taken March 17 th ; and committed to Newgate Arraign'd and Condemn'd , but not as yet Executed . Christopher Knightly , was taken disguised in Womens Clothes , Arraign'd and Condemn'd , but as yet not Executed . Sir Roger L'Estrange , was taken up , and dismist upon Bail. Edward King was taken , Arraign'd , Condemned and Executed . Capt. Stow , taken the 6 th of March , in a Spunging-House , near Smithfield ; he having caused himself to be Arrested upon a Sham-Action of 300 l. under the Name of Smith . Mr. Blair , was taken , examin'd , and confess'd . Mr. Robert Ferguson was seiz'd in Gray's - Inn-lane , hid under a Bed. — Lowick was seiz'd in Alley in Golden-lane , very much disguis'd , Arraign'd , Condemned and Executed . Sir Iohn Fenwick with-drew , upon notice there was a Proclamation out against him ; was taken with one VVebber , at Rumney in Kent , ready to go over-Sea , and was Committed , and is still a Prisoner . Ambrose Rookwood was Taken , Tryed , Condemned and Executed . The Earl of Aylesbury was taken and committed to the Tower , where he is still a Prisoner . — Goodman , was taken , and made an Ingenious Confession . — Bertram was taken , and confess'd . Robert Charnock was taken , Arraign'd , Condemned and Executed ; the deserved Reward of his horrid Treasons . VVilliam Berkenhead , who has gone by the several Names of East , VVest , South , Fish and Baker , was taken , but since made his Escape out of Goal . Charles Cranburne was Taken , Arraign'd , Condemn'd and Executed . Sir George Barclay fled , and with-drew from Justice upon the first Discovery , and is Out-law'd . Sir Thomas Row , upon the first Discovery , shot himself into the Head , of which Wound he the same Day died . Besides these there are several others secured which must not expect to be dismiss'd but by due Couse of Law. Wherefore to return to what happen'd shortly after the Discovery . His Majesty having now receiv'd irresistible Proof of the Certainty of the Wicked and Unnatural Design ; that the World might have the like Conviction , resolv'd speedily to bring some of the most Notorious Malefactors to a fair and open Tryal . The Persons who were first put upon justifiying themselves , were Robert Charnock , Edward King and Thomas Keys , on the 11 th of March 169● , against whom divers Witnesses were produced , who in their Depositions , first gave some distinct Account of the Plot in General , and then of the particular Share each Person at the Bar had in it . As to what Concern'd Charnock . Capt. Porter first depos'd , That the said Charnock , himself , and others did meet at the Globe-Tavern in Hatton-Garden , the Nags-Head in St. Iames's - Street , and often in other places , where they did consult and contrive the Design for Assassinating His Majesty's Person , agreed upon it , and the Ways and Methods for Carrying it on ; That he with the rest did agree it should be done on the 15 th of February , in the Lane coming from Brentfort to Turnham-Green , and Horses and Arms were provided , and that he did Personally ingage and bring 6 or 7 Men more to act in the Design , that he went into France to invite the late King Iames to England with a Foreign Force . The next was Mr. De la Rue , who Swore , That he the said Charnock was at several Places with divers of the Conspirators and where the Matter was discours'd concerning the Assassination : and that some time after the first Disappoinment , he ask'd him , How the thing went ? and he answer'd , he was afraid it would come to nothing . Then Mr. Prendergast swore , That Charnock sent a Note to Capt. Porter , to Countermand the Order for the 15 th of February , subscribed by the Name of Robinson . Next Mr. Bertram swore , That he the said Charnock ask'd him , if he would be one in the Design in taking off the Spark ? meaning King VVilliam , but he answer'd , He was otherwise ingaged . And after the second Disappointm●nt , he this Deponent met him again , who told him , he heard VVarrants were out against them : Therefore would have had him come to his Lodging , where , with others , to have gone to Kensington to put their Design in immediate Execution , and assur'd him there would be Safety in so doing . Against King. First , Capt. Porter deposed , That the said Edward King went with him and Knightly , to view the Ground : And was with the other Conspirators at most of their Meetings , particularly at his Lodging in Maiden-lane , the same day they were to execute their Design ; where were Discourses of that Nature : And also at the Blew-Posts in Spring-Garden , That he was present when Word was brought of the Disappointment . The next was Mr. De la Rue , who Swore , That the said Edward King told him , on the 7 th of February , that he was going out Town about something in order to the Design , with Knightly , Durance , and others , to see whether the King went to Richmond or Hounslow , and That sometime after he told this Deponent , he did ride out with his Friends , and that there was the Rarest Place for the Execution of the Design against King William that was possible , or had they studied never so long for a Convenient Place they could not have had such another . And that he was with him on the 15 th and 22 d of February , at Porter's Lodging , and the Blew-Posts in Spring-Garden , where they had Discourses concerning putting their Purpose in Execution . And that he had seen him at divers other Times and Places . Mr. Bois swore , That King was the first that ever told him of the Assassination , it was at his own Chamber in this manner ; That there was a great undertaking in hand , that he had put his Name into the List , and That , if he would make one , he should have a Horse ; and gave him 20 s. to buy Boots . He told him several were come over from France ; That the late King Iames would Land very Speedily . Against Keys . Capt. Porter first deposed , That he the said Keys was present at most of the Consultations , he hired Horses for the Captain to be imploy'd in the Business . That he was at the Blew-Posts in Spring-Garden , with him and the other Conspirators , where word was brought of the Disappointment , both the 15 th and 22 d of February , and That he agreed to be one that should be Personally concern'd in the Assassination . Mr. Prendergast swore , That he the said Keys was at Capt. Porter's Lodging in Maiden-lane , the 25 th of February where were divers others , whose discourse chiefly tended to the Execution of the Assassination : and afterwards , on the same day , they met again at the Blew-Posts in the Spring-Garden , where , with others , he did agree to act in the Design . Mr. De la Rue deposed , That he the said Keys was one of those that met at the Blew-Posts in Spring-Garden , on Saturday the 22 d of February , and he was the only Man told him of the Meetings . That when Word was brought of the Disappointment , he went to the Mews-Gate , to learn the reason if he could of the King 's not going abroad for two Saturdays together ; and that he brought in word . The Guards were come back in a Foam , and the King's Coach to the Mews-gate , and by People's Muttering he fear'd a Discovery . But the whole Evidence against Charnock , King and Keys being clear and positive Testimony ; and what they pleaded for themselves being only their own single Affirmation and Negation , without any support of Witnesses , the Jury brought them in Guilty of High-Treason . Accordingly to which Sentence they were Executed the 18 th of the said Month. At the time of their Execution each of them deliver'd a Paper , to the Sheriffs , wherein they own'd themselves guilty of the Crime for which they stood Condemn'd , and that they were for Killing the King and the Guards . The next Criminal Arraign'd was Sir Iohn Friend , who was brought to his Tryal , March the 23 d of that Year . Against him Capt. Porter deposed , That about the latter end of May or beginning of Iune 1695 , on a Monday , the Lord Aylesbury , the Lord Mongomery , Sir Iohn Friend , Sir William Parkyns , Sir Iohn Fenwick , Mr. Charnock , one Cook , and this Deponent , met at the old King's-Head in Leadenhall-Street , and at one Mrs. Monjoy's - Tavern in St. Iames's - street , sometime after . At both these Meetings it was consulted and agreed , to send Charnock over to France to invite the late King Iames to England and to prevail with the French King to furnish him with 10000 Men ; 8000 Foot , 1000 Horse , and 1000 Dragoons , and each did promise to meet him at his Landing with 2000 Horse , and Sir Iohn Friend did say , he would be as forward in his Assistance as any . And not long after the second they had a third Meeting , where were Sir William Parkyns , Sir George Barclay , Sir Iohn Friend , one Holmes , Mr. Ferguson , and this Deponent . Capt. Blair swore , that 2 or 3 Years ago Sir Iohn Friend produc'd a Commission he had from K. Iames , to be a Colonel of a Regiment of Horse , which he was to raise , and to appoint what Officers he thought fit ; That he read the Commission , it was seal'd at the Top Iames Rex , and counter-sign'd Melford , That he promised this Deponent he should be his Lieutenant Colonel , and told him he should get as many Men as he could , that Mr. Fisher was to be his first Captain , and Vernatti was to be another , and Mr. Sclater should be Captain of a Troop of Non-Swearing Parsons , and that for ingaging and contracting with Men to come in to be of his Regiment , and to caress and keep them together and to carry on the Design , he had expended a great deal of Money . And that he laid down 100 l. to facilitate Col. Parker's escape out of the Tower ; That he had wrote a Letter to King Iames , and gave it this Deponent to read , who told him 't was well penn'd , and that he believed Mr. Ferguson did pen it . To this Sir Iohn Friend makes an Objection against the Credit of the Witnesses that they were not to be believed , upon this Account , because they are known to be Roman Catholicks , and he a Protestant , their Consciences as to Oaths , are somewhat large , especially when they swear against Protestants , and therefore , says he , they are not to be allow'd , against Protestants , as Witnesses ; and that their Credit was not sufficient to induce a Jury to believe them . At first he alledged there was a Statute that disabled them from being Witnesses , but that was proved to him to the Contrary . Then he insisted upon it , that Blair was not to be look'd upon as a Witness , and that because he denyed he knew any thing of the Plot : The Occasion of that was this ; when he was in the Gate-House , there was News in the Flying-Post or Post-Boy , where it was alledged that Blair had confess'd all ; and that thereupon Blair said , he was Innocent ; but Blair being called into Court again swears , he did not say he knew nothing of a Plot , but deny'd being privy to , or concern'd in the Assassination : so that he did not deny wholly to be in the Plot , but in the Assassination . Another thing he insisted upon to be a Matter of Law , in the Statute of the 25. Edw. 3. which was over-rul'd by the Court. So that what he had to say for himself , proving no way material ; then the Jury withdrew , and return'd after a short time , and brought him in Guilty of High-Treason . As touching the Paper he deliver'd to the Sheriffs , at the time of his Execution , he said , he died in Charity with all Men , and a Member of the Church of England ; he no way denyed the Fact for which he stood Condemn'd , but rather Justified it , and made some groundless Reflections on the legal and regular Proceedings against him ; concluding with a Prayer which could be dictated by none but a fierce Jacobite . It was in truth a Prayer more proper for their Treasonable Meetings at the Old King's-Head in Leadenhall-streei , &c. than to be used as the last Words of a Gentleman dying in the Profession of the Church of England . The next Offender that came under the stroke of Justice , was Sir William Parkyns ; who came to his Tryal the 24 th of March the same Year : Amongst the several Witnesses that was produc'd Capt. Porter was the first , who has been a Witness hitherto against several upon the like Occasion , he swore , That about the latter end of May or beginning of Iune , 1695 , Sir Iohn Fenwick , Sir Iohn Friend , Sir William Parkyns , and this Deponent , with divers others , Met at the Old Kings-Head in Leadenhall-street , and some time after , at Mrs. Monjoy's ; at both which Places they did consult , how they might again Restore King Iames : in order to it they thought it very necessary to send , Mr. Charnock , who was at that Meeting , to King Iames , and invite him to England with a French Force , viz. 8000 Foot , 1000 Horse , and 1000 Dragoons , if he could solicit the French King to lend him so many , and that each of them did send their promise to meet him , where he should appoint to Land , at the Head of 2000 Horse . And further , as to the Assassination , he swore , That about the latter end of Ianuary , or beginning of February , Sir George Barclay was sent over with a Commission from the late King Iames ; whereupon Sir George Barclay , Sir William Parkyns , this Deponent , with divers others , had several Meetings , particularly at the Globe-Tavern in Hatton-Garden , the Nags-Head Tavern in Covent-Garden , the Sun-Tavern in the Strand , and other places . Where it was resolved to undertake to Assassinate King William , that Sir William did consent to it , and said , he thought it necessary to be done , to facilitate the Restauration of King James : and offer'd to Lend 5 Horses to engage in it , three to be mounted by Men as he would get , the other two by Capt. Porter ; That he told Charnock , in this Deponents hearing , He had a Commission from King James for the raising a Troop of Horse , and that he had seen and read the Commission Sir George Barclay brought over , which was to Levy War against the Person of the Prince of Orange , and that he would not Personally engage in the Assassination , because he had a Regiment to look after . Sweet swore , That he the said Sir William Parkyns told him about Christmas last , That King James would come ; he ask'd him , How he knew it ? He told him , He had his Word for it ; and that he had a Troop which consisted of Old Soldiers ; he had Thirty Sadles , and besides there would be some Volunteers which were old Officers : That he was to go into Leicester-Shire , and did , it was about the latter end of Ianuary , and Scudamore went with him ; and one Yarborough , and a Parson that came out of York shire , met him there : And that he found the West was as well inclin'd to King James 's Interest as the North ; and a Lord's Brother was concern'd . That Sir William sent for him out of the Country the second time the King was to be Assassinated , and that he had designed to have used him in the business , but that he had Compassion on his Family . Eubank swore , That he , in Ianuary last , waited on Sir VVilliam into Leicester-shire where several resorted to him , particularly one Yarborongh , and a York shire Parson ; that afterwards he ordered him to bring three Horses to London , and he brought them up the 14 th of February , and Sir VVilliam told him , he thought to go out of Town on the Morrow , being Saturday ; but his mind altered 'till Monday following , when he went to his House in VVarwick-shire , and return'd the Friday after , which was the 21 st of Ianuary , and brought up four Horses more . The next Day , being Saturday , this Deponent was sent on a Message to Kensington ; the Answer he brought back was writ in his Almanack , which he shewed to Sir William , who thereupon bid him go to his Inn , and get his Horses ready to go out of Town in the Afternoon , which he did ; on the Monday following he received a Letter from Sir William , to go to his Fellow-Servant Evans ; that after reading the Letter , they went with a Cart and Horses to one Haywood's House to fetch some Chests ; there were three large Ones , out of which were taken seven or eight smaller , which they carried to Sir William's House , and buried them in the Garden . Then Thomas Watts was sworn , who deposed , That after the breaking out of the Plot , he did search Sir William Parkyns's House , where , in the Garden , he found buried several Boxes , or Chests ; there was in them four Dozen of Swords , Thirty two Carbines , Twenty five Brace of Pistols . There are more Substantial Concurring Evidence , which I think two tedious to mention ; but shall refer any inquisitive Person to the Tryals . Sir VVilliam Parkyns says for himself , that he does admit and agree , what Porter says is very positive and full , but that is but the Evidence of one Witness : And that by the Law no Person ought to be convicted of High-Treason upon the Testimony of one Witness . But then it was answer'd , as to the Matter of Law , he is to the right , no Man ought to be convicted of Treason , upon the Testimony of one single VVitness : But it was prov'd he , with others , did send Charnock into France . To which if you add the Testimony of Sweet , who swore Sir VVilliam told him King James would come , that he had a Troop , had bought Saddles , his having such a quantity of Arms , of his going into Liecester-shire . If all which be understood in pursuance of the Design against His present Majesty , then there are at least Two Witnesses , to several Overt-Acts of the same Treason . But then it was objected by Sir VVilliam , That Sweet does not prove any Overt-Act , that what he said being only words , and words are not Treason . But then it was answer'd , they are words that relate to Acts and Things . That he had a great quantity of Arms , beyond what he , as a private Man , could have occasion for , or use : Sir VVilliam pretended he found them at his House , when he first went thither , all rusty ; but account was given , these were bright and fit for use . By this plain evidence of the several Stages of his Journey , his Treasonable Intercourse with the Men of the North , his agreeing , with others , to send Charnock to France , his providing such a considerable quantity of Arms , his engaging to lend 5 Horses , and 3 Men , to act in the Assassination , &c. was made out beyond all possibility of Confutation . After a full hearing on both sides the Jury with-drew , and after a very short time return'd , and brought him guilty of High-Treason : According to which Sentence he was Executed the 3 d of April following . At the time of his Death delivered a written Paper to the Sheriffs , wherein he acknowledg'd his being concern'd in the Design against the King's Life . On the 21 st of April 1696 , was Ambrose Rookwood brought to Tryal . Against him Capt. Porter first deposed , that at several Meetings for the carring on this Design against His Majesty , Mr. Rookwood was present , more particularly at the Globe-Tavern in Hatton-Garden , where Sir George Barclay , Mr. Charnock , Sir VVilliam Parkyns , this Deponent , and others , discours'd which was the best way and method ; That , and first , Mr. Rookwood said , 't was a very desperate thing , and seem'd not very willing to engage in it , whereupon Sir George Barclay told him , he should command his Party ; he reply'd in French , There 's an end of it , and consented . And farther that on Saturday Morning the 15 th of February , there met at his , this Deponent's Lodging , in Little Rider-street , Sir George Barclay , Rookwood , and several others , where word was brought by Durance , the King did go abroad ; and it was resolv'd by all , the same Day to put their Design in Execution . The next Witness produced was Captain Harris , who swore , That on Saturday Morning the 15 th of February , the first Day when this Assassination was design'd to be committed , he went to the Lodging of one Burk , where Mr. Rookwood was , with others , and he found them all in great Disorder , and thereupon ask'd them , what was the matter , and what they were going to do ? And Rookwood bid him go to one Counter , and he should know of him what was the matter . Accordingly he went ; and Counter told him , and those who were with him , That they must get ready to go to Turnham-Green ; and at the same Time and Place , he this Deponent met Sir G. Barclay , and after some Discourse of attacking the Coach , Sir G. Barclay at the first said , They were his Ianizaries ; and afterwards going out , he came in again , and said , They were Men of Honour , and that they were to go abroad to attack the Prince of Orange : He further depos'd , That upon Saturday the 22 d of February , the second time it was to have been put in Execution , Mr. Rookwood gave this Deponent a List of Men that he was to Command ; that Mr. Rookwood's Name was at the Top , and this Deponent's counterfeit Name , which was Ienkins , and Hare's counterfeit Name , which was Guinea ; and that he told this Deponent , He was to be of his Party , and that he should be his Aid-du-Camp , and they were to make ready to go to Turnham Green to attack the Prince of Orange . Then the Council for the Prisoner endeavour'd to take off the Credit of Mr. Porter , and opened very great Crimes , that he should be guilty of , which must render him a Person not to be believed ; but did not prove any thing : No Witness that they call'd against Mr. Porter said any thing against him , to invalidate his Testimony , or to introduce any one to disbelieve what he has said . Then they said in Point of Law , there is no Overt-Act proved of any Design against the King's Life , that affects Mr. Rookwood ; there were other Objections started , which were over-rul'd by the Court. The Jury went forth to consider of their Verdict , and after a quarter of an Hours stay return'd , and brought him in Guilty of High-Treason . The next Person that was call'd to the Bar to justify himself , was Charles Cranburne , the 22 d of April , 1696. Against him Capt. Porter deposed , That he made the said Cranburne acquainted with the Design of Assassinating His Majesty King VVilliam , the Day before they were to execute it ; and he engaged to be ready and make one . On Saturday , the 22 d of February , he came to my Lodging in Maiden-lane , and I sent him to Sir William Parkyns . for a Note for two Horses that I was to mount of his : He came back and told me he knew where to have them , and that Capt. Charnock was afraid we should not have our Complement of Men , and desir'd me to send him an account what Men I could bring , which I did , by Mr. Cranburne ; and being to go to the Blew-Posts , order'd him to bring it to me thither ; and he did bring it back to me , to the Blew-Posts , with Capt. Charnock's List underneath : And notwithstanding word being brought of the Disappoiotment , we parted not till we had drank the Healths , to the Restoring the late King James , the Prince of Wales , &c. Then Mr. De la Rue swore , That he the said Cranburne , the 22 d of February , the day on which they the second time thought to put the Design in Execution , was sent with a List , by Capt. Porter , of his Men , and whilst I and Capt. Porter was at the Blew-Posts in Spring-Garden , he brought , to Capt. Porter , the List from Charnock , with an addition of Names . And after , word was brought of the Disappointment , the Company began to drink very Disloyal Healths , as to the Restoring the late King James , the Queen , the Prince of Wales , and the French King. Then Capt. Porter , having an Orange in his Hand , squeez'd it , and drank a Health , to the squeezing the rotten Orange ; which was Pledg'd by all , and particularly by Mr. Cranburne . Mr. Prendergast depos'd , That he was with Mr. Cranburne the 14 th of February , and there was a Discourse of going in pursuance of this Design the next day , and Mr. Cranburne agreed to it : and when they were disappointed the 15 th being at the Blue-Posts in Spring-Garden , they then agreed to pursue it the next Saturday , and that Cranburne was one of them that agreed to it . To all this Mr. Cranburne and his Council offer'd very little , finding the Evidence so positive ; so the Jury withdrew to consider of their Verdict a quarter of an Hour , and return'd into Court , having found him guilty of High-Treason . On VVednesday the 22 d of April 1696 , Robert Lowick was brought to the King's-Bench Bar , for Conspiring to Assassinate his Majesty King VVilliam . Against him Mr. Harris swore , That between the 15 th and 22 th of February he met Mr. Lowick in Red-Lion-fields , and discoursed with him there , about the Assassination ; and told him what a barbarous and inhumane thing it was that we should be the Murderers of the Prince of Orange , and that it would render us odious to all the World , and that we should be a continual Reproach to our selves ; he did agree it was so , but would obey Orders ; that he said Sir George Barclay , he was sure , would not do it without Orders ; which he repeated twice . On Saturday the 22 th he this Deponent and Mr. Lowick din'd at a Cooks at the End of Red-Lion-street ; and being there together , he this Deponent was in a Sweat , and Lowick ask'd him the Reason ; he told him he had been about to get ready Rookwood's Party that were to seize the King : says he , you need not grudg to do it , you have six Shillings a day , and I have nothing , and yet I brought a couple of Men at my own Charge . Then Mr. Bertram swore , That he the said Robert Lowick came to him about the Beginning of February last , and ask'd him if he would espouse a thing with him that might be for his Advantage ? He told him , he thought he might espouse any thing that he thought fit to engage in ; he answer'd it was well , and desir'd him to ask him no more Questions . On the 14 th of February he desired him to be at his Lodging at 12 a Clock ; he went : when he came there , he took him up into his Chamber , and told him , he believed they would ride out in some little time , and that the King was to be seiz'd in his Coach ; and he gave him a Guinea to buy him Necessaries . To this he and his Council had little to offer in their Defence , the Evidence being so full and positive against them ; which being summ'd up to the Jury , they withdrew for a short time , and return'd into Court , having found him guilty of High-Treason : according to which Sentence he was Executed , and Rookwood and Cranburne with him . On VVednesday the 13 th of May , in the said Year 1696 , Peter Cook Gent. was Indicted for endeavouring to procure Forces from France to invade this Kingdom , and Conspiring to levy War in this Realm for assisting and abetting the said Invasion , in order to the Deposing his Sacred Majesty King William , and Restoring the late King Iames. The first Witness produced was Mr. Porter , who swore , That the Lord Ailesbury , my Lord Montgomery , Sir Iohn Fenwick , Sir VVilliam Parkins , Sir Iohn Friend , Mr. Charnock , Mr. Cook , and himself , ( Mr. Goodman came in after Dinner ) had two Meetings ; the first was in May , at the old King's Head Tavern in Leadenhall-Street , in order to consult about an Invasion . In this Meeting it was consulted which was the best Way , and the quickest , to restore King Iames , and hasten his Return into England ; several Discourses and Proposals there were : At last in was agreed to send Mr. Charnock to the late King , to borrow of the French King 10000 Men , 8000 Foot , 1000 Horse , and 1000 Dragoons , to be sent over into England , to assist the late King's Restoration . Says Mr. Charnock thereupon , This the King can do without your sending , and I would not go upon a Foolish Errand . What will you do in this Matter ? The Company desir'd him to promise King Iames , That if he would send word where he landed , they would be sure to meet him at his Landing with a Body of 2000 Horse . And all of them that were there present , was ask'd by Charnock , Whether he might assure the King of what they had told him ? Every one said , Yes , you may : And when Mr. Cook was ask'd , he kneel'd upon a Chair , and said , Yes , you may . The 2d Meeting was about the latter end of May , or beginning of Iune , at Mrs. Montjoy's Tavern , at St. Iames's ; where were present , at that time , my Lord Aylesbury , Sir Iohn Friend , Sir William Parkyns , and Mr. Charnock , and Mr. Cook , and himself ; they did assure Mr. Charnock that they kept to their former Resolution , and would abide to what was agreed upon at their first Meeting : And that accordingly Mr. Charnock did go to France , and he did return , and bring back King Iames's Thanks to them : and he had share of the Complement . Then Mr. Goodman swore , That about the middle of the Month of May , Mr. Porter acquainted him there would be a Meeting of some of King Iames's Friends , at the Old King's-head in Leadenhall-street ; that tho he could not dine with them he would come to them after Dinner , which he did ; when he came there , Mr. Porter brought him into a Room where was my Lord Montgomery , my Lord Aylesbury , Sir Iohn Fenwick , Sir Iohn Friend , Sir William Parkins , Mr. Charnock and Mr. Cook : after we were set down , there was a Consultation , that considering the French King's Wars retarded the Affair of sending back King Iames , and the means of restoring him to the Crown ; it was thought fit after some Debate to send Mr. Charnock into France , to King Iames , to prevail with the French King to furnish Ten Thousand Men , whereof 8000 to be Foot , 1000 Horse , and 1000 Dragoons : That we would meet him at the Head of 2000 Horse . When our Resolution of the Thing and the Number was thus fixed , Mr. Charnock ask'd , whether it were with all our Consents ? And that he might assure the King , that this was our Resolution ? Whereupon we all rose up , and said to him , Yes , you may ; Yes , you may ; every one particularly : that at the same time Mr. Cook kneel'd upon the Chair , when he said , Yes , you may , and his Elbows were upon the Table . There was another Meeting as Capt. Porter told me , but I had Business in the City ; but whatever he promis'd on my behalf as to the Quota of Men , I would be sure to make it good , but was not at the second Meeting . So that after a Long Tryal and hearing Council both for the King and Prisoner , the Jury with-drew to consider of their Verdict about three quarters of an Hour ; they return'd into Court , and brought him in Guilty of High-Treason . As for the Persons Out-law'd , my Lord , they having by Law the space of a whole Year allow'd to surrender themselves , before they are to be look'd on as Men absolutely to be condemn'd , it 's hoped before that Time 's expired , that some of them will voluntarily come in , and stand a legal Trial , and , if possible , prove themselves innocent : but if not , they must not think the Evidence against them will be any longer suppress'd , there being to be found in the Informations given in upon Oath , abundantly sufficient to convict every Man of them , either of the intended Insurrection or Assassination ; both which are made out with as much Clearness of Testimony and Strength as any Humane Affair is capable of . And his Majesty is deeply sensible , and hath publickly acknowledg'd , how he has once more been preserved , by the immediate Hand of Heaven , from the Rage and Violence of blood-thirsty and cruel Men ; cannot but look on himself as a-fresh oblig'd to manifest his Gratitude to Heaven , by promoting the Glory of his Preserver , in continuing to consult , above all things , the Welfare of his Church , and the Peace and Happiness of this great People committed to his Charge . And since , my Lord , the Divine Favour has so marvellously put into his Hands this new Advantage , he will improve it , not in Acts of Severity and Revenge , which your Lordship knows his Nature utterly abhors , but by imitating the Divine Goodness , in a regular Course of strict Justice to all obdurate Impenitents ; so , which he much rather desires , in his usual Method of Mercy and Kindness , to as many as shall give sincere Proofs of Penitence , and Reformation of their pail Crimes : Vertues , which we have too much Reason to believe , his Enemies have been hitherto little acq●ainted with . Before I conclude , my good Lord , let me entreat your Lordship's Patience whilst I address my self to those misguided English-men , who , after all this , persevere to be disaffected to his Majesty and the Government ; whom I would willingly perswade to cease doting on their old Bondage , and hankering after a Perjur'd Prince , who when amongst us , broke his Coronation Oath , and studied nothing more than subjecting us to Popery , Slavery , a Despotick and Arbitrary Government . Did he not assume to himself a Power to suspend and dispence with the Execution of the Laws , enacted for the Security and Happiness of the Subjects , and thereby rendred them of none effect ? And did he not , in order to the obtaining a Judgment in the Court of King's-Bench , for declaring the Dispensing Power a Right belonging to the Crown , turn out such Judges as could not in Conscience concur in so pernicious a Sentence ? And after having pack'd Judges for his Purpose , he obtain'd the Judgment he requir'd . What , Can no King please them but him who set up a Commission of Ecclesiastical Matters , against express Laws to the contrary , which were executed contrary to all Law ? Can no one content them but a Prince who values nothing in the World so much as the overturning our Religion ? and in order thereto , Did he not send the Archbishop of Canterbury , and six other Bishops , to the Tower , for setting forth , in a Petition , their Reasons why they could not obey the Order requiring them to appoint their Clergy to read the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience ? Finally , Can nothing please them but a King who Arbit●ally , and against Law , turn'd the Fellows of Magdalen College in Oxford out of their Freeholds , and put the College into the hands of Papists ? Did he not bring his Army of Irish Cut-throats by whom we went in danger of being Murder'd every Moment ? Or if the Experience of Time past , so dearly bought , can prevail nothing with them , let them but seriously reflect on their present Condition , Who may , if they will , Securely enjoy Peace , Plenty , Liberty , and the best Religion under the best of Princes , whilst many Misguided Gentlemen , both English and Scotch , who have abandon'd their Families and Estates to follow that Unhappy Prince to St. Germain's where a considerable Party being Protestants , they only desir'd a Chappel from the late King Iames , for the Exercise of their Worship according to the Church of England ; and propos'd Dr. Granvile , Brother to the Earl of Bath , formerly Dean of Durham , as a fit Person to be their Chaplain : They urged the great Incouragment such a Toleration would give to his Adherents in England , and what Satisfaction it would be , to such Protestants as followed him ; but tho' common Policy , and his Circumstances made every body believe that this request would be easily granted , yet it was positively denyed , and Dr. Granvile obliged not onely to retire from Court , but also from the Town of St. Germains to avoid the daily Insults of the Priests , and the dreaded Consequences of the Jealousies with which they possess'd King Iames's Court against him . Dr. Gordon a Bishop of Scotland , the only Protestant Divine that then was there , met with a worse Treatment still than Dr. Granvile , and was reduc'd to the necessity of abjuring his Religion for want of Bread , with which he could not be supplyed but upon those hard Terms . Let them examine a little farther , and they will find the Lord Chief Justice Herbert , a Person both well qualified to give Advice in English Affairs , and of an unspotted Reputation in his Country , interceding in behalf of the Protestant Party's Demand : Upon which an Information was trump'd up against the Chief Justice by Mr. Comptroller Skelton and Sir William Sharp , of having said that K. Iames's Violent Temper would ruin himself and all that Follow'd him . My Lord own'd the Words ; but made so ingenious an Explanation of his meaning , that King Iames was satisfied . Shortly after they charged him with another Plot of corresponding with the English , whereupon he , and a Worthy Lady with whom he Boarded , were confined ; and Broomfield , the Quaker , committed to the Bastile . Thus was my Lord Chief Justice , for no other reason but his adhering to a Protestent Interest , excluded from all share of Management of Affairs in King Iames's Court ; tho' his Capacity and Sufferings were sufficient , in the Eyes of all reasonable Men , to have intituled him to a share in that Prince's Favour and Secrets . If my Lord Chief Justice Herbert was so used , I would fain know , upon what Ground any of our Iacobites should flatter themselves of a better Treatment . Sir Andrew Forrester , Sir Theophilus Oglethorp , and Mr. Fergus Graham , these Gentlemen by their Capacities as well as Services , were encourag'd to go over and offer their Assistance to King Iames ; at whose hands they were unkindly used , and the Reward of their Service , only a Pass to return for England again ; where 't is expected they will Plot no more . If there can still remain any well-meaning Men in their Party , led away by the specious Delusions of good Words abused to the worst of things , let them instead of hearkening to what Wicked and designing Men under the most deceitful Colours Suggest to them for Sinister Ends , guide their Opinions by their own plain and sensible Observations . Let them but fairly and indifferently , compare the present State of all Nations round about them with their own : And then let them , if they can , refuse to Bless God and King William for their inexpressible Advantages above all others . Henceforth therefore let no vain pretence of Liberty and Property push them on to the same desperate Designs by fomenting Jeasousies between the King and his People , or throwing in Sparks of Discontent , and endeavouring to blow them up into Flames of Mutinies and Rebellions . Be advised to consider what you are doing , and run not headlong to Destruction by helping forward your Countries Ruine , by labouring to Subject it to its most avowed Enemies ; the securing whose Interest here in England , was the Devilish Design so long on Foot. Wherefore let me conjure them to look back on their past Actions which gave us the dismal Prospect of Slavery in our Persons , Consciences and Estates , if the Divine Goodness had not miraculously appear'd for our Deliverance . Let us seriously consider , if the Direful Stroak which was Levell'd against His Majesty had taken effect , what the Consequence would have been ; assuredly we must have bid adieu to our Religion , Law and 〈◊〉 at once , for Popery , Tyranny , and Oppression pour'd in upon us like a Mighty 〈…〉 Wives and Daughters Ravished , 〈…〉 our Faces , our selves ransack'd and plunder'd , if not knock'd on the Head , and if spar'd , 〈◊〉 to live in the most extream Misery , and at last 〈…〉 with the utmost Cruelty . Therefore since it has pleased God to bless us with the Surprize of a Deliverance from so great Evils , Let us be perswaded to become a Loyal and Quiet People , 〈◊〉 to Obedience ; which is the hearty Wish of a 〈…〉 of his Country , and , My LORD , Your Lordship 's Humble Servant . FINIS ERRATA . PAg. 7. lin . 17. dele 〈◊〉 after that . p. 13. l. 12. re●d 〈◊〉 . p. 14. l. 23 r. principal . p. 15. l. 3. r. disapp●inted . p. 20. l. 9. r. Repre●e●tation . p. 23. l. 2. r. have had . p. 30. l. 2. r. giving . ibid. l. 3. dele in . p. 37. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 38. l. 12. dele Comma after 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 23. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 43. l. 11. dele Comma after others Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A54302-e180 Pag. 1. Pag. 2. Pag. 4. Pag. 5. Pag. 6. Pag. 7. Pag. 9. Pag. 10. Pag. 11. Pag. 12. Pag. 13. Pag. 14. Pag. 20. Pag. 21. Pag. 22. Pag. 23. Pag. 24. Pag. 25. Pag. 26. Pag. 27. Pag. 28. Pag. 29. Pag. 30. Pag. 31. Pag. 32. Pag. 33. Pag. 34. Pag. 35. Pag. 37. Pag. 38. Pag. 39. Pag. 41. Pag. 24. Pag. 43. Pag. 45. Pag. 51. Pag. 52. Pag. 53. Pag. 54. Pag. 55. Pag. 56. Pag. 57. Pag. 58. Pag. 59. Pag. 60. Pag. 61. Pag. 62. Pag. 63. Pag. 64. Pag. 65. Pag. 66. Pag. 67. Pag. 68. Pag. 69. Pag. 70. Pag. 71 Pag. 72. Pag. 73. Pag. 74. Pag. 75. Pag. 79. Pag. 81. Pag. 82. Pag. 58. Pag. 86. Pag. 87. Pag. 88. Pag. 89. Pag. 91. Pag. 92. Pag. 94. Pag. 9● Pag. 96. Pag. 97. Pag. 9● . Pag. 1●0 Pag. 171 Pag. 173 Vide A View of the Court of St. Germains . 
A61164	----	The plague of Athens which hapned in the second year of the Peloponnesian Warr / first described in Greek by Thucydides, then in Latin by Lucretius, now attempted in English by Tho. Sprat. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1667 Approx. 55 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61164 Wing S5041 ESTC R31007 11761329 ocm 11761329 48692 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61164) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48692) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1493:6) The plague of Athens which hapned in the second year of the Peloponnesian Warr / first described in Greek by Thucydides, then in Latin by Lucretius, now attempted in English by Tho. Sprat. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Thucydides. Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. [7], 6, 24 p. Printed by E.C. for Henry Brome ..., London : 1667. "Let this book be printed, Roger L'Estrange, March 28, 1665" from verso t.p. "Contents : Thucydides, Lib. 2, As it is excellently translated by Mr. Hobbs." on p. 1-6 (first numbering) Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- Greece -- Athens -- Poetry. Greece -- History -- Peloponnesian War, 431-404 B.C. -- Poetry. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Plague of Athens , Which hapned in the SECOND YEAR OF HE Peloponnesian Warr. First described in Greek by Thucydides ; Then in Latin by Lucretius . Now attempted in English , By THO. SPRAT . LONDON , Printed by E. C. for Henry Brome at the Gun in Ivy-lane , 1667. Let this Book be Printed , Roger L'Estrange . March 28. 1665. To my VVorthy and Learned Friend , Dr. Walter Pope , late Proctor of the University of Oxford . SIR , I Know not what pleasure you could take in bestowing your commands so unprofitably , unless it be that for which Nature sometimes cherishes and allows Monsters , The love of Variety . This only delight you will receive by turning over this rude and unpolisht Copy , and comparing it with my excellent Patterns , the Greek and Latin. By this you will see how much a noble Subject is chang'd and disfigured by an ill hand , and what reason Alexander had to forbid his Picture to be drawn but by some celebrated Pencil . In Greek Thucydides so well and so lively expresses it , that I know not which is more a Poem , his description , or that of Lucretius . Though it must be said , that the Historian had a vast advantage over the Poet ; He having been present on the place , and assaulted by the disease himself , had the horror familiar to his Eyes , and all the shapes of the misery still remaining on his mind , which must needs make a great impression on his Pen and Fancie . Whereas the Poet was forced to allow his foot-steps , and onely work on that matter he allow'd him . This I speak , because it may in some measure too excuse my own defects : For being so far remov'd from the place whereon the disease acted his Tragedy ; and time having denied us many of the circumstances , customes of the Countrey , and other small things which would be of great use to any one who did intend to be perfect on the subject ; besides only writing by an Idaea of that which I never yet saw , nor care to feel , ( being not of the humor of the Painter in Sir Philip Sidney , who thrust himself into the midst of a Fight , that he might the better delineate it . ) Having , I say , all these disadvantages , and many more , for which I must onely blame my self , it cannot be expected that I should come near equalling him , in whom none of the contrary advantages were wanting . Thus then , Sir , by emboldning me to this rash attempt , you have given opportunitie to the Greek and Latin to Triumph over our Mother tongue . Yet I would not have the honour of the Countries or Languages engaged in the comparison , but that the inequality should reach no farther than the Authors . But I have much reason to fear the just indignation of that excellent Person , ( the present Ornament and Honour of our Nation ) whose way of writing I imitate : for he may think himself as much injured by my following him , as were the Heavens by that bold man's counterfeiting the sacred and unimitable noise of Thunder by the sound of Brass and Horses hoofs . I shall only say for my self , that I took Cicero's advice , who bids us in imitation propose the Noblest pattern to our thoughts ; for so we may be sure to be raised above the common Level , though we come infinitely short of what we aim at . Yet I hope that renowned Poet will have none of my crimes any way reflect on himself ; for it was not any fault in the excellent Musician , that the weak Bird , indeavouring by straining its throat , to follow his Notes , destroyed her self in the Attempt . Well , Sir , by this , that I have chosen rather to expose my self than be disobedient , you may ghess with what zeal and hazard I strive to approve my self , SIR , Your most Humble and Affectionate Servant , THO. SPRAT . THUCYDIDES , Lib. 2. As it is excellently Translated by Mr. Hobbs . IN the very beginning of Summer , the Peloponnesians , and their Confederates , with two thirds of their forces , as before invaded Attica , under the conduct of Archidamus , the son of Zeuxidamas , King of Lacedaemon , and after they had encamped themselves , wasted the Countrey about them . They had not been many dayes in Attica , when the Plague first began amongst the Athenians , said also to have seized formerly on divers other parts , as about Lemnos , and elsewhere ; but so great a Plague , and Mortality of Men , was never remembred to have hapned in any place before . For at first , neither were the Physicians able to cure it , through ignorance of what it was , but died fastest themselves , as being the men that most approach'd the sick , nor any other art of man availed whatsoever . All supplications to the Gods , and enquiries of Oracles , and whatsoever other means they used of that kind , proved all unprofitable ; insomuch as subdued with the greatness of the evil , they gave them all over . It began ( by report ) first , in that part of Aethiopia that lieth upon Aegypt , and thence fell down into Aegypt and Afrique , and into the greatest part of the Territories of the King. It invaded Athens on a sudden , and touched first upon on those that dwelt in Pyraeus , insomuch as they reported that the Peloponnesians had cast poyson into their Wells ; for Springs there were not any in that place . But afterwards it came up into the high City , and then they died a great deal faster . Now let every man , Physician , or other , concerning the ground of this sickness , whence it sprung , and what causes he thinks able to produce for great an alteration , speak according to his own knowledge ; for my own part , I will deliver but the manner of it , and lay open only such things , as one may take his Mark by , to discover the same if it come again , having been both sick of it my self , and seen others sick of the same . This year , by confession of all men , was of all other , for other Diseases , most free and healthful . If any man were sick before , his disease turned to this ; if not , yet suddenly , without any apparent cause preceding , and being in perfect health , they were taken first with an extream ache in their Heads , redness and inflamation of the Eyes ; and then inwardly their Throats and Tongues grew presently bloody , and their breath noysome and unsavory . Upon this followed a sneezing and hoarsness , and not long after , the pain , together with a mighty cough , came down into the brest . And when once it was setled in the Stomach , it caused vomit , and with great torment came up all manner of bilious purgation that Physicians ever named . Most of them had also the Hickeyexe , which brought with it a strong Convulsion , and in some ceased quickly , but in others was long before it gave over . Their bodies outwardly to the touch , were neither very hot , nor pale , but reddish , livid , and beflowred with little pimples and whelks ; but so burned inwardly , as not to endure any the lightest cloaths or linnen garment to be upon them , nor any thing but meer nakedness , but rather , most willingly to have cast themselves into the cold water . And many of them that were not looked to , possessed with insatiate thirst , ran unto the Wells ; and to drink much , or little , was indifferent , being still from ease and power to sleep as far as ever . As long as the disease was at the height , their bodies wasted not , but resisted the torment beyond all expectation , insomuch as the most of them either died of their inward burning in 9 or 7 dayes , whilest they had yet strength , or if they escaped that , then the disease falling down into their bellies , and causing there great exulcerations and immoderate loosness , they died many of them afterwards through weakness : For the disease ( which took first the head ) began above , and came down , and passed through the whole body ; and he that overcame the worst of it , was yet marked with the loss of his extreme parts ; for breaking out both at their Privy-members ; and at their Fingers and Toes , many with the loss of these escaped . There were also some that lost there Eyes , & many that presently upon their recovery were taken with such an oblivion of all things whatsoever , as they neither knew themselves nor their acquaintance . For this was a kind of sickness which far surmounted all expression of words , and both exceeded Humane Nature , in the cruelty wherewith it handled each one , and appeared also otherwise to be none of those diseases that are bred amongst us , and that especially by this . For all , both Birds and Beasts , that use to feed on Humane flesh , though many men lay abroad unburied , either came not at them , or tasting perished . An Argument whereof as touching the Birds , is the manifest defect of such Fowl , which were not then seen , neither about the Carcasses , or any where else ; but by the Dogs , because they are familiar with Men , this effect was seen much clearer . So that this disease ( to pass over many strange particulars of the accidents that some had differently from others ) was in general such as I have shewn ; and for other usual sicknesses , at that time , no man was troubled with any . Now they died , some for want of attendance , and some again with all the care and Physick that could be used . Nor was there any , to say , certain Medicine , that applied must have helped them ; for it did good to one , it did harm to another ; nor any difference of Body for strength or weakness that was able to resist it ; but it carried all away what Physick soever was administred . But the greatest misery of all was the dejection of Mind , in such as found themselves beginning to be sick , ( for they grew presently desperate , and gave themselves over without making any resistance ) as also their dying thus like Sheep , infected by mutual visitation : For if men forbore to visit them for fear , then they dyed forlorn , whereby many Families became empty , for want of such as should take care of them . If they forbore not , then they died themselves , and principally the honestest men . For out of shame , they would not spare themselves , but went in unto their friends , especially after it was come to this pass , that even their Domesticks , wearied with the lamentations of them that died , and overcome with the greatness of the calamity , were no longer moved therewith . But those that were recovered , had much compassion both on them that died , and on them that lay sick , as having both known the misery themselves and now no more subject to the like danger : For this disease never took any man the second time so as to be mortal . And these men were both by others counted happy , and they also themselves , through excess of present joy , conceived a kind of light hope , never to die of any other sickness hereafter . Besides the present affliction , the reception of the Countrey people , and of their substance into the City , oppressed both them , and much more the people themselves that so came in . For having no Houses , but dwelling at that time of the year in stifling Booths , the Mortality was now without all form ; and dying men lay tumbling one upon another in the streets , and men half dead about every Conduit through desire of water . The Temples also where they dwelt in Tents , were all full of the dead that died within them ; for oppressed with the violence of the Calamity , and not knowing what to do , Men grew careless , both of Holy and Prophane things alike . And the Laws which they formerly used touching Funerals , were all now broken ; every one burying where he could find room . And many for want of things necessary , after so many deaths before , were forced to become impudent in the Funerals of their Friends . For when one had made a Funeral Pile , another getting before him , would throw on his dead , and give it fire . And when one was in burning , another would come , and having cast thereon him whom he carried , go his way again . And the great licentiousness , which also in other kinds was used in the City , began at first from this disease . For that which a man before would dissemble , and not acknowledge to be done for voluptuousness , he durst now do freely , seeing before his Eyes such quick revolution , of the rich dying , and men worth nothing inheriting their Estates ; insomuch as they justified a speedy fruition of their Goods , even for their pleasure , as Men that thought they held their Lives but by the day . As for pains , no man was forward in any action of Honour , to take any , because they thought it uncertain whether they should die or not , before they atchieved it . But what any man knew to be delightful , and to be profitable to pleasure , that was made both profitable and honourable . Neither the fear of the Gods , nor Laws of men , awed any man. Not the former , because they concluded it was alike to worship or not worship , from seeing that alike they all perished : nor the latter , because no man expected that lives would last , till he received punishment of his crimes by Judgements . But they thought there was now over their heads some far greater Judgement decreed against them ; before which fell , they thought to enjoy some little part of their Lives . The Plague of ATHENS . I. UNhappy Man ! by nature made to sway , And yet is every Creatures prey , Destroy'd by those that should his power obey . Of the whole World we call Man-kind the Lords , Flattring our selves with mighty words ; Of all things we the Monarchs are , And so we rule , and so we domineer ; All creatures else about us stand Like some Praetorian Band , To guard , to help , and to defend ; Yet they sometimes prove Enemies , Sometimes against us rise ; Our very Guards rebel , and tyrannize . Thousand Diseases sent by Fate , ( Unhappy Servants ! ) on us wait ; A thousand Treacheries within Are laid weak Life to win ; Huge Troops of Maladies without , ( A grim , a meager , and a dreadful rout : ) Some formal Sieges make , And with sure slowness do our Bodies take ; Some with quick violence storm the Town , And all in a moment down : Some one peculiar sort assail , Some by general attempt prevail . Small Herbs , alas , can only us relieve , And small is the assistance they can give ; How can the fading Off spring of the Field Sure health and succour yield ? What strong and certain remedie ? What firm and lasting life can ours be ? When that which makes us live , doth ev'ry Winter die ? II. Nor is this all , we do not only breed Within ourselves the fatal seed Of change , and of decrease in ev'ry part , Head , Bellie , Stomach , and the Root of Life the Heart , Not only have our Autumn , when we must Of our own Nature turn to Dust , When Leaves and fruit must fall ; But are expos'd to mighty Tempests too , Which do at once what that would slowlie do , Which throw down Fruit and Tree of Life withal . From ruine we in vain Our bodies by repair maintain , Bodies compos'd of stuff , Mouldring and frail enough ; Yet from without as well we fear A dangerous and destructful VVar , From Heaven , from Earth , from Sea , from Air. VVe like the Roman Empire should decay , And our own force would melt away By the intestine jar Of Elephants , which on each other prey , The Caesars and the Pompeys which within we bear : Yet are ( like that ) in danger too Of forreign Armies , and external foe , Sometimes the Gothish and the barbarous rage Of Plague or Pestilence , attens Mans age , Which neither Force nor Arts asswage ; Which cannot be avoided , or withstood , But drowns , and over-runs with unexpected Flood . III. On Aethiopia , and the Southern-sands , The unfrequented Coasts , and parched Land , Whither the Sun too kind a heat doth send , ( The Sun , which the worst Neighbour is , and the best Friend ) Hither a mortal influence came , A fatal and unhappy flame , Kindled by Heavens angry beam . With dreadful frowns the Heavens scattered here Cruel infectious heats into the Air , Now all their stores of poyson sent , Threatning at once a general doom , Lavisht out all their hate , and meant In future Ages to be innocent , Not to disturb the World for many years to come . Hold ! Heavens hold ! Why should your Sacred Fire , Which doth to all things Life inspire , By whose kinde beams you bring Each year on every thing , A new and glorious Spring , Which doth th' Original seed Of all things in the womb of Earth that breed , With vital heat and quick'ning feed , VVhy should you now that heat imploy , The Earth , the Air , the Fields , the Cities to annoy ? That which before reviv'd , why should it now destroy ? IV. Those Africk Desarts strait were double Desarts grown , The rav'nous Beasts were left alone , The rav'nous beasts then first began To pity their old enemy Man , And blam'd the Plague for what they would themselves have done . Nor stay'd the cruel evil there , Nor could be long confin'd unto one Air , Plagues presently forsake The Wilderness which they themselves do make , Away the deadly breaths their journey take . Driven by a mighty wind , They a new booty and fresh for age find . The loaded wind went swiftly on , And as it past was heard to sigh and groan . On Aegypt next it seiz'd , Nor could but by a general ruine be appeas'd . Aegypt in rage back on the South did look , And wondred thence should come th' unhappy stroke , From whence before her fruitfulness she took . Egypt did now curse and revile Those very Lands from whence she has her Nile ; Egypt now fear'd another Hebrew God , Another Angels Hand , a second Aarons Rod. V. Then on it goes , and through the Sacred Land It s angry Forces did command , But God did place an Angel there , Its violence to withstand , And turn into another road the putrid Air. To Tyre it came , and there did all devour , Though that by Seas might think it self secure : Nor staid , as the great Conquerors did , Till it had fill'd and stopt the tyde , Which did it from the shore divide , But past the waters , and did all possess , And quickly all was wilderness . Thence it did Persia over-run , And all that Sacrifice unto the Sun ; In every limb a dreadful pain they felt , Tortur'd with secret coals did melt ; The Persians call'd upon their Sun in vain , Their God increas'd the pain . They lookt up to their God no more , But curse the beams they worshipped before , And hate the very fire which once they did adore . VI. Glutted with ruine of the East , She took her wings and down to Athens past ; Just Plague ! which dost no parties take , But Greece as well as Persia sack . VVhile in unnatural quarrels they ( Like Frogs and Mice ) each other slay ; Thou in thy ravenous claws took'st both away . Thither it came , and did destroy the Town , VVhilst all its Ships and Souldiers lookt upon : And now the Asian Plague did more Than all the Asian Force could do before . VVithout the VValls the Spartan Army sate , The Spartan Army came too late ; For now there was no farther work for fate . They saw the City open lay , An easie and bootless prey , They saw the rampires empty stand , The Fleet , the VValls , the Forts Unman'd . No need of cruelty or slaughters now The Plague had finisht what they came to do : They might now unresisted enter there , Did they not the very Air , More than th' Athenians fear . The Air it self to them was wall , and bulwarks too . VII . Unhappy Athens ! it is true , thou wert The poudest work of Nature and of Art : Learning and strength did thee compose , As soul and body us : But yet thou only thence art made A nobler prey for Fates t' invade . Those mighty numbers that within thee breath , Do only serve to make a fatter feast for Death . Death in the most frequented places lives , Most tribute from the croud receives ; And though it bears a sigh , and seems to own A rustick life alone : It loves no VVilderness , No scattred Villages , But mighty populous Palaces , The throng , the tumult , and the town ; VVhat strange , unheard of Conqueror is this , VVhich by the forces that resist it doth increase ! VVhen other Conquerors are Oblig'd to make a slower war , Nay sometimes for themselves may fear , And must proceed with watchful care , VVhen thicker troops of enemies appear ; This stronger still , and more successeful grows ; Down sooner all before it throws , If greater multitudes of men do it oppose . VIII . The Tyrant first the haven did subdue , Lately the Athenians ( it knew ) Themselves by wooden walls did save , And therefore first to them th' infection gave , Least they new succour thence receive . Cruel Fyraeus ! now thou hast undone , The honour thou before hadst wone : Not all thy Merchandize , Thy wealth , thy treasuries , VVhich from all Coasts thy Fleet supplies , Can to atone this crime suffice . Next o're the upper Town it spread , VVith mad and undiscerned speed , In every corner , every street , VVithout a guide did set its feet , And too familiar every house did greet . Unhappy Greece of Greece ! great Theseus now Did thee a mortal injury do , VVhen first in walls he did thee close , VVhen first he did thy Citizens reduce , Houses and Government , and Laws to use . It had been better if thy people still Dispersed in some field , or hill , Though Salvage , and undisciplin'd did dwell , Though barbarous , untame , and rude , Than by their numbers thus to be subdu'd ; To be by their own swarms anoid , And to be civilized only to be destroid . IX . Minerva started when she heard the noise , And dying mens confused voice . From Heaven in haste she came to see VVhat was the mighty prodigie . Upon the Castle pinacles she sate , And dar'd not nearer fly , Nor midst so many deaths to trust her very Deity . VVith pitying look she saw at every gate Death and destruction wait ; She wrung her hands , and call'd on Jove , And all th' immortal powers above ; But though a Goddess now did pray , The Heavens refus'd , and turn'd their ear away . She brought her Olive , and her Shield , Neither of these Alas ! assistance yeild . She lookt upon Medusaes face , Was angry that she was Her self of an Immortal Race , Was angry that her Gorgons head Could not strike her as well as others dead ; She sate , and wept a while , and then away she fled . X. Now Death began her sword to wher , Not all the Cyclops sweat , Nor Vulcans mighty Anvils could prepare Weapons enough for her , No weapon large enough but all the Air ; Men felt the heat within 'um rage , And hop'd the Air would it asswage , Call'd for its help , but th' Air did them deceive , And aggravate the ills it should relieve . The Air no more was Vital now , But did a moral poyson grow ; The Lungs which us'd to fan the heart , Onely now serv'd to fire each part , VVhat should refresh more as'd the smart , And now their very breath , The chiefest signe of life , turn'd the cause of death . XI . Upon the Head first the disease , As a bold Conqueror doth seize , Begins with Mans Metropolis , Secur'd the Capitol , and then it knew It could at pleasure weaker parts subdue . Blood started through each eye ; The redness of that Skie , Fore-told a tempest nigh . The tongue did flow all ore With clotted Filth and Gore ; As doth a Lyons when some innocent prey He hath devoured and brought away : Hoarsness and sores the throat did fill , And stopt the passages of speech and life ; No room was left for groans or grief ; Too cruel and imperious ill ! Which not content to kill , With tyrannous and dreadful pain , Dost take from men the very power to complain . XII . Then down , it went into the breast , There are all the seats and shops of life possest , Such noisomo smells from thence did come , As if the stomach were a tomb ; No food would there abide , Or if it did , turn'd to the enemies side , The very meat new poysons to the Plague supply'd . Next to the heart the fires came , The heart did wonder what usurping flame , What unknown furnace shou'd On its more natural heat intrude , Strait call'd its spirits up , but found too well , It was too late now to rebel . The tainted blood its course began , And carried death where ere it ran , That which before was Natures noblest Art , The circulation from the heart , VVas most destructful now , And Nature speedier did undoe , For that the sooner did impart The poyson and the smart , The infectious blood to every distant part . XIII . The belly felt at last its share , And all the subtil labyrinths there Of winding bowels did new Monsters bear . Here seven dayes it rul'd and sway'd , And ofner kill'd because it death so long delay'd . But if through strength and heat of age , The body overcame its rage , The Plague departed , as the Devil doeth , VVhen driven by prayers away he goeth . If Prayers and Heaven do him controul , And if he cannot have the soul , Himself out of the roof or window throws , And will not all his labour lose , But takes away with him part of the house : So here the vanquisht evil took from them VVho conquer'd it , some part , some limb ; Some lost the use of hands , or eyes , Some armes , some legs , some thighs , Some all their lives before forgot , Their minds were but one darker blot ; Those various pictures in the head , And all the numerous shapes were fled ; And now they ransackt memory Languish'd in naked poverty , Had lost its mighty treasury ; They past the Lethe-Lake , although they did not die . XIV . Whatever lesser Maladies men had , They all gave place and vanished ; Those petty tyrants fled , And at this mighty Conqueror shrunk their head . Feavers , Agues , Palsies , Stone , Gout , Cholick , and Consumption , And all the milder Generation , By which Man-kind is by degrees undone , Quickly were rooted out and gone ; Men saw themselves freed from the pain , Rejoyc'd , but all alas , in vain , 'T was an unhappy remedie , Which cur'd 'um that they might both worse and sooner die . XV. Physicians now could nought prevail , They the first spoils to the proud Victor fall , Nor would the Plague their knowledge trust , But feared their skill , and therefore slew them first : So Tyrants when they would confirm their yoke , First make the chiefest men to feel the stroke , The chiefest and the wisest heads , least they Should soonest disobey , Should first rebell , and others learn from them the way . No aid of herbs , or juyces power , None of Apollo's art could cure , But helpt the Plague the speedier to devour . Physick it self was a disease , Physick the fatal tortures did increase , Prescriptions did the pains renew , And Aesculapius to the sick did come , As afterwards to Rome , In form of Serpent , brought new poysons with him too . XVI . The streams did wonder , that so soon As they were from their Native mountains gone , They saw themselves drunk up , and fear Another Xerxes Army near . Some cast into the pit the Urn , And drink it dry at its return : Again they drew , again they drank ; At first the coolness of the stream did thank , But strait the more were scorch'd , the more did burn ; And drunk with water in their drinking sank : That Urn which now to quench their thirst they use , Shortly their Ashes shall inclose . Others into the Chrystal brook , With faint and wondring eyes did look , Saw what a ghastly shape themselves had took , Away they would have fled , but them their leggs forsook . Some snach'd the waters up , Their hands , their mouths the cup ; They drunk , and found they flam'd the more , And only added to the burning store . So have I seen on Lime cold water thrown , Strait all was to a Ferment grown , And hidden seeds of fire together run : The heap was calm , and temperate before , Such as the Finger could indure ; But when the moistures it provoke , Did rage , did swell , did smoke , Did move , and flame , and burn , and strait to ashes broke . XVII . So strong the heat , so strong the torments were , They like some mighty burden bear The lightest coverig of Air. All Sexes and all Ages do invade The bounds which Nature laid , The Laws of modesty which Nature made . The Virgins blush not , yet uncloath'd appear , Undress'd do run about , yet never fear . The pain and the disease did now Unwillingly reduce men to That nakedness once more , Which perfect health and innocence caus'd before . No sleep , no peace , no rest , Their wandring and affrighted minds possest ; Upon their souls and eyes , Hell and Eternal horrour lies , Unusual shapes , and imagies , Dark pictures , and resemblances Of things to come , and of the World below , O're their distemper'd fancies go : Sometimes they curse , sometimes they pray unto The Gods above , the Gods beneath ; Sometimes they cruelties , and fury breath , Not sleep , but waking now was sister unto death . XVIII . Scattered in Fields the Bodies lay , The earth call'd to the Fowls to take their Flesh away . In vain she call'd , they come not nigh , Nor would their food with their own ruine buy , But at full meals , they hunger , pine and die . The Vulters afar off did see the feast , Rejoyc'd , and call'd their friends to taste , They rallied up their troops in haste , Along came mighty droves , Forsook their young ones , and their groves , Each one his native mountain and his nest ; They come , but all their carcases abhor , And now avoid the dead men more Than weaker birds did living men before . But if some bolder fowls the flesh essay , They were destroy'd by their own prey . The Dog no longer bark't at coming guest , Repents its being a domestick Beast , Did to the woods and mountains haste : The very Owls at Athens are But seldome seen and rare , The Owls depart in open day , Rather than in infected Ivy more to stay . XIX . Mountains of bones and carcases , The streets , the Market-place possess , Threatning to raise a new Acropolis . Here lies a mother and her child , The infant suck'd as yet , and smil'd , But strait by its own food was kill'd . There parents hugg'd their children last , Here parting lovers last embrac'd , But yet not parting neither , They both expir'd and went away together . Here pris'ners in the Dungeon die , And gain a two-fold liberty , They meet and thank their pains VVhich them from double chains Of body and of iron free . Here others poyson'd by the scent VVhich from corrupted bodies went , Quickly return the death they did receive , And death to others give ; Themselves now dead the air pollute the more , For which they others curs'd before , Their bodies kill all that come near , And even after death they all are murderers here . XX. The friend doth hear his friends last cries , Parteth his grief for him , and dies , Lives not enough to close his eyes . The father at his death Speaks his son heir with an infectious breath ; In the same hour the son doth take His fathers will , and his own make . The servant needs not here be slain , To serve his master in the other would again ; They languishing together lie , Their souls away together flie ; The husband gasp'th and his wife lies by , It must be her turn next to die , The husband and the wife Too truly now are one , and live one life . That couple which the Gods did entertain , Had made their prayer here in vain ; No fates in death could then divide , They must without their priviledge together both have dy'd . XXI . There was no number now of death , The sisters scarce stood still themselves to breath : The sisters now quite wearied In cutting single thred , Began at once to part whole looms . One stroak did give whole houses dooms ; Now dy'd the frosty hairs , The Aged and decrepid years , They fell , and only beg'd of Fate , Some few months more , but 't was alas too late , Then Death , as if asham'd of that , A Conquest so degenerate , Cut off the young and lusty too ; The young were reck'ning ore VVhat happy dayes , what joyes they had in store ; But ffate , er'e they had finish'd their account , them slew . The wretched Usurer dyed , And had no time to tell where he his treasures hid . The Merchant did behold His Ships return with Spice and Gold ; He saw 't , and turn'd aside his head , Nor thank'd the Gods , but fell amidst his riches dead . XXII . The Meetings and Assemblies cease , no more The people throng about the Orator , No course of Justice did appear , No noise of Lawyers fill'd the ear , The Senate cast away The Robe of Honour , and obey Deaths more restless sway , VVhilest that with Dictatorian power Doth all the great and lesser Officers devour . No Magistrates did walk about ; No purple aw'd the rout , The common people too A purple of their own did shew ; And all their Bodies ore , The ruling colours bore , No Judge , no Legislators sit Since this new Draco came , And harsher Laws did frame , Laws that like his in blood are writ . The Benches and the Pleading-place they leave , About the streets they run and rave : The madness which Great Solon did of late But counterfeit For the advantage of the State , Now his successors do too truly imitate . XXIII . Up starts the Souldier from his bed , He though Deaths servant is not freed , Death him cashier'd , ' cause now his help she did not need . He that ne're knew before to yield , Or to give back or lead the Field , Would fain now from himself have fled . He snatch'd his sword now rusted o're , Dreadful and sparkling now no more , And thus in open streets did roar : How have I death so ill deserv'd of thee , That now thy self thou shouldst revenge on me ? Have I so many lives on thee bestow'd ? Have I the earth so often dy'd in blood ? Have I to flatter thee so many slain ? And must I now thy prey remain ? Let me at least , if I must dye , Meet in the Field some gallant enemy . Send Gods the Persian troops again ; No they 're a base and degenerate train ; They by our Women may be slain . Give me great Heavens some manful foes , Let me my death amidst some valiant Grecians choose , Let me survive to die at Syracuse , Where my dear Countrey shall her Glory lose For you Great Gods ! into my dying mind infuse , What miseries , what doom Must on my Athens shortly come : My thoughts inspir'd presage , Saughters and Battels to the coming Age ; Oh! might I die upon that glorious stage : Oh that ! but then he grasp'd his sword , & death concludes his rage . XXIV . Draw back , draw back thy sword , O Fate ! Lest thou repent when 't is too late , Lest by thy making now so great a waste , By spending all Man-kind upon one feast , Thou sterve thy self at last : What men wilt thou reserve in store , Whom in the time to come thou mayst devour , When thou shalt have destroyed all before : But if thou wilt not yet give o're , If yet thy greedie Stomach calls for more , If more remain whom thou must kill , And if thy jawes are craving still , Carry thy fury to the Scythian coasts , The Northern wildness , and eternal frosts ! Against those barbrous crouds thy arrows whet , Where Arts and Laws are strangers yet ; Where thou may'st kill , and yet the loss will not be great , There rage , there spread , and there infect the Air , Murder whole towns and families there , Thy worst against those Savage nations dare , Those whom Man-kind can spare , Those whom man-kind it self doth fear ; Amidst that dreadful night , and fatal cold , There thou may'st walk unseen , and bold , There let thy Flames their Empire hold . Unto the farthest Seas , and Natures ends , Where never Summer Sun its beams extends , Carry thy plagues , thy pains , thy heats , Thy raging fires , thy torturing sweats , Where never ray , or heat did come , They will rejoyce at such a doom . They 'l bless thy Pestilential fire , Though by it they expire , They 'l thank the very Flames with which they do consume . XXV . Then if that banquet will not thee suffice , Seek out new Lands where thou maist tyrannize ; Search every forrest , every hill , And all that in the hollow mountains dwell ; Those wild and untame troops devour , Thereby thou wilt the rest of men secure , And that the rest of men will thank thee for . Let all those humane beasts be slain , Till scarce their memory remain ; Thy self with that ignoble slaughter fill , 'T will be permitted thee that blood to spill . Measure the ruder world throughout , March all the Ocean shores about , Only pass by and spare the British Isle . Go on , and ( what Columbus once shall do , When daies and time unto their ripeness grow ) Find out new lands , and unknown countries too . Attempt those lands which yet are hid From all Mortalitie beside : There thou maist steal a victory , And none of this world hear the cry Of those that by thy wounds shall die ; No Greek shall know thy cruelty , And tell it to posterity . Go , and unpeople all those mighty Lands , Destroy with unrelenting hands ; Go , and the Spaniards sword prevent ; Go , make the Spaniard innocent ; Go , and root out all man-kind there , That when the Europaean Armies shall appear , Their sin may be the less , They may find all a wilderness , And without blood the gold and silver there possess . XXVI . Nor is this all which we thee grant ; Rather than thou should'st full imployment want , We do permit in Greece it self thy Kingdom plant . Ransack Lycurgus streets throughout , They 've no defence of walls to keep thee out . On wanton and proud Corinth seize , Nor let her double waves thy flames appease . Let Cyprus feel more fires than those of Love : Let Delos which at first did give the Sun , See unknown Flames in her begun , Now let her wish she might unconstant prove , And from her place might truly move : Let Lemnos all thy anger feel , And think that a new Vulcan fell , And brought with him new Anvils , and new hell . Nay at Athens too we give thee up , All that thou find'st in Field , or camp , or shop , Make havock there without controul Of every ignorant and common soul . But then kind Plague , thy conquests stop ; Let Arts , and let the learned there escape , Upon Minerva's self commit no rape ; Touch not the sacred throng , And let Apollo's Priests be ( like him ) young , Let him be healthful too , and strong . But ah ! too ravenous Plague , whilst I Strive to keep off the misery , The learned too as fast as others round me die ; They from corruption are not free , Are mortal though they give an immortality . XXVII . They turn'd their Authors o're , to try What help , what cure , what remedy All Natures stores against this Plague supply , And though besides they shunn'd it every where , They search'd it in their books , and fain would meet it there . They turn'd the Records of the antient times , And chiefly those that were made famous by their crimes ; To find if men were punish'd so before , But found not the disease nor cure . Nature alas ! was now surpriz'd , And all her Forces seiz'd , Before she was how to resist advis'd : So when the Elephants did first affright The Romans with unusual fight , They many battels lose , Before they knew their foes , Before they understood such dreadful troops t' oppose . XXVIII . Now ev'ry different Sect agrees Against their common adversary the disease , And all their little wranglings cease ; The Pythagoreans from their precepts swerve , No more their silence they observe , Out of their Schools they run , Lament , and cry , and groan ; They now desir'd their Metempsychosis ; Not only do dispute , but wish That they might turn to beasts , or fowls , or fish . If the Platonicks had been here , They would have curs'd their Masters year , When all things shall be as they were , When they again the same disease should bear : And all the Philosophers would now , What the great Stagyrite shall do , Themselvs into the waters head-long throw . XXIX . The Stoick felt the deadly stroke , At first assault their courage was not broke , They call'd to all the Cobweb aid , Of rules and precepts which in store they had ; They bid their hearts stand out , Bid them be calm and stout ; But all the strength of precepts will not do 't . They cann't the storms of passions now asswage , As common men , are angry , grieve , and rage . The Gods are call'd upon in vain , The Gods gave no release unto their pain , The Gods to fear even for themselvs began . For now the sick unto the temples came , And brought more than a holy flame , There at the Altars made their prayer , They sacrific'd and died there , A sacrifice not seen before ; That Heaven , only us'd unto the gore Of Lambs or Bulls , should now Loaded with Priests see its own Altars too . XXX . The woods gave fun'ral piles no more , The dead the very fire devour , And that almighty Conqueror over-power . The noble and the common dust Into each others graves are thrust , No place is sacred , and no tomb , 'T is now a priviledg to consume ; Their ashes no distinction had ; Too truly all by death are equal made . The Ghosts of those great Heroes that had fled From Athens long since banished , Now o're the City hovered ; Their anger yielded to their love , They left th' immortal joys above , So much their Athens danger did them move , They came to pity and to aid , But now , alas ! were quite dismay'd , When they beheld the marbles open lay'd , And poor mens bones the noble Urns invade : Back to the blessed seats they went , And now did thank their banishment , By which they were to die in forein Countries sent . XXXI . But what , Great Gods ! was worst of all , Hell forth its magazines of Lusts did call , Nor would it be content With the thick troops of souls were thither sent ; Into the upper world it went. Such guilt , such wickedness , Such irreligion did increase , That the few good who did survive , Were angry with the Plague for suffering them to live , More for the living than the dead did grieve . Some robb'd the very dead , Though sure to be infected ere they fled , Though in the very Air sure to be punished . Some nor the shrines nor temples spar'd , Nor Gods , nor Heavens fear'd , Though such examples of their power appear'd . Vertue was now esteem'd an empty name , And honesty the foolish voice of fame ; For having pass'd those tort'ring flames before , They thought the punishment already o're , Thought Heaven no worse torments had in store ; Here having felt one Hell , they thought there was no more . FINIS . A List of some choice Books , Printed for Henry , Brome at the Gun in Ivy-lane . POems Lyrique , by Mr. Henry Bold . POems Macronique , by Mr. Henry Bold . POems Heroique , &c. by Mr. Henry Bold . Songs and Poems by Mr. A. Brome , the second Edition . All the Songs and Poems on the Long Parliament , from 1640 till 1661. by Persons of Quality . Songs and Poems by the Wits of both Universities . Scarronides , or Virgil Travestie , a Mock-Poem , being the first Book of Virgils Aeneis in English , Burlesque . Scarronnides , or Virgil Travestie , a Mock-Poem , being the fourth Book of Virgils Aeneis in English , Burlesque : both by a Person of Honour . Also , a List of what Damages we have received by the Dutch ; And a brief History of the late War with the Turks . Sir George Downings Reply . PLAYES . The English Moor. The Love-sick Court. The New Academy . The Weeding of Covent-garden . The Royal Exchange . The Jovial Crew ; or the Merry Beggers . All by Mr. Bichard Brome . Two excellent pieces of Musick , the Division Viol , or the Art of playing extempore on a Ground in folio . The principles of Practical Musick in a Compendious Method for Beginners either in Singing or Playing , both by Mr. Ch. Simpson . Diodates Notes , on the whole Bible in fol. The Compleat History of Independency in 4 Parts , by Clement Walker Esq . Bp. Ushers 18 Sermons preached at Oxon. Blood for Blood , in 35 Tragical Stories . The Temple of Wisdom , by John Heyden . Trapp on the Major Prophets , in fol. The Alliance of Divine Offices , by Hamond Lestrange . Dr. Sparks Devotions on all the Festivals of the year , adorned with sculpture . Bp. Sandersons 5 Cases of Conscience , lately published . Divine Anthems sung in all great Cathedrals in England . A Brief rule of Life . A Guide to Heaven from the word , or directions how to close savingly with Christ , with strict Observations on the Lords Day , in 12. A Geographical Descripton of All Townes , Countreys , Ports , Seas , and Rivers , in the whole VVorld . Justice Revived , or the whole Office of a Countrey Justice , 8o. The Exact Constable : Both by Mr. Wingate Esq . All Mr. L'Estrange's pieces against the Presbyterians . 
A61170	----	The Bishop of Rochester's second letter to the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorset and Middlesex Lord Chamberlain of His Majesty's household Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1689 Approx. 46 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61170 Wing S5049 ESTC R15013 11924052 ocm 11924052 50995 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61170) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50995) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 515:2) The Bishop of Rochester's second letter to the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorset and Middlesex Lord Chamberlain of His Majesty's household Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [3], 64 p. Printed by Edward Jones, [London] In the Savoy : 1689. Concerns the sitting in of the Ecclesiastical commission.--Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. Great Britain -- History -- James II, 1685-1688. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur . W. CANT . March 27 , 1689 : THE Bishop of Rochester's SECOND LETTER To the Right Honourable The Earl of Dorset and Middlesex , LORD-CHAMBERLAIN OF His MAJESTY's Houshold . In the Savoy : Printed by Edward Iones , MDCLXXXIX . THE Bishop of Rochester's SECOND LETTER To the Rig ht Honourable The Earl of Dorset and Middlesex , &c. MY LORD , I Cannot in Good Manners make my Address to your Lordship in another Letter , without premising my most Humble Thanks for your favourable Acceptance of the former ; and for your kind Recommendation of my Plea , to Men of Honour and Goodness , by the Powerful Authority of your Approving it . And now , My Lord , since you have in so generous a Manner , admitted me once to be your Client , I am come again to put my whole Cause into your Hands . For it was my Chance , I know not how , to have such a share in One or Two other Public Affairs of the late Times , as obliges me to make a Second Defence . Though I have always thought , that , next to the committing Offences , nothing can be more Greivous to an Ingenuous Mind , than to be put upon the necessity of making Apologies . However , upon the Encouragement your Lordship has given Me , I take the boldness to say , that in the Matters about which I trouble you this once more , I trust , I have good Ground for an honest and open Vindication of my self . The One was , My Part in King Charles the Second's Declaration , touching the Conspiracy ; the other was , My acting in the Commission for the Diocese of London , during the Suspension of my Lord Bishop . But then my Lord , after my Apology , I shall crave leave to add that which needs None , I mean an Account of what past between King Iames , and some of the Bishops , a little before the late wonderful Revolution ; which tho' the Circumstances of it are not so generally known as they ought to be , yet , I am sure , had a very considerable effect for the benefit both of Church and State , in that Critical time . And therein I may presume to say , that I had some part : So that when I come to that , perhaps I shall be able to Speak more freely , and shall venture to insist upon it , as a manifest proof to the World , that the Bishops had then as difficult a Post to Maintain , and Maintain'd it as firmly , as any other Order of Men in the Kingdom could do Theirs , for preserving the Liberties and Properties of the Subject , as well as the Interest of the Protestant Religion . First , my Lord , as for the Book of the Conspiracy , 't is true , I have often heard , that some Noble and Eminent Persons , whose Kindred or Friends were unhappily concern'd in the Subject of that History , had entertain'd a prejudice against me thereupon . But to them I shall make this equitable Request , that they would suspend any farther Censure of me for what I did write , till they shall be fairly informed how much there is that I have not written . I will not deny , that it was at the Request , or rather the Command , of King Charles the Second , that I drew up a Relation of that Plot : And , to that end , I had free liberty to consult the Paper-Office and Council-Books , whence I was plentifully furnish'd with such Authentic Materials , either of Papers Printed by Authority , or of Sworn Depositions and Confessions , as have been always thought the best Ground for an Historian to work upon . But now , my Lord , I can still allege , That tho' a vast heap of such Matter was immediately supplied to my hands ; and tho' I often received earnest Messages , and some Sharp words from that gentle King to quicken my Slowness , yet more than twelve Months had past , before I could be brought to put Pen to Paper ; out of my Natural Aversion to any Business , that might reflect severely upon any Man ; my own Inclination rather leading me to the other Extream , that is , Rather to Commend too much what in the least seems Well-done , than to Aggravate what is Ill-done by others . However , upon King Charles's frequent Commands , and continued Importunity , I did at length obey ; and the rather , because I had formerly somewhat incurr'd that King 's and his Brother's Displeasure , by my declining to write against the States of Holland , during the time of the First and Second Dutch-Wars . Being thus over-persuaded , I made my Collections , and Presented them to that King : Which his Majesty having himself perused , was pleased to direct me to put them into the Hands of the Lord Keeper North , who carefully Read and Corrected what I had done , and added divers matters of Fact , which had escaped my Observation . Thus the Work stood in Preparation for the Press , when the deplorable Death of that King hapned . And shortly after , King Iames the Second calling for the Papers , and having read them , and Altered divers Passages , caused them to be printed by his own Authority , as is to be seen before the Book . But now , my Lord , I can truly declare , that during my composing those Collections , I earnestly requested King Charles the Second , ( and your Lordship knows as well as any Man , how agreeable such a Request was to the Benign Temper of that King ) I requested him I say , that few or no Names of Persons should be mentioned , whatever probable suggestions might be against them , but only such , upon whom public Judgment had passed , which it could be to no purpose for me to conceal , I could indeed have wish'd , that my Lord Russel's , and some other Names of Persons of Honour , might have been of the Number to be omitted , upon that very account . But 't was none of my fault that they were not . I could not hinder , nor did I in the least contribute to their Fall. Nay , I lamented it ; especially my Lord Russel's , after I was fully convinc'd by Discourse with the Reverend Dean of Canterbury , of that Noble Gentleman's great Probity , and Constant Abhorrence of Falshood . But that was a good while after . All that I did , was the Publishing , or rather indeed the putting together methodically , what before was sufficiently published in printed Papers that were Licensed : And out of them , to draw the Substance of a Declaration of State , in Vindication of that , which the Authority of the Nation , at that time , called The Public Justice of the Kingdom . But , my Lord , to return to what I was saying , King Charles having granted my desire of Concealing divers Names ; according to this Allowance I proceeded ; leaving out some , and abbreviating others ; endeavouring all along to spare Parties and Families , and particular Persons , as much as would be allowed . All which may be demonstrated from the Copies of the Depositions , as they went out of my hands , where there were several Names visibly marked by my own Pen , to be passed by in the Publication . So that if some Indifferent Man should now compare the Informations as they are in Print , with the Originals in the Secretary's , or the Paper-Office , he would , it may be , be apter to suspect Me of Connivance ; than of Calumny on that side . If I have now given your Lordship any satisfaction touching my fair Dealing in My Part of that Book , I doubt not but what follows will give you more ; when I shall assure you of my having refused to Write a Continuation of the same History . For , my Lord , it was some time after the Duke of Monmouth's Overthrow and Execution , that King Iames the Second required me to undertake such another Task , and presently to set about a Second Part. To that purpose His Majesty gave me a sight of multitudes of Original Letters and Papers , together with the Confessions of several Persons then taken in England and Scotland ; who did indeed seem all to outvy one another , who should reveal most , both of Men and Things relating to the old Conspiracy , as well as to the Duke of Monmouth's , and the Earl of Argyle's Invasion . But finding the Innocence of divers Persons of Worth and Honour , touched in those Papers , and by that time beginning vehemently to suspect things were running apace towards the endangering of our Laws and Religion , I must say , I never could be induced by all his Majesties reiterated Commands , to go on with that Work. Instead of that , tho' I had all the Materials for such a Narrative within my Power , for above three Years , and might easily have finished it in a Month or Six Weeks space , yet I chose rather to Suppress and Silence , as much as I could , all that New Evidence ; which , if openly produced , would have blemished the Reputation of some Honourable Persons . Give me leave , My Lord , only to add , That I am confident , there are several Original Papers still in being , which would be more than enough to convince all impartial Men , how Moderate and Tender I was in that Cause . Next , My Lord , having mentioned my being concerned in the Commission for the Diocese of London in that I had the good Fortune to be join'd with an excellent Person , my Lord Bishop of Peterborough . And we can both truly say , that as we enter'd into that Commission with my Lord of London's Good Will , so we acted nothing in it , without the greatest Respect to his Interest . It is well known we continued all his Officers in the full Profits and Privileges of their Places . We faithfully maintained the Rights of his Bishoprick , and once in the Kings own Presence , against his Majesties express Inclinations , in a Business of no less Concernment than my Lord Mayor's Chapel . We never Invaded any of my Lord Bishops Preserments that fell void in that Interval ; We dipos'd of none but according to his own Directions . We used his Clergy with the same affectionate Care and Brotherly Love , as He himself had done ; Who was on that Account , as Dear to them , as any Bishop in Christendom was to his Diocese . And we Appeal to them , whether we might not rather expect their Kindness and Thanks , than suspect their Ill-will for all our Transactions with them . Nor can this be thought a vain Boast to any Man , who shall seriously reflect on the terrible Aspect of Things from Court upon the London-Clergy , during the whole time of our exercising that Jurisdiction . The Remembrance whereof , makes me not doubt to affirm , that if my Lord Bishop of Peterborough and I , had not then stood in the Gap , but some other Persons , who were prepared to be thrust in , upon our leaving that Commission , had got it absolutely into their Power , 't is possible the most Learned and Pious Clergy in the World , had been somewhat otherwise imployed than they were ; and had been too much taken up in defending themselves from the violent Persecutions of the Popish Party , to have leisure to confute and triumph over the Popish Cause ; as they entirely did in their admirable Writings , to the Glory and Establishment of the Church of England . My Lord , to the truth of what I have here said concerning the Commission of London , I have the Bishop of Peterborough ready to attest . I should indeed be glad I could claim as just a share in another of his Lordships Meritorious Services to the Public , as I may do in this . But in that I cannot , for 't is Evident the Seven Bishops , whereof he was One , had such an opportunity put into their Hands by God's Providence , for the overthrow of Popery and Arbitrary Power , by Their Sufferings for delivering their Sense of King Iames the Second's Declaration , as 't is likely never any of the Episcopal Order had before , and 't is to be hop'd , will never have again . This however I will say , I had certainly added my self to their Number , if I had then understood the Question , as well as I did afterwards upon their Tryal , where I was present in order to be a Witness in their behalf , at the same time your Lordship and many other Noble Lords were there , to give Countenance to so Good a Cause . There it was , My Lord , that I was first convinced of the false Foundations and mischievous Consequences of such a Dispensing Power , as that on which the Declaration was grounded . So that I have ever since been perswaded , that from that Petition of those Bishops , so defended by the invincible Arguments of their Learned Council on that Day ; and so justified by the honest Verdict of their Undaunted Jury on the next Day ; from thence I say , we may date the first great successful step , that was made towards the rescuing of our Laws and Religion . For my Part I must own , I was so fully satisfied by the excellent ●leadings of those great Lawyers at that Tryal , that I confess I never had till then so clear a Notion , what unalterable Bounds the Law has fix'd between the Just Prerogatives of the Crown , and the Legal Rights of the Subject . And therefore from that very Day I hasten'd to make what Reparations I could for the Errors occasion'd by my former Ignorance ; and to act for the future , what I always intended , as became a true English Man. Nor was it long after , that I met with a Signal Opportunity to put this my Purpose in practice . For perceiving the Rage of the Popish Party against the Church of England was rather heightned than abated , by my Lords the Bishops being acquitted ; and fearing the Ecclesiastical Commission was next to be Employed , to wreak the Papists Revenge on the Orthodox Clergy , when Westminster-Hall could not do it ; I presently resolv'd to Desert that Commission ; from whence I had often before Laboured and Intreated in vain to be fairly Dismiss'd : And immediately I sent the Commissioners the following Letter ; whereof Your Lordship may remember I then presented you with a Copy : as knowing how much You would be pleased , with my other Friends , at my forsaking that Board upon any Terms . To the Right Honourable My LORDS , His Majesties Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Affairs , &c. MY LORDS , I Most humbly intreat your Lordships favourable Interpretation of what I now write , That since your Lordships are resolved to proceed against those , who have not comply'd with the King's Commands in Reading His Declaration , it is absolutely impossible for me to serve His Majesty any longer in this Commission . I beg leave to tell your Lordships , that thô I my self did submit in that particular , yet I will never be any ways instrumental in Punishing those my Brethren who did not . For as I call God to witness , That what I did , was merely upon a Principle of Conscience ; so I am fully satisfied , that their Forbearance was upon the same Principle . I have no reason to think otherwise of the whole Body of our Clergy , who , upon all occasions , have signaliz'd their Loyalty to the Crown , and their Zealous Affections to His Present Majesty's Person in the worst of Times . Now , my Lords , the Safety of the whole Church of England seeming to be exceedingly concern'd in this Prosecution , I must declare , That I cannot , with a safe Conscience , Sit as Iudge in this Cause , upon so many Pious and Excellent Men : With whom , if it be God's Will , it rather becomes me to suffer , than to be in the lest Accessary to their Suffering . I therefore earnestly request Your Lordships to intercede with the King , that I may be graciously dismiss'd any farther Attendance at Your Board , and to Assure His Majesty , That I am still ready to Sacrifice whatever I have to His Service , but my Conscience and Religion . MY LORDS , I am Your Lordships Most Faithful , Humble , and Obedient Servant , Tho. Roffen . Bromley , Aug. 15. 1688. Your Lordship , seeing what I have said in this Letter , concerning my Submitting in that business of the Declaration , upon a Principle of Conscience , as I then thought , You may expect my Reason for doing so . I must frankly confess , I had then a Doubt in my Mind , arising from a Rubrick in the Common-Prayer , ( which is , as much as any other , a Law of the Land ) whether a Bishop could lawfully deny the Reading of whatever the King should Ordain to be Read in Churches . And 't was merely upon that Mistaken Scruple of Conscience , I was induced not to Oppose that Command of the King in Council : I say , not to Oppose it : Farther than that , I still say , I went not in that Business . For it is most true , That the Orders of Council , for Publishing that Declaration in Churches , were dispersed through the Places of my Jurisdiction immediately from the Kings Printing-house , without my Injunction , or so much as my Knowledge . And after they were sent abroad , thô I did not , 't is true , Revoke them , as not being then well determined in the Case , yet I no where insisted to have them obeyed . Nay , both in my own Diocese of Rochester , and in that of London , where I had then very unwillingly some Inspection , there is no one Clergy-man can upbraid me , for Urging any Man to Read , or Reproving any for not Reading the Declaration . If it shall be objected , that I permitted it to be Read in Westminster-Abby , I desire it may be also consider'd , what dreadful Apprehensions this Royal Church and School were then under , from our Neighbours the Jesuits at Court ; who lay in wait to take any Advantage , whereby they might stir up the King to Ruin us . Besides that a Quo-Warranto was then actually Issued out against us , and we were every Day threatned , that as we were the nearest , so we should fall the first Prey , into the Hands of the Popish Priests . But to go on , I need not Remind your Lordship , what Wrath and Indignation this Letter to the Commissioners produced against me , from the Jesuited Party at Court : For which yet I esteemed my self abundantly Recompensed by the Peace it gave me in my own Mind , and I hope I may say , by the good Will it Revived towards me in the Hearts of Good Men ; especially of my Lord Archbishop and the other persecuted Bishops , with whom I ever after acted in perfect Conjunction for the Public Good. That , My Lord , is the last particular whereof I promised to give your Lordship and Account . And I come to it more chearfully than I did to the rest , because this is the only matter of all I undertook to Speak of , wherein I am not Conscious to my self , that I need any Excuse . It was therefore some time after the Tryal of the Seven Bishops , and after my leaving the Commission , when upon the Kings sudden return from Windsor , and the first Alarm given of the Preparations in Holland , my Lord of Canterbury , and some of his Suffragan Bishops , whereof I had the Honour to be One , were sent for by express Letters dated September the 24th , to attend his Majesty at Whitehall . Accordingly all of us that were in Town , except my Lord Archbishop , who was then very ill , waited on the King the Friday following being the Day appointed . But little or nothing passing betwixt his Majesty and us , at our first Attendance , beyond general Expressions of his Favour , and our Duty , we intreated my Lord of Canterbury , to procure for us a Second , and more particular Audience ; wherein we might all deliver our plain and sincere Sense of Things , as we saw the dangerous Condition of the Church and State then required from Men of our Character . And on the Sunday after , my Lord Archbishop , obtain'd of the King that we should be admitted to a full Liberty of Speech with him the next Tuesday Morning . All Monday we spent at Lambeth , in preparing the Humble Advice we thought fit to offer the next Day . But the King being otherwise accidentally diverted on Tuesday Morning , our Attendance on him was put off till Wednesday . Whereas had we been admitted to his Majesty that Tuesday , we could not have failed of getting some Credit to our selves , and to the Church , for having Requested him to Restore the Charter of London among other Charters . For from the very beginning of our Consultations , we had fixed upon that to be One of our Principal Petitions . Whereof his Majesty perhaps having had some private Intimation ; thought so more for his Service to prevent us , by making it an Act of his own Grace . This is certain , that very Tuesday in the Evening , he first declared publicly in the Council , to divers eminent Citizens , his purpose to restore the City Charter . So that when we came the next Day , we found nothing left for us to do towards that great Affair , but only to turn our intended Request into Thanks , as we did . However , on Wednesday Morning , we had our Second Audience , when my Lord of Canterbury deliver'd our Free and Honest Advice , with such a becoming Meekness , Gravity , and Courage as indeed was Admirable . Now because there has been hitherto only an imperfect Relation Printed of what passed at that Meeting , I think it may not be unacceptable to the Public , to give here an exact Account of our whole Proceedings with the King in that Affair ; as it was drawn up by my Lord Archbishop himself . And it had been Happy , if all Addresses to his Majesty had been alike Faithful to the King 's and the Kingdom 's Interest . For his Grace the L d Archbishop of Canterbury , MY LORD , THE King thinking it requisite to speak with Your Grace , and several others of the Bishops , who are within a convenient distance of this place ; His Majesty commands me to acquaint you , that he would have you attend him upon Friday next , at Ten in the Morning . MY LORD , I am Your most Faithful , &c. Sunderland P. Whitehall , Sep. 24. 1688. Letters to the same purpose , and of the same Date , ( or about that time ) were sent to the Bishops of London , Winchester , Ely , Chichester , Rochester , Bath and Wells , Peterborough , and Bristol ; all which ( but London and Bristol ) came to Town ; and all , but the Archbishop , waited on the King at the time appointed . The next day the Bishop of Winchester went out of Town , and the day after that , the Archbishop waited upon the King , alone , and by His Appointment , on Wednesday , Octob. 3. all , who remained in Town , went together to His Majesty , to whom ( in the Name of the rest ) the Archbishop spake , as followeth . May it please Your Sacred Majesty , WHen I had lately the Honour to wait upon you , you were pleased briefly to acquaint me with what had pass'd two days before , between Your Majesty and these my Reverend Brethren : By which , and by the Account which they themselves gave me , I perceived , that in truth there pass'd nothing , but in very general Terms , and Expressions of Your Majesty's Gracious and Favourable Inclinations to the Church of England , and of our Reciprocal Duty and Loyalty to Your Majesty : Both which were sufficiently understood and declared before ; and ( as one of my Brethren then told you ) would have been in the same State , if the Bishops had not stirr'd one foot out of their Dioceses . Sir , I found it griev'd my Lords the Bishops to have come so far , and to have done so little , and I am assured , they came then prepared to have given Your Majesty some more particular Instances of their Duty and Zeal for your Service ; had they not apprehended from some Words , which fell from your Majesty , that you were not then at leisure to receive them . It was for this reason , that I then besought your Majesty to Command us once more to Attend you All together ; which your Majesty was pleased Graciously to Allow and Encourage . We are therefore here now before you , with all Humility , to beg your Permission , that we may suggest to your Majesty such Advices , as we think proper at this Season , and conducing to your Service , and so leave them to your Princely Consideration . Which the King being pleased graciously to permit , the Archbishop proceeded , as followeth . Our First humble Advice is ; I. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to put the Management of your Government , in the several Counties , into the Hands of such of the Nobility and Gentry there , as are legally qualified for it . II. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to Annul your Commission for Ecclesiastical Affairs ; and that no such Court , as that Commission sets up , may be Erected for the future . III. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased , That no Dispensation may be granted , or continued ; by Virtue whereof , any person , not duly Qualified by Law , hath been , or may be , put into any Place , Office , or Preferment , in Church or State , or in the Universities , or continued in the same ; especially such , as have Cure of Souls annext to them : And in particular , that you will be graciously pleased to restore the President and Fellows of St. Mary Magdalen College in Oxford . IV. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to set aside all Licenses or Faculties already granted ; by which , any Persons of the Romish Communion may pretend to be enabled to teach Public Schools ; and that no such be granted for the future . V. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to desist from the Exercise of such a Dispensing Power , as hath of late been used ; and to permit that Point to be freely and calmly Debated and Argued , and finally setled in Parliament . VI. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to inhibit the Four Foreign Bishops , who style themselves Vicars Apostolical , from farther Invading the Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , which is by Law vested in the Bishops of this Church . VII . That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to fill the Vacant Bishopricks , and other Ecclesiastical Promotions , within your Gift , both in England and Ireland , with Men of Learning and Piety : And in particular , ( which I must own to be my peculiar Boldness , for 't is done without the privity of my Brethren : ) That you will be graciously pleased forthwith to fill the Archiepiscopal Chair of York , ( which hath so long stood Empty , and upon which a whole Province depends ) with some very Worthy Person : For which ( pardon me , Sir , if I am bold to say ) you have here now before you a very fair Choice . VIII . That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to supersede all farther Prosecution of Quo Warranto's against Corporations , and to Restore to them their Ancient Charters , Privileges , and Franchises ; as we hear God hath put it into Your Majesties Heart to do for the City of London ; which we intended to have made , otherwise , one of our Principal Requests . IX . That if it so please Your Majesty , Writs may be issued out with convenient speed for the Calling of a Free and Regular Parliament , in which , the Church of England may be Secured according to the Acts of Uniformity ; Provision may be made for a due Liberty of Conscience , and for securing the Liberties and Properties of all Your Subjects ; and a mutual Confidence , and good Understanding , may be Established between Your Majesty , and all Your People . X. Above all , that Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to permit Your Bishops to offer you such Motives and Arguments , as ( we trust ) may , by God's Grace , be Effectual to persuade Your Majesty to return to the Communion of the Church of England ; into whose most Holy Catholick Faith you were Baptized , and in which you were Educated , and to which it is our daily earnest Prayer to God , that you may be Re-united . These ( Sir ) are the Humble Advices , which , out of Conscience of the Duty we owe to God , to Your Majesty , and to our Country , we think fit at this time to offer to Your Majesty , as suitable to the Present State of your Affairs , and most conducing to your Service , and so to leave them to your Princely Consideration . And we heartily beseech Almighty God , in whose Hand the Hearts of all Kings are , so to Dispose and Govern Yours , that in all your Thoughts , Words , and Works , you may ever seek his Honour and Glory , and study to preserve the People committed to your Charge , in Wealth , Peace , and Godliness ; to Your Own both Temporal and Eternal Happiness . Amen . We do heartily Concur . H. London . P. Winchester . W. Asaph . W. Cant. Fran. Ely. Io. Cicestr . Tho. Roffen . Tho. Bath and Wells . Tho. Petriburg . It is for others Information , not for yours , My Lord , that I have been so Punctual and Minute in the Circumstances of this Business , wherewith your Lordship was fully made acquainted , just after the very time , at Copthall , as much as my Lord of London's and my Memory could Serve us to do it . But one thing farther I must observe as very Remarkable in this Affair , that if the exact time of this our Address to King Iames at Whitehall , shall be compar'd with the Day of the Prince of Orange his present Majesties setting forth his First Declaration in Holland , they will both be found to bear very near the same Date . For our Address here , was form'd at Lambeth on Monday , October the First , and should have been deliver'd on Tuesday the Second , and was actually presented on Wednesday the Third . And that Declaration was Sign'd there on the Tenth of October , which , considering the Two Styles , makes little or no Difference . And if I might presume to compare Small Things with Great , in the Matter of them as well as in the Date , I would venture to say , that most of the very same Grievances , which his Highness insisted on in his Declaration , except One or Two , that were too high for us Subjects to meddle with , were so early represented by us to the King in that Petition , as Things necessary to be speedily Redress'd . And , My Lord , I cannot but add , that this we did in a time when the King thought of nothing less than Victory ; when in all Humane probability , he was the strongest both by Sea and Land ; when as yet there was no appearance of such a Prodigious Alienation of his Subjects Affections ; when at least his Army was thought to be still firm to him ; when the very Winds and Seas seem'd hitherto as much on his Side , as they all afterwards turn'd against him . After that , My Lord , as I remember the next Solemn time of our Waiting on King Iames the Second , was occasion'd by the Interception of the Prince of Orange's Declaration here in London , some short time before his Highness's Landing , For upon Reading that Expression in it , That the Prince was most earnestly Invited hither by divers Lords both Spiritual and Temporal , and by many Gentlemen and Others of all Ranks ; the King forthwith sent for some of the Bishops , who were nearest at hand , and required us to Justifie our Selves to the World , as to our Part in that Invitation . To this end , His Majesty fixed a Short Day , whereon He obliged us to present him a Paper under our Hands , signifying our Abhorrence of the Prince of Orange's intended Invasion . My Lord , the Day came ; and great Throngs there were at Court , expecting the Issue of that Conference : We saw both the Friends and Enemies of the Church of England , equally impatient , to know what we would do in that difficult Moment . The King himself had affirm'd to us , He thought his good Success exceedingly depended upon our Ready Compliance with his Command of Abhorring . A Declaration was then in the Press against the Prince of Orange the present King , and was only stopp'd for our Paper of Abhorrence to be inserted into it : And there happen'd to be but Four of our Number , my Lord of Canterbury , my Lord of London , my Lord of Peterborough , and my Self , who were present upon the Place to endure that terrible Brunt . In short , as soon as we were come into the King's Presence , His Majesty with great Earnestness called for our Paper ; We with all Submission intreated to be Excused from writing any thing of that Nature , and from making a particular Defence to a general Accusation ; left we should give the First Precedent of that kind , against the Privilege of Peers . Besides that , our Profession being to promote Peace , VVe thought it belong'd not to us to declare VVar , especially against a Prince so nearly Ally'd to the Crown . But the King still more Insisted , Argued , and Expostulated with us ; insomuch , that if ever in all my Life I saw him more than ordinary vehement in Speech , and transported in his Expressions , it was at that time . However , we still made good our humble Refusal , in as dutiful Terms as 't was possible : Among many Arguments , urging chiefly , That as we were joyn'd with our Brethren , the other Lords Spiritual , and with the Lords Temporal , and with the Gentry of England , in the Accusation ; so we beseech'd him , we might not be separated from them in our Justification : Concluding all with an earnest Request to His Majesty , that He would be pleased to Condescend to the Calling a Free Parliament : Wherein only he could rightly understand , what was the General Sense , and True Interest of the whole Kingdom . At last , when neither the King would bearken to our Zealous Motion for a Parliament , nor we could be prevailed on , to Subscribe an Abhorrence of the Prince of Orange's Design , His Majesty parted from us with Indignation . And thereupon the Jesuited Party at Court were so violently enraged against us , that , as we were credibly informed , one of the Chief advised in a heat , we should all be Imprisoned , and the Truth should be extorted from us by Violence . I told your Lordship , the Conclusion of that our Serious De●●●● with the King , was on our Side 〈◊〉 begging him to call a Free Par●●●ment . The truth is , a Free Par●●●ment was the main Point , and t● last Result of all our Requests to His Majesty , from the First Day of his admitting us to give him our honest Advice , till the time of his leaving the Kingdom . I need not put your Lordship in mind of the Petition we presented him to the same purpose , which was Signed by divers of the Spiritual and Temporal Lords , and , among others , by your Self ; and was afterwards Seconded from several Parts of the Nation ; especially by the Noblemen and Gentlemen Assembled at York , and by the Fleet under the Command of my Lord Dartmouth , and by the Lord Bishop , and the Clergy , and the Citizens of Bristol . As it had been also soon followed by the rest of the Kingdom , had there been time enough for the doing of it . But having mentioned that Petition for a Free aud Regular Parliament , I hope it will not be thought Presumption in me , if I suggest , I had the Honour to have it Considered , Agreed on , and Sign'd , at my house at Westminster : And that I was one of the Four Bishops ( the Two Archbishops and my Lord of Ely being the other Three ) who ventured to deliver it to the King , after we heard he had protested he would take it highly Ill of any Man that should offer him a thing of that Nature . Nevertheless we did it , and thought our selves bound in Duty to God and Man so to do . Your Lordship perceives , all that I have said on this last Subject , concerns only some few Particulars that pass'd in Three or Four Conferences between King Iames the Second , and some of the Bishops , who happen'd then to be within Call. Thô we had afterwards the Concurrence of our Absent Brethren . And we may now appeal to all the World , whether we did not Demean our Selves in those hazardous Occasions , with that Zeal against Popery , and for the Legal Establishment both in Church and State , as became the Station we hold in Both. If your Lordship's Leisure would permit me to look farther back , and to recount what was Written , Acted , or Suffered , by the Members of the Church of England in general during that Reign ; 't were easie to recollect so many Memorable Instances of unshaken Truth and Courage in the Nobility , Gentry , Clergy , and Commonalty of our Communion , in maintaining our Religion against Rome , and our Laws against unlimited Power , as might well furnish sufficient Materials for an ample Relation . I know it was formerly a popular Objection of divers misguided Dissenters from the Church of England , that our Principles were too Monarchical , and that we carried the Doctrine of Obedience farther than might be consistent with the safety of a Protestant Church , or the Privileges of a free-born People , But it is now to be hoped , that the strongest Argument of all others , which is Experience from undoubted Matter of Fact , has put this Objection for ever out of Countenance . Since it is undeniable , that during that whole time , when our Civil and Spiritual Liberties were in so much Danger , the greatest , and most considerable stop , that was here put to the Arts of Rome , and Intrigues of France , was Put by the steddy Resolution of the true Sons of the Church of England . I pretend not to upbraid any Party or Sect among us , for any undue Compliance in that Time. But this I will Assert , that generally Speaking , the whole Body of the Church of England , both Laity and Clergy did not Comply . Nay , it were Infinite to reckon up the Examples , we then saw every Day , of Men of all Conditions , from the highest to the lowest , All Members of the Church of England ; who preferred the saving of the Establisht Government in Church and State , before any Temptations of private Profit or Interest . Not to say any thing more of the Learned and Unanswerable Writings of that time against Popery : For in that Merit , I suppose none of any other Persuation will enter into any Competition with the Orthodox Clergy : But I now only Speak of those many Honourable Self-Denials , which the Church of England-Men then Practised , for the Sake of the true English Liberty , and Reformation . What Officers and Commanders were there almost in the whole Army , besides the Sons of the Church of England , who chose to be Discarded from those very Troops and Regiments , which their own Interest and Money had raised , rather than contribute to take away the great Fences of our Liberty and Religion ? What Officers in the Courts of Justice , and in the several Branches of the Revenue ? What Members of Boroughs , Corporations , and Cities , in Comparison of those of the Church of England , endured the loss of their Places of Trust and Profit , for not Consenting to Abolish the Tests and Penal Laws against Papists ? What eminent Nobility and Gentry in all Counties , submitted chearfully to be flighted , and deprived of all Authority and Power among their Neighbours , in Peace or War ? Were they not generally , and almost to a Man of the Church of England ? Was not a considerable Part of the Court it self turn'd out ? Did not divers Persons of the highest Titles and Dignities there endure to lose their Princes Favour , upon this very Account ? Did we not see the most Advantageous , and most Honorable Offices , the very White Staves , and the greatest of them , not valued , but easily parted with , when Religion came in Question 's . I need not go on to recite more particularly all these Things , especially to your Lordship , who were your Self one of the Noble Sufferers in the same Cause . 'T will be sufficient to affirm once for all , that the main Body of those , who made so brave a Stand , were all of the Church of England ; and the Principles on which they stood , were all Church of England Principles . My Lord , it was by these Persons , and these Principles , that ●opery was stopt in its full Career ; by these it was then hindred from Conquering , and put into a Condition to be shortly after Conquer'd it self in this Nation . After having troubled your Lordship so long with my own Private Cause , and having said something too , in the behalf of what is much more dear to me , the Public ; pray let me conclude with that , which , in this Juncture of Affairs , may be counted well high another Public Cause : Let me Present you with my Humbly well-meaning Opinion , what Moderation is to be shewn towards those , who happen'd to be employed in the late Times . My Lord , 't would be great Presumption in me , having been my self too far engaged , to offer at an Apology for other Persons concern'd then , either with me in the Commission , or in any other Public Business ; particularly for some of your Lordships Acquaintance , whose Cause may be more Defensible than mine ; and I am sure their Abilities to defend it , are much greater . Only in general , I will take the freedom to say , That I make no Question , but divers Good Men , who were then in Imployments , did in Prudence , submit to some things in Order to hinder Worse . I doubt not but many Acted then not to Increase , but to Mitigate the Violence of those Times . Some were in such Stations , which perhaps 't was well done of them , not suddenly to Desert , lest worse Men should come in , to do that which they design'd to prevent . I believe , some being , as it were , in the middle of the Stream , when the Tide turn'd so Violently against our Establisht Church and Laws , were driven down lower than they expected , before they could resist the Current , or get to Shore . Wherefore , considering all Circumstances , 't was well so many mistook not the true Interest of the Nation . 'T was happy so many preserv'd their Integrity ; so many had the honest Hardiness to stand unmoved by the Importunity of their King , whom they were bred up to Honor , and in all things else to Obey . And in common Sense of human Frailty , are not many Infirmities at such a time as that , to be overlook'd now , by wise and good Men ? Do not many false Steps so made , deserve to be pitied ? May it not be thought some kind of Merit , or some degree of Innocence at least , not to have made more , in such a slippery Ground as we then trod on ? If , my Lord , every Failure of that Time , should be esteemed a Criminal Compliance , every Compliance should be judg'd unpardonable , VVho then , that remain'd under the Government , can be counted Innocent ? VVho shall be able justly to throw the first Stone ? VVhat Place will be then left for the Offender's Hope , or for a Prince's Forgiveness , the Noblest and most Divine Part of Power ? My Lord , the constant Experience of all wise Times has shewed , that all Civil Dissentions and Quarrels are best ended by the largest Acts of Indemnity and Oblivion : In England especially , where Good Nature is soon apt to have Compassion upon the Afflicted . Here perhaps scarce any thing can be more dangerous to the Party that is uppermost , than to put English-men upon pitying those that suffer under it . And certainly this Revolution , if ever any , should be Mild in the Event , since it was Bloodless in the whole Course of it , in a time , when there was most danger of Effusion of Blood. I will say no more , my Lord , but this , that after great and unexpected Changes , That hath been always found the firmest Settlement of any State or Government , where the Prevailing Party hath look'd but very little backward , and very much forward ; where Private Animosity and Revenge have wisely given way to the greater Benefits of Public Pardon and Indulgence . Perhaps , towards the Beginning of great Reformations , a VVarm impetuous Spirit may have its use ; but to Compose Things after sudden Commotions , to Calm Men's Minds for the future , to Settle Affairs in a secure and lasting Peace , most certainly a Gentle , Generous , Charitable Temper , is the best : And to say all in one word , Such a Temper as is your Lordships . MY LORD , I am Your Lordship's Most Faithful , Humble , and Obedient Servant , Tho. Roffen . Westminster , Mar. 26. 1689. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61170-e160 The Bishop of Bath and Wells . 
A61172	----	A sermon preached before the King at White-Hall, Decemb. the 24th. 1676 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1677 Approx. 44 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61172 Wing S5052 ESTC R1442 11875933 ocm 11875933 50244 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61172) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50244) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 825:10) A sermon preached before the King at White-Hall, Decemb. the 24th. 1676 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [2], 37, [1] p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1677. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. "Published by His Majesties special command " on t.p. Advertisement p. [1] at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Sermons. Bible. -- N.T. -- Mark X, 15 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON Preached before the KING AT WHITE-HALL , Decemb. the 24 th . 1676. By THOMAS SPRAT , D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty . Published by his Majesties Special Command . LONDON : Printed for Henry Brome , at the Gun at the West end of St. Pauls . 1677. A SERMON Preached before the KING AT WHITE-HALL . St. MARK , X. ver . 15. Verily I say unto you , Whosoever shall not receive the Kingdom of God as a little child , he shall not enter therein . THese are the words of our Blessed Saviour , on occasion of his Disciples forbidding little Children to be brought to him : which it may be supposed , they did in zeal for the reputation of their Master ; believing it to be far below the dignity of so great , and wise a Teacher , to spend time in instructing of Children ; whilst his chief adversaries the Pharisees appear'd in their Synagogues , and most public Assemblies , and there , with much pompous ostentation of profound Wisdom , taught their men , those that thought themselves , in that Nation , their wisest men . But Christ himself understood better the interest , and power of his own Religion . He knew , that the design of his coming into the world , was , not to continue that Pharisaical , falsly-grave formality of life , and worship , which was then in use ; but to introduce a rational , moral , spiritual Doctrine , and a plain , unaffected , saving way of teaching it . He knew , that his Doctrine so taught was able to convert the most specious , worldly wisdom ; or to confound it , if it would not be converted . And therefore he took a course quite contrary to the Pharisees practice , and to his own Disciples expectations . He taught in the meekest manner , and refus'd not the meanest Scholars . He resisted the proud , but he gave grace to the humble . The Scribes , and Pharisees he often sharply contradicted , the multitude he always mildly instructed : By his different behaviour to the one , and the other , he gave evident proof , that all false pretences , and affectations of knowledge are more odious to God , and deserve to be so to men , than any want , or defect of knowledge can be . In prosecution of this most plain , and familiar way of teaching , whereas his Disciples here would have rejected little children , he rebuked them , he took the children in his arms , he blessed them ; for the innocence of their age , he gave it many testimonies of his extraordinary favour . The first benefit he did to mankind in this world , was his becoming a child : The first sign he shewed of his own Divine Wisdom , was his disputing with the Jewish Doctors , in the age of a child : The first example he gave of obedience , and that even to the Jewish Law , was his being circumcised , when a child . And here also , when he would prescribe a pattern of Evangelical purity , and humility , he declares , that little children , and those men who most resemble their nature , are not only capable , but most capable of his heavenly Kingdom . The Kingdom of God , and Heaven , in the New Testament , is either taken for that Eternal Reward prepared for those that believe , and obey the Doctrine of Christ , or else for that Doctrine it self revealed in the Gospel : so nearly are the Joys of Heaven and the Laws of Christ united ; so surely , shall the possession of the one follow the practice of the other ; that in the Word of God they are often both comprehended in the same phrase of the Kingdom of God. This expression of receiving the Kingdom of God as a child , is best interpreted by our Liturgy , in the Office of Baptism ; where it is said , that By these words our Blessed Saviour exhorts all men to follow the innocence of little children . Whosoever therefore shall not receive the Kingdom of God as a little child , that is , Whosoever shall not entertain and practice the word of God , with a true child-like simplicity and innocence , shall not enter therein ; that is , shall not partake of the blessings of everlasting life . The whole sense of my Text may be contained in two Propositions . The first , That , for the right apprehending of the Doctrine of our Saviours Kingdom , the Gospel , there is required an ingenuous plainess , an unfeigned simplicity of mind , and understanding . The second , That , for the sure inheriting of the joys of that Kingdom , we are all commanded to practice an undissembled integrity of life and manners . Of these , the first that I am to recommend to you , is , that simplicity of mind , which is necessary for the right receiving of Divine Truth . All wise Masters and Teachers , especially if they profess any Art , that is deep , out of the way , and of great use , are wont to expect in their Followers , some praeparatory skill in other lower Arts , before they will proceed to teach them those that are higher . And here you see , our Blessed Saviour also requires his praeparations , in those whom he will inlighten with his heavenly Doctrine . But in a way how much different , how much more condescending than that of the Teachers of all worldly , and Humane Arts ! For towards the attaining of the most profound Wisdom , as is the knowledg of God ; in the most useful study , as is the salvation of our own souls : what praeparations does he exact ? Only the docility , the innocence , the simplicity of children . But , before we proceed farther , this Christian Simplicity must first be rightly stated , and well understood : For it has been often mistaken on both extremes . Some make it to consist in a blind Faith , as the Enthusiasts ; some in a blind Obedience , as the Papists . The first conclude from hence for their wild illuminations , and groundless Inspirations , and deny all manner of use of their natural understandings , and judgments in Divine things : The other build on it the necessity of an absolute slavery of their understandings , and Consciences to their Spiritual Governours : whereas the true Evangelical simplicity should keep the sober , middle way between both these : It is so to temper'd , as neither to extinguish the mans true natural light , nor invade the Christians just spiritual liberty . First , I say , by this child-like simplicity of mind , there is not intended any defect of the natural , or acquir'd abilities of our understandings , or any neglect of employing our understandings in examining the most spiritual Doctrines of the Gospel . As God did never require an entire perfection of Divine knowledge in any Christian , so much less did he ever injoyn an imperfection of natural knowledge in any Saint . 'T is true , the things of God must be spiritually discern'd : But how so ? not that they must be discern'd by other faculties of the soul , quite different from those , by which we discern natural Truth ; but by the same faculties , only those rais'd , and more spiritually exercis'd . Does not the Gospel tell us , that Gods is a Reasonable Service ? It is our most reasonable duty , we being his Creatures : it is most conformable to right reason ; it is the most noble object of it ; it consists in sound , sober , intelligible Doctrines , in plain , practicable , rational Precepts . Of all the Creatures , none that we know of , are capable of Gods grace , and mercy , and redemption by Jesus Christ , but only Rational Creatures ; not the brute Beasts , that are below our way of understanding , nor Angels , that are above it . And therefore certainly that which does , in some sense , put mankind only into a possibility of being saved , cannot be wholly excluded in the great work of salvation : certainly it is not the natural weakness of little children , but their native candor ; not their want of knowledge , but their docility that is here proposed to our imitation . Nor secondly , does this receiving the Kingdom of God as a child , suppose any implicit obedience , or blind resignation of our understandings to all the Commands and Impositions of any one present Church , or pretended Head of it , as the only infallible Judg of all matters of Faith. Obedience is indeed a virtue most acceptable to God , most beneficial to men : Unity is one of his greatest blessings : Communion is the most beautiful ornament of the Christian Church . And , thanks be to God , there may be as much Union , and Communion amongst Christians , as is necessary for the being , and convenient for the well-being of Christianity , without any such tyranny in the Governours of the Church , or servitude in its Members : without inslaving of private Conscience , which is Antichristian ; and only by a moderate governing , and restraining of private Conscience , which is most Christian , as well as most essential to the preservation of human society . The Church has a sacred and venerable Authority , as long as it teaches such Doctrines , and requires such Duties , as are agreable to our Saviours . Whilst it does so , much reverence is due to it , much to the persons , more to the Doctrines , to the persons for their Doctrines sake ; to the Doctrines for our Saviours sake . But if the name and title of the Holy Church of Christ shall be so abus'd , as to impose on our practice superstitious Precepts , as is the Worship of Saints , and some others ; or on our understandings , incredible , impossible Doctrines , as is Transubstantiation , and the like ; in such cases , you are free by the Laws of God , and Man : Your spiritual obligations do not bind you to believe such Doctrines , and your natural liberty , as well as your Christian , sets you free from obeying such Precepts . Our blessed Saviour here expects , that we should receive his Laws , as children , but not as slaves . Those Laws may be sometimes severe , nay , they are imperial , and absolute , as they come from God ; for he is our Lord : but even in respect to him , they are paternal too , for he is also our Father . They are deliver'd to us with a Royal Power , and sweetned by a fatherly tenderness ; and they should be received by us , with the duty of subjects , with the affection of children : As children we should behave our selves to him , as children also to his Ministers , because they are to us in his stead : but still as children , not as mean vassals . The true Church of God is the Vice-gerent of Gods spiritual , paternal Authority , which the Sectaries unjustly deny it ; but it is not the Vice-gerent of Gods uncontroulable , omnipotent , temporal Power , which the Church of Rome as unjustly usurps . This being premised , we may now the better go on to examine , wherein the true , sincere , Christian simplicity consists , as to that part of it , which concerns the receiving of heavenly Truth . If we consider the original example which we are here commanded to imitate , it seems that this blessed Temper is chiefly compos'd of three excellent virtues ; of all which there is some weak resemblance in little children . As the minds of children are generally clear , spotless , white , untainted , unprejudiced ; as they are usually tender , gentle , pliable , capable of the best impressions ; as children commonly receive their food , not with nicety , or with intent to quarrel at it , but willingly , and earnestly , for their increase and growth : so , in conformity to that innocent pattern , all the true followers of Christ should endeavour to obtain , First , a plainess , and purity of understanding ; such as is free from artifices , free from prejudices . Secondly , a submissive and guidable spirit , a disposition easie to all ; especially tractable to those , that have either a civil , or spiritual Authority over them . Thirdly , an exact care so to learn the truths of Religion , that they may be employed for their true end , and best advantage , which is practice , and growth in the duties of a pious , and devout life . First , towards our right instruction in the Doctrines of the Gospel , we should all labour to bring our minds clear , unprejudiced , clean , uncorrupt . For the being void of errors , is the first great step to the greatest knowledge ; and that understanding , in which though little is written , yet nothing is blotted ; that which is not disfigured by ill impressions , is a subject most capable of the best . There nothing is required but plain teaching ; whereas the mind that is either perverted by false knowledge , or made crooked by deceitful prejudices , must not only be taught , but first untaught that ill it had learn'd : and to unteach is a much more difficult work than to teach . Such a pure , simple , undefil'd disposition of mind , by nature we cannot pretend to ; bycause of the original corruption of our nature ; but by the Grace of God in the Gospel we may attain it : and it is the chief design of the Gospel to direct us in the way to it . That teaches us to cleanse , and repair by repentance , and amendment , our natural decays , and pollutions ; to be constantly watchful in keeping our souls free from carnal , moral , nay , spiritual prejudices against Religion ; to endeavour sincerely , that our minds be not often overthrown by violent passions , nor too much disordered by worldly affections ; not seduced by secular ends , that secretly undermine the soul ; not corrupted by bodily lusts , that openly war against the soul ; especially that they be not infected by false Enthusiastical conceptions , concerning God , and Religion ; which are wont most dangerously to insinuate themselves into the soul , as seeming to come from Heaven , and coming under the shadow of Religion it self . The second part of this child-like simplicity , is to be teachable , and that in a right method , to be desirous of learning precepts , as well as truths ; of truths to learn the plainest , and most useful , before the deepest and most subtle ; of precepts to apply our selves to those that concern our selves , more than others . This teachable humility is not only consistent with the greatest spiritual knowledg , but inseparable from it . 'T is the property of all true knowledg , especially spiritual , to enlarge the soul by filling it , to enlarge it , without swelling it ; to make it more capable , and more earnest to know , the more it knows . Even in natural things , whoever pretends to have learn'd so much , that he has no need , nor will to learn more , he has never learn'd any thing aright . And if this be so in natural things , in which the instruments , and helps of our knowledg are weak , and the objects of it finite ; how much more is it so in Divine things ? in which the instruments , the helps , the objects , the benefits of our knowledg are infinite . In Divine things to be always teachable , to be always learning , is not only the most certain way to Divine Wisdom , but even a good degree of Divine Wisdom it self . The third part of such a true simplicity of understanding is a sincere desire , and unwearied endeavour to use , and improve our divine knowledg in a right manner , and to a right end . And what is the great , substantial , saving use , and end of all spiritual knowledg ? Is it not to use it as children do their meat ? to desire the sincere milk of the word , as new born babes , that we may grow thereby ? That we may grow thereby . And they who receive their spiritual food in such a manner , what they may want in a delicate appetite , they have in a wholesom ; if they come short of others in the curiosity of their tast , they as much exceed them in the strength of their digestion : which in a spiritual life , as well as a natural , is a greater sign of a healthful constitution : whilst all other knowledg in Religion only serves to make a shew , and flashes away in discourse , this endures , and is solidly beneficial for sanctification here , for salvation hereafter . Such is that simplicity of understanding , which is necessary for the right reception , increasing , and improving of our knowledg in the truths of the Gospel . I am next to consider that simplicity of manners , which should always accompany the sincere entertainment , and practice of the precepts of the Gospel . This indeed has a very near connexion with the former . The head truly enlightned will presently have a wonderful influence in purifying the heart ; and the heart really affected with goodness , will much conduce to the directing of the head . The beginning of this blessed work is most commonly in the head , the perfection in the heart ; but neither of them can be perfected without the other . And what now is meant by the true , unfeigned , Christian simplicity of life , and manners , and conversation ? we ought to be exceeding cautious , on what kind of men we fix this character ; for we live in an age , wherein , of all others , hypocrisie has put on the best counterfeited vizors , the most holy disguises . First then , as I did before in the simplicity of understanding , so I must now do in this simplicity of heart : I must try to vindicate , and separate it from the mistakes , and extremes of it . And therefore I affirm , that it does not consist in any sullen separation , or affected purity , or demure contempt , and omission of the common customs , and usages , and fashions of this world . For most certainly , with such common things a Christian may comply , without danger , with true innocence , and piety ; and he may abstain from them , out of the greatest spiritual pride . Is not a morosity and singularity in such things often made a veil , and cover of licentiousness in greater things ? have we not known it frequently us'd as an opportunity of the greatest moral dishonesty ? Must a Christian by the obligations of his holy profession , differ from , and abhor all the customary forms of civil life ? how then could St. Paul become all things to all men ? would he have conform'd universally to all sorts of men , if all manner of civil , or spiritually conformity had utterly been unlawful ? Must I with unmannerly freedom , affront Authority , despise the public Formalities of Government , live in a different way , put on another face , and garb , than the rest of my Country-men , and alledg the Christian simplicity to justifie this my rudeness ? what then will become of the Christian liberty , which in other cases these men so much magnifie ? If this be Christian simplicity , was not the Mosaical severity a much lighter yoke ? Did not our Blessed Saviour himself abolish all such Judaical reservedness and separation , at the very first founding of the Catholic Church ? which , it is probable , had never been Catholic so soon , if he had distinguished his Disciples from all the rest of mankind , as the Jews were , in every little circumstance , or custom of humane life . For whilst the true Religion it self was straitned by the Jewish , severe spirit ; the Church of God was narrow in compass , confin'd almost to one Country , despis'd by all the world besides . It was the honest freedom , and universal charity of the Christian spirit , that first rent the veil , and enlarg'd its bounds , and spread its authority to the utmost ends of the earth : so that next to the Almighty Power of God , one of the chief occasions of the prodigious swiftness of the Churches first progress , was , that the Primitive Christians asserted the just liberties of humane nature , and set men free from the Jewish unreasonable sowerness , and harsh impositions . 'T is true , we are commanded not to be conform'd to this world : But in the very next words , we have the true interpretation of that command . For it follows , Be ye transform'd by the renewing of your mind . It is a new mind , and the transforming of the heart ; not new looks , or habits , or gestures , that Christianity requires . To the indifferent things of this world we may be , to the decent things of it we should be conformable ; only to the wickedness , and corruptions of it we should not . No Christian is forbidden the honest skill , and practice , and prudence of this world ; rather some are commanded it , all are allow'd it , only none must be perverted by it ; all must use it , for higher , and more spiritual ends . So far is the true Religion from obliging all its professors , either to withdraw wholly out of the world , or in conscience to avoid all the usual observances , and manners , or even the innocent delights of it , whilst they are in the world ; that perhaps none are more capable , as of bringing more benefit to mankind , so of doing more service to God , or exercising more Evangelical Graces ; than those men , that are of the most practical lives , and engag'd in most secular business . Greater will be their victory over the world , if they shall converse in it , without being defiled by it . If they shall labour to perform well all their natural , moral , political , and Religious Duties in it , most instructive will be the example of that Piety , most diffusive that Charity , which is set on a hill so eminent , and plac'd in so good a light . Were a Christian to be the Disciple of Iohn the Baptist , he might then indeed think himself bound to follow the solitary , rigid life of his Master in the Wilderness : But seeing he is to be a Christian , he may be a Citizen of this world , as well , as of the New Ierusalem : He ought certainly to imitate a greater example than of Iohn the Baptist , that of our blessed Saviour himself ; who , though he too had his time of retirement in the Wilderness , yet liv'd not there ; but was frequently in the Temple , convers'd generally in the City , with all sorts of people , went about every where doing good . Give alms , says our Saviour , of such things as you have , and behold all things are clean to you . Let but a Christian perform the great , substantial duties of Christianity ; and all other ordinary things are clean , and lawful to him . All things ; of which some things were denied to the Jews : all things , that are not unclean in their own nature : those indeed can be lawful to none . The righteousness , and holiness of the Gospel consists not in doubting much ; but in living well : not in a zeal against little things , but for great things , in being zealous for good Works . Undoubtedly there may be as much superstition , in some cases , on a Religious account , to forbear doing what we lawfully may do ; as it is to do what we should not . Superstition transgresses on both extremes , and may offend as much in a too scrupulous forbearing , as in over-doing . The true Christian Purity , and simplicity of life , that is here recommended , is therefore such , as is not bound to avoid all manner of compliance with the external fashions , and comely ceremonies of human life , and conversation . 'T is enough , if it uses ceremonies , as ceremonies ; if it prefers the substance far before them , if it chiefly regards the inward reality . 'T is such , as is not at all oppos'd to decence , or civility , or good manners , or good breeding ; but to craft , unjust artifice , guile , and dissimulation . 'T is such , as , according to our Saviours own precept , must have the harmlesness of the Dove , and yet may have the wisdom of the Serpent . That wisdom , which single in the Serpent is hurtful , and poisonous ; when it is temper'd with the innocence of the Dove , is most commendable , most useful . In a word , 't is such a simplicity , as St. Paul the Christian put on , when he ceas'd to be Saul the Pharisee : such as St. Paul himself describes , when he thus exhorts the Corinthians : Brethren , says he , Be not children in understanding ; in malice be ye children , in understanding be ye men . You see to all true Christians a manly understanding , is as much commanded , as a child-like purity : so that in the most Euangelical simplicity , the prudence , and discretion of a wise man may be , should be joyn'd with the native innocence , and inoffensive meekness of a little child . You now behold the sum of those duties , to which , by the words of our Saviour in my Text , we are all oblig'd . They represent to us the necessity of a simplicity of mind , in receiving the Laws of Christ , and of an honest plainess of heart , in living accordingly : which indeed are the two principal things , that , in all true Religion , are to be studied , and practis'd by all good men . Some proportion , and degree of both these virtues , I say , is necessary to all Christians . I do not say , the highest and most complete degree of them to any : that is inconsistent with the frailties of our mortal condition , which God himself is pleased to consider , in the gentleness of his Precepts . His Laws are perfect , as he is perfect ; holy , as he is holy : But , seeing we cannot be equally so , by reason of human infirmity , God is pleas'd to accept of integrity instead of perfection , to prefer simplicity before hypocrisie , confess'd ignorance , before presumption . What we really , and humbly endeavour , out of his abundant Grace , he will help us to perform , or accept of our endeavours . As we must strive to be children in innocence , so in his infinite goodness , he looks on us , to be but as children in weakness . I am not ignorant , that this Doctrine of Christian simplicity may sound strange in the ears of those men , who consult only the low , and mean interests of this life ; and therefore fancy themselves , in the proud imaginations of their own hearts , to be the only wise , and subtle men of this world . With such men , simplicity generally passes in the worst sense , for pusillanimity , weakness , folly , for a poor-spirited Christian Grace , that amongst the antient Philosophers , they think , would scarce have escap'd the being reckon'd for a vice . But let none be too hasty in condemning the true genuine simplicity : for I must tell them , it has always had an extraordinary preeminence , and dignity , not only in Religion , though chiefly there ; not only in the sight of God , though that certainly were sufficient : but in all other things , in the judgment of all truly-wise men , in all the works of nature , and art , in all the best practice of civil life . If we observe the order of the whole Creation , and the ranks of all things visible , and invisible , are not the highest , and most perfect Beings still most pure , most simple , and most of one nature ? Thus it is from the noblest bodies to the souls of men , from the souls of men to Angels , from Angels to God himself : the higher any of these rise in their excellence , they are still the more simple in their essence . If we examine all the productions of mens hands , or minds ; is not the greatest perfection of all Art , a most exact imitation of true nature ? There is some kind of easie , solid plainess , that far excels all the comeliness of artificial ornaments . There is some kind of simplicity that is attended with inexpressible majesty . That , says St. Chrysostom on those words of St. Matthew , like to these in my Text , that is the great design of all Philosophy , that is the very life of Angels , to have the highest understanding accompanied with unfeigned simplicity . If we reflect on the most polite customs and manners of human life , nothing is truly graceful , that is over-mix'd , or unnaturally forc'd ; no word we speak , no phrase we use , no gesture , no tone of voice , that is over-artificial , but it presently offends : nothing in beauty , in habit , in action , in motion , can please , that is affectedly labor'd , and over-adorn'd : nothng has so much reverence in human conversation , as true ingenuity , manly plainess , gentle easiness , undissembled sincerity : nothing sooner , or more , or longer , affects men with delight , and love , and admiration : nothing is more honorable , nothing more amiable , nothing indeed more easie , and safe . It is very probable , that more deep , dark , reserv'd , crafty men , have at last fail'd of their designs , even in this world , than the plain , upright , houest men . The crafty man has many parts to play , many minds to put on , many faces to shift ; so that it is almost impossible for him so to act all , as not to be discover'd in some , and then he will be suspected in all : whereas the honest man has but one part to perform , which is his own , and that far more easie for him to do ; bycause he always acts according to plain nature . Thus even in all worldly things , as nothing is perfect without decence ; so nothing can be decent without simplicity . But above all things , this is true in Religion , especially in the Christian Religion . The Gospel , in the great Duties , and Truths of it , is a plain and simple thing ; it is simple in its end , which is one , and always the same , eternal life : simple in the means that conduce to that end , which are but two , and those always the same , Faith and Obedience . And so simple should be the practice of all , that would use those means in a right manner , and expect thereby the benefit of that end . Nothing shews a nearer resemblance to the Divine Nature , than a mind that is pure , unmix'd , and undefil'd : nothing manifests a greater conformity to the Divine Laws , than a life of plain innocence : nothing more expresses that free , and generous disdain , which all true Christians have , or should have of these earthly , transitory things : nothing declares a more magnanimous confidence in the Divine Providence : nothing a more submissive resignation to the Divine will : nothing a more stedfast , and assured hope of future happiness : nothing can keep us safer from dangerous mistakes in all matters of eternal concernment . The plain , fair , even , candid mind , of which a right measure may soonest be taken , is best prepar'd to take a right measure of spiritual things . That mild , and innocent disposition , which least of all deceives others , is least of all capable of being dangerously deceived it self , in the ways of everlasting salvation . Have not more bold , venturous , artificial wits fallen into errors , than they , who have been content with the steddy , constant , firm motion of meek , and humble Christians ? Whilst those presume all on themselves , they trust to the most fallible guide : whilst these wholly suspect themselves , and implore most the grace of God , they never fail of a certain assistance , and direction . And what has been generally the success of both ? the humble , teachable temper of the one has produc'd many real Saints : the proud , presumptuous , subtle spirit of the other has prov'd a fruitful soil for the production of Heretics , or Atheists . Give me leave therefore most humbly to advise , and beseech you all , as you would be esteem'd the true Disciples of Christ , to labour for this blessed temper , which is most proper for Disciples , this humble and sincere practice of what you do know , this humble willingness to be taught what you do not know ; and submission to those that do . I do not by this , in the least , plead for the gross blindness , and implicit Faith of the Laity , which is one of the chief Artifices of the Church of Rome . No , we that are Ministers of the Church of England , may be content ; nay , we may really wish , that all our Laity had as much true , solid understanding in Religion , as our Clergy . We can get no advantage by your want of knowledge , no more than you can do by ours . We have no spiritual cheat with which to delude you ; for the representing of which we should stand in need either of darkness , or of a false light . We have nothing in our public profession , which the wisest men , the most pious Christians may not outwardly practice ; nothing in our Faith , which they ought not inwardly to believe . We know , and are well assur'd , that the only reason , why our Church is not more generally embrac'd , and admir'd , is , bycause the purity of its Doctrine , the sobriety of its Devotion , the moderation of its Discipline , the largeness of its Charity , are not more impartially , and calmly examin'd , more generally understood . Our Church in its Spiritual State , as you are Christians , is most conformable to the Rules of Christ , to the Apostolical practice , to the Primitive Institutions . In its Rational state , as you are men , its Doctrines are very agreable to the reason of mankind ; its Precepts most becoming the purest , and the strictest laws of Nature , and Virtue , and Morality . In its Political state , as ye are Englishmen , its Interest is inseparable from the Interest of our Nation , and Government . We are therefore so far from being jealous of your most curious , and exact search into the Practices , and Principles of our Church , that we desire it ; nay , we most earnestly beseech it . We are in no danger from mens most subtle inquiry into it ; we may be from their utter carelesness , and indifference towards it . We are not against any mans seeing Spiritual Truth ; only we would not have the blind presume to teach others to see : we would not have men think they see , when they do not ; which is the most certain way for them never to see at all . We would have you know , as much as you can ; only we would have you believe that both you , and we , may know much more than we do : We intreat you to strive to know all , in a right way , by sober degrees , for right purposes , and uses , and ends . Most seasonable is this advice ; and I wish it could be most effectually recommended . For , to speak plain truth , a meek , humble , teachable Spirit , and by consequence , a devout , peaceable , and obedient Spirit are almost quite gone out of the world : whereas all things in Religion should be plain , scarce any thing will now please , that is so : Whilst so many strive to be Teachers , and place most of their Religion in that , how many censurers have we of others ? how many Reformers of the public ? how few learners ? how much fewer practisers themselves ? Alas ! is it not apparent , that ever since so many of the Laity have so much invaded , so many have so much despised the Office of the Clergy ; Pride has evidently prevailed over Humility , Faction over Unity , ill Nature over Charity ? Though I am not willing to make a Satyr on any Religious Party ; nor do I think that the best way to reclaim them : our Consciences should convince their Consciences , our Lives should confute their Lives : else 't is not enough only to employ our tongues , and our fancies against their Consciences : yet for Truths sake , this I must say ; that of all the Sects amongst us , who contemn the Authority of the Church , who separate themselves from the great things of our Religion , on a dislike of some small things ; and amongst whom all think themselves gifted Brethren alike : Whatever other virtues , or shadows of virtues , they may seem to have ; whatever sobriety of Life , or strictness of Conversation , or freedom from some scandalous sins they may pretend to : For which yet I cannot but say , that if they are really such , as they pretend , I wish they were ours ; yet may they not generally be observ'd to be exceedingly defective in the two principal , Fundamental Graces of Christianity ? which are Humility , and Charity . Humility of looks , or habit they may have ; but have they as much of heart , or life ? Charity of Good Works do they not too much despise , as a low , legal way to Heaven ? Charity of Opinions , have they any at all ? It cannot be denied , but in this last Age , in most of our memories , our Nation has manifestly degenerated from the practice of former times , in many Moral Virtues , and Spiritual Graces , which should teach us to render to God , the things that are Gods , and to Caesar the things that are Caesars . Where is that integrity of Manners , that truth of Conversation , that dutiful observance of Order , that modestly of Private Life , that Charity towards men , that humble Devotion towards God , in which , we can only say we have heard , our Nation once excell'd ? 'T would be a melancholy employment to search into the causes of this unhappy change : but whatever other occasions may have contributed to the continuance and increase of it ; certainly the chief cause of the beginning of it was Spiritual Pride , and Hypocrisie ; the want , nay the contempt of an humble , and docible Spirit . The different effects of this disposition , and of that , which is contrary to it , have been abundantly tried in all Histories , in all States , Civil , and Ecclesiastical ; especially Ecclesiastical . Those Countries , and Societies of men have ever most flourish'd , where men have been kept longest under a reasonable Discipline , those , where the number of Teachers have been few in comparison to the number of Learners . There was never yet any wise Nation , or happy Church , at least never any that continued long so : where all have thought themselves equally fit , and have been promiscuously admitted , to be Teachers , or Law-givers . What can be the consequence of such a head-strong , stiff-necked , over-weening , unmanageable Spirit ? can any thing be more destructive to Church , and State , than such a perverse humor , as is unteachable , ungovernable it self , and yet over-hasty to govern , and teach others ? where Children get too soon out of the government of their Parents , and Masters : where men think it a Duty of Religion , to strive to get out of the Government of their Magistrate , and Prince : where Christians shall think themselves not at all bound to be under the Government of the Church , must not all domestic , and Politic , and spiritual Relations soon be dissolv'd ? must not all order be speedily overthrown , where all the true ways to make , and keep men orderly , are confounded ? And what , in time would be the issue of such a confusion ? what ? but either gross ignorance , or false knowledge ? which is as bad or worse : what ? but a contempt of virtue , and prudence , under the disgraceful titles of pedantry , and formality ? what ? but a looseness of tongues , and lives ? and at last mens taking pride in , and valuing themselves on such looseness ? what but a disobedience to the Laws of man , in a pretence of the Kingdom of God ; but , in truth , a neglect of all the Laws both of God , and man ? In short , what but mad Enthusiasm first , and then licentious Atheism ? for very near is the distance , very easie the passage from one of these extremes to the other . Wherefore for these most pernicious distempers , the great prevention , the best remedy is this in my Text , that we all receive the Kingdom of God as little children : that children be carefully instructed in Religion , as children , whilst they are so : that our grown men , our wise men , especially our witty men , should not disdain to be as children , in respect of spiritual instruction : that the same modesty of opinions , and duty to Governours , and submission to Instructors , which children have by nature , without any experience , they would strive to have by choice , as the main end of , and best means to improve their greatest wit , and experience . 'T is good for a man that be beareth the yoke in his youth . 'T is good for him that beareth it , not only for human society : 'T is good to bear the yoke ; the severest direction , the hardest restraint ; much more to yield to the tenderness of counsel , the easiness of instruction , the wholsom severities of Discipline . First then , in the name of God , may the means of Education , the times of Institution , the rules of Discipline , the Laws of Government , the distance and duties of Inferiors to Superiors , of all degress , be most seriously regarded : that our men may be brought up to business , to professions , fitted for the world , for Heaven , by the laborious methods of virtue , and knowledg , and obedience , by an exact Rule , by sure degrees : no matter how slow , so they be but sure ; better too slow than too precipitate . And lastly , may our men of ripe years , our men of business , our great men be intreated to revive , and restore the antient simplicity , and integrity of manners : to practice an inward humility , and lowliness of mind ; an outward innocence towards all , condescension to Inferiors , observance of Superiors , submission to Teachers , subjection to Rulers : and to practise all these excellent virtues , not only as so many moral , or political Duties , but , as indeed they are , as some of the most Christian , most Spiritual , and most Evangelical Graces . Thus for us all to become as Children , is the surest way to preserve where it is , to recover where it was lost , private virtue , public honesty , and a national piety . And by the words of our Saviour in my Text , I am impowred to promise to this blessed Temper , an eternal Reward . For if whosoever shall not receive the Kingdom of God as a little child , shall not enter therein : Hence we may well conclude , that whosoever shall receive it as a child , shall enter therein . For of such , says our Saviour , is the Kingdom of God. Of which I beseech Almighty God to make us all partakers . Amen . FINIS . A Catalogue of some Books , Printed for , and sold by H. Brome , since the dreadful Fire of London , to 1675. COmber on the Common-Prayer : in two Volumes . A Guide to Eternity : By John Bona , Octavo . Dean W. Lloyd's Sermon before the King about Miracles . — His Sermon at the Funeral of John Lord Bishop of Chester . 6d . — His Sermon before the King in Lent , 1673. 6d . The Seasonable Discourse against Popery : in 40. 6d . — The Defence of it : 40. 6d . — The Difference betwixt the Church and Court of Rome : 40. 6d . The Papists Apology to the Parliament answered . 6d . Mr. Naylor's Commemoration Sermon for Colonel Cavendish . 6d . Mr. Sayer's Sermon at the Assizes at Reading . 6d . Mr. Tho. Tanner's Sermon to the scattered Members of the Church . 6d . Mr. Stanhop's four Sermons on several occasions : 80. bound . 1 s. 6d . Papal Tyranny , as it was exercised over England for some Ages ; with two Sermons on the fifth of Nov. by Dr. Du Moulin : 40. 1 s. 6d . — His Sermon at the Funeral of Dr. Turner , Dean of Canterbury . 6d . Bishop Laney's last Sermon before the King. Dr. Duport's three Sermons on Nov. 5. Jan. 30. May 29. The Reformed Monastery , or Love of Iesus . The History of the Charterhouse , with the Life and last Will of Thomas Sutton , Esq Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61172-e110 S. James 4.6 . Ver. 13 , 14. Heb. 12.1 . 1 Pet. 2.2 Rom. 12.2 . Luke 11.41 . Tit. 2.14 Mat. 10.16 1 Cor. 14.20 . St. Chrysost. on St. Matth. 19.14 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lam. 3.27 . 
A61173	----	A sermon preached before the Honourable House of Commons at St. Margarets Westminster, January 30th 1677/8 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1678 Approx. 52 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61173 Wing S5053 ESTC R16476 13153385 ocm 13153385 98121 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61173) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98121) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 751:36) A sermon preached before the Honourable House of Commons at St. Margarets Westminster, January 30th 1677/8 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [3], 48 p. Printed by T.N. for Henry Brome ..., London : 1678. Reproduction of original in Duke University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Sermons -- Early works to 1800. Bible. -- N.T. -- Matthew V, 10 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED before the HONOURABLE House of Commons At S t Margarets Westminster , January 30 th 1677 / 8 ; . By THOMAS SPRAT , D.D. Chaplain in Ordinary to His MAJESTY . LONDON , Printed by T. N. for Henry Brome , at the Gun in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1678. Mercurii 30 Die Jan. 1677 / 8 ; . ORdered , That the Thanks of this House be Returnd to Dr. Sprat , for his Sermon this day Preached before the House at St. Margarets Westminster : And that he be desired to Print his Sermon : And Sir Edmund Jennings , Sir Charles Wheeler , and Mr. Robert Wright , are to give him the Thanks of this House , and to Desire him to Print his Sermon . Will. Goldesbrough Cler. Dom. Com. A SERMON Preached before the HONORABLE HOUSE of COMMONS , At S t Margarets Westminster , on Ianuary 30 th 1677 / 8 ; . S t Mathew , 5. vers . 10. Blessed are they which are persecuted for Righteousness sake : for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven . WE are here Assembled to Lament the Death of one of the best Kings that ever Liv d , and the most Pious Martyrs , that ever Suffer'd . We are this Day to bewail a Crime so detested by God , and Man , that , unless this Day had been long since publickly appointed , by the Voice of the whole Nation , Pronounc'd by you the Representatives of it , for us , and our Posterity , to Bewail it Yearly , in this , and all future Ages ; the Guilty Memory of this Day had for ever remain'd , an Indelible Disgrace to the Present Age , and to the whole English Name it self . When we shall recollect the Afflictions , and the Virtues of that Blessed King ; and shall remember , that in his Virtues he Excell'd the most happy Princes ; in his Afflictions he Equall'd the most unfortunate Men : though it should not incline us to Murmur at the Divine Providence , whose Judgments are above our knowledge , and therefore ought not to come under our Censure : yet certainly , it cannot but make us abhor the terrible Effects of furious Zeal , when it mistakes Providence : it cannot but raise in us the greatest Hatred of Faction on a Pretence of Liberty ; and of Ambition , when it Counterfeits Religion . Should it not fill us all with Grief , and Amazement , that such a King could suffer , as a Tyrant ! who was , to His People , the most constant Defender of their antient Privileges , the greatest Author of New Ones : or as an Enemy of the True Religion ! who was in his Life the Great Ornament ; in his Death the most devout Example of it : or as unworthy to Govern ! who , not only by his Birth , had a Successive Right to the Crown , which he could not forfeit ; but also , by his Personal Virtues , might have deserv'd another Title to it , if His Crown had been Elective , and , as His Murderers impudently pretended , at the disposal of His Subjects . Whether we consider Him on the Throne , as he was there , too short a space , the Vice-Gerent of Gods Power ; or in the Church , as he alwayes imitated , and resembled the Divine Purity : or should we measure him , as we would any other Man : should we take His Picture , as He Himself delighted to be drawn , with His Crown and Scepter laid aside , and his Wife , and Children , or Servants by Him : whether we observe His Royal , and Christian , or His Private and Moral Excellencies ; we might find , in all , some Extraordinary Character of Greatness , and of that , which is the only true Greatness , such as was admirably Temper'd , and Adorn'd with Goodness . But those other more Resplendent parts of his Life , are a Subject fitter for a History than a Sermon . And , no doubt , if there shall be any Virtue , any Praise of Virtue in the Generations to come after us ; His Name will live , and be mention'd with Reverence in the Records of Honor : though not in the Large Roll of those Kings , who have been only Happy , Prosperous , and Victorous in this World : yet amongst the far smaller number , but much more Sacred , more truely Glorious Number of those Kings , that have been Saints , and Confessors , or Martyrs ; and therefore more than Conquerors . I confess , I might , and , give me leave to say it , I intended to have Complain'd , that the present Age had not made that Use of Him , which it ought ; His Enemies for their Repentance , and Amendment ; nor even His Friends for His Praise and Honor . But , blessed be God , I am happily prevented in one part of the Complaint : I have nothing now to wish , but that His Enemies would as well perform their Duty to Him , as , it must be acknowledg'd , you His Friends have done yours ; by that much Desir'd , long Expected , Yesterdayes Vote ; in which you have given a Resurrection to his Memory , by designing Magnificent Rites to his Sacred Ashes . So that now for the future , an English Man abroad will be able to Mention the Name of King CHARLES the First , without blushing : and His Heroick Worth will be deliver'd down to Posterity , as it alwayes deserv'd to be , not only freed from Calumny , or Obscurity ; but , in all things , most illustrious , in all things to be commended ; in most things to be imitated , in some things scarce imitable , and only to be admir'd . In confidence of this , I will leave the rest of His just Panegyrick to the Registers of Civil History : and I will only now employ that short time , your favor shall allow me , in representing to you that one particular Grace ; which , I believe , He had in as high a degree , as our Mortal Condition , of its self , is capable to Receive , His Magnanimity in Suffering . And , it will be best become this Religious Place , and Office , to recommend to you , from amongst His many other Virtues , that one Virtue of his Divine Patience , which he could learn from no other Principle , but his Religion . To this purpose , I have chosen to speak on these words of our Blessed Saviour ; wherein he proposes Persecution , which , to Nature , seems the greatest Evil , to be the greatest Good : such as all his Disciples ought , not only to endure well , as a nenessary Burthen , but to injoy as a Blessing . The Words themselves consist of Three Parts . First , This New , and Strange , Christian Paradox , that to be persecuted is a Blessing . Secondly , The only Qualification , that can make it to be so . It must be a Persecution for Rightneousness sake . Thirdly , The Great Reason , why it is a Blessing , because it is attended with the greatest Reward , The Kingdom of Heaven . I cannot now stay to insist distinctly on these Particulars , or to handle the Argument in my Text , as a Common place of Divinity . It will neither agree with the present temper of your Minds , or my own , to treat of it in such cold , and general terms . But what I shall say on this great , and Primitive Doctrine of Christianity , shall be only so much , as you may apply to the present occasion : that when I come to recount the Kings unparallel'd Sufferings ; you His Friends may be something comforted , in beholding the solid , and eternal Foundation of His Suffering so well ; which was no other than the Faith into which we were all Baptiz'd : and that therefore the Christian Faith , the Faith of the Church of England , may have the credit of that greatness of Mind , it Taught the King in His Extremity . That To be Persecuted is a Blessing , was a Doctrine never heard of , till our Saviour here first introduc'd it . No other Teacher , or Law-giver , ever went , or durst go so contrary to the interests and pleasures of Flesh and Blood. None else would have laid so much weight on Humane Nature : or could have made it so easie : none but He , that was God , as well as Man : He that , as Man , knew what it was to suffer and , as God , knew how to support those that Suffer'd . 'T is true , the power of bearing Persecution well , has been alwayes pretended to , by all Sects , and Nations , and Religions of Men. All History is full of such great Examples , amongst those , to whom the Gospel was never reveal'd . But have not the rest too generally gone , on the wrong , or tottering Principles , of empty Fame , of doubtful Philosophy , of False , of Imperfect Religions ? certainly seldome any truely Great , seldome any steddy , and unchangeable Comfort , little lasting relief , most certainly scarce any everlasting was to be found , till the appearance of our Saviour , to make Men , on just grounds , to Rejoyce , and Triumph in Pains , and Losses , and Miseries . Mankind , before that , was left detective in this most necessary Virtue , of which we have all a perpetual use . For , my Brethren , there is no Retirement so Secure , no Provision so Large , no Search so happy , as to find out that place , whither nor Cares , nor Misfortunes make their way . The Sweetest , the Fairest , the most plentiful , Alas ! you see , the most commanding condition is often times a greater burthen ; at best , is only a less , and a gentler misery , not any real hapiness . Of all those that built Houses in the Parable , the most rais'd them on the Sand : the best , and the wisest , could only found them on the Rock : on which , notwithstanding all their prudence , the Winds did blow , and the Sea did rage about them : all their advantage was not a full quiet ; but only that the Storms did beat on them in vain . And this is that for which we are only beholden to our Saviour Christ ; of whom , we may justly say , in respect of Mankind , as Augustus said of himself , and Rome , Lateritiam invenit , marmoream reliquit ; he found our Nature weak , and frail compos'd of Adams mouldring Earth ; but he made it , and left it of the finest , and most durable Marble . He himself came persecuted : but one of the chief ends of his coming , was to free all that believe on him , and obey his commands ; though not from all persecution , yet from all the Curse of it , nay , to do better , than if he had taken all persecution quite away , to make it a cause of Joy , and Felicity , a Blessing to those that are Persecuted . And , How feeble ! How deceitful ! How much like a broken Reed , which only pierces , where it should uphold , are all the other Motives , and Principles of Suffering well , in comparison to those , that He has Taught ! First . Some Men indeed may strive to endure Afflictions courageously , in a sence of Natural Decence ; by the force of some Natural Passion , or by the single Precepts of Natural Wisdom . But , What is the chief end , that such Men can propose to themselves ? Can it be much more , than the bare expectation of transitory Fame , and Honor in this World ? or some Temporary Interest , and Contentment here below ? And , What mighty Reliefs , or Rewards are these ? such Consolations , at best , can only stupify the Mind under pain ; they are far from turning the Pain into a Blessing . Such Recompences are imaginary , contemptible , perishing , whilst the Labors Men take for them , are great , and real : Whereas to a Christian Sufferer , the Labors are contemptible , compar'd to the inestimable greatness of the Recompence . Undoubtedly , nothing in this Life can make Afflictions tolerable , much less a Blessing , but a Belief , that there is another Life ; in comparison to the Joyes of which , the Miseries of this Life are of no consideration : nay , a belief , that we shall partake of the Joys of another Life , if we bear patiently the ordinary , and extraordinary Miseries of this : and that nothing can teach us to do the right way , but Religion ; nothing , but the Right Religion . For Secondly , There is also a strange Force , and Resolution of Mind , that may proceed from False Religions , and from the Principles of Enthusiasm . This kind must be confest far to exceed all Natural Courage in its effects : it may sometimes be hardly distinguishable from the True Patience , that is Taught by the True Religion it self . Yet there are very Material Distinctions between them : The chief this in my Text. The one is only for the True Righteousness sake : the other for a Counterfeit , Hypocritical Righteousness . And besides , they differ , in that the True Religion , rightly us'd , Teaches Men really to Believe , that to be Persecuted is a Blessing ; but never to Persecute . False Religion , and Enthusiasm may make Men Pretend to Believe , that to be Persecuted is a Blessing , but Really to Believe , that the Power of Persecuting is a Greater Blessing , and to Use that Power with the Greatest Cruelty , when they have got it ; as we have felt by Many Dismal Instances , especially that of This Black , and Guilty Day . However , it is too true , that Mistaken Zeal , and Deluding Inspirations , have oftentimes a Prodigious Influence on those Minds , that are Possest with them ; Possest in the Worst Sense of the Word : they can easily make Men despise all Dangers , and Terrors : they can fill their Proselytes with Heat , and Raptures enough to rush violently on Torments , to Glory in the false Presumption of Martyrdom , to do , as Empedocles of old , who cast himself willingly into the fiercest Flames , that he might be thought to go to Heaven . We have seen a Blind , Fanatical Zeal enrage Forty Men , to make War against a Mighty Nation , in full peace , in the midst of its Principal City . And since the Implacable Enemies of our Church and State have had , and still have such a dreadful offensive Weapon in their keeping , as all Zealous , though Erroneous Religion is : Should not this , my Brethren , be a serious Admonition to us , who profess our selves Friends to the Church and State , to make provision against them , by the better , more powerful , indeed invincible defensive Weapons of our Spiritual Warfare , that may be learnt from the True , and Unfeigned Religion ? Since they pretend to fetch their Armor from Heaven against our Cause : ought not we really to fetch ours from Heaven against theirs ? we cannot want all other means of defence ; we have Reason , and Justice , and Law , and Loyalty on our side : All those the Enemies of our Church and State must want : But let us beware , least if they have any Zeal , we none , they have something more forcible than any of the other . Most certainly nothing but Conscience well-inform'd can be an equal Match , for Conscience misguided : nothing but the power of Godliness ; nothing but True Zeal can break the force of False Zeal , and of the very form of Godliness . Wherefore , from that Fatal Example , how much the Name of Godliness , Hypocritically us'd , stood our Adversaries instead ; may we be instructed to Govern our Minds , and Strengthen our Hearts , and Reform our Lives , by the Directions and Precepts of the True Holiness ; to have our Consciences as much in earnest as theirs , but better Inform'd ; not only to hate the Hypocrisie , but to out-doe the warmth of their Zeal . And , if the very Shadow of Christ could do such wonderful things : What would not his Hand , his Tongue , his Body , his Life do . If by a sad experience , we have found a feigned , and Dissembled Piety , so outragiously strong , and too long irresistible : Should we not thence conclude , what greater Influence , what more durable Authority , the True Piety might have on our Minds , by the efficacy of its own True Promises , Rewards , and Comforts ? In which God has pitied the Infirmities of our weak Humanity : has supply'd them all in a gracious proportion to our defects : has provided the greatest happiness for our immortal , and mortal parts hereafter : has furnisht us with the best relief for our Mortal part here . But , that Religion should bestow the surest aid , and assistance in persecution , is the more strange : because at the first view , it seems to make persecution more grievous , by forbidding us many helps , and means of defence , which nature offers to the afflicted . Does not our Saviours Doctrine command us , to have the severest thoughts of our selves ? It tames the mind , as well as it requires the body , to be subservient to the mortification of the mind : It lays so much restraint on our intemperate pleasures , that to a carnal man it even seems to render prosperity a sort of persecution . It denies us the use of some kinds of resistance ; of all manner of revenge : of all actual revenge , which is the delight of the powerful ; of all revengeful thoughts , which may be esteemed some ease to the weak . How then can it be , that such a Doctrine should turn all persecution into a blessing ? yes most certainly : and for the most weighty reasons : of which the Two principal are here mention'd . In this life , it makes the suffering delightful , because it is for righteousness sake : in the next , it makes it our glory , and crown , because of it's just claim to the Kingdome of Heaven . First , I say , 't is this Doctrine only that prescribes such rules , and provides such helps , for the right ordering of all our thoughts , words and actions in this Life ; that if they be exactly followed , will put us into a condition of suffering for nothing but Righteousness sake . So much moderation it imposes on our injoyment of things in our power : So strictly it forbids all irregular desires of things in others power : So much it teaches an inoffensive meekness , and caution of not displeasing God , or injuring Man : that whoever lives accordingly , whatever his Persecution may be , he cannot but be innocent in it : And if he be innocent , the Persecution will be so too ; and will do him no manner of hurt . To a heart so Conscientiously prepar'd ; so certain of its Duty , so rightly secur'd in its Cause , the Afflictions of this World have quite another appearance , than to the rest of the World. They are presently found to be only the tender Trials of a Merciful Father ; to be not only his Trials , but Tokens , and Testimonies of his Love , and of our Adoption ; to Intitle us to the Privileges of Gods own People , and Children , to his Peculiar Care , to his Spiritual Joys , to his Kingdom . That is the other Contemplation , which completes the Blessing . And it is only the hope of that Kingdom , which our Lord Christ alone has Purchas'd for us , that can be Equal to the Wants and Wishes of our Immortal Souls . That only can Refresh the Distress'd , and ease the Heavy Laden , and Support the Living , and Rejoyce the Dying ; without that Expectation , the least Mortal Frailties , and Crosses , even Mortality it self , were an Intolerable Oppression : but , with it , the Cruellest Mortal Pains may be made light , and inconsiderable : without that Beliefe , as Christians of all Men , so Men of all Creatures , were most miserable . If there were no prospect of Heaven , even Earth it self were a kind of Hell : so dark , so uncomfortable , so dismally doubtful were the Condition of Mankind . But now there is a Heaven , so certain , so unquestionable , so near them , who believe it , and labor for it : to such there shall not only be no Hell ; but even Earth it self , amidst all their Earthly Calamities , becomes a kind of Heaven : so truely great is their Present Comfort : so unspeakably great will be their future Felicity . YOU now behold , the Character , Supports , and Benefits of that Persecution ; which , in the Religion , that all of us have embrac'd , is reckon'd as a Blessing . This infallibly is the Christian Doctrine . I come next to inforce , and illustrate it by a Christian Example . And , I might allege that of the Blessed Author of it , our Saviour himself : But , in him , it may be said , the Godhead did sustain the Humanity . I might urge the Apostles , and Primitive Disciples . But they also were immediately assisted by a Miraculous Power , enabling them to do , and to suffer . I might produce a Noble Army of Martyrs , in all Ages of the Christian Church . But it will now be enough , once for all , only to mention the blessed Pattern of that Saint-like King : whose wonderful Patience , in an Age , wherein Miracles were ceas'd , did almost seem to revive them : His magnanimous Suffering did evidence , how much Strength , and Lustre , the true Piety may add to the most Princely Mind : the Afflictions , that surrounded His Head , did not deface , but beautify His Life : as the Thorns , His Great Master wore at His Passion , they were intended by His Enemies for His Shame , and His Pain , but they were in Truth His Crown , His Fourth , more Precious Crown . When I seriously reflect on all the Sufferings of that Excellent Prince ; how little He deserv'd the least of them from any Man ; how much far otherwise he merited from many the chief Authors of them ; and yet by how many sad Circumstances they were still increast ; against how many fair hopes they still prevail'd ; and with what unshaken Constancy He bore them all : I cannot but conclude , that He was separated , and Consecrated , as it were , by Gods Special Appointment , to fall a Glorious Sacrifice ; to give a new Example of Christian , Passive Courage , to the decaying Virtue of this Age : and that , as the blood of Martyrs is truly said to be the Seed of the Church , so the Blood of one Martyr'd King , should be the perpetual Seed , both of the Church , and Monarchy of England . He succeeded to His Temporal Crowns , by the Conjunction , and Indisputable Right of many Royal ●ines . Yet he was so far from having the usual allowance , that seems due to Rightful , Sovereign Princes : from observing whose very faults too curiously their Subjects ought ; and in better times , their honorable Enemies were wont to retire with respect : so far He was from being thus us'd , that even His Virtues were Misinterpreted , and Scandalously Revil'd . His Gentleness was miscall'd defect of Wisdom ; His Firmness , Obstinacy ; His Regular Devotion , Popery ; His Decent Worship , Superstition ; His Opposing of Schism , Hatred of the Power of Godliness . Such was the remarkable aggravation of His unjust Persecutions ; that though He had manifestly the Right on His side , yet His Enemies , by their Artifices , had got over most of the good , and plausible words , to be on theirs . Whilst the worst of their Actions were Sanctify'd , and made Popular by the Specious Titles of Liberty , Purity , and Reformation : He Dy'd for the Laws , as a Malefactor ; for the Church , the best Reformed Church , as an Enemy to the Cause of God. To His People He was ever most Indulgent , still scattering amongst them the Royal Prerogatives , with a Liberality rather becoming the Mildness of the Giver , than due to the Ingratitude of the Receivers . For , in Answer to all His most Bountiful Concessions , He still met with Evil Surmises , Perverse Comments on all His Acts of Grace : and those seconded by Mutinous Petitions , Seditious Clamors , and Assaults , and at last an open Rebellion . What shall we say ? some strange fatality , some unusual unheard of Giddiness had unawares seiz'd on , and , in too great a part , infatuated the English Spirit : to make them grow discontented , and sick of their very Prosperity ; thus rashly to employ the Riches , and Plenty , they reap'd from the first happy part of His Reign , to render the latter part of it unhappy . Nor were the Calamities of His Fate only confin'd to Himself ; which , no doubt , a Mind of so much innocent tenderness , desir'd ; but they were Infectious to all about Him. That which , in any other Age , would have been thought a proof of the greatest Human Abilities , to Counsel Wisely , and Faithfully so Judicious a Prince : and a sign of the greatest Human Felicity to be b●loved by so great , and good a Prince : was then acertain Forerunner of Misfortune . Of His dearest Servants , the First , whom he receiv'd from His Father , and Himself long Protected from the blind Malice of Envy , was snatch'd from Him by the Hand of a base Assassinate . And whilst His Generous Heart was bleeding for the Loss , many thousands of His Subjects , with Secret Shews of Satisfaction , nay , with open Testimonies of Joy , Applauded the Horrid Murther of His Friend . His other best Servant ; a Minister , the most able of that time , both for Counsel and Action ; a Friend , one of the best which ever the Church of God had , since it needed such a Friend : Him he was constrain'd to give up as a Prey to Popular Tumults , or , which is as bad , to Popular Justice : nay , which was worse , and which ought not to have been mention'd , but that the King Himself often spoke , and writ of it , with such Solemn Remorse ; His Royal and guiltless Hand was made an unwilling Instrument of that unrighteous Action . But , the Justice this Parliament has done to the Earl of Strafford's Honor , has Vindicated the Name of Parliaments , in this Particular : and the Repentance of that Merciful King has paid an honorable Atonement to his Ghost . The Servants Innocence has been abundantly justify'd by the Masters so Passionately accusing His own Weakness , for yielding to his Death . It was indeed a Weakness , to which the Counsels of His disguis'd Enemies , or timerous Friends provok'd Him. Yet , he could never at last have been drawn to it , had He not been half perswaded , that 't was better for one Man to die , than for the whole People to perish . And , How justly may we think His Virtues to have been extraordinary ! when His greatest fault ( I make bold to call it His fault , and I believe it was His greatest ) had so good , and innocent a Foundation , as the Peace of three Kingdoms . Have we not great reason to suppose , that His Conscience was most strictly watch'd , and guarded from Sin ? Could any of His Enemies , notwithstanding all their boasts in this kind , shew us Proof of a Conscience so tender ? which did so Affectionately Lament , so Severely Repent of that Offence , as if the whole Guilt of it had been His own : whereas , at the worst , the Infirmity of it only was His , the Guilt belong'd to His Enemies . His own Family was at once Persecuted in many Quarters of the World. There was scarce a Great House in all Christendome , that had contracted Alliance with Him , which Gods Visitation did not seem to search out , and to reach in that Age. An observation , in which His Adversaries were wont much to Glory : As if he , and his whole Name had been utterly rejected by Heaven . But , success , and prosperity in this World , is rather a Turkish , than a Christian Proof of Gods favor : and adversity the like of his displeasure . Or else we might often since have confuted the very same Men with their own Argument . His only Sister had a long familiarity with unhappiness . Her he could never relieve in his most prosperous dayes . Nor was Providence rowzd to restore her Family , till about the very year of His Martyrdome . His own Queen was expos'd to all manner of Injuries : Rob'd of the Privileges due to Her Sex ; much more to her high Birth , and Condition : declar'd Traytor for doing the duty of a Wife : the Laws of Human Society violated , to keep His very Mind from her : his Letters to her intercepted , published , condemned , as Correspondence with the disaffected . His Children were driven from his Paternal care , in that Age , which most needed it : some bred up at home , under the Discipline of his Enemies ; of whom , even the Tender Mercies were cruel : others wandring abroad , and depending on the uncertain pity of His Neighbors . What one of the Ancients said of Pompey's fall , was too true of the Kings : One Country could not contain so great a ruine : the Shipwrack was cast on many Shores : not indeed to be buried there , as Pompey was ; but to Return again by a wonderful Restitution . Yet that satisfaction the King himself liv'd not to see : He only felt the severe side , their Separation , and Distresses : the comfortable part , their Restoration , His Blessed Spirit has injoy'd in Heaven , since His Death : and , by a strange , mysterious effect of the Divine Mercy , his very Death ought to be esteem'd the Principal Cause of their Restoration . Thus was he unjustly Persecuted , in one part of his Domestick Relations : There was another also ; in whose Ruine he was even yet more nearly concern'd : and that was the Church of England . For , Why may I not call our Church a Member of His Private Family ? seeing he cherish'd it so Familiarly , converst with it so constantly , provided for it so carefully : 'T were well if this were all : but I must add , he Dy'd for it so Zealously . For the Service , and Devotions of this Church , his Affections were so Inflam'd , his Judgment so confirm'd ; his Practise in them so Incessant ; that in all these , he was scarce equall'd by any of its own Ministers ; I am perswaded , he was outdone by none . We have undeniable instances , that neither his best Beloved Recreations ; nor one of the most Sorrowful Messages he ever receivd ; not his most Urgent Business ; not his Greatest Delights ; not his Greatest Grief could prevail with him , ever to Omit , or but for a Moment to interrupt his Dayly Solemn Prayers . From this Church he might justly have expected , and he had his last Comforts . But , alas ! when he most needed her help , he saw her in the greatest outward Desolation her self : Her Chief Prelate , one of the Most Innocent , Devout , and Magnificent Men of that Age , Beheaded in the view of Forty thousand Men ! and too many of them so Inhumane , as to Rejoyce at the Death of a Bishop ; against whom , their Chief Objection was , his being a Bishop . Of this Church , whose Preservation , and Prosperity had been alwayes his chief Study , he liv'd to see the Truth Question'd , the Glory Vanish'd , the Buildings Falling , the Revenues Devour'd : and so Devour'd , that he himself must be compell'd , either to confirm the Sacrilege by his Authority , or to make way for it by his Blood. Of which two Dreadful Extremes he chose the last : And so became our Churches Martyr , as he had been her Saint : A Saint incomparably more holy , than all the Enthusiastical Saints of the Sectaries : A Martyr , to be prefer'd before a whole Multitude of Martyrs that swell the Romish Calandar . Of this Church , in his Imprisonments , the Publick Offices were sometimes denied him : the attendance of his own Chaplains , sometimes forbid : seldom but precariously allow'd : Liberty of Conscience refus'd the King , by the meanest of his Subjects , who Claim'd it as their Own Due , both by Religion , and Nature , and made that the Chief Pretence of their Rebellion against him . His most Secret Duties of Piety were often disturb'd by the abuse and outrage of common Soldiers : hardly the Service of one of his Bishops was afforded him in his last Agony . Yet Providence so order'd it , that it was the very Bishop , whom , of all his Clergy , he had most employ'd in Secular Affairs . Nor could any thing more justify the Pious , and Conscientious Choice of his Ministers , both in Church , and State , than that the very same Man , who had Manag'd his Revenue , should be thought fittest to direct his Conscience ; that his best Treasurer should be his last Confessor . As to the Unnatural War against him , he made himself so naked to avoid it , that , when it was forc'd on him , he was not in a Capacity to Maintain his own Just Rights in it : He went so far to meet his Undutiful Subjects in a Peaceful Compliance ; that he devested himself of most of his own strengths , by which he might have supprest them . Why then did his Enemies so often tell heaven in their Prayers , that it was not the Arm of Flesh , which brought them Salvation ? when they had in their Usurp'd Possession the most considerable Forces , and Estates of their own Complices , or his Friends , his Fleets , his Magazines , his Revenue , and the far stronger part of all the Carnal Means of the Nation on their side . Why did they so often boast , in their Way of Vain-glorious humiliations , that they themselves were only dry bones , that a Divine Spirit animated them , and that God was their Confederate ? when it was so far from being a signal Providence , that the King was at last overcome ; that indeed it was rather a wonder he was not sooner : that You , and such as You , and Your Fathers , could so long support his declining Cause , against a power so much more mighty than his , and yours . But God thought fit to suffer him to be defeated . And , though the Divine Counsels were in this , as they are in many other things , unsearchable : yet , thus much we may safely pronounce , that it was not in Wrath to him , but in Mercy . It was indeed our Wound , and our Calamity , not his . For his Sufferings that followed his Defeat , redounded far more to his own glory , than if he had Triumph'd in War , or if his Life had smoothly slid away in Peace . His Reign , if it had continued quiet , must needs have been most happy . That goodness of temper , had it not been oppos'd , would sure have been admirable , seeing it was so great , when most bitterly offended . His Victory , if he had Conquer'd , would no doubt have been Mild , and Bloodless : None would have perish'd by it , but Arm'd , and in the Field . He had too great a Heart , to insult over the Miserable . He would certainly have laid no other Chains on the Vanquish'd , but those of Pardon , and Mercy : seeing He forgave them , and pitied them , amidst the Pride and Rudeness of their own Victory . This is a Truth undoubted . Yet still I must affirm , that 't was more for His own Personal Renown , he was overcome . Many others would have shar'd with Him , in the Honor of the Conquest . His Armies , His Commanders , and Fortune it self might have claim d some part in those Laurels . But , this was a Praise far Greater , much Rarer , more Christian , wholy Gods , and His Own : that , after His Soldiers routed , His Garisons yielded , His Friends reduc'd to the last Extremity , but Despair : And , Who but such Friends would not then have despair'd ? yet still He kept His own Mind unconquer'd , and made that naked , and alone , to incounter , and Triumph over all the Malice of His Enemies . We are now arriv'd at that , which , in the Worlds Opinion , was the most unfortunate : but , in a Christian Account , was the most Victorious part of the Kings Life . There is still behind a Lamentable Story ; to us Lamentable , though not to Him. But after so many sad Representations , 't is time the Veil be drawn . The deplorable remainder is only fit for such Salvages to hear , who could see it without Grief , and cause it without Remorse . Here therefore let us pass it by in Silence : Let us strive to overwhelm the Cruel , and Guilty Part of the Kings Martyrdom , which was His Enemies Part ; by the Contemplation of the Innocent , and Honorable part of it , that was His own . And this , my Brethren , is such a way of keeping the Thirtieth of Ianuary , as the Royal Martyr Himself most desir'd . This way of Observing it , is most Answerable to the first Design ; of Dedicating such Days to the Memories of departed Saints . For when the Primitive Christians first Met on such 〈…〉 , on the very Dayes , and 〈…〉 on the very Places , where some 〈…〉 Christian had suffer'd : they were not wont to spend their time in Cursing their Enemies , or Repeating the wretched Circumstances of their Cruelty ; but rather in Praying that God would Convert them , in declaring the Pious Works , and Admirable Patience of those , that had Suffered ; and in giving God the Glory of their Exemplary Sufferings . YOU have therefore heard enough , how this Blessed Martyr was unjustly Persecuted : though I have stopt my Narration on the very brink of the Precipice . Let us now see , how He made those Persecutions a Blessing : how He behav'd Himself , in those His last , and severest Conflicts : when the Whole World was a Spectator , too Calmly a Spectator , of the Last Part of His Life : whilst Wicked Men Furiously Pursu'd His Death : furiously ; for it was one time , or other , to be the Cause of their own Destruction : whilst Good Men Pray'd for Him , but could not otherwise help Him : nay His Enemies Pray'd too , and boldly Bely'd Heaven , in Presuming , that His Murther was the Return of their Prayers . But Heaven was on His side ; God supported Him ; the Angels Minister'd to Him ; the Devils Tempted , Him in vain , His Adversaries too Effectually . And , I beseech you , Where can there be found a Worthier , or more plentiful Subject for our Admiration ? than that so Great a King , who had Sway'd those Scepters , that are the Balance of all Europe , should come down from His High Estate , by so many easie , and deliberate Degrees ! should put off all the Ornaments of a just Soveraignty , to bear all the Indignities of His own Subjects Tyranny , with so little Reluctancy , with so much Contentment ! should prepare Himself still for thicker , and greater Afflictions , by a Glorious Disdain , and yet a Pious Improvement of all the former ! should have a Mind so Compassionate of others Misfortunes , even of His Enemies Offences , and yet so Serene amidst His own Dangers ! should have a greater Lustre , and Majesty of Countenance , as Moses had , and that not when he was performing an Act of Government , and Administring the Law ; but when He was dying , by the Unjust Pretence , of His having broken His own Laws ! For any Man to bear Miseries well , has been ever counted so great an Honor , that some of the Antient Heathens have too extravagantly thought , it equall'd Men to God Himself , who is not capable of Misery . That ( sayes one of them ) is truely Divine , to have the Frailties of a Man , the Security of a God. It is indeed , by all true Philosophy , esteem'd to proceed from the greatest strength of Nature ; by all true Christianity , from the highest degree of Grace . Can any other Virtue , so cleerly manifest , of what strong , and firm , and invulnerable a temper the heart is made ? Passive Courage is perform'd within , in the Soul it self : when Men are forlorn , oppress'd , despis'd , not so well as only forsaken : when they have no Flatterers , few Comforters , scarce any but Enemies near them . And therefore this Grace before was generally more found in the Poor , Low , and Obscure part of the World : 't was commonly excluded from Princes Courts , by a Thousand Delights , and by the Pompous Dreams of Human Greatness . 'T was almost enough Patience before in Great Men , to be only more moderate , and reserv'd in their Pleasures . From the Greatest , and Best of Kings before , Men us'd rather to take Examples how to Lead Armies , to Command Nations , to Distribute Justice , to cherish their Good Subjects , to subdue the Rebellious . These were the Arts of Empire . 'T was from the severe Practices of the Cottage , the Cell , and the Gown , and they usually fetch'd Instructions , and Examples , how to submit to hard Fate , to endure Mildly the Rigors of a stronger Power , to contemn the Melancholy , and Terrors of a Prison , to pardon , or to bear the Affronts of mean Conquerors ; and , by such hands to Dye a violent Death with Decence . What Praises then can be worthy of that King , who so much excell'd the upper , and the lower part of Mankind , in their different perfections ? who out-did the Upper in Righteousness and Mercy ; the Lower , in Meekness , and Long-suffering ? How shall we be able to Extol His Goodness ; who could 〈◊〉 readily lay down His own Life for His Subjects ? when it has been often esteem'd goodness enough in other Sovereigns , to spare sometimes the Lives of some of their Subjects , that have transgrest their Commands ! What Title shall we bestow on that Magnanimous Courage , which could endure all the Barbarous forms of such a Tryal , and Execution ; the Insolence of the Ignominious Judges ; the Horror of the Disguis'd Executioners ; nay , even ( pardon the Word , for He Pardon'd the Thing ) the Spitle of His Inhuman Persecutors : could suffer this , with as much unconcern'd easiness , as if it had been only the Pomp , and Solemnity of His Coronation ? To Witness all this , I might challenge the Testimony of those very Servants , that were , by His Adversaries , impos'd on Him in His Restraints : of whom , many were Converted by His Sufferings , who had been His most bitter Enemies , whilst He flourish'd . I might Allege His Speeches , His Conferences , His Personal Treaties , His Conversation , His Immortal Writings ; all Compos d in His Greatest Distresses ; some near the very sight of the Scaffold . They tell us , that when Caesar Swam for His Life amidst His Enemies , He had such Presence of Mind , as to Swim with one hand , and in the other to hold up His own Book , and save it from perishing . But , when the King was incompass'd with far greater , inevitable dangers , He not only preserv'd , but Wrote that Books ; to which , amongst all the Writings of Princes , I know none equal , but Caesar's , if His : none Superior , but Davids and Solomons . But , What need we seek farther , for a Proof of His Royal Courage , and Christian Patience , than to the very Men that Conquer'd Him ? And that not only now , when they have so many Reasons , to Condemn their own Cruelty towards Him : and , of all Reasons , two most unanswerable ones : I wish they would think so : His Own Pardoning them , and His Sons Confirming His Mercy . But we may even venture to appeal to their Opinions , and Censures of Him , when He was in His Lowest , they in their Highest , most Insulting Condition . His Enemies had Him long amongst them : long they had all His nearest Concernments open to their discovery : His Chambers , His Cabinets , His very Body , and Heart . The last part of His Life they forc'd Him to pass in a Camp , or Prison , or Hall , or Scaffold . There were no secret conveyances of a Palace ; no officious silence of Servants ; there all His behaviour was exposed to the view of all , and chiefly to those , that mortally hated Him. And what the least indecence or weakness did they discerne ? What the Greatest Resolution , and Heroick Spirit did they not see in Him ? Did , at any time , any word , or even murmur of discontent come from Him , for which He ought to have been jealous of His Enemies presence ? Nay rather might He not , in all , have wish'd for their most exact , and severe observation ? For what did , or could they observe ? What in all His Discourses , but great Truth oppress'd , and yet Gloriously Prevailing ? What in all His private Actions , but the most unaffected Modesty , and Devotion ? What in all His Publick , but Unmoveable Constancy , and , the most invincible thing in this World , an Humble Conscience well-assured ? How many various , distracting thoughts , of Hatred and Disdain , of natural Tenderness and Affection ( not to speak of Fear or desire of Life ) might often then have assaulted a weaker Heart , in any one of all the dismal degrees of His Passion ! was it not then enough to Discompose and Shake a Mind less Establish'd : or then when , instead of the most Flourishing Court of Europe , He saw Himself long abandon'd to silent Walls , or Rocks , and Seas , and yet more cruel Guards ? or then when in His Solitude He cast His thoughts back on His Travels abroad ; where He was the Love , and Delight of Forein Courts . and , on His Return Home , when the Whole Nation seem'd , for Joy , to go out beyond its own Shores to Meet Him : and , now to find , that the same Nation lay so quiet , and Astonish'd at His approaching Murther ? or then , when He reflected on the Spotless Innocence of His whole Life , and compar'd it as He well might , with other Princes His Contemporaries : and yet observ'd the strange Difference , that Heaven had made in their Fortunes ? or then when He found , that after the Greatest hopes of Peace , and Accommodation , He was so suddenly , so unexpectedly Hurried to Destruction , that even many of His Enemies , could not keep pace with the rest , in their Cruelty ? or when He saw , that all the second Attempts of His Loyal Friends had prov'd as unfortunate , as the first ? or , when He remember'd the Innocence , and the Calamities of the absent parts of Himself , and took His last leave of those His Children that were present ? or , when He beheld the places of His Trial , and Martyrdome ; the one the Chief Seat of His own Justice , the other of His former Splendor ? Or when — I can go no farther . For this can scarce be spoken without Tears : and Tears will not become a Death so Triumphant . Let it suffice , that , in all this , He was not without all Natural Affections ; nor can any Man , that is , be truly Magnanimous . Two things , indeed , came near His Heart : the Misfortunes of His Family , and Friends ; and the Slavery , in which , He saw His Subjects were going to be Inthrall'd . These only could touch , yet even these could not disorder His Soul , nor weaken His Faith in God ; to whom He Meekly Resign'd His Own Private , and the Publick Cause , which was His own too ; and by a Divine Spirit , Foretold the happy Recovery of both . Let therefore the present Age , and Posterity , let all his Friends and Admirers know , what his Enemies could not but confess ; that in all his Last Words , and Looks , and Actions ; He not only equall'd his former Greatness ; but he Did , and Spoke , and Look'd , as became the Glory he was going to possess . He parted from his Crowns , as not asham'd to have worn them , nor conscious of deserving to lose them , nor unwilling to leave them . He submitted not to the Unjust Sentence , as a King : he yielded to the Cruel Execution of it , as a Christian . The dishonorable part he refus'd ; the painful he accepted . He pleaded not for himself at his Enemies Bar , because it was below him : He Pleaded , and Pray'd for his Enemies , at the Bar of heaven , which only was above him . That Majesty which Nature gave him , he preserv'd , he improv'd : That humility , and charity , which Religion Taught him , he Practis'd , he adorn'd . What Comforter , in so great a Tempest , could have inspir'd him , with such Security , such Calmness , such Cheerfulness ? Who ? but He , whom the Winds and Seas obey'd , He , that walk'd Himself on the Roughest Waves ; suffer'd himself the greatest Torments , and was able to make His Disciples do the same . Of that Divine Teacher He learnt this Heavenly Truth , That Persecution is a Blessing : and , He behav'd Himself Conformable to that Blessed Example , as well as Doctrine . He was Persecuted for Righteousness sake ; whether we take Righteousness for Justice , or Religion : For both of which He was a Martyr : and , although his Persecutions might seem a Curse , to him , in this World , because they depriv'd him of an Earthly Diadem : yet they were a Real , Inexpressible Blessing to him : For he is abundantly , unmeasurably recompens'd in the Kingdom of Heaven . Whether the Kingdom of Heaven be taken , as usually it is in Scripture Language , for the Gospel of that Kingdom : those Truths , and Precepts , that shew the Way to it : or for the Joys of Heaven it self , to which they Lead : He certainly has had the blessings of both : He felt , out of question , the sincere Comforts of the Evangelical Doctrine in this World : his Life shewd it ; his Sufferings prov'd it ; his Death most evidently confirm'd it . And therefore we have a charitable , undoubted assurance , that he attain'd , at his Death , to the other more happy Sense of the Word : that ( as he himself the very Moment of his Expiring , said he should ) He has exchang'd his Corruptible , for an Incorruptible Crown : that the Text of the Sermon Preach'd before him , at his Coronation , though it then might seem unseasonable , has prov'd Prophetical : which was the latter part of those Words , Be thou faithful unto Death , and I will give thee a Crown of Life . We have now attended this Godlike Man , to the end of his Labors : and , as much as we can do , by our lmperfect Applauses , and Congratulations , we have brought him to the end of his Faith , his entrance into the Kingdom of Glory . But , I am sensible , that , in Zeal to perform my poor Office to his Ashes , I have too much Trespass'd on the Patience of this Great Assembly . Yet , I was led on by some kind of confidence , that , having this the Subject of my Discourse , I should not only have your Customary pardon , and more than ordinary Attention , but the most favourable Concurrence of your tenderest Passions , For though , on less , and private occasions , there is scarce any Sorrow , but may be wearied and dried up , by the distance of almost Thirty years : yet I could not but believe , and you your selves have given me the greatest reasons imaginable to believe it , that there are none here present , who came not hither still afresh , and most nearly concern'd in the Irreparable Loss of that excellent King. Perhaps some that have heard me this day , were his own Menial Servants ; and so were Domestick Witnesses of His incomparable goodness ; and had a share in His particular Kindness : many there may be here , who injoy'd the blessed fruits of His first Peaceful , most Gentle , most Religious Reign : many I see , who griev'd at His Ruin , and indeavour'd too to support His falling Greatness with the hazard of all , with the loss of much , that was near , and dear to them . Even the youngest of us , methinks , cannot but still , most sensibly regret His untimely Fall ; by which they were depriv'd of so perfect an Example of all Virtue , and Piety ; and were forc'd to pass away their first years , that else might have been most pleasant , amidst the Oppressions , and Confusions of their Country . And certainly , all of us together have just cause to be humbled , under a sense of Gods Wrath , and to Implore his Mercy , that this Royal Innocent Blood , which was spilt for the Church , and has cryed from under the Altar , may , at length , cease Crying ; not only against the Wretched Instruments of that Cruelty , for that also , in our own Charity , and by His Example , we ought to Pray for : but , that His Blood may cease Crying against the whole Nation it Self , which ( How shall I express it , without offence ? nay , How with a just resentment ? ) which certainly suffer'd it by their Negligence : Should I not add ? by their stupidity ; and too much hasten'd it by their Sins . And , if we are all Cordially thus affected , as , I doubt not , but we all are ; with such Indignation for his Undeserv'd Death ; such Veneration for His Never-dying Memory ; may we all endeavor to express these our Affections , not only by declaring our abhorrence of those Black Counsels , and Accursed Practises , which finish'd the last part of His Tragedy ; but even of those that did , any way , though at never so great a distance , in the least , Contribute towards it . May all of us , according to our several Stations and Abilities : and , Who can have Abilities to do this , if you here present have not ? May all of us be most industriously Watchful , that the same Schismatical Designs , and Antimonarchical Principles , which then lnspir'd so many ill Men , Misled some Good Men , and cost our Good King so Dear ; may not once more revive , and Insinuate themselves again , under the same , or Newer , and Craftier Disguises , and find an opportunity to attempt the like Mischiefs . For the Present , Let us all joyn in our hearty Prayers to Allmighty God , That he would be pleased to pardon to us , and to our Country , this Hainous , Publick Sin , by the same Infinite Compassion , by which we can only expect Forgiveness of Our own particular Sins ; By that Blood , which speaks better things than the Blood of the most Righteous Abel , or Charles ; By that Blood , which is more Precious than the Kings : By the Blood , and Merits , and Intercession of Iesus Christ Our Lord. Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61173-e300 Rev. 2.10 
A61168	----	A relation of the late wicked contrivance of Stephen Blackhead, and Robert Young, against the lives of several persons by forging an association under their hands written by the Bishop of Rochester. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1692 Approx. 83 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 40 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61168 Wing S5046 ESTC R24611 08254224 ocm 08254224 41219 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61168) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41219) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1241:6) A relation of the late wicked contrivance of Stephen Blackhead, and Robert Young, against the lives of several persons by forging an association under their hands written by the Bishop of Rochester. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 75 p. Printed by Edward Jones, [London?] : 1692. "In two parts. The first part being a relation of what passed at the three examinations of the said Bishop by a committee of Lords of the Privy-Council. The second being an account of the two above-mentioned authors of the forgery." Imperfect: pt. 2 lacking. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Young, Robert, 1657-1700. Blackhead, Stephen. 17th cent. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , Octob. 19. 1692. Edmund Bohun . A RELATION Of the Late Wicked Contrivance Of STEPHEN BLACKHEAD and ROBERT YOUNG , against the Lives of several Persons , by Forging an Association under their Hands . Written by the Bishop of Rochester . In Two Parts : The First Part being a Relation of what passed at the Three Examinations of the said Bishop by a Committee of Lords of the Privy-Council . The Second being an ACCOUNT of the Two above-mentioned Authors of the Forgery . In the SAVOY : Printed by EDWARD IONES . MDCXCII . A RELATION of the late Wicked Contrivance of Stephen Blackhead and Robert Young against the Lives of several Persons , by Forging an Association under their Hands , &c. I Think it becomes me , as a Duty which I owe to my Country , and to the Character I have the undeserved Honor to bear in the Church , to give the World some Account , how my Innocency was clear'd from the late Wicked Contrivance against me : In hopes that this Example of a false Plot so manifestly detected , may be , in some sort , beneficial to the whole Nation on the like Occasions for the future : However , that the Enemies of the Church may have no Reason to cast any Blemish upon it , from the least Suspicion of my Guilt : And that this faithful Memorial may remain as a poor Monument of my own Gratitude to Almighty GOD , to whose immediate Protection I cannot but attribute this extraordinary Preservation . Perhaps my Reader , at first view , will look on this Relation , as too much loaded with small Particularities ; such as he may judge scarce worth my remembring , or his knowing : But he will pardon me , if I presume that nothing in this whole Affair ought to appear little , or inconsiderable , to me at least , who was so nearly concern'd in the event of it . I have therefore made no scruple to discharge my weak Memory of all it could retain of this Matter ; Nor have I willingly omitted any Thing , though never so minute , which , I thought , might serve ● to fix this wonderful Mercy of GOD the more on my own Mind ; or d●d any way conduce to the saving of divers other innocent Persons Lives , as well as mine . I cannot indeed Promise , that I shall accurately repeat every Word or Expression , that fell from all the Parties here mentioned : Or that I shall put all down in the very same Order , as it was spoken , having not had the Opportunity to take Notes of every thing as it pass'd . But this I will say ; if I shall not be able to relate all the Truth , yet I will omit nothing that is Material : I will as carefully as if I were upon my Oath , give in all the Truth I can remember , and nothing but the Truth . What I Write I intend shall consist of Two Parts . The First , To be a Narrative of the plain Matter of Fact from my first being taken into Custody , May the 7th , to the time of my last Dismission Iune the 13th . The Second , To contain some Account of the Two Perjur'd Wretches that were pleas'd , for what Reasons they know best , to bring me into this Danger . For the Truth of the Substance of what I shall recollect on the first Head , I am bold to appeal to the Memories of those Honourable LORDS of the Council , by whom I was thrice Examin'd . And touching the second , I have by me so many Original Papers , or Copies of unquestionable Authority , ( which I am ready to shew any Worthy Persons , who shall desire the Satisfaction ) as are abundantly sufficient to justifie all that I shall think fit for me to say against Blackhead , and Young ; especially against Young. It was on Saturday the seventh of May of this present Year 1692 , in the Evening , as I was walking in the Orchard at Bromeley , Meditating on something I design'd to Preach the next Day ; that I saw a Coach and four Horses stop at the outer Gate , out of which two Persons alighted . Immediately I went towards them , believing they were some of my Friends , coming to give me a Visit. By that time I was got to the Gate , they were enter'd into the Hall : But seeing me hastning to them , they turn'd , and met me about the middle of the Court. The Chief of them perceiving me to look wistly on them , as being altogether Strangers to me , said , My Lord , Perhaps you do not know me . My Name is Dyve , I am Clerk of the Council , and here is one of the King's Messengers . I am sorry I am sent on this Errand . But I am come to Arrest you upon suspicion of High Treason . Sir , said I , I suppose you have a Warrant for so doing ; I pray let me see it . He shew'd it me , I read it ; and the first Name Highted on being the Earl of Nottingham's ; I said , Sir , I believe this is my Lord Nottingham's own Hand , and I submit . What are your Orders how to dispose of me ? My Lord , said he , I must first search your Person , and demand the Keys you have about you . My Keys I presently gave him . He search'd my Pockets ; and found no Papers , but some poor Notes of a Sermon , and a Letter from Mr. B. Fairfax about ordinary Business . Now , says he , My Lord , I must require to see the Rooms to which these Keys belong , and all the Places in the House , where you have any Papers or Books . I straight conducted him up Stairs into my Study . This , Sir , said I , is the only Chamber where I keep all the Books and Papers I have in the House . They began to Search , and with great readiness turn'd over every thing in the Room , and Closets , and Presses , shaking every Book by the Cover , opening every part of a Chest of Drawers , where were many Papers , particularly some Bundles of Sermons ; which , I told them were my proper Tools ; And that all that knew me , could Vouch for me , it was not my Custom to have any Treason in them . They read several of the Text , and left them where they found them . But in one corner of a Press , which was half open , they met with a great number of Letters fil'd up . I assur'd them they were only Matters of usual Friendly Correspondence , and most of them were of last Years date . Mr. Dyve looking on some of them , found them to be so ; and said , If he had time to view them all , he might , perhaps , see reason to leave them behind ; But being expressly Commanded to bring all Letters , he must carry them with him . I left him to do as he pleased ; so they seal'd them up . Then they went into my Bedchamber , and the Closets adjoining , doing as they had done in my Study , feeling about the Bed and Hangings , and knocking the Wainscot in several places , to see if there were any private Hole , or Secret Conveyance . After that they came down Stairs , and search'd the Parlour and Drawing-Room on that side of the House with the like exactness . In all these Rooms I observed they very carefully pryed into every part of the Chimneys ; the Messenger putting his Hand into every Flower-Pot : Which I then somewhat smiled at : But since I found he had but too much Reason so to do . When they had done searching in all those Rooms , and in the Hall as they were going out , and had taken with them what Papers they thought fit ; they carryed Me away in the Coach that brought them . By the Way we met my Servant Mr. Moor coming from London . I call'd out to him , Have you any Letters for Me ? He gave me three or four , which I deliver'd to Mr. Dyve to open : Who found nothing in them , but Matters of private Concernment , or ordinary News . And so , between Ten and Eleven at Night , we arrived at Whitehal , and I was brought to my Lord - Nottingham , whom I found alone in his Office. My Lord , said I , I am come upon your Warrant ; but certainly there must be some great Mistake , or black Villany in this Business . For I declare , as in the Presence of God , I am absolutely free from any just Accusation relating to the Government . His Lordship told me , He himself was much surprized when he heard my Name mentioned . I intreated him I might be Examined that Night , if any Witnesses could be produced against me . He said , That could not possibly be , because the Lords , who had the Management of such Affairs , were separated , and gone Home : But that I was to appear before them the next Day ; and in the mean time , all the Civility should be shewn me , that could be expected by a Man in my Condition . My Lord , said I , I hope , it being so very late , you will suffer me to lie at my own House at Westminster . He reply'd , You shall do so ; But you must have a Guard of Soldiers and a Messenger with you . A Guard of Soldiers said I , My Lord , methinks is not so necessary to secure one of my Profession ; I should rather offer , that I may have two or more Messengers to keep me , tho' that may put me to greater Charges . My Lord , said he , I , for my own part , would be glad , if I might take your Parole ; But I must do what I may answer to others ; and therefore I pray be Content . At this I acquiesced ; only adding , My Lord , here are divers Papers brought up with me , which , upon my Credit , are but of common Importance ; yet , because they are most of them private Talk among Friends ; there may be some Expressions , which no Man , if it were his own Case , would be willing to have divulg'd ; and therefore I desire your Lordship will take Care they may not be shewn to the Prejudice of any . He answer'd , You have to do with Men of Honour : And you shall have no Occasion to complain upon that Account . And so I was convey'd Home to Westminster by Mr. Dyve , and Mr. Knight the Messenger , in the Coach with Me , and a Guard attending on each side . After we came to the Deanery , Mr. Dyve having diligently surveyed my Lodgings , and the Avenues to them , left Me about Midnight , with a strict Charge to the Messenger and Soldiers , not to give me any unnecessary Disturbance ; but to watch carefully at my Bed-Chamber-Door till further Orders , which they did . The next Day , being Sunday , May the 8th , Mr. Dyve came again to me about Noon , to acquaint me , That I was to attend the Committee of the Council that Evening by Six o' the Clock . And , says he , My Lord , I suppose you have here also at Westminster a Room where you keep the rest of your Books and Papers . I told him , I had . Then , said he , I have Commission to search there likewise ; particularly in your Cabinet . I shewed him my Library and gave him the Keys . He opened all the Presses of Books , and viewed particulary every Shelf , and examined every Drawer in the Cabinet : But finding nothing there of a late date , or that might afford any the least shadow of a Trayterous Correspondence , he went away without removing any one Paper thence . At the time appointed I was brought by the Messenger and Guard to Whitehal , where a select Number of the Lords of the Council were assembled at my Lord Nottingham's Lodgings . There were present , as I remember , the Earl of Devonshire Lord Steward the Earl of Dorset Lord Chamberlain , the Earl of Nottingham Secretary of State , the Earl of Rochester , the Earl of Portland , the Lord Sydney Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , and Sir Edward Seymo● . When I was enter'd the Room , and come to the end of the Table , my Lord Nottingham began . But now , for the greater perspicuity of the whole Proceedings , and to avoid the too frequent repetition of , said I , or said such an one , or said they , I will henceforth give all the Questions and Answers , and the rest of the Discourses , in the Name of every Person , as they spoke , and by way of Dialogue . Earl of Nottingham . My Lord , You cannot but think it must be some extraordinary Occasion , which has forc'd us to send for you hither in this manner . Bishop of Rochester . My Lord , I submit to the Necessities of State , in such a Time of Jealousie , and Danger , as this is . Earl of N. My Lord , I am to ask you some Questions , to which we desire your plain and true Answers . Bishop of R. My Lords , I assure you mine shall be such ; as , I hope , I have been always taken for a Man of Simplicity and Sincerity . Earl of N. Have you Composed a Declaration for the present intended Descent of the late King James into England ? Bishop of R. I call GOD to Witness , I have not . Earl of N. Did you ever draw up any Heads , or Materials for such a Declaration ? Bishop of R. Upon the same Solemn Asseveration , I never did . Earl of N. Were you ever solicited , or apply'd to by any Person , for the Undertaking such a Work ? Bishop of R. I never was . Earl of N. Do you hold any Correspondencies abroad in France ? Bishop of R. I do not hold any . Earl of N. Have you ever sign'd any Association for Restoring the late King James ? Bishop of R. I never sign'd any . Earl of N. Do you know of any such Association ? Or any Persons that have subscribed one ? Bishop of R. Upon the Word of a Christian , and a Bishop , I know of no such thing ; nor of any Person , who has subscribed any Paper of that Nature . Sir Edward Seymour . My Lord Bishop of Rochester , We have examined the Papers that were seized in your Closet at Bromley . We find nothing in them , but Matters of ordinary and innocent Conversation among Friends ; only we have one Scruple , That there are few or no Letters among them witten since Lady-day last . Bishop of R. Sir , I suppose there may be some of a Date since that Time in the Bundles . If I had preserv'd more , they would have been of the same Nature with the rest that you have , that is , concerning common Intelligence , and the Talk of the Town ; not any Secrets of State , or against the Government . My Lords , I hold no Correspondencies of that kind . When I am in the Country , I desire some Friend or other here to let me know how the World goes , that I may inform my self , and the Neighbouring Gentlemen , of the Truth of Things , and prevent the spreading of false News : And afterwards I file up such Letters according to their Dates , ( as you may perceive I did these , ) that at any time I may have a present Recourse to them to refresh my Memory in any past Transaction . My Lords , Those are all I thought worth keeping of this kind these two last Years . And I hope the Clerk of the Council has done me the Justice to acquaint your Lordships , how I was apprehended , out of my House ; and how narrowly I my self , and my Study , and Lodging-Chamber , and other Rooms , were search'd : So that it was impossible for me to have suppress'd or smother'd any one Writing from you . And really I believe there was not a Note , or least Scrip of Paper of any Consequence in my Possession , but they had a view of it . Earl of Devonshire . But , my Lord , it is probable a Man of your Interest , and Acquaintance , must have received more Letters since , than are here to be found . We see here are many concerning Affairs that pass'd just before that time . Bishop of R. My Lords , A little before the Conclusion of the last Session of Parliament , I obtain'd Leave of the House of Lords to retire into the Country , for the Recovery of my Health . During my abode there , as long as the Parliament continued , I was somewhat curious to learn what pass'd in both Houses , and therefore , as your Lordship has observ'd , Letters came thicker to me about that time . But when the Parliament was up , very little hapning that was remarkable in that interval , I was not so mindful to preserve the Letters that came to me , whilst all Things , both abroad and at home , were rather in Preparation than Action . Besides that , since the Time your Lordships speak of , I was twice or thrice in Town for several days together ; once especially upon a publick Occasion , the Annual Election of Westminster School ; which detain'd me here about a Week . And these are the True Reasons why you find so few Letters to me since the Date of Time your Lordships have mentioned . Earl of N. Will it please your Lordships to ask the Bishop of Rochester any more Questions ? They being all silent , I said , My Lords , I cannot imagine how it comes to pass that I should be thus suspected to be guilty of any Contrivance against the Government ; I think I may appeal to all that know me , I am sure I may to all my Neighbours in the Country where I live , that there has no Man submitted to it more peaceably and quietly than I have done ever since the Revolution ; and I must own , I did it both upon a a Principle of Conscience and Gratitude . Of Conscience , Because I cannot see how the Church of England and the whole Protestant Religion can be preserv'd but upon this Constitution ; since an Invasion from France cannot but be destructive to Both. And of Gratitude , Because , as you all know , I happen'd to be , in the late Reign , engag'd in an Affair , which since I have been taught was Illegal . And though , I may say , I stopp'd betimes , and did no great hurt , but hindred , as much as I could , whilst I Acted ; yet I Acted so long , that I might have expected to be severely punish'd for what I did . But the King 's and Queen's Part , in the General Pardon , was so Gracious and Benign , in making it their own Act , and not excluding me out of it , that Their Majesties have thereby laid upon me an Obligation never to be forgotten . Upon this I was bid to withdraw ; and about an Hour after , the same Clerk of the Council was sent out to tell me , The Lords had Order'd I should return to my own House , and be under the same Confinement as before , of a Messenger , and a Guard of Soldiers : And there I should shortly hear what their Lordships would determine concerning me . He likewise told the Messenger , and the Guards , That he had a strict Command to them to use me , with all Respect ; only to take Care , that I should be safely kept , and forth-coming . Nor indeed had I any thing to object against their Behaviour . For , as Mr. Dyve demean'd himself always to me like a Gentleman , and the Messenger was very Civil , so the Soldiers themselves were as easie and quiet to the rest of my Family , as if they had been a part of it . The same Evening Mr. Dyve came home to me , and brought me all my Papers , telling me , That the Lords had heard him read them over ; and , having no Exception against them , had sent him to return them all safe to me again . Thus guarded , I continued from that Day , till the 18th of May , under the Custody of a Messenger and of four Centinels , who watched Day and Night , and were relieved every Eight and forty Hours . But then , having heard nothing in the mean time from the Lords , I wrote this Letter to the Earl of Nottingham . My Lord , AS I have all this while , according to my Duty to their Majesties Government , with Patience and Humility , submitted to my Confinement under a Guard of Soldiers , and a Messenger ; so now , fearing that my longer Silence may be interpreted as a Mistrust of my Innocency , I think it becomes me to make this Application to your Lordship , earnestly intreating you to represent my Condition and Request to the most Honourable Board , where I was examined . I entirely rely on their Justice and Honor , that , if they find nothing real against me ( as God knows , I am conscious to my self they cannot ) they would be pleased to order my Enlargement . I am forced to be the more importunate with your Lordship in this Business , because it is very well known , in what a dangerous Condition of Health I went out of Town towards the latter end of the Session of Parliament : And I find my Distemper very much increased by this close Restraint , in a time when I was just entring upon a Course of Physick in the Country . My Lord , I am Your Lordship's most Humble , and most Obedient Servant ; Tho. Roffen May 18. Westm. To the Right Honorable , the Earl of Nottingham , Principal Secretary of State. This Letter was read in the Cabinet Council that Day , and it had the Desired Effect ; for thereupon I was ordered to be discharged that Evening ; which accordingly was done about ten at Night , by Mr. Shorter , a Messenger of the Chamber , coming to my House , and dismissing the Messenger , and taking off the Guard. The next Morning , being May 19th , to prevent any Concourse or Congratulations , usual upon such Occasions ; I retired early to Bromley , where I remained quiet till Iune the 9th , little dreaming of a worse Mischief still hanging over my Head. But that Day , being Thursday , as I was upon the Road , coming to Westminster , to the Meeting of Dr. Busby's Preachers , who assemble once a Term at my House there , I was stopt by a Gentleman that brought me this Letter from my Lord Nottingham . White-Hall , Iune 8. 92. My Lord , I Must desire your Lordship to be at my Office on Friday Morning by Ten of the Clock . I am Your Lordships Most Humble Servant , Nottingham . For the Right Reverend , the Lord Biship of Rochester , at Bromley . I asked the Bearer , whether he had any farther Orders concerning me : He answered , No : But was forthwith to return . I desired him to acquaint his Lord , that I was now going to Town upon other Business , but that I would presently wait on him at White-Hall . Accordingly from Lambeth I went to his Office. When my Lord came to me , I told him , that having met his Lordship's Letter accidentally in my Way to Westminster , I thought it best to come presently to know his Pleasure . Earl of N. My Lord , There is a Mistake , I gave you Notice to be here to morrow Morning : And that is the Time you are appointed to appear before the Committee of the Council . Bishop of R. However , My Lord , being in Town occasionally , I thought it became me to present my self to you as soon as I could . And I now make it my Request , If your Lordships have any thing farther to say to me , I may be convened before you this Day . Earl of N. I fear you cannot be so , for there is much Business to be this Afternoon , both at the great Council , and the Committee : But I will send you Word to the Deanery , if you can be called this Evening . In the mean time you have your full Liberty to go where you please . Thus I went home ; but having no Notice from my Lord that Night , the next Day , being Iune the 10th , about Ten of the Clock , I came to his Lordship's Office ; where were met the same Lords as before ; only , I think , the Earl of Portland was not there , and the Earl of Pembroke , Lord Privy Seal , was . When I was call'd in , besides the Privy Councillors that sat about the Table , there was standing against the Wall a very ill-favour'd Man , who afterwards prov'd to be Blackhead ; with whom I strait perceiv'd I was sent for to be confronted . For , as soon as I was in the Room , my Lord Nottingham said , My Lord , Do you know that Person ? Bishop of R. My Lord , I have seen this Man's Face , but I cannot immediately recollect where . Earl of N. I pray view him well . Has he never brought you any Letters from one Mr. Young ? Bishop of R. I do call to mind , he has brought me a Letter . I cannot in a moment remember from whom it was . Earl of N. He says it was from one Young. Bishop of R. I think it was at my House at Bromley , that he delivered it me ; but I verily believe , it was not from any of the Name of Young. Blackhead . I was with the Bishop of Rochester at Bromley : I brought him a Letter from Mr. Young , and I received an Answer to Mr. Young back again from the Bishop . Thus far , during the beginning of this Examination , I stood with my Face against the Window , and my Eyes being so very tender and feeble as they are , I had not a perfect View of Blackhead ; but he so confidently affirming , That he had of late carried Letters between me and one Young , I changed my Station , and got the Light on my Back ; and then immediately , having a true Sight of his very remarkable Countenance and Habit , and whole Person , and being also much assisted by his Voice , which is very loud and rude ; I did ( by Gods Blessing ) perfectly call him to mind ; and said , Now , my Lords , by the Advantage of this Light , I do exactly remember this Fellow , and part of his Business with me at Bromley . What he says of Young cannot be true . I know not for what purpose he affirms this ; but upon my Reputation , it is utterly false , that he ever brought me a Letter from one Young. Earl of N. My Lord , He says particularly , it was upon a Fast-day . Bishop of R. My Lords , I do remember this Fellow was with me at Bromley on a Fast-Day : By the same Token , I told him , he should stay till after Evening-Prayers , and must expect only a fasting kind of Meal . But then I would return an Answer to his Business . Blackhead . It was upon a Fast-day . I did eat with the Bishop's Servants ; and I received an Answer from his own Hand , to the Letter I brought him from Mr. Young. Bishop of R. My Lords , This that he says of Young , is a wicked Lye ; All my Correspondencies are so innocent ( as I hope your Lordships can testifie ) that , if I had received a Letter from any Mr. Young , I should have no reason so positively to deny it . I beseech you , examine this Fellow throughly , and I doubt not but you will discover some impudent Knavery . I stand to it ; I am sure there is no Person whose Name is Young , with whom I have of late years maintained any Intercourse by Letters . Earl of Devonshire . My Lord , Is there no Person of the Name of Young , a Clergy-man , with whom you are acquainted ? Bishop of R. Oh! My Lord , There are two excellent Persons of the Name of Young , both Clergy-men , to whom I have the good Fortune to be very well known : The one was your Brother Ossery's Chaplain , and is now Prebendary of Winchester ; the other was Canon of Windsor , when I was a Member of that Church , and is there still . But I suppose , neither of these are the Youngs , whose Correspondence this Man objects to me . I should take it for an Honor to Correspond with them . But in Truth it has so happen'd , that I have neither written too , nor receiv'd one Letter from either of them these many Years , to the best of my Knowledge . Blackhead . The Bishop , if he please , may remember it was Robert Young , from whom I brought him a Letter . Earl of N. How long ago say you , it was ? Blackhead . It was about two Months ago ? Bishop of R. I have indeed , my Lords , some obscure Remembrance , that some Years ago , there was one writ to me out of Newgate , under the Name of Robert Young , pretending to be a Clergy-Man ; and I recal something of the Contents of his Letter . It was to tell me , That He and his Wife lay in Prison there upon a False Accusation , of which he hoped they should be speedily clear'd . In the mean time , he desired me to recollect , that he had Officiated some Weeks for the Chaplain at Bromley-College , and had Preach'd once or twice in the Parish-Church there . He intreated me to give him a Certificate of this , because it would stand him in much stead in order to his Iustification : And withal , that I would send him something out of my Charity , for his and his Wifes Relief in their great Distress . This , my Lords , I dare say , was the whole Substance of that Letter , and this was two or three Years ago at least . To that Letter I am sure I made no Reply in Writing . Only , having not the least Remembrance of him my self , I inquir'd in the Neighborhood , and among the Widows in the College ; intending to have sent him some Alms suitable to his Condition and mine , had I found him worthy . But upon inquiry , I received from all Hands , so very ill a Character both of this Young , and his Wife , that I resolv'd to give him no Answer at all ; and I have never heard any thing more of him to this Day . But now , I beseech your Lordships , to give me leave to speak to this Person my self : And they intimating I should do as I thought best , I said to him ; I Conjure you , in the Presence of these Noble Lords , and especially of the Great LORD of Heaven and Earth , that you will declare the Truth of what I am going to ask you . When you came to my House at Bromley , upon a Fast-Day it was , I think the first Fast of this Year ; Did not you desire to speak with me , as having a Letter for me ? When I came to you into my Hall , Did not you first kneel down , and ask me Blessing ? Did you not then deliver me a Letter , affirming it was from a Country-Minister , a Doctor of Divinity ? Did not you tell me , You were his Servant , or Bayliff ? And that your Master had sent you on purpose , many Miles to receive an Answer your self to that Letter from my own Hand ? Blackhead . I never brought a Letter to the Bishop of Rochester from a Country Minister ; I know no such Doctor of Divinity : Nor ever was Servant to any : I only brought a Letter to the Bishop from Mr. Young. Bishop of R. My Lords , What I say is most certainly true . This Man had never any other Business with me , but in relation to that Letter , pretended by him , ( for now I find it was but a pretence ) to be written to me by an Eminent Country Divine in Buckinghamshire , a Person of a Considerable Estate , as he told me . My Lords , I cannot yet call to Mind the Doctor 's Name : But the Business of the Letter I am in great part Master of , and it was to this purpose : That there was a Person , ( naming him , ) who had apply'd to him to be his Curate ; but that he had Reason to suspect he had Counterfeited my Hand and Seal for Holy Orders : Therefore he desired me to send him Word under my own Hand by the Bearer his Man , Whether I had Ordain'd such a One , in such , or such Years : That if I had , he would Encourage , and Entertain h●m ; if not , he would take care , he should be punish'd for his Forgery . Now , My Lords , upon the receipt of so Friendly a Letter , by this very Messenger , I bid him stay a little , and I would give his Master Satisfaction out of my Books , Whether I had Ordain'd any Man of that Name ; which I thought I had not . Accordingly my Secretary , and I did severally turn over all my Papers relating to such Affairs , as carefully as we could ; and finding no such Mans Name in them ; in which we could not be easily deceiv'd because I keep Methodically ( as no doubt every Bishop does ) all Recommendations , Subscriptions , Testimonials , and Titles of those I admit into Orders ; I wrote the supposed Author of the Letter , as civil an Answer as his seemed to deserve . That I was extreamly pleased , and thankful , that a meer Stranger to me should be so careful of my Reputation : That my Secretary , and I , had diligently examin'd all the Books , where such Things are Recorded : And I could assure him , I never had Ordain'd any such Person either Priest or Deacon , within the space limited in his Letter , or at any other time : That I should look upon it as a signal Service done to the Church in general , and a special Favour to me in particular , if he would , as he promised , cause the Counterfeit to be apprehended , so that the Course of Law might pass upon him . This Letter , my Lords , all , Written with my own Hand , I delivered to the Person here present : And he went away with it , asking me Blessing again upon his Knees ; and promising I should speedily be made acquainted with the Success . Earl of Devonshire . I pray , My Lord , how was the Letter Superscrib'd you sent back by this Man ? Bishop of R. My Lord , It was to the same Person , with the same Superscription as he Subscrib'd himself , and directed to the same Place , where he said he was Minister ; tho' the Name of Place or Minister I cannot yet recover . But let that Letter of mine be produced , and it will put an end to this whole Controversie . Blackhead . The Letter I receiv'd from the Bishop , was Superscrib'd to Mr. Young , and to no other . Bishop of R. My Lords , This is a Horrid Falshood . I well remember now , this Fellow was at my House a second time , some Weeks after the first . When he came , I was in the Garden with some Gentlemen my Neighbours ; where , first asking me Blessing , he told me , His Master the Doctor had taken up the Person who had Forg'd my Orders : That the Man stood upon his Vindication ; but that his Master was bringing hint up to London ; and then I should hear farther from him : Adding , That his Master was a Man of such a Spirit , and such a plentiful Estate , that whenever he suspected a Man to be a Rogue , or a Cheat , he would spare no Pains to discover him , nor think any cost too much to get him punish'd . These , my Lords , I well remember were the Knaves very Words : And I hope your Lordships will likewise deal with him in the same manner . I took this second Message still more kindly , and order'd my Servants to entertain the Messenger very civilly . Blackhead . I brought no such Message . All my Business with the Bishop was from Mr. Young , which I suppose was of another Nature . Bishop of R. What I say is so true , that I am confident several of my Servants do remember the Particulars . For this Man stuck not to Declare his Business before them all ; very much Magnifying his Master , and his House-keeping , and Vapouring what an Example he would make of the Counterfeit Priest ; without putting me to any Trouble , or Expence . Earl of Devonshire . Has your Lordship none of those Servants near at hand : Bishop of R. My Lord , some of them are in Town ; and one , my Secretary , Mr. Moore , by an accidental good Fortune , came hither with me : He was without , when I was called in . I doubt not but he will satisfie your Lordships what was this Man's Errand to me : He is a young Man , of Great Honesty , and , I believe , would not tell a Lye to save my Life : I am sure I would not have him . Whilst they were calling in Mr. Moore , I added , My Lords , I appeal to the Great God of Heaven to judge between me and this Wretch , touching the Truth or Falshood of what we say , and to deal with us both accordingly at the last Day of Judgment : And I dare also appeal to your Lordships to judge between us by what appears to you ; For did you ever see greater Villany , and Consciousness of Guilt in any Man's Countenance than in his ? By this time Mr. Moore being come in , I said , Moore , Apply your self to My Lord Nottingham . I charge you , Do not , for any Consideration of me , speak any Thing which you cannot justifie for Truth . Earl of N. Mr. Moore , Do you know that Person there ? Pointing to Blackhead . Mr. Moore . My Lord , I do know him so far , that I have seen him once or twice at my Lords House at Bromley . Earl of N. What Business had he at Bromley ? Mr. M. The first Time he brought a Letter to my Lord. Earl of N. From whom ? Mr. M. My Lord , It was from a Country Minister in Buckinghamshire , a Doctor of Divinity , as he wrote himself , his Name was Hooke . Bishop of R. My Lords , I now very well remember that was the Name , Hooke , or something very near it . There may be the Difference of a Letter : I will not stand upon that , or can it be expected I , or my Servant , should be positive as to every Letter of a Name , in so sudden a Question . Earl of N. Mr. Moore , What was the Business of that Letter ? Mr. M. My Lord , it was concerning one that offered himself to be the Doctor 's Curate , whom he suspected to have Counterfeited my Lord's Letters of Orders . The Doctor desired my Lord to look into his Books , whether he had Ordain'd any such Person . My Lord and I did thereupon search all the Places where the Memorials of such Affairs are kept , and we found no such Name ; and so my Lord himself wrote back to the Doctor , by this very Man that stands here . Earl of N. Mr. Moore , Will you take your Oath of all this ? Mr. M. I am ready to take my Oath of it , if you please to give it me . Earl of N. What say you Blackhead ? You see here is a young Man , the Bishop's Secretary , comes in by chance , and confirms punctually what the Bishop had said before , concerning your Message to his Lord : And he offers to take his Oath of it . If you did bring a Letter from one Doctor Hooke , Why do you not confess it ? It can do you no hurt . Blackhead . I know of no such Divine as Doctor Hooke ; nor any Thing concerning one that Counterfeited the Bishops Orders . The Letter I brought was from Mr. Young. Mr. M. My Lord , This Fellow cannot but know , that what he says is shamefully false ; I assure you , I have the Original Letter at home to produce : And doubt not but divers of my Lords Servants remember him and his Business as well as I do : For he was a second Time at Bromley some Weeks after . Earl of N. What was his Business then ? Mr. M. He said , He came to acquaint my Lord , That his Master , Doctor Hooke , had seized on the Person who had forg'd his Orders . My Lord ask'd him , Whether he had also seiz'd the False Instrument ? And if he had , desired it might be transmitted to him . This Man answered , He believed his Master had got it : That he was coming up to London , and bringing the Cheat with him ; and had been there sooner , had he not sprain'd or hurt his Leg : But when he was come , the Doctor would give my Lord Notice , or himself wait upon him . My Lord was much pleased with this second Message ; and gave Orders to have the Bringer of it well used . He was so ; and freely discoursed with the Butler , and the other Servants , touching his Business there . So that I am verily perswaded several of them remember all these Circumstances of it , and perhaps more than I do . Upon this , Blackhead , being again urg'd by the Lords with so plain a Testimony , perfectly agreeing with what I had said ; and he still persevering obstinately to deny every part of it ; I and Mr. Moore were ordered to withdraw , Blackhead . staying behind . As I was going out , I said , My Lords , I cannot comprehend to what purpose this Fellow persists in this Lye ; I am sure he can never prove that I have injured the Government , in Word , or Deed , or Writing . Then I could not but again observe to the Lords , what visible Marks of Falshood and Treachery there were in Blackhead's Face . For , indeed all the while he look'd as if he would have sunk into the Ground : Tho' , as I was told afterwards , before I came into the Room he had appear'd very brisk , and bold , and full of Talk. But upon my first coming in , his Complexion , which was naturally very sallow , turn'd much paler and darker ; and he was almost Speechless , saying nothing to any purpose , more than what he thought was necessary to keep him firm to the main Lye , That he had brought me a Letter from one Young , and no other . But after my being withdrawn , about half an Hour , I was called in again , and Blackhead sent forth . Earl of N. Now , my Lord , the Business is out , the Fellow has confess'd he brought the Letter to you , Written not in the Name of Young , but as from one Doctor Hookes , Hookes was the Name , not Hooke , your Lordship was in the right , in saying , you would not stand upon a Letter . Bishop of R. My Lords , I could not trust my Memory so far as to a Letter . But one Thing I was sure of , That was the only Letter this Rascal ever brought me ; and it was not from any whose Name was Young. Earl of N. Well , that Business is over , he has confess'd it ; and now , my Lord , Pray take a Chair and sit down . Earl of Devonshire . Pray , my Lord , sit down . Bishop of R. No , my Lords , I desire you to excuse me . Earl of N. My Lord , we have some few Questions to ask you , and therefore pray repose your self . Bishop of R. If you please to permit me , I had rather answer what your Lordships have farther to say , standing thus as I am at the Table . Earl of N. Then , my Lord , we shall ask you . Have you ever written to the Earl of Marleborough within these Three Months ? Bishop of R. I think I may safely affirm , I never writ to my Lord Marleborough in my Life : But I am certain , and upon the Faith of a Bishop , I declare , I have not written one Word to him these Three Months . Earl of N. Have you received any Letter from my Lord Marleborough within these three Months ? Bishop of R. I protest solemnly , I have not received any . Earl of N. Have you received any Written or Printed Papers from my Lord Marleborough within that space of Time ? Bishop of R. As in the Presence of God , I declare , I have not . My Lords , I have had some Acquaintance with my Lord Marleborough , both in King Iames's Court , and in the Parliaments since ; but I cannot call to mind , that ever I wrote to him , or he to me . Earl of N. Then , I think , my Lords , we have nothing more to do , but to wish my Lord Bishop a good Iourney to Bromley . With that they all rose up , and saluted me , testifying their great Satisfaction , that I had so well cleared my self , confounded my Adversary . More especially Two Noble Lords of the Company , to whom , I said I would now particularly Appeal , gave me an Ample Testimony of their belief of my Innocency in this Accusation , and of my Dutiful Disposition to the Government . My Lord Nottingham then told me , in the Name of all the rest , They had no farther Trouble to give me . I intreated them to suffer me to add a few Words : They permitting me , I said ; My Lords , I heartily thank you for Confronting me with this Fellow ; else I could not so well have made out my Innocency : But I might still have lain Under a Suspicion , whereof I had not known the least Ground . Had this been a Tryal for my Life , I should have been glad to have such Honourable Persons for my Judges . But now I have much more Reason to bless GOD , that you have been my Compurgators : That you are Witnesses , as well as Judges , of the Detection of this Villany against me ; whereof , I must acknowledge , as yet , I do not fathom the bottom . Wherefore I must intreat , That I may put my self under your Protection for the future . For although this Fountain of Wickedness has been now stopt in this Particular , as to my self ; yet it seems to run under Ground still : And unless special Care be taken , it may break forth again in some other Place , on some other Occasion ▪ to the Ruine , if not of Me , yet of some other Innocent Person . Earl of Devonshire . No , My Lord , You need never fear this Fountain can break forth any more , to do you , or any other good Man , any Prejudice ; He having been so palpably Convicted of Knavery and Lying . Bishop of R. My Lords , I hope so : As for my Self , I take my own Innocency to be abundantly Vindicated , by this your general Declaration in my Favour . I make no question but your Lordships will next Vindicate your Selves , and the Justice of the Government , by bringing this Wicked Man to Condign Punishment , and by examining the main Drift of his Design , and who have been his Accomplices . They all assuring me , I might relie upon them for it , I withdrew . All this while I had not the least Conjecture , or Imagination , who this Young should be , with whom Blackhead pretended I held so close a Correspondence . But my next Appearance before the Committee of the Council , will clear up what remains of the whole Wicked Mystery . In the mean time , returning Home that Evening to Bromley , I presently met with a plentiful Concurrence of Evidence from most of my Servants , of their Discourse with Blackhead , and their Knowledge of his Business , in reference to Dr. Hookes Letter . First , The Butler Thomas Warren told me , That according to my Order to use him kindly , he had done so both times has was with us : Particularly the second time he had entertain'd him with one of the Petty Canons of Windsor , who came thither by chance , in the Parlour next the Garden : That thence he brought him down into the Cellar , where Blackhead Drunk my Health with Knees almost bended to the Ground : That then he earnestly desir'd him to shew him my Study ; saying , I have heard your Lord has a very good Study of Books : My Master Hookes has a very good one : He often lets me go into it , and I doubt not but you have the same Liberty : I pray let me see his Books . The Butler answer'd , My Lord has but few Books here , only such as he brings from time to time from Westminster for present use , and they are lock'd up in Presses , so that I cannot shew them if I would . I pray then , said Blackhead , let me see the Room , I hear it is a very fine one . The Butler said , He could not presume to do it without my leave . Then , said Blackhead , let me see the rest of the House . The Butler excus'd his not being able to do it then , because there were some Ladies with his Mistress . The same Request , he assur'd me , Blackhead repeated almost twenty times : But still he deny'd him . Then Thomas Philips my Coachman , and Iohn Iewel my Gardiner , confirm'd most of what the Butler had said : All of them agreeing , that both the times he was at Bromley , especially the second , he had talked publickly with them of the Business he came about from his Master Dr. Hookes : Enlarging much in Commendation of the said Doctor , what a Worthy Man he was ; What Hospitality he kept ; And how he would never rest , till he had brought to Punishment the Knave that had forged my Hand and Seal for Orders . They added , That , after I had dismiss'd him , he linger'd about , in the Garden , the Hall , and the great Parlour , a long time ; and was full of such Discourses . Moreover , the Gardiner , and William Hardy the Groom , and Thomas French , and one or two of the other Servants , who remain'd at Bromley whilst I was in the Custody at Westminster , did all assure me , that this Man , who brought first the Letter , and then the Message from Dr. Hookes , had been a third time at my House , whilst I was under Confinement . That it was upon a Sunday which by Computation prov'd to be Whit-Sunday , May 15th , That they found him in the midst of the House , before they knew he was enter'd . He told them that , passing that way , he came to Condole for my Mishap , and to enquire what the Matter was ; hoping it was not so bad as was reported at London . They answer'd , They knew nothing of Particulars ; yet doubted not but I was innocent . That he then again desir'd to see the House . But all the Doors were lock'd , except the great Parlour , which has no Lock upon it . That he would have enticed them to Town to Drink with him ; which they refused , but made him Drink there ; and he coming after Dinner , they perswaded a Maid-Servant to provide him some Meat : Which she did , but unwillingly , telling them she did not like the Fellows Looks ; That perhaps he might come to Rob , or to Set the House , now so few Servants were at Home : That he rather looked ( as indeed he did ) like some Knavish ; broken Tradesman , than an Honest Rich Clergy-Man's Bayliff , or Steward , ( as he also call'd himself ; ) and it has proved since , that her Conjecture was true . All this , and more , my Servants repeated to me , touching Blackhead's Behaviour in my House , and his Discourse concerning his Master Dr. Hookes . And they offer'd to depose it all upon Oath . And , above all , the next Day , being Saturday , Iune the 11th , Mr. Moore coming from London , immediately found the Original Letter , that Blackhead had brought me from the pretended Doctor . Wherefore , being furnished with all these fresh Materials , especially with the Letter it self ; and being not a little surprized to hear that the Rogue had , the second time of his coming , been so earnest to get into my Study , or any of the other Rooms ; and that he had the Diabolical Malice against me , to come to my House a third time , on pretence of Condoling my Misfortune , which I then thought , it was probable , had chiefly proceeded from his Malicious Perjury against me : All this consider'd , I resolved to go to London on Munday Morning with these Servants , and to carry the Letter that he brought me as from Dr. Hookes , to lay the whole Business before the Lords of the Committee , and to desire their farther Examination of Blackhead upon these Particulars . Accordingly on Munday ; Iune the 13th , I went , and attended the meeting of the Lords that Morning in the usual place . When there was a full Committee , I sent to them by a Clerk of the Council , intreating that I might have a short Audience . After some time , I was introduced . There were present ( besides most of the Lords before-mentioned , ) three others whom I had not seen there since my first Appearance before them , the Marquiss of Carmarthen Lord President , the Lord Godolphin , and Sir Iohn Lowther . When I came into the Room , and was just going to propose the Business that brought me thither : My Lord Nottingham prevented me , and said ; My Lord , Do you know that Person there ? Pointing to a Man , who stood behind the Privy Consellors , near the Door which leads into the public Room . Bishop of R. My Lord , I do not know him . Earl of N. My Lord , I pray observe him well . Bishop of R. Upon my Credit I never saw this Man before in my Life , to the utmost of my Knowledge . Then the Person standing there look'd boldly upon me , and said , Do you not knom me , my Lord ? Do not you remember , that I officiated some Weeks at Bromley-College , for Mr. Dobson , in King James's Time ? And that I Preached in the Parish Church there once or twice ? Bishop of R. My Lords , I solemnly affirm , I do not know this Man : I never saw him before : I never knew that he Officiated in Bromley-College : I never heard him Preach in the Church there : He is a meer Stranger to me : He may have serv'd for the Chaplain of that College in King Iames's Time : But I was not then concern'd who Officiated there . He may have Preach'd in the Church , and I not have heard him : For about that time I was Clerk of the Closet , and was seldom or never at Bromley on Sundays , by reason of my Attendance on the Princess Anne of Denmark , either at Whitehalt , or Windsor , or Hampton-Court , or Richmond . The same Person presently took me up , with insolent Confidence , You will know me better when Captain Lawe appears : I warrant you don't know Captain Lawe neither . Bishop of R. My Lords , if any of your Lordships please to ask me any Thing , I shall answer with all Respect . But I do not understand that I am bound to satisfie this sawcy Fellows Questions : Yet , because he has ask'd me so familiarly , touching my Acquaintance with one Captain Lawe , I assure you , I know not any such Man in the World as Captain Lawe . But , my Lords , by this Person 's Discourse I am induced to believe , he may be the Young , with whom the other Knave Blackhead pretended the last time that I held a strict Correspondence by his Means . Earl of N. This Man's Name is Young , Robert Young. Bishop of R. Then , my Lords , because my Lord President , and some of the other Lords , were not here then , I must beg leave of those that were , that I may repeat what I then remembred concerning one Robert Young. Whereupon I recollected the Substance of what I had said , of a Letter I had received some Years since , dated at Newgate ; from one of the same Name , who pretended himself to be a Clergy-man . I added , It seems , my Lords , by his own Confession , this is the very same Young. But as I never saw him before he was in Newgate , so I declare , upon the Faith of a Christian , I never saw , or heard from him since that Letter : However I am very glad you have him now : I make no doubt but he will be found in the end such another Villain as Blackhead was proved to be on Friday last . But , my Lords , said I , the Business that brought me to wait on you now , is to intreat you to take that same Blackhead into farther Examination , and to inquire a little more into his Part in this Wicked Contrivance , whatever it is . My Lords , since I went to Bromley , my Servant Mr. Moore has had the good Fortune to retrieve the very Original Letter that Blackhead brought me from his Counterfeit Master Doctor Hookes . Then I deliver'd the Letter at the Table , and my Lord Nottingham read it aloud . And to shew with what a Treacherous Insinuation , and plausibility of Style it was written , to draw from me an Answer under my own Hand , I here set down the very Letter it self Word for Word . My Lord , BEing destitute of a Curate , one Mr. James Curtis came to me , who produced Letters dimissory ( bearing Date , March 13th , 91. ) and likewise Letters of Orders under your Hand and Episcopal Seal . Now , my Lord , willing I am to employ any that your Lordship shall recommend , and give him all the Incouragement imaginable ; but being since , by his own Words , suspitious that his Instruments are forg'd , I have therefore on purpose sent my Man to know the Truth thereof , and in order thereunto , I humbly beg your Lordship to give an Account in yours by this Bearer , promising , for the Church of Englands Credit , and likewise your Lordship's Honor , that , if he be an Impostor , I will see him brought to condign Punishment for such his Forgery ; but if he be not , I beg your Lordships Pardon for this Trouble , occasioned by my candid Affection for your Lordship and all Clergy-men , being not willing to have them impos'd upon . I am your Lordship's Most Obedient Servant , Robert Hookes , D. D. Windgrave , Apr. 6 . -92 . Now , my Lords , proceeded I , I thought it would be for your Service to acquaint you , That I have received , from divers of my Servants , a farther Account of all Blackhead's Demeanor , the first , second , and third Time he was at my House at Bromley ; for he was there a third Time also , which I knew not of , before I went home on Friday . Then I summ'd up what it has been said before , my Servants were ready to depose to that purpose : Concluding thus , My Lords , my Servants are attending without ; I pray that Blackhead may be brought before them Face to Face , and that they may be admitted to give in upon Oath , what they have to say concerning him . Upon this , several of the Lords said , Send for Blackhead ; and he was sent for . But before he came , they call'd in Mrs Young , the Wife , it seems , of the aforesaid Robert Young ; but what a kind of Wife , and which of the two Wives he had at one and the same time , will appear in what follows . When she was come in , my Lord Nottingham said to her , Mary Young , Whence received you this Paper ? Taking up a Paper that lay upon the Table . Mary Young. I had it from Captain Lawe . Earl of N. What did he say , when he gave it you ? Mrs. Young. He bid me deliver it to my Husband . Earl of N. What did he say it was ? Mrs. Young. He said it was a Sociate , or some such Word . Earl of N. What! Did he deliver you a Paper of this Treasonable Nature , in the manner as it is , to be given to your Husband , without Sealing it up , or inclosing it in anothe● Paper . Mrs. Young. Yes , my Lord , he did . Earl of N. Did he tell you any of the Names to it . Mrs. Young. Yes ; He said , there were the late Archbishop of Canterbury's , the Bishop of Rochester's , and some other Lords Names to it . Earl of N. What pass'd afterwards between you about it ? Mrs. Young. I gave it my Husband , and when Captain Lawe came for it again , my Husband said , No , These Lords , whose Names are subscribed , have not been so liberal in their Relief of my Wants as formerly ; and therefore I will make another Use of this Paper : And so lock'd it up . By this time Blackhead was brought in , and the Woman ordered to withdraw , and to be kept by her self . Earl of N. Blackhead , The last Time you confessed you brought the Bishop of Rochester a Letter from Robert Young , under the false Name of Doctor Hookes . Blackhead . Yes , I did . Earl of N. Can you know that Letter when you see it ? Blackhead . I cannot tell , I doubt I cannot know it . Earl of N. Here it is ; ( and it was given into his Hand ; ) Is that the same Letter you delivered the Bishop ? Blackhead . I am not sure it is . Earl of N. Consider it well ; look on the Superscription , you cannot but remember that . You began to be somewhat Ingenuous last Friday ; if you relapse it will fare the worse with you . Blackhead . Yes , this may be the Letter ; This is the very same Letter . Earl of N. And you received an Answer to this from the Bishop for Doctor Hookes , which you carried to Robert Young ? Blackhead . Yes , I did , I own it . Earl of N. But , What made you , when you were at Bromley the second Time , so earnestly to desire of the Bishop's Butler , and his other Servants , that you might see the Rooms in the House , especially his Study ? Blackhead . No , I do not remember that I desired to see the Study : The House I might , out of Curiosity . Earl of N. But here are some of the Bishop's Servants without , who are ready to swear , that you press'd very often to get a sight of his Study ; saying , you had the Freedom at your Master Hookes , to shew any Stranger his Books , and you doubted not but the Butler could do the same there . Blackhead . I cannot deny that I did desire to see the Bishop's Study : The other Rooms I am sure I did . Earl of N. What Reason had you to be so importunate to see that , or any of the other Rooms ? Had you any Paper about you , that you design'd to drop , or leave in any part of the Bishop's House ? Here Blackhead stop'd , as very loath to out with it ; till divers of the Lords urg'd him to tell the Truth . At last he went on , though with much Hesitancy . Blackhead . Yes , I must confess I had a Paper in my Pocket , which I design'd to put somewhere in the House . Earl of N. What did you with it ? Blackhead . I did leave it in the Parlour next the Kitchin. Earl of N. In what part of the Parlour ? Blackhead . In the Flower-Pot in the Chimney . Good Lord bless me , cryed I. I seriously protest , I never heard that any Paper was found there by my Servants . To be sure they would have brought it me . Earl of N. But , my Lord , it will be worth your while to send presently to Bromley , to see whether there be any Paper still , and what it is . Bishop of R. My Lord , I will send one away immediately . Only my Servants are without , expecting to be sworn . Be pleased first to call them in , and dispatch them . Earl of N. Nay , My Lord , There is no need of their Testimony now . For this Fellow has said already more than they know . He has confess'd , not only that he desir'd to see your House , and particularly your Study , but that he did it with Intention to leave a Paper somewhere in it ; and that he did leave one in your Parlour , and in the Flower-Pot of the Chimny . Bishop of R. Then , my Lord , I will send away forthwith . Earl of N. Stay , my Lord , let us first Examine him a little farther . Blackhead , What Paper was it you left in the Bishop's Chimny in the Flower-Pot ? Blackhead . It was the Association . Earl of N. Was it this Paper here ? Shewing the Association that lay upon the Table . Blackhead . Yes , it was . Earl of N. How came you by it ? And who advised you to lodge it there ? Blackhead . I had it from Mr. Young , and he advised me to leave it in the Bishop's House , as I did . Earl of N. Did Young direct you to put it into the Flower-Pot in the Parlour ? Blackhead . Yes , he did , and I put it there accordingly in the Flower-Pot . Earl of N. But were not you a third time at the Bishop's House ? It was upon a Sunday , which it seems was Whit-Sunday . Blackhead . I was . Earl of N. You pretended to Condole for the Bishop's Imprisonment : It is manifest that could not be your Business . What was it ? Blackhead . I was desired by Mr. Young , seeing the Association was not found by those , who Apprehended the Bishop , to go to Bromley , and try to recover it , that being the Original . I did so , I came into the House before any of the Servants were aware , I went into the Parlour unseen , and took the Paper out of the same place where I had put it , and deliver'd it again to Mr. Young. Bishop of R. My Lords , I am very much surprized at all this . I cannot but admire the Wonderful Goodness of GOD , in this my extraordinary Deliverance . It appears by what this Fellow confesses , that this Forged Association was in my House , in a Flower-Pot , for many Days together : And that it was there at the very time I was seized on by your Lordships Order . For he says he put it there the second time he was at Bromley , which was a pretty while before I was in Hold : And took it not out till the third time , which was upon Whit-Sunday , the Ninth Day after I was under Confinement . And by a strange and marvellous Providence , that Parlour , where he says it lay so long in the Chimney , was never search'd or inquir'd after by the Clerk of the Council , or the Messenger . The other part of the House on the Left-Hand of the Hall , where my Study is , and Bed-Chamber above Stairs , and a Parlour and Drawing-Room below ; all these they searched very accurately . Particularly , I well remember the Messenger thrust his Hand into the Flower-Pots in every Chimney : Which seem'd very odd to me then : But I now understand the meaning of it . At this , my Lord Sydney , my Lord Nottingham , my Lord Devonshire , and some others of the Council , affirm'd , That they perfectly remember'd , both Blackhead , and Young , did especially direct them to give Order to those who should be sent to take me to search all the Flower-Pots . By this time it was thought seasonable by the Lords to confront Blackhead with Young. But in the mean while , the Counterfeit Association , being handed about the Table , was at length deliver'd to me . It was to this purpose , as much of it as , by a transient View , I could carry away in my Memory . That We whose Names were surbsribed , should solemnly promise in the Presence of GOD , to Contribute our utmost Assistance towards King JAMES ' s Recovery of His Kingdoms . That to this end , We would have ready to meet Him at His Landing , Thirty Thousand Men well Arm'd . That we would seize upon the Person of the Princess of Orange , Dead or Alive ; And take Care that some strong Garison should be forthwith deliver'd into His Hands : And furnish Him with a Considerable Sum of Money for the support of His Army ; or to this sense . March 20. — 9● And the Forged Subscriptions were , as I remember , after this manner : Marleborourgh . Salisbury . W. Cant. Tho. Roffen . Cornbury . Iohn Wilcoxe . Basil Firebrace . Now upon the first sight of this Paper , I presently said , I protest , my Lords , I am very much amazed to see my Hand so well Counterfeited . All the difference is , they have done me the favour to write it finer that I can . Otherwise I acknowledge it is so like , that I verily believe , I my self , had I seen it in another place , should have been apt to doubt whether it were of my Writing or no. I am confident it might , upon the first Blush , deceive the best Friends I have . But , my Lords , here is another innocent Person 's Name , whose Hand I know very well . And I dare venture to say , it is even better forg'd than mine . I mean Archbishop Sancroft's . Lord Godolphin . My Lords , I am very well acquainted with Archbishop Sancroft's Hand . And really it is here most exactly counterfeited . Moreover , my Lord Godolphin , my Lord Sydney , and others said , That the Earl of Marlborough's Hand had been so well feigned in a Letter pretended to be written to Young himself , that it was very difficult for his most intimate Friends to observe any Distinction . And in that Letter the Bishop of Rochester was said to have the Paper in his keeping , which appears now to have been meant of the False Association's being in my Custody . Nay , my Lord , Sydney assur'd me , these very Impostors had brought him a Letter , supposed also to be Written by me to Young , which being but of ordinary Matters , he thought not worth the keeping , but he well remembred the Subscription of my Name was very like this in the Association , as well indeed it might . By this time Young being come into the Room , my Lord Nottingham spoke to him ; Young , Look upon that Letter , ( shewing him his own to me , under the Name of Doctor Hookes , ) Do you know that Hand ? Young. No , I don't know it . Earl of N. . Did not you send that Letter to the Bishop of Rochester by Blackhead ? Young. No , I know no Hookes , I never writ to the Bishop of Rochester , but in my own Name , with my own Hand . Earl of N. What say you , Blackhead ? Blackhead . I did receive that very Letter from Mr. Young 's own Hand , and deliver'd it to the Bishop of Rochester with nine . Earl of N. . ( Taking up the Association , and shewing it to Young , ) Did not you give this Paper to Blackhead , and order him to put it into a Chimney in the Bishop of Rochester's House , and into a Flower-Pot , if there were any ? Young. No , I never desir'd him to carry it thither , or to put it into a Flower-Pot . Earl of N. What say you , Blackhead ? Blackhead . Mr. Young did give me that Paper , and directed me to leave it in the Bishop's House ; and , if I could , to put it in a Flower-Pot in some Room ; which I did , in the Parlour . Young. There is no such matter , I absolutely deny it . Upon this , the Earl of Nottingham , the Lord Sydney , and some others of the Counsellors , ask'd Young , Why then did you give us such express Directions , to send , and search the Flower-Pots , among other Places , in the Bishop's House ? Young. I said nothing of Flower-Pots . I bid you take care that the Bishop's Person should be exactly search'd ; because , when he went abroad , he carried the Association about him ; when he was at home , he put it in some private place , for fear of surprize : Perhaps I might say in the Chimney . The Lords replyed , Nay , we all well remember , you particularly mentioned the Flower-Pots . Earl of N. Young , When you perceived that the Persons sent to seize on the Bishop had missed the Association , did not you then desire Blackhead to go a third time to the Bishop's House , and to take it out of the Pot , where he had laid it ? Young. No , I know nothing of it . Earl of N. What say you , Blackhead ? Blackhead . At Mr. Young ' s request , I went to the Bishop's House a third time ; it was upon a Sunday ; I privately got into the Parlour , and took the Association out of the same Flower-Pot where I had laid it , and return'd it back to Mr. Young. Young. This is a Combination between the Bishop of Rochester and Blackhead , to taffle the whole Discovery of the Plot. Which Saying of Young's could not but raise a general Smile among all the Company , they lifting up their Hands with great Indignation at his unparallel'd Impudence . Bishop of R. I thought , my Lords , the last Time I was here , Blackhead was the most brazen Faced Fellow that ever I saw ; but now I find this same Young to be a much viler Miscreant than he . This is so base a Suggestion against me , and so impossible for me to be guilty of , and I know your Lordships so little suspect it of me , that I need not make any Answer to it in my Defence . Lord President . Young , Thou art the strangest Creature that ever I heard of ; Dost thou think we could imagine , that the Bishop of Rochester would combine with this thy Confederate , to have an Association written , with his own Hand to it , and then laid in his own House , in a Flower-Pot there ? Which , if it had been found , must have endangered his Life : And we see it was the most remarkable good Fortune to him that almost ever hapned to any Man , that it was not found there . But Young still persisting , that he believed I had taken Blackhead off , they were both order'd to withdraw . And , I assure my Reader , that during this whole Examination , tho' Young's Forgery was so evidently Convicted by the Confession of his own Companion , and Instrument , yet he behaved himself with a daring unconcernd Confidence , with a bold and erect Countenance , though it had naturally very much of a Villain in it . His whole Carriage indeed was such , as became the Discipline he has undergone for these divers Years ; having so long been almost a constant Inhabitant , together with his Wife , of many of the common Gaols in England and Ireland ; as you shall find before I leave them . But to make hast to the Conclusion of this Narration ; the Lord President call'd for the Letter which Young had sent to me under the Name of Hookes . When his Lordship had viewed it deliberately , he ask'd also for the Association , and having compared them for some considerable time , he broke forth in these Words ; Really , my Lords , it is a very great Providence , that this Letter , sent by Young , under the Name of Hookes , to the Bishop of Rochester , was preserved by his Servant : For this very Letter , and the Association , were both apparently Written by the same Hand ; you may perceive there is no manner of Difference in the Writing , but only that the Letter is written in a less Hand , as Letters are wont to be , and the Association in a greater , as a Publick Instrument . At this the whole Board , one after another , had a perfect fight of both , and all applauded the Happiness of the Discovery : For it was as clear as Light to all that were present , that the Letters , and Words , of both , were of the very same Form and Figure . Particularly , my Lord Godolphin farther observed , and made it plan to them all , That the W in W. Cant. in the Subscription , was the very same Letter with the W in Whereas , which was the first Word of the Counterfeit Association . For my Part , I could not forbear Exclaiming , Great is Truth , and it will prevail . After all this , I asking the Lords , Whether they had any farther Service to command me ? And they saying No , I spoke these few Words . My Lords , I must always acknowledge , That , next the Signal Providence of God , in so visibly protecting an innocent Man , your Lordships fair and honorable Way of Proceeding with me , in not shutting me up close in the Tower immediately upon my first Accusation ; but in openly Confronting me with these Varlets , whil'st the Matter was fresh in my Memory ; and in so strictly and impartially examining them now , has been the Principal Occasion , that my Innocency has met with a Vindication as publick and unquestionable , as I my self could have wished and prayed for . But still , my good Lords , I do again most humbly recommend to your Lordships , The Prosecution of this Black Contrivance to the Bottom , for the Sake of Truth and Justice , and for the Safety of every other honest Man , whose Lot this might have been as well as mine . I am sure your Lordships all believe , that there can be no greater Service to the Government , especially at this time , than to have such perjured Informers , so plainly discovered , to be severely punished according to their Demerits . And so I took my Leave of their Lordships . This is the Substance of what I can remember , as far as my Part goes in this Surprizing Adventure . As to the Account I promised of my Wicked Accusers , my Reader shall have it as fast as my weak Eyes will give me Leave to write it . Tho. Roffen . Aug. 1. 1692. Bromley . The End of the First Part. 
A61175	----	A sermon preached at the anniversary meeting the Sons of Clergy-men in the Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, Nov. vii, 1678 / by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1678 Approx. 59 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61175 Wing S5055 ESTC R16678 11930974 ocm 11930974 51114 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61175) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51114) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 825:12) A sermon preached at the anniversary meeting the Sons of Clergy-men in the Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, Nov. vii, 1678 / by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Corporation of the Sons of the Clergy (London, England) [4], 47 p. Printed by J. Macock, for Henry Brome ..., London : 1678. Reproduction of original in Duke University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Sermons. Bible. -- N.T. -- Galatians VI, 10 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED AT THE Anniversary Meeting OF THE SONS of CLERGY-MEN . In the Church of S t Mary-le-Bow , Nov. vii . 1678. By THOMAS SPRAT , D. D. One of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary . LONDON , Printed by I. Macock , for Henry Brome at the Gun , at the West-end of S t Pauls . MDCLXXVIII . IMPPIMATVR . Car. Trumbull , R mo D no , D no Gul. Archiep. Cant. à Sacris Domest . TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER in GOD , JOHN Lord Bishop of Rochester , PRESIDENT , And the rest of the Governours of the Charity , for relief of the Poor Widows , and Children of Clergy-men . MY LORD , SInce your Lordship , and the Governours of this Pious Foundation have , by your commands , laid a necessity upon me of Printing this Sermon : I think I ought rather to be wanting in Prudence to my self , than in respect to you . I cannot but venture the public censure , to serve a Design ; for the promoting of which you all contribute so much more , by your Exemplary Zeal , and Beneficence . You , my Lord , especially , whom all acknowledge to deserve , by your generous Heart , and liberal Hand , the two great Titles you possess : of disposing his Majesties Alms ; and governing this Royal Corporation of Charity . My Lord , I am Your Lordships most Humble , and most Obedient Servant , THO. SPRAT A SERMON PREACHED before the SONS of CLERGY-MEN . GAL. vi . 10 . As we have therefore opportunity , let us do good unto all men , especially unto them who are of the Houshold of Faith. THese Friendly and Charitable Meetings , Men , Fathers and Brethren , you have now , by the blessing of God , for several years , renew'd with no just offence to any , though with the grief , and envy perhaps of some , who are not of our Houshold of Faith ; but to the comfort of all that are ; for the present benefit , and relief of many , and with well-grounded hopes , and presages of much greater things for the future . Of these our Annual Solemnities there being two principal intentions ; the one to answer a most unjust objection of the Enemies to the married Clergy , by shewing a full appearance of their Children , who are in a condition to credit the Church , and serve their Country ; The other , for relieving those of the same descent , who may have been reduc'd to Distress , and Poverty : For the first of these , I need no other defence , no other commendation , than this very Company , to which I speak . For what Argument , either Civil , or Ecclesiastical , can justify , can commend the Marriage of Church-men , and vindicate our whole Reformation on that account , if this Sight be not sufficient to do it ? This Assembly ? The lawful Offspring of such Marriages , the genuine Seed , the proper Issue of the Reformation ; and if you permit me to say it , I dare say , the Honour of it too . An Assembly compos'd of men considerable in all worthy Professions ; eminent in many wayes of life ; all honest wayes , some venerable , some honourable : Men favour'd by God in your Birth , your Education , your several Stations in this world : so far above what the Adversaries of our Church most injuriously upbraid , so far above contempt or meaness , that you are plentifully bless'd by our gracious God with ablilities ; and , which is more , endued by him with hearts too , to do good to others . In that part therefore of our design in this Meeting , which concerns the vindication of our whole Race ; I will use no other Apology ; if I intended a Panegyric , I should need no other , but only this one unanswerable , living Argument , which you your selves here present afford me . The other great end of it , which is Charity towards those of the like original with our selves , whom their necessities may have made unable , asham'd perhaps , to appear amongst us at this time ; the Recommendation of so prudent , so pious a work , deserves certainly to be the chief subject of the Preacher , the chief duty of the Hearers , and Preacher , in all such Assemblies of men of our extraction ; and in this of this year , in a special manner , for an extraordinary cause . For your former worthy beginnings of this kind having lately receiv'd incouragment by a Royal Establishment ; I cannot but believe . that this advantage has inspir'd all your hearts with the most chearful resolutions , to perfect , by the help of so great a Patronage , what you your selves had before so generously attempted : that what you have hitherto done in your private bounty , as a secret Free-will Offering , you will persevere to do , and do much more , now you are invited to it by publick Authority ; now you are admitted by the King himself into a share with him , as I may say , in one of his most Sacred Offices ; are become Nursing Fathers too of the Church : He of the flourishing part ; you under him , of the Afflicted part of the Church of England . Wherefore , intreating first your favourable interpretation , that by reason of the sickness of the Reverend Prelate , who had undertaken this employment , I have been over-ruled to approach this place , so much out of my own order , so very much in all things unequal to those , who have gone before me ; that I may ( now I am here ) be somewhat serviceable to the great Charitable design of this Congregation , I have chosen to speak on this Scripture : In which we find a serious Exhortation of the Apostle to all manner of Charity , In its largest extent ; The doing good to all men ! And then directed , and limited in two particulars , of Time , and Persons . It is to be practised with regard to some Times above others : we are to do good , As we have an opportunity . It should be with a careful choice and preference of some persons above others : To All , but especially to the Houshold of Faith. According to this plain Method , my following Discourse will be most naturally divided . First , As the Foundation of all , we are to suppose this most Christian Principle , That , by the obligation of our Holy Faith , we are all indispensably bound to do good to all men . Secondly , We may observe , That though our Charity should be universal , yet as it cannot be actually exercised , but on particular times , so it should be chiefly on special opportunities . Thirdly , We must conclude , That the true , Evangelical Charity may , and should admit of different measures and degrees ; though it ought not to be confined to any , yet should principally be applied to the Houshold of Faith. That the true Profession of Christianity inviolably engages all its followers , to do good to all men , I will not here much labour to prove , but rather take it for granted ; the very repetition of this truth giving a sufficient confirmation to it , in any Assembly of true Christians ; much more in such a one , as you are ; whose Fathers , by virtue of their Holy Office , were appointed the special Guardians of the great Doctrine of Charity , and Teachers of it to the rest of the world . To you therefore it may well be esteemed as a domestic Doctrine , received by you almost with your first milk , as one of the very first Elements of your Religion . A Doctrine , that is represented to our imperfect indeed , but yet to our sincere imitation , in the glorious , primitive Patern of most perfect , most adorable goodness in the Divine Nature it self : by which the whole Frame of the Creation , the whole stock of Mankind , the sound , the unsound part , the good , the bad , were all made , and have been always sustained , and encompassed with such inexpressible Grace , such unbounded Mercy , as is always ready for those that desire it ; always finds out those that seek for it ; often stands in the way of those , that would avoid it ; and overtakes them that flye from it . From that most blessed Original of doing good , that is essential to the infinite Being of our Creator , we have an excellent Copy transcribed for all our use in the Gospel ; here made necessary to us by innumerable Precepts ; here illustrated to us by a most gracious Example ; here made easie for us by Promises of Divine Assistance ; here rendred pleasant and profitable to us by assurances of unspeakable Rewards . This Doctrine of Gods good-will towards men ; this command of mens proportionable good-will to one another , is not this the very Body and Substance , this the very Spirit and Life of our Saviours whole Institution ? It is intermingled with all the Truths He teaches : It overspreads and gives one colour to all his Precepts ; 't is the very distinguishing Character of the Christian Law ; by which that has exceeded , and advanced all the true Dictates of Natural Reason ; by which it has excell'd , and put to shame all the best Pretences of false Worships ; nay by which God himself seems to have made the last Addition to his own Discoveries and Instructions to Mankind : For as in many other things the Gospel appears in respect of the Law to be a clearer Revelation of the mystical part ; so in this it is apparently a far more benign , more generous Dispensation of the practical part of the True Religion . In this matter , what need we Christians be our own Witnesses , or our own Judges ? We might refer the examination of it to any sober judicious Heathen , or unprejudic'd Jew , if any such could be found . 'T is true , they might at first sight observe the common practice of too many , that call themselves Christians , to be very different from the Doctrine they seem to own . They might justly wonder , that men so taught , so obliged to be kind to all , gentle to Strangers , merciful to the Afflicted , loving even to Enemies , should behave themselves in every point so contrary to such heavenly Instructions , such indissoluble Obligations ! that so many , that any fierce , stubborn , revengeful , avaritious , uncharitable Passions could possibly spring up under the shadow of such a Religion ! nay , that some men should make such a Religion , and their Zeal for it , to be the pretence , and excuse even to justifie , even to sanctifie such passions ! All this the Adversaries of the Faith have too much reason to object against too many of its Professors ; but against the Faith it self nothing at all . In that all things of this nature must excite their admiration , or overwhelm them with confusion . Should the wisest Heathen search into all the highest flights of their best Moralists ; should the most devout Iew recollect the most virtuous Counsels , and Traditions of their Patriarchs , and Prophets ; and then should both these compare what they can find in either of them , with the free-spirited , the large-hearted , the universally-charitable design of the whole tenour of our Blessed Saviours Teaching , and Life ; and that unanimously expounded by all the inspired Writers after him ; and they must both at last agree , that here are introduc'd far more Heroic Principles of Meekness , Forgiveness , Bounty , and Magnanimity , than ever all the Learning of the Heathens could invent , or all the Antiquity of the Iews could boast of . What could the light of Nature , what could the Mosaical shadows , which yet were clearer than that ; what could either of these produce that is comparable to the true Evangelical Spirit ? By our Law of doing Good , no good is to be left undone towards all , not the good of the Tongue , the Hand , the Heart ; none is to be done unwillingly to any ; none only for our own sakes ; none only in one season , but always . Here are confirm'd all our other Natural , Civil , Political tyes of Mutual good Offices ; nay here , when they are not , or cannot be Mutual : Here many new Titles of kindness , many new Relations of endearment are superadded to them : Here the foundations , the desires , the occasions of Envy , Malice , Coveteousness Revenge are abolish'd : Here a new race of Virtues , and Graces more Divine , more Moral , more Humane are planted in their stead . If I will believe , and obey the Gospel , no difference of outward condition , no Calamity , no Misery can make any man not to be equal to me , or to deserve my neglect : no distance of Place , no strangeness of Country , no contrariety of Temper , or Interest can make any Man a stranger to me , or to deserve my indifference : no ill Will , no ill Speech , no ill Deed of another against me can make any Man an Enemy to me , or to deserve my hatred . With Men indeed these considerations are usually , naturally the causes of Despite , Disdain , or Aversion from others : But with God they seem to pass for so many new reasons of our greater tenderness towards others ; even as so many new degrees of our Consanguinity with them . Should we not do good to Strangers ? The Gospel allows no such term , as a Stranger : makes every man my Neighbour . Should we not forgive our Enemies ? those that Curse , Persecute , and would Destroy us ? The Gospel knows no such thing , as an Enemy . We are to bless , to pray for , to love our Enemies : and if not for that very reason , yet notwithstanding it . Ought we not to pity , and supply the Poor , and Afflicted , though they have no Relation to us ? No Relation ? That cannot be . The Gospel styles them all , our Brethren : nay they have a nearer Relation to us , our fellow Members : and both these from their Relation to our Saviour himself ; who calls them his Brethren , his Members ; and makes them his proper Charge , his peculiar Care : Titles of Honour and Priviledges which the Rich , and the Great , as such , can never deserve ; and will never have , unless they employ their Riches , and Greatness , for the help , and protection of these the true Wards , and Children , and Friends of God. Wherefore since we are to do good , to the Poor , to Strangers , to Enemies ; those whom Nature is too apt to make us Despise , Disregard , or Hate ; then undoubtedly we are to do good to all Men , To all Men , as we have an opportunity , which is my second particular . I cannot but take notice of the fulness of the Original Phrase in this place . For though it is evident , that the Holy Ghost is scarce ever so Various , and Copious , and Efficacious , on any one Divine Argument , as when it recommends to us the great duty of Charity ; yet there are few expressions , on this very subject , so expressive ; none , I think , more powerful than this , throughout the whole Scripture . First 't is here said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A Word , that signifies , not only some empty good will , and good wishes ; not only some verbal assistance , or the cold comfort of barren promises ; not only some slender kind of good work , perform'd by chance , with little cost , or no pains ; but an active , expensive , indefatigable goodness ; such as our Apostle , elsewhere , in two several places , calls a work , and labour of Love. Secondly 't is said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which may be translated not only doing Good , but the Good ; the Good I suppose , that others necessities most call for , and our circumstances most enable us to perform ; and so implying much cautious Care , and Cicumspection , in suiting the kinds of our relief to our own abilities , and to the wants of those we would relieve . And a doing good in this wise manner , this truly-Gospel sense , is a wonderful addition to the good action it self . Of so beautiful , and amiable a thing as Charity is , nothing can more increase the Lustre , and Beauty , than a prudent election of Objects , and a fit application of it to them . In good works , as in all other good things , there may be goodness in the general , but Decence , and Gracefulness can be only in the particulars , in doing the good . Thirdly therefore , To make this decence of our Beneficence compleat , 't is added , That we must do it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As we have opportunity . Most of the Learned Versions only render it , whilest we have time : whilest by the favour , and long-suffering of Almighty God , our frail , and uncertain Lives are , for this very end , prolong'd to us in this World : which is our chief opportunity of doing Good ; as after this Life ; begins Gods chief opportunity of recompensing us for so doing . But in all works of Bounty , and Liberality , something more is to be consider'd besides the occasion of the Givers : and that is the occasion of the Receivers ; and therefore our Translation takes in both , rightly saies , not only whilest we have time , but , as we have opportunity . Opportunity is in respect to time , in some sense , as time is in respect to Eternity . 'T is the small Moment , the exact Point , the critical Minute , on which every good work so much depends ; that whenever you just light upon it , it is able to make all your Religious performances more easy to your selves , more beneficial to others , more acceptable to God himself . Has not every common action of life , every virtue in Morality , and so every grace in Christianity its due season , its proper time ? out of which whenever it is practis'd , I will not say it changes its Nature , and becomes evil ; but most truly it loses very much of the comeliness , and vigor , and ornament of its goodness . There is , saies the Wiseman , a season , and time , that is , an opportunity to every thing : the same which the Poet means , when he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ So your Christian Fortitude , and Patience have their opportunity , in times of Affliction , and Persecution : So your Temperance , and Humility have theirs , in Plenty , and Prosperity , especially unexpected Prosperity ; so your Devotion has its opportunity : We must Pray always , but chiefly at certain times : on stated Days , in most solemn Places : so your Fasting , Contrition and Mortification , when the Church and State appoints , and that especially in times of greater Riot and Luxury : so true Zeal , in times overflowing with Atheism and Prophaness : so Moderation , and Christian Prudence , in times abounding with blind and furious Zeal : so all the rest ; so Charity has its opportunity , as well as the rest . Indeed so diffusive , so comprehensive , so catholic a Grace is Charity above any of the rest , that whatever time is the special opportunity of any other moral Virtue , or Christian Grace , that very time is also the special opportunity of Charity . It must immediately , inseparably attend all your Christian Fortitude , your Patience , your Devotion , your Mortification , your Prudence , your Zeal . In whatever Heart , or Head any one of these takes possession , it must never go single ; it must bring Charity with it , or it is there it self in vain . Mercy is over all Gods works , and should be in all ours . Such is the large opportunity of Charity , whereby it is made the constant Companion and Perfection of all Virtues ; impower'd to enter into every one of their Provinces : and well it is for that Virtue , where it most enters , and longest stayes . Indeed so much employment it has , that whoever shall read over St. Paul's enumeration of the Duties incumbent upon it , he might almost conclude , that well-nigh the whole business of Christianity is laid on the shoulders of Charity alone . Charity bears all , believes all , hopes all , endures all , and much more to the same purpose . What can be spoken more effectually ? Whereas the same Apostle , in the same Chapter , tells us , That of the three things which remain , Faith , Hope and Charity , the greatest is Charity ; here much more is said ; not only that it is greater than Faith , and Hope , but that it believes all , hopes all it self : has all these other Graces , and their opportunities , contained within it self . Certainly therefore Charity is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here intended ; not only a good , not only the chiefgood , but that without which nothing else can be good . Yet besides this general opportunity of Charity , which , you see , is common to it with all other goodness : it has also many Opportunities peculiar to it self . As when it is to be practis'd towards persons of great , and undeserv'd Wants , or of extraordinary Merits , or of extraordinary Demerits : That is one great opportunity of Charity . Or when in places , that can shew very few , and little , or very great , and many instances of Beneficence : That is another of its opportunities ; that where there are few , and small examples of good works , they may be increas'd ; where there are many , and great , they may be incouraged to continue . Or in times of public Fasting , Mourning , and Humiliation ; that is another opportunity of it : For the best sign , and fruit of denying our selves , is mercy to others . Or in times of Thanksgiving , of remarkable Temporal or Spiritual Blessings ; in times of Joy , and Feasting , and enlargement of Heart ; that is another . In all such times , when we more freely enjoy the bounty of God our selves ; we make it an imputation to us , if we do not take care , that others also shall partake of some good by it . Such honest refreshments , and comforts of Life , our Christian Liberty has made it lawful for us to use : our Temperance , and Sobriety in using them will make them innocent : But nothing can render them truely Christian Comforts , except the mixture of some good work of Kindness , and Liberality with them . And therefore the only Feasts we read of in Scripture , amongst the Primitive Christians , besides the great Feast of the Holy Communion , were their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their Feasts of Charity . Cicero brings in Cato reproving the Levity of the Greeks , for calling their Festival meetings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from their drinking then together ; and rather commends the Gravity of the Romans , who nam'd such meetings Convivia , from their Living , and Conversing then together . But we Christians have another manner of example to follow , from our first Predecessors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which the very word may teach us our duty in them : For these took their Name not from the Mirth , not from the Conversation , but only from the Charity of the Guests . That indeed is the only thing , that can season all our Mirth , that can sanctify all our freedom on such times : That indeed is the only true Christian life . I come in the Third place to examine , what ought to be the proper object of a Christians doing good . It must be done to all , but especially to the Houshold of Faith : which is the last particular in my Text. 'T is manifest throughout the Bible , that besides the whole compass of Heaven , and Earth ; in which God is pleas'd to reside , therefore calling the one his Throne , the other his Foot-stool ; though both are far from containing his Immensity ; but , besides that more ample Habitation of his Power , he has always condescended to take to himself , amongst the Sons of men , a peculiar Houshold of his Love : which , in all times , he has cherish'd as a Father , by his special Providence and Affection ; and govern'd , as a Master , by a private Oeconomy of his own . This is the proper Houshold of Faith. And in the first Ages of the World , 't was sometimes literally no more than a single Houshold , or some few Families . Before the Fall of our first Parents , it could be no otherwise ; and after it too 't was so for several Generations : whilest the Mysteries and Worship of the true Religion were almost confined to the Succession of one beloved Race , and the rest of Mankind left to be , what they had made themselves , Aliens and Strangers . Nor ought any to repine on this account , at the unsearchable Judgements of God , that so many were at once excluded out of his Family . Ought not all rather , we especially , to admire and adore his apparent Mercy , that any were still permitted to have a right in it ; since none could merit , all had forfeited that right ? But in process of time , when this chosen Family was multiplyed into a Nation , that Nation too became the Houshold of Faith ; a greater , but still a Houshold : Limited in its Members , almost to one People ; in its public Worship , almost to one House : But still a Houshold of Faith : a Faith , that was true , though obscure ; a Faith , that had then the hope of things not seen , though it was not , as afterwards under the Gospel , the Evidence of such things . Under the Gospel indeed the next , and the greatest increase of this Houshold of Faith has been made : when , by the Universal administration of Grace , begun by our blessed Saviour , enlarged by his Apostles , carried on by their immediate Successors , and to be compleated by the rest to the Worlds end ; all Types that darken'd this Faith , are enlighten'd ; all Veils , that hid it , are rent , and taken away ; all Walls of partition broken down ; all confinement to Families , or People , all narrowness of Opinions removed ; all Nations under Heaven invited ; some of all received into this Houshold : which therefore has taken to it self , as it deserves , the most August Name of Catholic ; that , without it , no other House , nor Religion , nor Empire could ever justly claim ; nor within it , can any one Church above others rightly pretend to it , but only all together , united in the same Faith , the same Hope , the same Charity . Such have been the different extents of this Houshold of Faith , through all its successions . And what all along were the different ranks ? what the distinct Offices ? what degrees of Privilege , and Command maintain'd amongst all its members ? None at all ? Yes certainly very much of all . In so divine a Houshold , so united in one Faith , were there no other Means of Order , or Methods of Union ? no Superiority of some ? no submission of others ? no reverence towards any ? How could it then be a Houshold ? A Herd of wild Beasts on the Mountains , a salvage Drove of men in Caves might be so order'd , or rather so disorder'd : But never a Family , a City , a People , a peculiar People ; all which the Houshold of Faith is often called : for to all these Obedience , and Subordination , Government , and Subjection are most necessary for their well-being , for their being in a Civil State ; certainly therefore as necessary to a Spiritual Family , and City , and People . Can there be any reason imaginable , why the Houshold of God alone should throw off all that Rule , and Discipline , that orderly Dependence , and Duty , and Service , by which all other Houses in the world are best govern'd ? Nay by which they can only be well govern'd ? No. So far is an indistinction of all persons , or equality of all Orders , and , by consequence , an Anarchy of all things ; so far from being agreeable to the Will of God ; declared in the Beautiful , and Harmonious frame of his great Houshold , the World , and especially in all the Ministeries of proper Houshold , the Church ; that there was never yet any time , since the Church was a considerable Number ; I believe , since it was a Number ; when some of its Members were not more Sacred than others , when some were not appointed Spiritual Rulers , some Temporal Governours , some both over others . The Patriarchs were indubitably invested with both these Authorities . In Moses , and Aaron they were divided in persons ; but still united as in Brethren . In the Iewish State , of which every part was of Gods own prescribing ; 't is needless to tell , how great was the Preeminence of the Priestly Office ; how Sacred their Degrees ; how Separate ; how Plentiful their Maintenance . Or if that Example be not Spiritual , be not Christian enough : What can be more Christian , more Spiritual , than our blessed Saviours making the like distinctions between his own Evangelical Ministers ? His sending not all his Disciples equally , but first his Apostles , and them chiefly ? and his impowering them to send others with the like differences ? as is plain from their practice . And of those very Apostles ( for I see not , why , as we pass , we may not plead our own cause too ) of those Apostles some , even the greatest , Married men ; of their successors many Married Men : all endued with indelible power from above , to Feed , to Govern this Houshold ; to Create , to continue a Succession in it ; to Consecrate , to ordain Pastors , and Stewards of it , to the worlds end : all worthy of Livelyhood , some of Honour , and , if we will believe S t Paul , even in the times of greatest purity , and simplicity , some worthy of double honour . We have now discover'd , what is the true Houshold of Faith : In general , the whole Company of the Faithful , divided in times , and places , joyn'd in one mystical Houshold : In a particular , more eminent manner , the Ministers of that Houshold , the Dispensers of that Faith : and so many of the best Interpreters understand my Text. Hence therefore we behold to whom all Christians are to do good : to all Men ; especially to all Christians ; more especially to all the Ministers of Christ. And this being laid down , as undeniable , if you give me leave to make one short step farther , we may then by an easy , and necessary consequence , reduce this general advice to our present , particular purpose . For if the Fathers , and Husbands of those , whose relief this your Meeting intends , were unquestionably of the Houshold of Faith , both as the Members and Ministers of it ; and if on that account all were especially to do good to them ; then certainly their Relicts , and Children cannot be Strangers in this Houshold ; ought not to be Strangers to the Good , that is done in it , if they want it . If to the Ministers of Christ , whilest Living , all are to do Good , as to the chief Officers of the Houshold of Faith ; then certainly , when they have ceased from their labours , at least as much to their posterity ; to whom there is near the same obligation , too frequently a far greater need , and occasion of doing good . And if all Christians are bound to do good , in a peculiar manner to the Houshold of Faith , so understood ; then no doubt those of the Houshold it self , who are in some estate of Prosperity , which , God be prais'd , is your case , have much stronger ties to do good to the other members of the same Houshold , who are in adversity . You now see , Reverend , and Beloved in our Lord and Saviour , the course of my Text has brought us to the great design of this our Assembly ; which is mercy to those distressed persons , who have the same relation to this Houshold of Faith with our selves . But before I come to them , I beseech your patience , whilst I speak something to our selves here present : to whom , from what has been said , methinks a little seasonable Counsel , some honest , humble intreaties at least , are due from me at this time ; as from all of us a relief is due to the others . We have heard our Common , our Proper Title to the Houshold of God laid open before us . We find our selves inrolled in this heavenly Family , as Servants , as Sons , as Sons to the chief , and most Sacred part of this Family . The best Philologers say , that the Original word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is here translated of the Houshold , does not only signifie Domestic , as oppos'd to Foreign , to those without doors ; but also private , as oppos'd to common , and those that are only just within doors . On both these Senses our claim is founded . We are not only of the Houshold , out of which a great part of the World is excluded ; but we are more privately , more intimately of the Houshold , in which a great part of the Faithful are only as common Members . Thus we have all a double relation to it : some of us a threefold : All of us as Christians ; all as Sons of the Ministers of Christ : some not only so , but as Ministers our selves . And can our duty then be single ? Is there nothing expected from us , more than from other Christians ? Does our greater privelege require nothing from us , but what is Common ? Yes certainly very much . Let me briefly put you in mind , what it is . First , since we claim a proper interest , above others , in the preeminent rights of the Houshold of Faith , then , no doubt , to make good that claim , we are all proportionably oblig'd above others , to conform to the proper manners , and virtues , that belong to , and become this Houshold , and distinguish it from all others : then , no doubt , if in every one of such Virtues , whether they respect God , or Man , we do not exceed others , we scarce do our ordinary duty : what great deficience is it , if we come short of others ! what hainous shame , if we notoriously offend in the opposite sins ! We have far greater obligations than all others to do good : we have not so much as the false excuses , that some others may think they have , to do evil . If we forsake the waies of Grace , and Goodness , we cannot allege any colour of Ignorance , or want of Instruction : we cannot say we have not learn'd them , or we could not : nay we cannot say , we have forgot them . They were familiar to us from our Cradles ; imprinted on our Childish Memories ; insinuated into our tenderest Age ; endear'd to us by the nearest Examples . Virtue in us not only our Duty , but should be our Portion , our Inheritance . Vice in us were not only wickedness , but Apostasie , degenerate wickedness . Wherefore of those Graces , which no Christian can be without , we ought to exhibit a greater measure : of those , which adorn a Christian Life , we should aspire to the most excellent degree . Far should be from us not only all scandalous evil , but all the least appearance of evil : and , as Caesar said of his House , not only the Sin , but the suspicion . The spotless modesty of private , and public life , that sobriety of Conversation , that mildness of behaviour , that Innocence , that Benignity of words , and actions , that Liberal , that Generous Spirit which all other other Christians ought to labour after , should look in us , as if they were natural to us , and born with us . In those good things , which all others are to study , and imitate , we are to give , some of us Rules , all of us Examples . What all others should practice , we should scarce to know how to practice otherwise . I urge this the rather , because we live in an Age , when there is an universal complaint , ( and God knows , there is too much reason for it , ) of an universal Corruption of good Manners . The complaint indeed is far more general , than the indeavours to redress it . Abroad every Man would be a Reformer , how very few at home ? But in truth , if all would really intend an amendment , and set about it in good earnest ; I cannot imagine any more likely means to effect it , than to have it seriously begun , and steddily carried on by men of our birth . Great and powerful ; I am confident , irresistible would be the influence , which this very Assembly would have on the whole Kingdom . If judgment begins at the house of God , says St. Peter , where shall the ungodly , and wicked appear ? And why should we not expect that judgment will begin at the House of God , if reformation begins not there ? But then let me add , if reformation begins at the Houshold of God , where shall ungodliness , and wickedness appear ? Your Examples will meet it at every turn ; and put it out of countenance in every place : even in private corners 't will soon lose that confidence , which now it too much assumes in public . Secondly , This consideration , that we are all united in one Houshold , are all of the more inward part of the same Houshold , may suggest to us all , that we especially of all Men , of all Christians , ought most to promote Unity amongst our selves , and others . I beseech you mistake me not . I do not only mean our Unity in matters of Religion . That amongst us , I suppose . I cannot reasonnably suspect , that any of us should be dissatisfied with , or disobedient to the Church of England . I cannot fancy that those little scruples , and groundless prejudices , and weaknesses of Conscience instead of tenderness , which mislead too many others , too many , otherwise good men ; should find place in any of our minds , against so Pure , so Pious , so Regular , so Moderate a Church : at whose Breasts we were more than ordinarily nourish'd : a Church , which deserves to be to all a common Mother , and is to us so much more than a common Mother . Wherefore I will not , I need not undertake to exhort you to an Ecclesiastical Union within your selves . I am rather ready to congratulate that to you . But there is another Unity , which , next that in Spiritual things , would be of all others most delightful to God himself , most advantageous to our Country : and that is your endeavour after a Civil , a Political Union in the whole Nation ; a fair , and candid Correspondence between all ways of life ; a strict , and friendly Communion of good , and kind Offices , between Men of all Ranks , and Professions among us . This is that , to which I would most earnestly , and I believe I should most seasonably advise you all . You know who has said , That every Kingdom divided against it self is brought to desolation : and every City or , House divided against it self , shall not stand . And most certainly nothing more shakes the Superstructure , nothing more strikes at the Foundation of any Society of Men ; nothing more disables a House , a City , a Kingdom , from doing good and great things , than mean divisions between the several Orders , and Conditions of its Members : their narrow-hearted repining at each others gain ; their ill construction of each others advantages ; their envying the fruits of each others labours : when one Trade , or Art , even those , that should be the most Liberal , shall make it their business to Disdain , and Calumniate another ; shall impute the faults of any particular men , to the discredit of any whole Calling : when any distinct way of life shall think , that all others injoy too much Profit , or Power , or Honour ; they alone too little . What can be more destructive to public Quiet , and Concord ? What to a private , easy , and honestly-pleasant life , than in full peace to have , as it were , an open War between all professions ? for any of the Clergy to murmur against the Priveleges of the Laity ? for any of the Laity invidiously to aggravate the Rights , and Immunities of the Clergy ? For Church-men to look with a greedy , or malicious eye , on the Incomes , or Preferments of Lawyers , or Physicians , or Merchants , or the Gentry , without weighing their hazards , and expenses ? For any of these , without regarding the pains , and burdens of Church-men , to grudge , or upbraid to them those small remains of Ancient Piety , which the Rapacity of some Ages has left , scarce left to the Church ? Whether this be not , on all sides , a most ill-natured , most pernicious temper ; whether it has not too much sower'd , and infected the humor of too many of our Countrymen ; I leave to you to judge : yet not only to judge : but to you , of all men living , the cure of this Distemper is to be recommended . You are not only the most proper , but , I believe , the only instruments capable of effecting this happy work . Unspeakable is the opportunity to this end , which is in your power , that no other generation of men can equally pretend to . 'T is an evident observation , than no other one Race , not the Sons of any one other Profession , not perhaps all together , are so much scatter'd amongst all Professions , all ways of life , as the Sons of Clergy-men alone . Of most others the Children are commonly bred up in their Fathers way ; or so plentifully provided for , that they are left at large ; some few permitted to venture on the Church . But with Churchmen 't is far otherwise . Their Children , we see , flow abroad , are confin'd to none , overspread all our ways of breeding ; and life : our Shops , our Schools , our Universities , our Inns of Court , our College of Physicians , our Towns , our Country , our Court , our Cities ; this Court , this City especially . And if the dispersion of the Church from Ierusalem by the reason of persecution , first into all Iudea , then into all the World , became , by Gods wonderful providence , the chief cause of enlarging the Gospel : why may not we hope , that the Sons of the Church being so much dispers'd , though , God be thanked , without being driven , into all quarters of the Land , there was some extraordinary design of Divine Wisdom in it ? Certainly yes , certainly 't was intended , that we should carry along with us into all other places , and Professions , wherever our stations are allotted , some of those good , and virtuous qualities , which we were strangely careless , if we did not bring from home with us : something of that meek , condescending , calm , affable , reconciling , composed , composing Spirit ; which if Churchmen , and their Progeny have not , they cannot pretend to any other Virtues . We were all born , and grew up in the very native soil of Modesty , Humility , Peace , and Unity . And if we shall neglect to propagate these blessed dispositions , in all the other soils , where so many of us are transplanted : what others can we expect shall do it ? What others can undertake it , without some blemish to us ? some reflexion on our negligence ? But if we shall endeavour it with Diligence and Constancy , we need not doubt but , by the ordinary blessing of God , our labors in this kind will prove the fortunate means , to make these Virtues thrive elsewhere , spread every where . For proof of all I have said , concerning the probability , the certainty of reforming , and uniting the whole Nation by our Example ; I crave leave only to set before you an image , of what would surely be done to this purpose , in this one City : which may well be reckon'd not only the seat of Trade , and Commerce , not only the Fountain of Habits , and Fashions , and good Breeding , but of morally-good , or bad manners to all England . Throughout the whole extent of this vast City , I know , there is no one Ward , no Parish ; I believe , no Street , not many Lanes , where there does not live one or more , that have our Relation to the Church : and live generally in so good a rank , as will rather invite , than discourage others , to follow what they shall practise . Now then , if amongst you of our number , who are Citizens , there were at once begun , by common consent , an universal amendment of Life , and other Conversation : If we shall make it our unanimous business , to oppose the particular Vices of the time , by their contrary Virtues ; Schism by Unity ; Hypocrisie by sober Piety ; Debauchery by Temperance ; mistaken Zeal by true Zeal , and the like : if so , then the change will soon appear remarkable ; the Example will be spreading ; Favor , Authority , Credit , Custome , and at last Number too will be on the side of Grace , and Goodness . And ( if you remember , how your City first rose out of its Ashes , after the dreadful fire , which , no doubt , you can never forget ) as that was rebuilt , not presently by raising continued Streets , in any one part ; but at first here a House , and there a House ; to which others by degrees were joyn'd ; till at last single Houses were united into whole Streets , whole Streets into one beautiful City : So every one of your Houses being first rais'd , and appearing eminent above others in Piety ; others will soon take Patern and Incouragement from your building : and so House by House , Street by Street , there will at last be finish'd , not only , as before , a great , and a magnificent City ; but , what is far better , a City , that is at unity in it self ; a Modest , a Grave , a Religious City : And London will in short time as much excel it self in all manner of Virtue , as even now , I dare affirm , it excels any other City in the whole World , that comes any thing near it , either in largeness , or number of inhabitants . But lastly , since we are all of one Spiritual Houshold ; and that not only in a Spiritual , but a Temporal Sense : what remains to be said , but that there ought to be maintain'd between all the members of this our Houshold , a free , and uninterrupted Communication of our Spiritual , and our Temporal good things to each other ? From the wealthy , and able part , their Temporal good things of Bounty , and Munificence to the Poor , and unable amongst us ; from the poor and unable the return of their Spiritual good things , their Blessings , and Thanks , and Prayers ; which cannot be a less good than they receive ; nay they will be a far greater benefit to the wealthy , and able , than these can bestow on them . I bless God , many of you here present are of the wealthy part ; I see most of you are of the able ; none , I hope , of the unable part . And it was my intention , to have tryed by an ample exhortation to excite your greatest ardour , and most fervent Zeal in this work . But I find , I have employed so much time , by the way , in other matters : that I cannot presume on your Patience much longer . Yet my comfort is , that such an Exhortation which the hour already spent would now make tedious ; the free , and tender Nature of my Hearers has made unnecessary . A much longer Discourse my Argument requires : your merciful dispositions a much shorter . Wherefore seeing it will be far better , for you your selves to reason with your selves on this subject , than for me , or any man else , to load you with persuasions : I shall forbear enlarging , and only offer to your thoughts some few heads of consideration . You are now ; Fathers , and Brethren ; Sons of the Prophets ; and of the Covenant God made with your Fathers , you are now , with happy , and auspicious beginnings , forming a Model of Charity : of a most Christian , truly-Protestant Charity : than which nothing can more fix the Root , nothing more spread the Branches , more cherish the tenderest , and weakest branches of the Reformation : nothing more stop the mouths of those , who by forbidding Marriage to the Clergy , would introduce into the Catholic Church , what St. Paul calls the Doctrine of Devils . To confute these men there were Arguments enough before , drawn from Religion , Scripture , and Antiquity . One Political Argument they seem'd to have , and boasted of it , as unconfutable ; That from such Marriages would inevitably ensue Poverty in many of the Children , and thence a Disgrace , and Burden to the whole Church . But , by this design , you have opposed their false Policy , with true , and great Wisdom : what they boaded would be a mischief to us ; you are providing shall be one of our principal strengths : you have consulted not only the strength , but the fame of the best Reformed Church : and are freeing it , not only from the scandal of its Enemies , but even from its own greatest defect , and inconvenience . The opportunity , that is now put into your hands for this purpose , is peculiar , and extraordinary : not only of this one day , or of other such days , which , I trust , will always succeed this once a year ; but the sure , and solid Foundation of a perpetual Corporation : by which , under a Reign of the greatest Mercy , and Clemency that ever the Sun beheld , you are Authorized to make this good work of Mercy a great one ; call'd upon , many of you by name , to do it , by Royal Authority ; to which a constant obedience , and most dutiful observance has been ever the proper , unsullied Honour of your Church , and of your Extraction . The Persons to be reliev'd by you , so nearly approach you all , in the strictest degrees , though not often perhaps of Kindred , nor always of private Friendship ; yet always of Birth , and interest : that their support may not only be call'd bounty in you , but the most Fatherly , or Brotherly tenderness , and even some kind of self-love . From you their sad estate may well expect effectual comfort , since there are none , though never so much strangers to them , from whom it may not deserve commiseration . They were left destitute , some of Education , all of a subsistance suitable to their former life ; without any the least fault of their own ; without any possibility of their preventing it ; either by the narrow Provision their Husbands , or Parents enjoy'd , in their best condition : or by the unavoidable fate of their untimely deaths : or no doubt some of them , by their frank hearts , and their open hands , and their Charity towards others , whilst they lived : or , which ought to be mention'd for their greater honour , by their Fidelity to the Crown , and sufferings for the Church . On these accounts , all innocent , some praise-worthy , some honourable , they were expos'd to hardship , and penury ; to which they had never been used , and which , without you , they could never have escaped . Nor was their Poverty all . That their Religion would have taught them to endure . But what was far more grievous , and deplorable , their Poverty had expos'd them to be a cause of scorn and derision , an objection against Religion it self . An objection , which now we shall happily see removed . For you , who have undertaken their relief , some of you by Gods blessing on your labours , some on your Studies , some by Gods , and the Churches blessing on your Estates , all of you by some blessing , or other , are abundantly furnish'd with power ; and I know , with affections to ; contribute your share to this work . So that though it should be true , as I fear it is , that never any time since the Reformation can shew so many poor amongst the Widows , and Orphans of Church-men , as this particular time : yet I believe it to be as true , and we all ought to rejoice at it , that God , in his Mercy , has now more than ever , provided , and pointed out a proportionable supply for them , within our selves . As more Clergy-men were impoverish'd by the calamities of the late War , and Oppression of the Church and State , than ever in the like space before : so , I think , it may be said without Envy , I am sure , if this work proceeds , it may , that more Clergy-men , or their Heirs , than ever in one time before , since they were allowed Marriage , have been brought to a plentiful , and prosperous condition by his Majesties , and with him the Churches , most happy Restoration . What any of you , or your Fathers then received , was never a just objection against you , because you only received what was just , and your own : nay it has been , and will be for ever , not only no objection , but for your praise , and honour ; that of what you then gather'd , as most lawfully your own , you have since already dispos'd so very much , in works of public Piety and Charity ; and are still ready to scatter much more on this occasion , for the good of others . Scatter much , do I say ? There is no absolute need of that . For towards your effectual carrying on of this design , nothing but what may easily consist with your Plenty , your Prosperity ; nothing that shall be any way burdensome is requested of you : only what you can readily spare ; from your necessities , your occasions ? No , but even from your pleasures , your superfluities ; only that which to give away will be a kindness to your selves , as well as to others . 'T is not the weight of Bounty , and good Works from a few , so much as the number from so many , that is expected to make up and continue this heap . We have visible Instances in this City , where great , and well-nigh incredible effects are yearly accomplish'd towards maintaining the poor of almost all Trades , and Callings , only by a constant multitude , and setled succession of small contributions wisely administred . And I hope it will never be said , that the Laity , who by the Clergy are taught to be charitable , shall in their Corporations , exceed the Clergy it self , and their Sons , in freeness of giving . But if any shall think , that in the practical prudence of managing such gifts , the Laity may have some advantage over the Clergy ; whose experience is , and ought to be less of this World than the others : That in your Corporation is most wisely supplied . As there are Churchmen enough in this pious Foundation , most able to advise the good Works ; so there are Laymen enough most able to direct their Uses . To our Laity , and Clergy both , my Dear Friends , this Institution will turn to inestimable advantage ; without giving the least reason to suspect , that any other course of former Charity will be dryed up or , diverted ; but rather all of them will be much increas'd , and more filled by opening this new Fountain . Such is the nature of all true Charity : the practice of it towards any always enlarges Mens desires to practise it towards more : Indeed as a Fountain it flows ; always flowing , when once begun : the several parts of it not hindring , but either making way for , or pushing on each other . Yet though it be certain , that no other way of public Charity has any just ground to be jealous of this ; I cannot but add , that as to public benefit , this will be inferiour to none , preferable to most others , if not to all : For by this means , not only many helpless persons will be provided for , whilst they live ; but a Generation of Men will be bred up , within our selves , not depending on any other Patrons , not perverted by any other hopes : and whose principle , whose judgement , whose interest it will be to obey , and support our own Church and State , which cherishes a Married Clergy ; to oppose a Foreign Church , that condemns it ; but whose ill practices , for want of it , are one of the greatest justifications of such marriages . In the Athenian State , which was the great Fountain of Learning , and Virtue to the Heathen World , one of noblest excitements to honourable actions was , that the Children of those , who had died serving their Country , were bred up at the Public charge , till they came to the age of manhood : and were then brought forth to the people , clad all in Armour , one of their public Ministers proclaiming before them ; That hitherto , in remembrance of their Fathers Merits , the Common-wealth had educated these young men , and now dismiss'd them so arm'd , to go forth , and thank their Country , by imitating their Fathers Examples . Methinks I may promise , and even foretell , that in your future Processions on these days , we shall see such a Train of Youth , by you so bred up , and prepar'd for the service of Church , and State ; to whom it may be said : Thus far the memory of your Fathers deserts has maintain'd you : Now go forth in a lucky hour : Try to follow their Paterns of Loyalty to the King , and Zeal for the Public Interest : Try to return to your Benefactors , that kind of Gratitude , which of all others , will be most acceptable to them : by endeavouring to put your selves into a condition of doing the good to others , that has been done to you : by endeavouring the Peace , and Welfare of a Church , to which you owe , not only your spiritual , but your natural life . A Church , that excels all its Enemies , on both sides , as in many other things ; so especially in the great Doctrine of Charity : In which the Papists , on the one side , pretend to be most triumphant : and I heartily wish , too many of the Sectaries , on the other side , were not apparently too deficient . But our Church has most wisely , most piously chosen , and the blessed Spirit of God has most graciously assisted it in the choice of , the midle path between both these extreams . It gives as much due to Good Works , as is consistent with the Grace of the Gospel ; It gives as much preference to Divine Grace , as is consistent with the Precepts of the Gospel ; Commands us to return to God , and , as to him , to the Poor , his Gifts , out of meer duty and thankfulness ; not to deposite them with him , in hopes of meriting by them ; requires us to perform all deeds of Charity equally to any oothers , but not with equally presumptuous pretensions . I shall no longer detain this Great Assembly : only I beseech Almighty God , to direct all your Counsels , and bless all your Proceedings in this weighty business . For my Brethren , and Companions sake , I wish you Prosperity : Yea , because of the House of the Lord , our God , what good man will not seek to do you good ? will not heartily pray , that for your Labour of Love to the distressed part of the Houshold of Faith here , you may receive an abundant Reward both here , and hereafter ? Here in your Estates , your Reputations , above all , in your Consciences , and increase of Grace : hereafter in immortal happiness : when this Houshold of Faith shall be changed into a Glorious City , an Everlasting Kingdome ; of which I beseech Almighty God to make us all Partakers . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61175-e140 Ex Aedibus Lamb. 14. Die Nov. Notes for div A61175-e370 Esa. 49.23 . Mat. 5.44 . 1 Thess. 1.3 . Heb. 6.10 . Eccles. 3.1 . Hesiod . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ephes. 6.18 . Psal. 149.9 1 Cor. 13. Verse 7. Verse 13. Jude v. 12. De Senectute . Tertul. Apol. cap. 39. where they are described . Mat. 5.34 , 35. Eph. 2.12 Heb. 11.1 . Epis. 2.14 . Eph. 3.15 . Chap. 2.19 . 1 Pet. 2.9 . Tit. 2.14 . Luke 10.7 . 1 Tim. 5.17 . 1 Pet. 4.17 . Mat. 12.25 . Acts 8.4 . Psal. 122.3 . 1 Tim. 4.1 . So interpreted by Bishop Sanderson . Serm. 5. ad Pop. Aeschin . cont . Ctessph . Psal. 122.8 , 9. 
A61178	----	A sermon preached before the Artillery Company of London at St. Mary Le Bow, April 20, 1682 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1682 Approx. 45 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61178 Wing S5058 ESTC R16434 13153350 ocm 13153350 98118 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61178) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98118) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 751:37) A sermon preached before the Artillery Company of London at St. Mary Le Bow, April 20, 1682 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [4], 31 p. Printed for John Baker ..., London : 1682. Marginal notes. Reproduction of original in Duke University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bible. -- N.T. -- Luke XXII, 36 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-12 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON Preached before The Artillery Company OF LONDON AT St. Mary Le Bow , April 20. 1682. BY THOMAS SPRAT D. D. One of His Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary . Published at their request . LONDON , Printed for Iohn Baker , at the three Pigeons in St. Paul's Church-yard . 1682. To the Honourable Sir William Prichard Knight and Alderman , President of the Artillery Company . Sir Iames Smith Knight and Alderman , Vice-President . To the Right Worshipful , Sir Matthew Andrews Treasurer . As also to the Right Honourable , Earl of Thanet , Lord Allington , Lord Lumley , Lord Paston , To the Right Worshipful , and Worshipful , Sir Iohn Narborough , Iohn Shales Esq Philip Frowd Esq Maj. Richard Burdon . STEWARDS . And to the whole Court of Assistants , Field-Officers , Captains , and Gentlemen , Professing and Exercising Arms in that Renowned and Honourable Society . Right Honourable , &c. IN obedience to your commands , I have published this honest-and loyal Discourse : which is all I can say to its advantage : except , what was an unexpected commendation to it , that the Enemies of our Church and State have thought fit to dislike it ; and to shew they did so , have had recourse to their old Arts of lying , and slandering . But it is no matter what they say or do ; whilst you continue like your selves , to think the practice of Loyalty not only a part of your Profession , as Souldiers , but of your Religion as Christians . As to the main Doctrine here delivered , there is not any one true Son of the Church of England , but will consent to it : nor any of its Adversaries , that can oppose it without renouncing the common Principles of Christian Government . As for the manner of handling it , I have reason to ask your pardon , but not theirs . That I have not managed it as so noble an Argument deserves , I beg your excuse . That I have not treated of it with bitterness , or virulency ; I believe , even they will confess , when they shall read it ; and let them consider , what moderation , and temper a man had need be of , that in this Nation , and this Age , shall speak against Faction , and Rebellion , without extraordinary Severity . Right Honourable , &c. I am Your most humble , and most obedient Servant Thomas Sprat . April 29 , 1682. A SERMON Preached before The Artillery Company . St. LUKE xxii . part of ver . 36. — He that hath no Sword , let him sell his garment and buy one . WHen in such Warlike Solemnities , as yours of this day , men of my Profession are admitted to the honour of bearing any part , I suppose it is not expected , that we should cloy , and vex your ears with the terms of your own Art ; or affect impertinently to entertain you with discourses on the Heroic Science of Arms. The weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but spiritual . And if it was justly esteemed once a very indecent presumption in a Philosopher , to read a Lecture of Battels before one great Commander ; how much more improper would it be for a Divine to undertake to teach the Art of War in the presence of so many . But when you call us hither to serve you in these your annual Triumphs , I know you do it with a pious design , That as all Wars of old were usually begun with a public Sacrifice , so these your exercises of War should first be consecrated by devotion ; That here in the House of God you should first receive the Churches Prayers and Benedictions on those Weapons , which abroad you are so ready to employ in the Churches defence ; That of those Arms , of which you have elsewhere learnt the skilful , and the glorious practice , here you might consider the saving , and the religious use : How a meer natural Courage may be so improved by Piety , as to become a most Christian Grace : How Victory may be not only made lawful , and barely innocent ; but how it may be sanctified : and sanctified , not first by Rebellion , then by Sacrilege ; but by fighting only in a truly good and righteous Cause ; and by defending it , not with hypocritical zeal , and zealous cruelty ; not only with Valour , and Conduct ; but with Fidelity , Loyalty , Justice , Equity , and Charity . How this may be done , it being , I humbly conceive , my proper business here to deliberate ; whilst I endeavour to do it , I must intreat the favour , not only of your common patience , but of your more than ordinary pardon : if , besides my many other infirmities , that , which ought to have been an advantage , shall prove my disadvantage : if even this great appearance , so beautifully-terrible , as an Army with Banners , which guards this place , and secures all within it , and round about it , particularly us of the Clergy , shall yet happen somewhat to discompose me , so that I shall not be able to bring a firmness of mind equal to the greatness of the occasion . However for my incouragement I have brought with me our blessed Lord , the Great Captain of our Salvation , speaking to you with power : and , in the words of my Text , pronouncing that , which at first hearing , seems a most surprizing Doctrine for the Prince of peace to deliver : That sometimes the Habiliments of War are more necessary , more becoming a Christian , than the very Robes of Peace : That in some seasons of imminent danger , those of his Disciples , who had not Swords , were obliged to sell , if need were , their very garments to buy them . Such is the literal sense of the words . But was not this a strange Precept for that King to injoyn , whose Kingdom was not of this world ? How could this be consistent with that meekness in Persecutions , that long-suffering of Injuries , that very love of Enemies , with which his whole Gospel abounds ? How was this conformable to his mild example , who went as a Sheep to the slaughter , and as a Lamb that is dumb ? Who though he might have summoned more than twelve Legions of Angels to his immediate rescue , yet never employed them as a Triumphant Host , but as an Harmonious Choir , to sing Peace on Earth , good will towards men . How comes he just then , as he was going to be betrayed by one of his own Disciples , into the hands of his most cruel Enemies , against whom he designed nothing less than opposition ; how comes he then to talk of furnishing his Attendants with Instruments of War , and of preferring Swords before Garments ? Then especially , when presently after , as soon as he was seized on by the High Priests Officers , he severely rebuked the great Apostle St. Peter for but once using the Sword : Put up thy Sword , says he , into its place . He that taketh the Sword shall perish by the Sword. It is true , these two remarkable Sentences of our blessed Saviour , that to St. Peter , and this in my Text , may seem at first view capable of contrary interpretations . But if we shall examine the circumstances , and occasions of their delivery , we shall soon find that they do not only very well agree with each other ; but both together may teach us the whole Christian Doctrine of War : what use of secular Arms the Gospel permits , what it condemns . First , St. Peters case was this ; he , with an unseasonable passion , proceeding from his own intemperate zeal , without any call from his Superiours , had wounded the High Priests Servant , whilst he was performing , 't is true , a most unjust action , but was commissioned to do it by publick authority . Him therefore his Master censures for striking with the Sword without a sufficient warrant . That he blames as an illegal attempt of a private man against a publick Officer . Put up thy Sword , says he , O Peter . Submit with patience . Oppose not Authority . Do not thou break the Laws of thy Country though for kindness and love of me . Put up thy Sword. He that uses the Sword unlawfully , though on a pretence never so pious , shall perish by the Sword : shall either be destroyed by it here , or punish'd hereafter by God himself for having so used it . Wherefore we are not to conclude , that our blessed Lord , by this check given to St. Peter , did absolutely prohibit all manner of using the Sword among Christians ; but only that he taught us the great duty of Christian submission . For if St. Peter was , then certainly all other Christian Subjects are , forbidden to unsheath the Sword against their lawful Soveraign , or his Ministers , as they are commissioned by him , though they do it on a pretext so spiritual , as the cause of Christ himself . And of all that call themselves Christians , methinks the pretended Successors of St. Peter might hence have been warned , not to grasp at an universal power of the Sword , or to usurp a Temporal Soveraignty over the world , on any shadow of right derived from St. Peter : since he was so far from having any such power , so unsuitable to his Apostleship , that of all the Apostles , St. Peter only was left to himself , to give an opportunity , by his publick reproof , for confirming the quite contrary Doctrine . Now in my Text , our blessed Lord prepares his Disciples , with extraordinary courage to overcome those dangers they had hitherto been freed from : but after he should leave them , they were presently to encounter . In the verse foregoing he appeals to them , whether they had wanted any thing in his service , though formerly he had sent them forth without Purses , or Scrips , or Shoes ; without having taken any common care before-hand for their subsistence : and they acknowledging they had lacked nothing , He proceeds here to advise them , that , for the future , whoever had Purses , or Scrips , they should not neglect them ; whoever had not Swords , they should provide them . Erasmus in a just indignation , that the Grammatical sense of these words should be so wrested by some Interpreters as to justifie the groundless Quarrels , and cruel Wars between the Christian Princes of his time , will allow my Text to have only a mystical meaning , and interprets it thus : He that has no Sword of the Gospel , or of the Word of God , let him by all means procure it . But the general voice of the best Interpreters agree , that our Lord , by putting his followers in mind of furnishing themselves with Purses , Scrips , and Swords , does , as by so many Symbols , and Signs , represent to them , that now shortly far worse times of perils , and persecutions attended them ; that therefore they ought to be more cautious , and watchful , more careful to be supplied with all inward , and outward just assistances ; as all men are wont to make a greater provision of Purses , Scrips , and Swords , when they perceive some great and imminent dangers approaching . My Text therefore being apparently a figurative expression , whereby our Lord commands all his followers to arm their minds against the Spiritual Conflicts , and Temporal Afflictions they were to meet with ; I beg the liberty only to use the figure no farther than St. Austin does , who cites this very place against those Heretics , that condemned all use of secular Arms as unlawful : So I crave leave from this Symbol of buying Swords to infer thus much , that although spiritual Arms are a Christians proper weapons in times of danger ; yet even the natural means of just defence are allowed to Christians , as well as to other men . A Doctrine which the severest of our blessed Lords Precepts do not in the least overthrow . For although it is certain , that by such Commands as that , Unto him that smiteth thee on the one cheek offer also the other , we are positively required to bear all tolerable injuries with mildness , and self-denial ; yet no Casuist is so severe in expounding that and the like Scriptures , but they universally grant , that when private mens lives are in jeopardy , and much more when the public life of the State is in danger , the free use of all the honest means of Personal , or Political safety was never prohibited by our blessed Saviour . Now then from this figure of a Sword , I take occasion to propose this great truth to be the subject of my present Discourse . That notwithstanding the most Evangelical Precepts of meekness , patience , forgiving , blessing , and praying for Enemies , still the warlike furniture , and use of just Arms is in all Ages of Christianity lawful , is in some seasons , some exigencies of times , a Duty more incumbent than the very Arts of Peace ; that Christians , as well as other men , may furnish themselves with Swords , not to act the least private injury , but to defend themselves , as much as may be , against all ; and especially may use their Swords , when lawfully called , against public injury ; in assisting the Civil State of which they are members ; in fighting the Lords Battels ; and then they fight the Lords Battels , when they fight for the cause of their temporal Princes . Of this Doctrine , when I shall have briefly dispatched the general Theory , I will then , God willing , if your attention shall hold out , try to reduce it to the particular practice , and magnanimous design of this great Assembly , by representing to you , that , if ever there was any Time , or Country , or Society of men , to which our pure and peaceable Religion it self has more than ordinarily recommended the pious use of the Sword , or the due preparations for using it , this is the Time , this the Country , this the Society , you having such Laws and Liberties to defend ; not against your Prince , to whom , or to his Progenitors you owe them ; but against the same parties of your Fellow-Subjects , who once already usurped them ; you having such a Church and Faith to contend for , against forein Usurpations , Domestic Separations , and Combinations of Separation , you having such a Faiths-Defender to serve with your Purses , your Scrips , your Swords , your Lives . As to the first thing propounded ; I shall not spend time in proving this universal truth , That all defensive , or offensive means means of safety , which amongst all men are righteous , are equally so to Christians as to any other part of Mankind . It will be enough in this matter to say , That all the Instruments of a just defence , or offence , are by the Christian Law as much allowed to be used , as by the Natural Law they are taught to be provided . And that , says the Heathen Orator , is a Law not given to us , but born with us , to which we were not educated , but made ; which we took not from reading , or institution , but from the very Principles of our beings : that when ever our Lives are in danger , from the treachery of Robbers , or rage of Enemies , then Omnis honesta esset ratio expediendae salutis , then , says he , all ways of securing our selves are honest , and even honourable , for so the word honestum does usually signifie . I must not go so far as Tully does ; I cannot say , with him , that all ways of defending our Lives from danger are honest ; much less are they honourable . But this I will say , that all Lawful ways , in such cases , are not only truly honourable , but truly Christian , and I will use no other proof of it than what he alledges , That this is most agreeable to the true Law of Nature . For , let none be mistaken , the Doctrine of Christ , in its highest Dispensations of Grace , in its severest Rules of Mortification , did never design to abolish the original Dictates of Right Reason , or of sincere Nature : but rather to correct the irregularities of Reason misguided , and to reform the Depravations of Nature corrupted . Of Right Reason and Nature all the Light and Rules were written by the finger of God on the hearts of men ; of the Gospel all the Truths and Precepts were written by the Holy Spirit of God in his revealed Word . The Hand indeed and the Character of the one is much clearer and more legible than the other . But , since the same God was the Author of both , they cannot in the least contradict each other . For its part , so far is the Gospel from doing so , so far from destroying the common Principles of Humanity , towards our being , or well-being in this world , that it more strongly confirms , and advances them all by the higher Commands of Christianity . So far it is from extinguishing the harmless desire of self-preservation , that of all Institutions in the world it proposes the best means to effect it . Wherefore that is a thing rather to be taken for granted than proved , That the use of the Sword , for public or private defence , is lawful among Christians : A self-evident truth ; denied by none but by some wild Sects of Enthusiasts . And indeed it were to be wished that all those who are of that opinion would in practice stick to it , since it may be observed of them , that they are never against the use of the Sword , but when they are not Masters of it . Thus far then your Duty is plain before you . The profession of Arms is not in the least contradictory to the Christian Profession in general . But still there is some difficulty behind , how the forcible drawing of the Sword can be consistent with those severe and mortifying Graces , to which above all other Religions , indeed well-nigh contrary to all other , Christianity alone obliges all its Disciples ? How Warlike Enterprizes can stand with Meekness ? How an undaunted heart with Self-denial ? How a daring spirit with Patience ? How Conquest with love of Enemies ? What shall we say in this Question ? Will it suffice to affirm , That Christ our great Law-giver has divided the parts of his Discipline ? Has distributed to several men their several portions of it according to their distinct conditions in this world ? That only from such as you , the governing and active part of mankind , He requires Valour , a high Mind , and a brave Spirit ? And that only from such as us , the lower , and the obeying part , he expects Mildness , Gentleness , Patience ? That cannot be : For although to several Stations and Relations of men in this world our blessed Lord has assigned their peculiar duties : yet to no particular Rank or Order of men did he ever confine any one of all his general Precepts . Wherefore there must be some other way for all these Virtues , that seem so extremely distant , to meet and entirely agree in the same Breasts . To this end , you may be assured , that our Lord did never so injoyn any one Christian Grace to all Christians , as utterly to exclude any other : He never obliged any of his Followers to be so meek , as to be without all Courage ; nor so courageous as to be void of all Meekness . But he has so wisely tempered , and graciously proportioned all his heavenly gifts , that the stoutest courage , which he teaches , is always found to be the meekest ; and the meekest heart , which he makes so , is in the likeliest way to be the most courageous . Here then let us fix . If this be true , then instead of any jealousie , that the strictest Laws of Christ will break a brave mind , or debase a bold heart to Cowardize ; you ought rather hence to conclude , That only by his Laws , and the Hopes , and Rewards which attend their performance , you can be taught a perfect Valour . And consider , I pray , how undeniable this will appear in the particular Instances . It is true , our holy Faith most solemnly injoyns Condescension , Long-suffering , Forbearance , Mercy ; and requires the more of all these in men to one another , since it shews us there is so infinitely much of them in God towards men . But now will any of these Virtues be a hindrance to the true Fortitude ? Rather in the common experience of the best , and most generous part of Mankind , as well as of Christians , is not the truest Fortitude always observed to be the most inoffensive , most accessible , hardest to be provoked , easiest to be intreated ? It is confessed , the Law of Christ requires the most fearless minds , nevertheless to fear God ; to fear him so , as to tremble at offending him ; so as to obey him , and by such a fear helps us to enjoy him . But now , can can there be any surer means , than such a fear , to raise your minds above all unworthy fear of men , or worldly dangers ? We know the Gospel commands us to fear men too , for Gods sake : obliges the stoutest minds , as much as the gentlest , to pay an equally-dutiful submission to their Lawful Superiours . But does the strictest obedience suppress the true stoutness ? Do not you find , that exactness of Discipline increases it ? Is it not brutish Ferity rather than manly Boldness , which will not endure the easie yoke of Conscientious Obedience ? It is granted , our Religion forbids all men to invade each others Rights . That , says the fierce , or the ambitious man , would put a stop to many a gallant and valorous action . It would indeed to many a licentious , and outragious : But not to any worthy Enterprize . For , as in Peace nothing can be truly just , so in War nothing can be truly brave , where the sacred distinction between Right and Wrong is not kept inviolable . My Brethren , That slowness , and backwardness of attempting upon others unjustly , that fear of injuring others ; for such a Fear , it is not your shame , but your praise to own ; that willingness to right others as well as your selves , which Christianity teaches all its Disciples , will certainly make a Souldier innocent in all his Quarrels , and the consciousness of that innocence cannot but render his mind more calm , serene , and even invincible in all their Events . Whence come Wars , and Fightings among you , says the Apostle , Come they not from your Lusts ? It is true , Rapine , and unjust Wars come from thence : and that Religion , which most subdues your Lusts , will most remove the occasions of such Wars . But at the same time , and by the very same way , it will more secure the Success , more increase the Renown , and more brighten the Luster of all your just Arms. Wherefore so far is Christianity it self , so far those Doctrines , it most tenderly cherishes as its own genuine product ; the Doctrines , I mean , of Humility , Patience , Kindness to the Afflicted , and Pardon of Offenders ; so far is any of these from being opposite to the Principles of true Honour , and Valour , your Art professes : that whoever would conceive in his mind the perfect Character of an excellent Warrior ; so he ought to form his Image ; to furnish him with all kinds , but especially to adorn him with this kind of easie , mild , and gentle Virtues . And if the very Heathens thought their Poetic Heroes could not be complete , except they first received their Arms from their Gods : How much more ought a Christian Hero to fetch his from Heaven ? How devoutly ought he to put on the whole Armour of God , as St. Paul calls all the Graces of a Christian life ; how careful should he be , not only to abstain from the common sins , which Religion condemns ; but to aspire to the highest Duties , it commands ! not only not to be given to Luxury , and Debauchery , not only not to owe his valor to his vices ; but amidst so many more temptations , to keep his Eyes , and Thoughts from being defiled , as well as his hands from being rapacious : Not only not to blaspheme Heaven , and defy his Maker , with horrid Oaths , and Curses ; but more humbly to Reverence , more dutifully to depend on that God , to whom he more peculiarly appeals : to keep your natural Lives more than ordinarily innocent , which are exposed to so many more than natural Deaths : to have your Minds free from all sordid Passions , or Desires , far above the mean appetites of Avarice , or Cruelty : to have true Glory only for your End : to use no inglorious means in acquiring it : to have your Courages strengthen'd with Truth , Faith , Righteousness ; sweeten'd , and graced with Brotherly Love , Pity , Compassion : not to be Enemies to your very Enemies ; but only to their Oppressions , and Injustice ; to be Friends , Lovers , Imitators of their virtues : not only to be unconcern'd in Dangers , but patient in bad , mild in good Success ; merciful in Victory . These , my Brethren , Religion tells us are the chief Excellencies of a Christian. These , you know , are the principal Accomplishments of a Soldier . Of these your Profession acknowledges the Necessity , and labors for , what the School of Christ only teaches , the Perfection . The use , and honor of just Arms appearing thus consistent with the sincerity , with the very meekness of Christianity : Be pleas'd , that we now go on to contemplate , in what special Opportunities , what conjunctures of times , they may be most justly , and with truest praise employ'd . First without question , always justly the Sword may be drawn by private Men , to defend their Lives against private Assaults ; but not alwayes , nor at any time , for their private revenge . Your personal Preservation from Injury , God has , in some sort , committed to your selves , and to your own Swords , as well as to the Magistrates care : but in no sort , distinct from the Magistrate , has God intrusted to your selves , the avenging of any personal Injuries . What a bold invasion then on Authority ! what a rude violation of Public Justice , is the too common ill custom , of Mens striving to right themselves by private Duels ! what is it indeed , but another kind of Rebellion against the Government ! that every man's hand should be ready to be lift up , against every man , on every imaginary affront ! that the Shadows and Punctilio's of Honor should be so much , more regarded , than the solid Substance of it ! that those weapons , which nothing ought to command , but the Sacred Cause of your God , and your King , men should oftner draw , for every trifle , on every rash word , against their Countreymen , their Neighbors , their best Friends sometimes ; against their King in his Subjects , against their God in his Laws . A mistaken way of mens gaining to themselves a contemptible Reputation ; when either Passion , or Intemperance makes them not themselves . A way of Honor , which the most victorious Nations , of the Ancient World , seldom , or never practis'd ; and which that very Nation of the Modern World , that either first introduc'd , or most cherish'd it , is grown quite asham'd of . I beseech you , let not the English think that to be the greatest bravery , which was never esteem'd brave by the old Romans ; whos 's National greatness of Mind , in other things , you so much resemble . Let not the English any longer allow that to be praise-worthy , which your next Neighbors on the Continent , your old Competitors in Arms , have quite forsaken , as dishonorable : and since they have done so , have remarkably flourish'd in the Field . You cannot but know , that it has not bin by particular Quarrels , or single Combats against the Will of the Prince , that the Profession of the Sword has bin made so famous : I must say , had there bin no other use of it , it had soon bin most infamous : A Skill fitter for divided Barbarians , than for Nations civilized . The virtue , the loveliness of your Art consists in the joint force of it : that it can make whole Troops , and Armies to have at once the strength of a great Multitude , and the firm Union , and well combined motion , as it were , of one Man. There never was , nor ever will be any Country , or Government , that got a lasting fame , or Empire , by the unruly Passions , and unlawful Attempts of private Men. Most surely many States have bin destroy'd by them , whilest those Kingdoms have bin alwayes most prosperous , and renown'd , where an orderly , well-disciplin'd Valor has bin most incourag'd , and single Outrages most severely punish'd : where no force has bin thought honorable , but what is justify'd by Authority : and that force honorable in the judgment of the Gospel it self . Wherefore Secondly , as by private Men , for private Safety , though , not for private Revenge , the Sword may be justly drawn ; so much more by all in a Public Cause . And then not only for Safety , but also for Revenge : for Revenge too ; since vengeance belongs only to God ; and to none besides himself , but to the Public Sword , has God reserved the repaying of vengeance . For just defence then , I say , and for just offence too , the Sword ought to be used in a Public Cause . But let us remember , nothing can make it to be a Public Cause , but a lawful Authority . It can never be made so by every , or by any private Spirit . It is most true Divinity , as well as Politics , that none the most vehement persuasions , or dissuasions of Conscience , none the greatest pretences to new Light , or Divine Inspirations can justifie any Member of a Christian State , or Church , nor any whole Church , to violate the establish'd Laws of their Country by resisting . Nay , there can be no surer proof of an erroneous Conscience , of a Spirit , that is not of God , than this , if it shall provoke Men possess'd with it , under any colour of the Cause of God , to Arm against , and by open force to oppose the Powers , that undoubtedly are of God. 'T is true of old under the Jewish dispensation , God himself thought fit sometimes , by an immediate call , different from that of the Civil Government , to excite private Men to draw the Sword , and to perform acts of Supreme Justice , Yet then he made them cease to be private Men any longer ; first placed them in his own stead ; shew'd certain , signs of his presence with them ; and often gave them the power of Miracles , to confirm what they did . So that no man now ought to imitate such extraordinary Examples , without being able to produce the like extraordinary Commission . And that is not now God's method any longer . His reveal'd Law being now completely discover'd , God himself has seldom , or never now recourse to such instances of his absolute Prerogative . And therefore certainly no man ought to usurp them at his pleasure . To the Law , and to the Testimony , to his written Word , he now refers us ; and , as that commands , to Kings , and all that are in Authority ; to whom alone he has committed the executive part of his common Power , as to the Vicegerents upon Earth of his Justice and Mercy . Thirdly therefore , on a public Call only , and only in a public Cause , can just public Arms be taken up ; and so they may be even by Christians : for the Cause of God , and the King : which , though in words they seem divided , yet in reality they are one , and the same , and inseparable : as the same Sword , of old , was call'd the Sword of the Lord , and of Gideon , the Supreme Magistrate . This , my Brethren , is not only the best , but the only true Cause of God in this World , for which all Subjects are bound in Conscience to fight ; the Cause of their lawful Soveraign , that which he Authorizes , either by his Person , or his Commission , or his Allowance . This , I say , is the only true Cause even of God , which can justly call for your Swords . Besides this , we know , God has another Cause in the World ; that of his own Church , and the true Religion : which whenever it is united with the Soveraign Authority ; as , Blessed be God , it is in our Nation , then that is of all others unquestionably , a Cause the most sacred , the nearest , and dearest to God himself . But wherever the Cause of the true Religion , and that of the Supreme Power , are at variance , then God himself is pleas'd to take his own Religion into his peculiar care ; to maintain , and advance it in a way , that of all others is the most Divine , a way that is more esteem'd of God himself , let me say it , than even your way of triumphant Arms , and Conquest . For such is the way of gentle teaching , and innocent living , and patient suffering , and meek obedience . By this Method only God chose to begin the Gospel , and first rais'd the Christian Church whilest the Empire was Heathen , and the World idolatrous , and by no other Methods , but such as conform to this , most surely not by forcible resistance , or open violence , does God still allow the Gospel to be carried on by Subjects ; wherever the Soveraign Power is addicted to Superstition , or Idolatry . But what , say they , must we not arm against the lawful Prince for the Cause of God , and his Truth ? How then shall we exercise our Zeal for the true Religion ? What then will become of the true Religion it self ? No , not for the Cause of God. For then at best , you will oppose one Cause of God against another : and , as you order it , the false Cause of God against the true : and thus for the seeming interest of Christianity , you infringe the fundamental Percepts of it . Not you , My Brethren . I speak this for the sake of some without Doors ; if they would but hear us . But alas ! they make it a part of their Religion not to hear us . However I must say , that Zeal may be irregular , and wicked , though in the Cause of the true Religion . Zeal is not only to be justfy'd by the cause , which raises it ; but as much by the authority on which it acts . As for the right , and well-order'd Zeal , whenever it has not the count'nance , or concurrence of the Magistrate ; it ought only to be employ'd in peaceable Actions : in their Wishes , and Studies , and Prayers ; in their Counsels , and Advises , when call'd to it ; but chiefly in amending their own lives , and turning the edge of their Zeal on their own Sins ; by that innocent , but effectual way too , to do their parts to preserve , and spread the true Faith. Wherefore let them no longer intitle the true Religion to their own Discontents , or Ambitions . What Religion can there be , in Mens persuing violent paths , on a pretence of the Glory of God , but contrary to his express commands ? Let them practice its duties ; and God will assert its interest . Religion desires none to be its Champions , except they first become its Disciples ; and such are not they who will do evil , that good may come . Can such men think to give us better examples for the propagating Religion , than the first great Masters , and Founders of Christianity did ? or can they hope for better Success in it , than they had : and what way did they judge best ? what by Experience did they find best to promote it ? Prodigious indeed was the Gospels first increase : But far more , admirable the means of it : which were chiefly their Enemies Persecutions , their own Submission , and the power of Miracles . By the wonders they wrought , they exercised a violence over Nature ; but none over Laws , or civil Governments , to change , or to subvert them . By a lowly yielding to the Heathen Empire , they first soften'd its fury , then converted it : they piously render'd to their Caesars the things , that were Caesars : they cheerfully pay'd them Tribute ; readily took up Arms at their Summons ; most willingly perform'd all their Laws , except such as that of adoring them . Though they could not be induced by fear , or favour to rank their Princes equal with their God , yet they preserved them in the next place : though they would never worship , them as Gods upon Earth , yet they religiously obey'd them as God's Deputies and Representatives : they judg'd those , who rebell'd against them , worthy of Death , as if they had actually rebell'd against God himself . What else means St. Paul ? when , in so many words , he declares , That whosoever resisteth the Power , resisteth the Ordinance of God : and they that resist shall receive to themselves Damnation . Out of all doubt , he there speaks of the Temporal Power , and of Eternal Damnation to ensue upon resisting it : than which what more grievous Punishment could have bin inflicted , had they immediately resisted God himself ? And recollect , I intreat you , the time , when this was so positively pronounc'd by St. Paul. It must have bin written , under the reign of Claudius , or Nero. So that it is evident , all that resisted them , were , without repentance , in a damnable state . Can there be then any colour so specious , any cause so just , in which , instead of Damnation , a Christian subject may justly expect to receive to himself Salvation , on the account of resisting ? Was it then forbidden , on the penalty of everlasting Death , to rebel against those Emperors , most cruel Tyrants , most fierce Enemies to the Christian Name , Monsters of Men , either of no Religion , or a false one , and yet a disgrace to Heathenism it self ? if however on the most solemn obligation of Conscience , they were not to be oppos'd , much less destroy'd by any Christians ; what can be said greater , or more august than this ? what stronger , what more sacred Confirmation can be given to our conscientious ob 〈…〉 nother manner of Authority ? By how many more tyes , Temporal , and Eternal , are we bound to yield a faithful subjection to a Christian King ? Under whose gentle Protection , his Subjects prosper ; though some almost against their wills : a King , whose Power is only shewn by moderate Laws , which to his mildness owe their Moderation : in a word , a King , who is the best nursing Father of the best Church in the Christian World. Against this Doctrine , I know the Enemies of our Peace will be ready with their old , and obsolete Objection , That this is Court Flattery , and a Divinity only sit for Camps , and standing Armies . I must tell them , it had bin well for our Country , if we had never heard of worse Camp-Divinity than this , we had then never felt the real tyranny of a standing Army . And if they would consult Scripture for other uses , than to pervert it , they would soon be convinc'd , that this is good Evangelical Divinity . Nay , this Assembly gives me confidence to inform them , what they will be more loath to hear , that now , God be prais'd , this is not only good Camp , but good City-Divinity too . But , when we teach the great Doctrine of Obedience , if we must be said to flatter , our comfort is , we flatter in no worse company , than that of the Apostles , St. Peter , and St. Paul , and wellnigh of all the divinely-inspired Penmen of the Bible . However when they accuse the Church of England of this kind of Flattery , that is , of unshaken fealty to the Crown , let them consider , which of the two is the more excusable Flattery : to humour the uncertain populace , and the unstable vulgar , which to serve is the lowest Slavery ; or to Preach a due Submission to the Lawful establish'd Government ; which to obey is the safest Liberty ? You see , My Dear Brethren , the course of my Argument has brought us to such a Cause , as is worthy of your Swords , if need shall require . Though the Ardour of your Loyal Valour must give me leave to say , I hope , and I verily believe , there will be no such need . I am persuaded , and , I think , I may presage , that this present alacrity , and vigor , to which you , and His Majestie 's other Loyal Subjects have bin of late awaken'd , this cheerful posture , and prepared readiness of your Swords to be drawn , will be an abundant Safety to our King , and Country without once drawing them . Such will be the Innocence , as well as Justice of your Arms , such the desperate condition of your Adversaries ; that whenever they draw their Swords against their Prince , they must throw away the Scabbard : whilest yours , by God's Providence , being manag'd with an ordinary watchfulness , and sobriety , will be sufficient to defend him , without ever unsheathing them . But if , which God in his Infinite Mercy a●●ert , if ever the same tumultuous spirit , on the same groundless insinuations , shall once more infatuate the corrupt part of the Nation , to their own Destruction , to their own certainly it will be at last ; if they do not again meet with the like mercy : But if God , in his unsearchable Judgments , shall suffer our Country , in the same Age , to be scourg'd again the same calamitous way : then what can be a more Noble , or more Pious Cause , wherein to employ your Arms , than this of the King , and his Family ? A Cause , in which you will scarce meet with an Enemy , but he , or his Relations have bin already forgiven . And so they will carry about with them the black guilt , not only of Rebellion , but of an ungrateful Rebellion , after Pardon receiv'd ; a Sin , which the Devil is not capable of committing ; whil'st you will have a Cause , in which all your several Interests , that are elsewhere scatter'd , of personal Preservation , of political Duty , of conscientious Obedience , are united . In this one Cause , all your Countries Blessings , all your Churches Rights , all your own Securities are involved : in defending his Life , his Throne , who is the breath of our Nostrils , the anointed of the Lord : who has not only this common to him with other Kings , that he is the Image of the Divine Power , but has , this peculiar to himself , or communicated to him with a very few , that he is the Image of the Divine Mercy : of whose Abhorrence of all Illegal Oppressions , or Arbitrary Proceedings , if the grace of all his former Oblivions , and Indemnities has not yet convinc'd a stubborn Generation of Men , after they have so long injoy'd the benefits of them , what need they any other new Argument , than this here before me ? that when he has such a Nobility , and Gentry , such a Militia of the whole Kingdom , especially yours , entirely at his Service ; yet he is pleas'd to use your Arms no otherwise than now , in the peaceful Exercises of War. For such a King , whilest his Goodness , and Benignity gives you no occasions to fight for him , what can all his Subjects do less , than to love , and revere him in Peace ? to yield him an active Obedience the more cheerfully , since he has taken care , we shall have no opportunities of giving him a passive Obedience ? not only not to hinder but to perform his just Commands ? to think our selves only capable of being a great People , by making him greater ? Every Soul to be Subject to him ? So , if we believe St. Paul , there is a necessity we should be . The Phrase in the Original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which signifies the necessity not only of a cold , and forc'd , and meerly just Subjection ; but of a regular , well-disposed Submission ; not only to live quietly , but in a quiet order ; nay more , to live , as it were in Military Order under him . For the word belongs to your Profession . The Rules of the warlike Art are properly call'd Tacticks , and such should be our Obedience to our Soveraign : so exact , as that which you practice in Armies : so , as strictly to observe his Orders ; so , as to be careful not to transgress his Laws , for love of him , more than for fear of Punishment ; so , as to be silent from Murmurings , loud only in Applauses , and Thanks to Almighty God for the felicities of his Reign . Happy all his Subjects ! if all were but sensible of their Happiness , and would do their parts to perpetuate it . Happy ! if all would remember what he has forgot : and remember it , not to upbraid others , but to beware , and grow wiser themselves for the future . Happy ! if all were such as you . So willing to obey the King in quiet times ; so skilful to serve him in the Administrations of his Justice ; so ready , and able to guard him against all Confusions . Such an Academy of Arts , as well as Arms ; such a Company of Citizens , such a Nursery of Commanders cannot , under God , but afford him a sure defence in his Wars ; as you do already supply him with the Riches , and Ornaments of Peace . Happy is the People , that is in such a case ! Happy is the People , whose God is the Lord ! The Lord of Hoasts ; who giveth Salvation to Kings ; who delivereth his Servant David from the hurtful Sword and arms him with the Sword of Justice ; which he manages by a law of Kindness : and which I beseech Almighty God , may flourish in his hand , for many , many years ; in his House , for all Generations to come . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61178-e420 2 Cor. 10.4 . Joh. 18.36 . Acts 8.32 . Mat. 26.53 . Luke 2.14 . Mat. 26.52 . Calvin , Grotius , Dr. Hammond , &c. Contra Manich . lib 22. Luke 6.29 . Cicero Pro Milone . James 4.1 . Eph. 6.11 . Rom. 3.8 . Rom. 13.2 . Rom. 13.1 . Rom. 13.4 . Ps. 144. 
A61177	----	A sermon preached before the Lord mayor, and the Court of Aldermen, at Guild-Hall Chappel, on the 29th of January 1681/2 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1682 Approx. 54 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61177 Wing S5057 ESTC R17957 12166871 ocm 12166871 55340 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61177) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55340) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 825:14) A sermon preached before the Lord mayor, and the Court of Aldermen, at Guild-Hall Chappel, on the 29th of January 1681/2 by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Corporation of the Sons of the Clergy (London, England) [4], 42 [i.e. 36] p. Printed by M.C. for Joanna Brome ..., London : 1682. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Sermons. Bible. -- O.T. -- Proverbs XXI, 21 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Moore , Mayor . Martis xxxi o. die Ianuarii , 1681. Annoque Regni Regis CAROLI Secundi , Angliae , &c. xxxiv . THis Court doth desire Dr. Sprat to Print his Sermon Preached on Sunday Morning last in the Guild-Hall-Chappel before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of this City . Wagstaffe . A SERMON Preach'd before the Lord Mayor , AND THE Court of ALDERMEN , AT GUILD-HALL Chappel , ON The 29th . of Ianuary , 1681 / 2 ; By THOMAS SPRAT , D.D. One of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary . LONDON : Printed by M. C. for Ioanna Brome , at the Gun in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1682. To the Right Honorable Sir IOHN MOORE , K t. Lord Mayor of the City of London ; And to the Right Worshipful the ALDERMEN His Brethren . My Lord , THough the favour of your Commands is an abundant Excuse for my Printing this very plain Sermon : yet , I doubt , I need some Apology for Preaching it in such an Auditory , as I had the honor that day to serve . I fear , it might seem a presumption for me to discourse on this Subject , in the presence of the Reverend Iudges of the Land , the Learned Serjeants of the Law , and the wise Governors of your Great and Honorable City : An Assembly of men , from whose Wisdom and Experience such as I might better learn the Doctrine , and Practice of Righteousness , and Mercy . I can only say , that as it was my Duty , so it was my Endeavour to treat of this Argument meerly as a Divine . I design'd not to persuade you to these Virtues by the Principles of Humane Prudence ; which such a Congregation could not be suppos'd to want ; but rather to confirm you in them by the Obligations and Promises of our Holy Religion : which is the proper business of my Profession . It was therefore enough for me , in that place , on that Text , to perform the part not so much of a Teacher , as of a Remembrancer . And I have attain'd my end , if I have laid before you some of the chief Praises , and Rewards , that the Scriptures bestow on these two excellent Graces : whereof you , that heard me , are so much more able to give Rule , and , what is much better , Example to the World. My Lord , I am Your Lordships most Humble , and most Obedient Servant , Tho. Sprat . A SERMON Preach'd before the Lord Mayor , &c. PROVERBS xxi . 21. He that followeth after righteousness , and mercy , findeth life , righteousness , and honor . IN these words there are two most eminent Vertues recommended to us : one the most useful , the other the most amiable , of all that we can acquire towards our being , or well being , in this life or the next : Righteousness , the best of all Natural Virtues ; nay , it is a Christian Grace : Mercy , the most excellent of all Christian Graces . These two are here represented to our earnest pursuit , not in the severe stile of a strict command , nor in the rigid terms of a legal precept . Though if God had only thus required them of us , they had deserved our most dutiful Obedience , considering the high prerogative the Almighty Law-giver has over us . But here they are set off to us in the stile of the Gospel , in the gentle , alluring , and delightful form of a Promise . That , which is our necessary duty , is attended with a free , ample , immense reward . The Duty is double , The following after Righteousness : The following after Mercy . The Reward is treble , Life , Righteousness , and Honor : according to the usual method of Gods gracious dealings with men . His Promises always go beyond our performances : his Rewards both in weight , and number , by far exceed our duties . Of these studies of Righteousness and Mercy we should all be followers , as we are men ; we all profess our selves to be followers , as we are Christians . What then can be a more proper work for us all , in this our solemn meeting , either as men , or as Christians , than to reason with our selves , concerning this whole matter , to convince our judgments of the necessity of these duties , to excite our affections towards them , by the greatness of their reward ? To this purpose , be pleased that I examine , First , What are the two things , which are here proposed to our zelous prosecution ? Secondly , What is the way , the best way of following after them ? Thirdly , Let us encourage one another in their attainment , by the largeness of the recompence , which is here assured to us from the mouth of Divine Wisdom it self . My Text , you see , consisting of a two-fold Duty , and a three-fold Reward , the Duty comes first to be considered in both its parts ; Righteousness and Mercy . Both which Solomon the wise King has here most wisely put together , and in their right order . For wherever they both are , Righteousness is the foundation of Mercy ; Mercy is the ornament of Righteousness . And neither of them can be complete without the other . Whatever is not just can never be merciful : Whatever is meerly , strictly just , without any compassion , it is to a Proverb highly injurious : it is that which the Scripture calls a being righteous overmuch . The word Righteousness has several different significations in the Old , and the New Testament . In the Old it sometimes passes for all manner of Goodness , frequently for the particular virtue of Justice . In the New it commonly signifies the same ; and besides , it is often raised to a higher meaning , to express the glorious mystery of our Justification by Christ , and the spiritual Grace which attends it . I believe , my Text is most to be understood of that kind of Righteousness , by which is meant , integrity of Actions , and honesty of Conversation , in all our public , and private relations in this world . And so I shall chiefly handle it . Though indeed the other more Divine Interpretation of the Word ought not wholly to be excluded , in our present meditations . For to all I shall say on this argument , it must be premised , that without the Righteousness of Christ , to consecrate all our own righteousness , and mercy , and to make them acceptable to God , it were a vain presumption for any man to think he can deserve by them , upon their own account , either honor , or righteousness , or life it self . But first , I begin with Righteousness , as it is taken in the usual sense of the Old Testament : for common Justice , and moral Honesty , and obedience to good Laws . In explaining the nature of this Virtue , it would be no very modest undertaking , for me to make a large discourse , before this venerable Assembly ; where I speak to those , whose business it is , not only to instruct , but to regulate , and steer the whole Nation in the practice of it . Only for our clearer proceeding , something must be said concerning it . I humbly conceive , a thing , or person may be call'd right , or righteous , or just , either by reason it is so , originally , and independently in its own being ; or because it is conformable to some certain Rule of a Superior Being ; by comparison to whose perfection , the moral straitness , or crookedness of all inferior things ought to be judg'd . Now nothing can be absolutely righteous , and primitively just , but only God himself ; who is the sole Author of all Truth , and Justice , the only Donor of it to us . His infinite understanding is the only cause , and measure of all Truth . His unerring will is the only Fountain , and unalterable Standard of all Righteousness . As therefore this will of God is display'd in several manifestations to mankind , so , according to the resemblance of our wills , and actions to his will thus manifested , there may , and ought to be various kinds of righteousness amongst men . As the will of God expresses it self , to our own hearts , in the dictates of rectify'd nature , and right reason : so an observance of that will is natural , and moral Righteousness . As the will of God is declared in his written Word , so a submission to that Will is Religious Righteousness . As the will of God appears in the images , and representatives of Gods power on earth , so an obedience to their Laws is Political , nay , it is Religious Righteousness too : as far as those Laws do not transgress the higher principles of Gods Natural , Moral , or Divine Laws . This seems to be the nature of Righteousness in general . And this three-fold declaration of Gods will , either written in our own Hearts , or spoken in his Word , or pronounced in the Voice of lawful Anthority , is the most certain , if not the only , Foundation of that distinction between right , and wrong , equity , and injury , by which all mankind is to be directed in all conditions , either as Superiors , Equals , or Inferiors . And now that this most commendable vertue may not pass among any of us , as it has with too many in our days , only for an Old Testament Duty , rather belonging to a moral man , than to a Christian : give me leave to put you in mind , how essential it is to Christianity it self ; what commendations and privileges the Holy Scripture ascribes to it ; what high rank and dignity it holds in Gods Statute-Book , as well as in mens ; and that not only in the Law , but in the Gospel ; and not only spiritual Righteousness , but natural , and political Righteousness too . If we shall reflect on the whole progress , and all the revolutions of Gods dispensations to mankind , we may easily observe , he has always proceeded with us , not only according to the unaccountable purposes of his own secret will , whose Judgments are unsearchable , and its ways past finding out : But he has dealt with us , as after the manner of a God , by his infinite mercy , so , as I may say , after the manner of men too , by a standing , plain , declared , written Rule of Justice and Righteousness ; by truth of Contract , by Covenant , a double Covenant , in which we might know what is his , what ours by his gift : a Covenant , in which we might understand our work , and , if we perform it well , may claim our recompence . Thus the great Creator of Heaven and Earth , who has an unlimited Dominion and Sovereignty over the works of his hands , is yet so much delighted to have mankind govern'd by known Laws , that he himself was pleas'd , if I may so speak with reverence , to bound , and circumscribe that part of his own Omnipotence , by the like method . And in the first , most public appearance of Gods presence to the world , as soon as he had chosen to himself a peculiar people , when he began to establish a setled Religion , did not then his care of common Justice , and civil Rights keep an equal pace with his provision for his own Worship ? were his first Laws to the Jews , Ceremonial , and Ritual only , relating to his own Service alone ? were they not Judicial , and Moral also , respecting as well the peace and prosperity of Humane Society ? of all which Laws , did not God himself seem to give the advantage to this latter kind ? he did , in this at least , that his own Ceremonial Law , which he then prescrib'd , was sometime to be abolish'd , but his Moral Law never . For upon his second , more perfect , and last Revelation of Religion in the Gospel , the way of his own Divine Service was indeed much alter'd , but not any one common Rule of Human Justice : no abrogation of any one precept of Righteousness or Honesty followed upon the great reformation from Judaism to Christianity , but rather a new addition of more strength , and authority to them all . Whoever shall recollect the whole matter , and design of our Blessed Saviours Preaching , can he possibly think otherwise ? Does not the whole sum of his Divine Doctrine seem well nigh calculated , and fitted as much to establish , and direct the Courts of Legislators , and the Seats of Justice ; as for the Temple , and the Pulpit ? Were not all his Sermons , especially his great Sermon on the Mount , a perfect Comment on the ancient precepts of Righteousness , and Mercy ? Does he not there free them all , one by one , from gross corruptions ? Does he not vindicate them all by most genuine interpretations ? Does he not establish them all by severer punishments , and more glorious rewards ? Especially did he not exemplifie them all , by his own most innocent , just , unblamable , and merciful life ? Thus confirm'd , thus advanc'd , did our Blessed Saviour deliver down the common Rules of Right and Justice ; and thus the same Rules have continued unchangeable in all successions of the Christian Church ; never hindring the great design of Christianity , but exceedingly promoting it , and being themselves incorporated into it : So that all along the same do , as you would be done to , the same definitions of Reason , and Righteousness ; the same general precepts of Honesty in Commerce , and Judicial Proceedings ; the same Laws of Ruling , and Obeying , have been common to Christians with the wisest Heathen Nations : or wherever there was any difference , the Christian Laws of this kind were the stricter , and the practice of them too amongst Christians for many ages was , as their Principles require it ever to be , far more exact . Whatever our new Saints , that are only so of their own making , have devised , was it ever so much as question'd amongst the Apostles , and Primitive Saints , whether the new Law of the Gospel , tho that be stiled in Scripture , the Royal Law of Liberty ; whether that did infranchise and set any man loose from the precepts of internal Virtue and Goodness , or of external Submission to Civil Government , and internal too ? A question indeed there was concerning the Ceremonial Law , Whether that were to be extinguish'd ? and that carried in the Affirmative : a question there was also concerning the Moral Law , and legal Righteousness , Whether that alone could justifie a Christian ? and that determin'd in the Negative . But never did any sober Christian doubt , whether the Moral Law did oblige under the Gospel or no. Certainly , till after a thousand years , the Romish Tyranny prevailed over weak Princes , and blind People , never did any Church of Christ , or pretended Head of any , take to it self a prerogative to exempt the Christian Church from due Obedience to the Temporal Power ; much less to set up a Spiritual Power above the Temporal , nay , with a pretended right to Advance or Depose the Temporal . Certainly never , till the Anabaptistical madness , and Enthusiastical phrensies of these last Ages , did any Members of the Church of Christ , presume upon an extraordinary Purity , and Holiness of their own , to declare themselves Absolved , by a Spiritual Light within them , from the eternal Bonds of Reason , Right , and Justice , to which we are all indispensably obliged , not only as we are men , but much more as we are Christians . And to manifest the just Judgment of God against them all for these Usurpations , is it not very observable , that the very same men , who most of all men , that call themselves Christians , have invaded the rights of publick Government , and private Virtue , the Romanist on the one side , the Enthusiasts on the other , the very same men have made the greatest Invasions on Religion it self ? the one on its Purity , the other on its Unity ? Those of the Church of Rome , Pope Hildebrand , and His Followers , who assum'd a Dominion , and Supremacy over all Temporal Laws , did not they first exalt themselves in the Temple of God , above all that is called God , above the Scripture it self , the express Law of God ? The Anabaptists in Germany , and their Successors , of whatever Name or Sect , who first falsly boasted , that their inward Sanctity , and Inspirations did set them above the low rudiments , and beggerly elements of this world , as they miscall'd the Obligations of Virtue , and Obedience : did the same men rest satisfied there ? Did they not at the same time , profess , that all sober Piety , and decent Worship , and intelligible Religion , was as gross , and carnal , and Antichristian , and as grievous to their spirits , as they had pronounced all the Ordinances of Civil Government , and moral Virtue to be ? But , God be praised ! neither of these abominable examples , is of sufficient Authority , or Antiquity , to make a President , against the constant , universal practice of the whole uncorrupt Christian , as well as Jewish Institution . Still therefore the same observation holds good , that Justice and Piety , Righteousness and Religion came into the world together . In their beginning they were brought forth as Twins , the most beloved Children of the most high , the most likely Off-spring of Heaven . And as they were Contemporaries at first , so they have been all along educated together ; both cherish'd alike by God himself , both observed alike by all wise , holy , and good men . Nor indeed could it well be otherwise . For the mutual agreement between Justice , and Piety is inseparable : The perpetual union of Righteousness and Religion is most necessary . The Principles on which they both subsist , the ends , which they would both produce , are the same , or subordinate one to the other . Are not true Reason , and the Word of God some of the chief Principles of true Righteousness ? so they are of true Religion . Are not the Glory of God , and the happiness of mankind the ends of Religion ? so they are of Righteousness . Religion indeed does carry the blessed work much farther ; undertakes to finish it in another life . But Righteousness begins it in this life , and performs its part so well , that without it , Religion it self could have little , or no real influence on the Consciences of its Disciples . Was not mankind a Society , as soon as it was a Church ? and Righteousness contributed to make it a Society , as Religion did to make it a Church . Was it not Righteousness that first made men begin to confide in one another ? to commit their private Safety , and Profit to each others Fidelity ? That therefore was the common parent of all other Virtues : That first peopled the world : That first drew , and enticed men into Houses , and Cities , and then secured them there : and so divided mankind from beasts in conditions , as well as habitations . Certainly it was Righteousness , as a part of natural Religion , that first made men to be men : and so prepared , and then deliver'd them over to reveal'd Religion , and at last to be made Christians , and Saints . If Righteousness had not temper'd , and soften'd , and reconciled humane nature within it self : no creature had been more fierce , and salvage , than the Sons of Adam : none would have had more vehement passions to desire mischief ; none more cunning to contrive it ; none a greater power to effect it . If we take Righteousness out of the heart of a man , we leave nothing there of the image of God , after which he was created . Take Righteousness out of a private Family ; and it soon turns into a den of Thieves . Take Righteousness out of a State ; and that only , becomes a more regular , more politic , more combin'd , and therefore a more pernicious society of mighty Robbers . Take Righteousness out of the World ; and the world would not deserve to be call'd , as it was at first , the complete work of God's hands ; but a Chaos still , or a rude Forest or Wilderness ; or something worse : For to be inhabited only by rapine , and violence , is worse , than to be only an innocent , unfrequented Desart . Thus whatever increase of Civil Arts , whatever flourishing of populous Nations , whatever intercourse between people and people has been practis'd to supply the necessities , conveniences , and Ornaments of humane life : they were all at first founded on Righteousness . From that are derived to us all our temporal Blessings : without that , we could never have enjoyed the means of our eternal Blessings . For where there is no true Righteousness , there can be no true humanity , no civility , no kindness of men to one another : and by consequence , no true Religion . For all true Religion is always accompanied with some true humanity : wherever the power of Christianity comes , it either finds some civility , or makes it . What is that which immediately follows Glory to God on high ? peace on earth , good will towards men . And where there is no Righteousness , there can be no good will ; where there is no good will of men to one another , there can be no place , or no well-grounded hope of Gods good will to men . This is the first thing in my Text , Righteousness ; a virtue so beneficial , so necessary to mankind ; so highly valued of God himself . This deals with men , as men , upon the square , upon even terms ; justly expecting a like return of good offices . The next is Mercy . But that has more of superiority , and majesty in it . That takes men on the greatest disadvantage , with the greatest generosity : when they are either miserable by distresses , or obnoxious by injuries , relieves the one , pardons the other . Whatever therefore I have said , or can be said in praise of Righteousness ; still the chief place in our praises , and practice , ought to be reserved for Mercy . Great indeed is the extent of both these together . All below Righteousness , is sin : nothing is above Mercy . So that both together comprehend the whole compass of mens duty to one another , from the lowest to the highest part of it ; which may be all contained in two words , Honesty , and Charity ; that is , the Righteousness , and Mercy in my Text. Thus they are best together . But if consider'd asunder , or compared , then Mercy must triumph over , and rejoyce against judgment . Righteousness is a virtue unblamable : Mercy is a grace most lovely , and honorable . Righteousness obliges us to yield to other men their own : Mercy inclines us to give them our own too : and what can be more ? Righteousness makes you not to be enemies to others unjustly : Mercy makes you not to be enemies to your enemies : nay , to be their Friends , their Benefactors , even their Gods. Most certainly , as he shall have judgment without mercy , that hath shewed no mercy : so God will require Mercy with the greatest Mercy ; for he will requite even Righteousness with Mercy . Of all the Divine Attributes , God is delighted to exercise his mercy to men , more than any , nay than all the rest : and therefore he cannot but esteem mercy in men above all other humane endowments . So essential , so dear is Mercy to God himself , that in his own inexpressibly-Divine Nature , he seems to give it some special preeminence over all his other perfections : though no doubt , they are in themselves all equally Divine and Infinite . For the sake of his Mercy , God seems willing to change his own eternal mind , which is undoubtedly immutable . It is said , He repented according to the multitude of his mercies . When he injoyns it us , he prefers it before his own Worship : He says , I will have mercy , and not sacrifice . His Mercy may be said to sweeten his Holiness , to moderate his Power , to delay , to stop his Revenge , to enlarge , beyond all proportion , his distributive , and , after all provocations , to restrain his vindicative Justice . His Mercy God often employs , without any the least mixture of his severe Attributes ; But he seldom , or never exercises any of them in this world , so as utterly , irreparably to exclude his Mercy : In the midst of judgments , he remembers mercy . The two great Attributes , by which God condescends to govern all humane affairs , are his Power , or his Mercy . But an Almighty Power alone had been rather dreadful , than auspicious to mankind . It might have fill'd mens minds with fear , and terror , and have frighted them into a servile compliance . 'T is only mercy added to power , that brings authority with it ; and charms mens hearts into a willing obedience . Which of these two God himself prefers , can we have a clearer instance , than in the persons and administrations of Moses , and our Blessed Saviour ? Moses the Vice-gerent of Gods Power ; our Saviour of his Mercy : Moses the Servant of God ; our Saviour the Son of God , nay , God himself . During the Ministry of Moses , we read much of Countries laid wast , of Nations plagued , of the First-born cut off , of Kingdoms and Armies over-whelm'd and destroy'd . Then Religion seem'd rather inclined to terrifie the world , than to pardon it ; to inforce a Law , than to persuade it ; to subdue enemies , than to make friends . But at the appearance of our Blessed Saviour , Religion seemed on a sudden reconciled to the whole world ; and not only to require by its Divinity , but to deserve by its Clemency the love and reverence of all mankind . For in our Saviours works , though there were undeniable Testimonies of his unlimited Power , yet there were more of his boundless Mercy : though both in him were infinite , yet his Mercy was most apparent . Such is Mercy , so wonderful , adorable , and universal , in the first great example , and most perfect Original of it , God himself ! 'T is well for us that it is so . And such in truth of imitation , should be the imperfect Copies , that we take of it from him . Though we cannot come near that Mercy in any measure of equality : yet we should all strive to resemble it , if we would partake of it : To be merciful as our heavenly Father is merciful . As he is merciful ! Yes . As his mercy is over all his own works , and above all our sins : So should our mercy be , in our weak degree of proportion ; above all our own good works to other men , above all other mens ill works , and offences against us . This is the only way , for us frail , and sinful creatures , to be like our heavenly Father , in that very thing , in which he is most our Father , most our heavenly Father . These then are the two great Duties here recommended , both the principal things in Heaven and Earth . Nothing brings Heaven down so near to Earth : nothing raises Earth so much toward Heaven . What then can be done better on Earth ? What more worthy of Heaven , than to follow after them both ? and what is it to follow after them , in a right manner , in a true Scripture sense ? which is my second Head proposed . We read it , according to the Hebrew , He that followeth after Righteousness , and Mercy . The Septuagint render it , The way of Righteousness and Mercy , shall find , & . Indeed whoever would rightly pursue these , or any other graces , they must do it , in a way ; not by secret shifts , and turnings ; not in by-paths , or indirectly ; not after any private fancy , or spirit ; but by a trodden , direct , lawful Rule : Let me say it , in the Kings High-way . Thus every man ought to be righteous to all men , equally , and indifferently , not only to his own Friends , or Sect , or Party . We may , 't is true be merciful to some men more than to others , according to our opportunities , or obligations , or discretion : But then still we should be exceedingly careful , that we be not unmerciful to any man. Thus to follow after these things is to set about their performance , speedily , zelously , indefatigably , with the whole man , in all our thoughts , words , and actions ; especially the men of this world , as Christian men of this world , plainly , and sincerely to set your minds , your tongues , your hands , your feet , to the work : with the clearest conviction of your understandings , that they ought to be practis'd , but chiefly with the most ardent , and unwearied affections of your hearts , in the practice : For it is the heart , it is practice , that God most regards . And to follow after both these graces aright , is to practice them both in their seasons , and proportions : never to divide two such things , which God himself has so nearly joyn'd in his Commands ; in his own incomprehensible Godhead has indissolubly united them : so we to conjoyn , and mingle them both together ; never to omit either of them , on a pretence , that it is for the sake of the other ; but with the most charitable , and harmonious mixture of both in one , to season , to strengthen , to justify all our mercy with Righteousness ; to qualifie , to allay , to sweeten all our righteousness with Mercy . And thus really to follow after both these things , in Scripture-Language , is , really to obtain them . So gracious , and benign are the expressions of the Holy Ghost in these matters , that your unfeigned labor , and well-directed industry in the ways of grace , and goodness , brings with it an infallible success : Your very endeavours after them , if uncounterfeit , and persevering , are often here taken for the effect it self . So gently , so compassionately does our good , and only wise God condescend to meet our infirmities , that his Grace does often prevent our diligence ; never fails it , never comes short of it . Let us but knock , and the gate of divine Mercy shall be open'd to us ; Let us but seek , and we shall find : Let us but ask , and we shall have : Let us but follow after , and we shall overtake . Nay farther yet , God will not only give us the very things , we ask , and seek , and follow after : but he often super-adds the recompence of them at the same time : oftentimes accompanies , and sets off his graces , not only with their own peculiar gifts , and advantages ; but accumulates more , heaps upon them many other remote blessings . Of which most bounteous method of Gods dispensations to mankind , Solomon , the wise Author of this sentence in my Text , of all men living in his time , had the greatest experience . For when God entirely left it to his will , which he would choose , either Wisdom , or Wealth , or Power , or Victory ; and he had made the best choice in preferring Wisdom : God did not only plentifully bestow that upon him , but over and above cast in all the other good things , which in comparison to Wisdom , he himself had rejected . God said to him , Because thou hast asked for thy self this thing , and hast not ask'd for thy self long life , neither hast ask'd riches for thy self , nor hast ask'd the life of thine enemies , but hast ask'd for thy self understanding to discern judgment ; behold , I have done according to thy words : Lo ! I have given thee a wise , and an understanding heart : so that there was none like thee before thee , neither after thee shall any arise like unto thee . And I have also , says God , given thee that which thou hast not ask'd , both riches and honor . And if thou wilt walk in my ways , to keep my Statutes , and my Commandments , then I will also lengthen thy days . So that Solomon , or all men , was the fittest man to continue his own observation of Gods infinite goodness in this kind , upon Sacred Record to all generations . And therefore as God had proved to him , concerning Wisdom , and Understanding , so he pronounces here of Righteousness , and Mercy , without which the highest understanding is Craft , not Prudence ; the greatest seeming Wisdom is Subtilty , and Artifice , not Wisdom . Of Righteousness and Mercy , he affirms in my Text , not only that he , who follows after them shall find Righteousness and Mercy themselves : though that were much ; much more than any other study can boast of , that all our search shall never be in vain : But here that is supposed , as out of all question : much more is said : not only that he who follows after Righteousness and Mercy shall find , but findeth , what ? not only Righteousness , and Mercy , but moreover Life , Righteousness and Honor. You shall not only possess these Virtues , if you sincerely pursue them , but you shall enjoy , so surely , that you may be said already to enjoy , the happy fruits of that pursuit , which are Life , Righteousness , and Honor. That is my third , and last particular , the Rewards , ensuing the right following after these duties , which , you see , are far more than equal to the duties themselves . But what if these Virtues had come single , and alone , without any such blessed train of promises , or bright attendance of rewards ? how ought we to have been affected towards them even then ? Out of all controversie , we ought still to have followed after them most earnestly , to have embraced them most willingly , for their own sakes , for their own true worth , and unvaluable beauty . Nor need we to fetch arguments from the Christian Principles , to persuade us to this . Thus much even the wise , and good men amongst the Gentiles have taught us . They scarce thought any Philosophy worthy of a man , that did not oblige him to love Justice , and Bounty , and all other Virtues , for themselves , for their inward benefit , and invisible excellence . And if the very Heathens could have such just apprehensions of things , under their obscure , and imperfect light ; what shame would it be to us Christians , if we should not far exceed them ? what reproach , if we should scarce equal them ? what hainous scandal , if we should come short of them , in our opinions , and practice of these things ? if we should think Virtue of it self to be less praise-worthy than they did , or less its own reward ? Yet since our most gracious Master , our most indulgent Father has thought fit to add so much to these self-sufficient Duties ; we may thankfully accept of those promises : we may lawfully look to that recompence of reward , that recompence , which we could not deserve . And we ought therefore to double our industry , which is so doubly , so manifoldly requited ; most diligently to follow after Righteousness , and Mercy : since they are things in themselves so desirable , so advantageous , so inestimable in their Rewards . First , Of Life , and Honor. As I said before of the word Righteousness , so I must now say of the words Life , and Honor : they have different meanings in the Old , and New Testament . Under the Law , Life , and Honor , and most other legal promises ; were , I do not say only , but commonly understood in a literal sense ; for temporal Prosperity , and secular happiness . But the Gospel , as it has rais'd the things themselves much higher , so it has proportionably advanc'd the words . And therefore in the Gospel , though temporal felicity be not at all obstructed , but rather exceedingly promoted by it , yet Life , and Honor , and most other Evangelical promises , are most frequently to be taken in a more sublime , and Divine sense ; for life immortal , honors unspeakable , joys full of glory . I cannot now in Justice , but apply this promise to my present subject , in its full extent , in both its senses : For most surely Righteousness and Mercy are able to entitle you all to both these lives , to both these honors , both here , and hereafter . The first kind of Life , and Honor , which is peace of days , increase of dignity , and reputation in this world , all those blessings these Virtues may claim , as their due , and right ; as their own by purchase , and desert , though not from God , yet from all mankind . And in fact they are seldom dispossest of them , but by great injury , or extraordinary misfortune , or , to speak in the Christian language , by some hidden purpose of Divine Providence . Nor is this only the prerogative of Righteousness and Mercy . But , though this may at first seem a paradox , yet it is a privilege common to all other Virtues , that as they have great , and just expectations of a future recompence , so they are usually accompanied with some very considerable temporal good , and advantage . And it is the unavoidable , insupportable misery of all vice , that as its prospect into another world is most dismal , so its condition in this is ever some way , or other very uncomfortable . Whatever flattering , and deceitful shapes sin may put on , yet it can never so dissemble all its defects , so hide all its deformities , but still when we come to our selves , when the charm is over , we may see , and must confess , that all wickedness is followed close by some very great , notorious , temporal punishment , and disadvantage . Some bring loss of credit , contempt , infamy , hatred : as dishonesty , cruelty , corruption , oppression , inordinate ambition : which very commonly fails of that vain honor , it unduly grasps at , and loses that quiet life , of which before it was calmly possest . Some bring loss of health , decay of bodily strength , and pleasure , which they only seem to consult . As Luxury , and Riot bring sickness and diseases : they make men most unfit for death , and yet most hasten it . Some bring loss of earthly riches , as Prodigality , and Intemperance ; which Poverty pursues as an armed man : so that men often lose their hopes of another world , not so much , as for the good things of this world , but even by throwing away their share in this world too . Nay , Covetousness does the same : by a greediness of getting more , it deprives it self of the true ends of getting : it loses the use , and enjoyment of what it had got . Thus every Vice has its dark shadow , some evil genius haunting it in this world : its satisfactions are short , and uncertain : its calamities most certain , most durable , Whilst on the other side every Virtue has its good Angle , is surrounded with some , visible luster , some worldly advantage . Some bring health , some wealth , some power , some fame , some contentment ; a good at least equal to any of the other . But Righteousness and Mercy united bring them all together . You see they freely offer to your possession , they will plentifully shower into your bosoms all the sweetness , and tranquillity of life , all the splendor , and abundance of a life , that is honorable . All this they are here enabled to do , by the gift of a Divine Promise : This in truth for the most part , they cannot but do , by natural effect , and consequence . For towards a secure , and happy life , Righteousness does very much : Mercy perfects what the other leaves undone . Righteousness makes few , or no foes , none worth making friends : Mercy makes , or deserves to make , all friends ; friends even of foes . Righteousness always commends you to good men , often defends you against wicked men ; never justly provokes wicked men against you : Mercy moves , melts , reconciles , conquers even the wicked ; by the most powerful kind of victory overcomes evil with good . What then , in all humane probability , may be reasonably expected from such inoffensive justice , such charming , such diffusive benignity , and compassion ? what ? but the justice , nay more , the thanks , the good will , and good offices of those , who shall be righted by your justice ? what ? but the Prayers , the hearts , the lives , if need be , of those who shall be preserv'd by your mercy , or forgiven by your pity ? All this from without : Besides the comfortable assurance , and testimony of a clear , and serene conscience within : which only is able to make life sweet , honor not a burden : nay it is able to make undeserv'd disgrace a comfort , and death it self happy . And certainly all this is life , and honor ; this is praise and glory ; if there be any true life , above a sensual , carnal life : if there be any substantial , lasting honor , above the perishing shadows of it : if there be not only any Religion towards God , but if there be any thing true , and just , and honest , and lovely , and of good report ; if there be any virtue , any praise amongst men : if that be glory , which the very Heathens have defined to be the concurring esteem , and commendation of the wise , and the good , bestow'd on great men , not only , nor indeed chiefly , for their riches , or power ; but rather for their clemency , and beneficence : perfections most proper to the upper part of mankind . And they can never do mischief to the lower part , nay they can never be employ'd , but in doing good to the lower part of the world . God himself has said , that Great men are Gods : yet it is not greatness alone , but mercy joyn'd with greatness , and strengthen'd with Righteousness , that can make them so . Yet because it may so happen , by the secret disposal of the all-wise Governor of all things , that Righteousness , and Mercy may sometimes fail of a Temporal Reward : because that may come to pass , which yet David professes never to have seen from his youth to his old age , that the righteous man may be forsaken , and his seed beg their bread , or want an easie subsistence of life : nay , because the merciful man may come short of his just recompence of honor here below : therefore there is still behind a sufficient reserve , an unmeasurable compensation , in the other more heavenly sense of the words life , and honor : which , as sure as God is true , will be , are the undoubted portion of the righteous , and merciful man. That life , that honor , which eye has not seen , nor ear heard , nor hath it enter'd into the tongue of man to express , or heart to conceive , that is the most worthy subject of all our thoughts , that ought to be the chief end of all our designs . Else our designs may be speciously honorable ; they may be for life in a low sense , rather indeed for livelihood than life ; only to support a life , that is but for a moment supportable : But they can never else promote our true life ; they can never else be truly profitable , much less truly honorable . Our gracious God indeed permits , nay , he encourages you all , in the prosecution of the life , and honors of this world . His Laws have very many precepts of true humility , but no levelling principles in them , no more than yours have . Distinctions of dignity , different advantages of life , degrees of honor do very well agree with the greatest purity , strictness , and simplicity of the Gospel : no doubt therefore they must be consistent with the freeness , and largeness , and generosity of Christianity . God suffers mankind to be provok'd , and excited to Virtue , by all manner of arguments , by secular , as well as by spiritual promises ; by temporal , as well as by eternal hopes . He allows you all the sober pursuit of the moderate delights , and plenty of this life : They are his gift , if you obtain them . He is , no doubt , well pleas'd with your earnest endeavours after excellency , in any kind of wise counsel , or useful knowledg , or worthy action . The honors you reap thereby , he confers upon you : of the good you do thereby , you your selves have the principal advantage . Give me leave therefore to add ; All these our other designs should so be proportion'd , that being good in themselves , they be not made ill by their abuse , or excess : all our thoughts of this worlds life , and honors should be so order'd , as neither to depress our minds too much , by the cares of this life , nor to raise them too high , by the honors of this world : rather they should be employ'd , to assist our souls , and give them wings , in rising higher to supernatural expectations ; to a life , to honor immortal ; to carry up our contemplations , to fix our affections on Heaven , on that prospect above , which is the last bound of the very eyes of our Bodies ; how much more ought it to be the last object of the eyes of our minds ! And if that life , that honor shall be at the bottom of all your hearts , shall be the beginning and end of all your pains , and studies , if by Righteousness , and Mercy you shall aspire towards them , you cannot come short of them . This way you shall find as near , and as sure a passage to Heaven , from the midst of your earthly business , and worldly Employments , conscientiously , and piously , righteously , and mercifully managed as any other man has reason to expect from the greatest retirement of a solitary Devotion . I speak this on good authority . For thus the holy Scripture it self dispenses the joys of Heaven . In the whole course of the Gospel , eternal glory is as much , at least as much , ensured to the just , and charitable virtues , and graces of an active life , and of a publick station in this world , as to any other part of all contemplative , or practical Religion . Whatever imaginations some men may have concerning the true way , and gate , that leads to celestial happiness : which men have been always too ready to open to themselves , and to those of their own parties , and opinions ; too quick in shutting it upon all others : too many usurping an authority of brandishing the terrors of Gods Justice , and of scattering the assurances of his Mercy , when , and where they please ; which were neither of them ever committed to their distribution : yet whatever claim such men may make to the joys of Heaven : some pretending to them only by the free Grace , without regarding the precepts of the Gospel : some only by relying on single Faith , and vilifying of Charity : some by great scruples in little things , and far less care of great things : some by censuring of other mens lives , and putting as many as they can , under a state of Damnation ; by being more against other mens Religions , than for their own : yet undoubtedly none of these is the way . These are all mistaken , unrighteous , unmerciful ways . The only true way to Heaven , which God himself has traced out , which Christ himself does often point at , though it be narrow , yet it is a direct ; not a cross way : though it be strait , yet it is passable , and has a gate always open . And what is this way ? what this gate ? It is not a disputing , contentious , comparing , censorious , but a mild , peaceable , righteous , merciful way . And this it is , By the mercy of God the Father , Christ made to us Righteousness : and that Mercy and this Righteousness made effectual to us men by the assistance , and consolations of God the Holy Ghost ; and that received , by men with a lively , efficacious Faith ; and that evidenc'd to be in men by such effects , as most resemble their Divine Original , such as respect both God , and man : Which are true Righteousness , and Mercy of men to one another , accompanied with unfeigned piety towards God. Is there still behind in my Text any more reward promised to the man , who follows after Righteousness , and Mercy ? Indeed can there be any more , than mortal life , and honor ? life , and honor immortal ? yes there is still more . And it is that , you see , which is the cause of all the other Rewards . It is Righteousness it self . He that followeth after Righteousness , and Mercy , findeth life , righteousness , and honor : which now , if you please , may be thus briefly paraphrased . He that lives righteously , and mercifully towards men , if he shall practise these virtues humbly , and constantly ; if he shall perform them so , as not at all to rely on their merit for salvation ; if still he shall find the want , and believe the efficacy ; and lay hold on the benefit of our dear Redeemers more precious Righteousness : he shall then partake of the fruits , and enjoy the happiness , that is promised indeed to our righteousness , and mercy , but was purchas'd only by our Saviours Righteousness , and bestow'd only by Gods mercy . I am now arrived at the other more Evangelical signification of the word Righteousness . But I come to it so late , that I cannot treat of it at large . And it is better to say nothing of it than too little . Only from this , and the rest of my discourse , I beg leave to present you farther with one short observation ; which perhaps will not be unseasonable , by me to be mention'd with all Submission , by you to be received with favorable Interpretation . You may perceive , that the true Doctrine , and Practice of Righteousness , and Mercy , of mens righteousness , and mercy to one another ; of Gods righteousness , and mercy to men , had the same Divine Author , and example at first , the same course , and progress afterwards : and they are all along in Scripture represented under the same , or very like expressions . Righteousness , and Mercy are the sum of the Law in one sense ; they are the substance of the Gospel in another . The only possible means and instrument , to secure , and preserve the one of these , is Civil Government : The only way to teach , and maintain the other is Religion . What now may be fairly concluded from all this ? Certainly , that as these two most admirable things have themselves so long , so well agreed in matter , and words , in growth , and increase ; as they are both the best things in this world ; so the means , and instruments of preserving them both , are both most nearly united in interest , and ought to be so in mutual affections , and assistance . Certainly when God himself chose his first Law-giver , and his first High-Priest , out of the same Family ; when he appointed Moses and Aaron two Brethren of the same house , to be his principal Ministers of Justice , and Piety : it was not by chance , it was not for want of choice . But there was even then some mystical intention , and that was even then a happy presage , that between the true Righteousness , and the true Religion , there should , in all succeeding Ages be nourish'd a perpetual League , and Alliance , offensive and defensive : that , as God himself expresses it , Aaron might be to Moses instead of a mouth ; Moses to Aaron instead of God. And is there not still the same reason , for the same entire union between both these things among us , as there was then among Gods own people ? have they not both the same strengths , and dangers , the same hopes , and fears , the same friends , and enemies , the same friends in Heaven , and Earth , the same enemies in Earth , and Hell ? The common adversaries of both may begin against Religion , as , God knows , in most of our memories , they did . But did not then , and will not always , the ruine of Righteousness suddenly follow the overthrow of Religion ? In all , or most of the seditious practices , tumults , and confusions among us , the false cause of God has been first pretended , the true cause of God first struck at : and next to that immediately a false Justice has been made a colour to supplant the true Justice : The Church has been always attempted first to be removed , that they might come at the State the more easily . Can there be then a more powerful argument to unite us all in preventing the like mischiefs , than our common danger ? Can there be a better guide to admonish us all how to prevent them , than our common experience ? I profess I speak this , not only as a necessary caution for the time to come , but as well in just acknowledgment of what is past . For as we have reason to thank the enemies of our Religion , on all sides , when they upbraid us , as they often do , that ours is a meer State-Religion , because the interest of our Church has been always , ever since its Reformation , inseparable from that of the Civil Government : Which we freely grant , and must always assert , as that by which we shall stand , or fall ; nay by which , through the blessing of God , we shall always stand : so we must declare to all the world , that next to the Scripture it self , and the genuine Interpretation of it by the ancient Christian Writers , and the uninterrupted use of the best , and purest Ages of Christianity ; next these , the great Establishment , and Strength of the Church of England , is the protection of the Crown , and the stability of our Civil Government , and Laws . And thus far we confess , ours is a State-Religion : Our Church was Reform'd by Authority of the State : and above all its enemies , it best provides for the security of the State. Wherefore , in the name of God , as the best way to frustrate all our enemies hopes against our Church and State ; which will be the most solid answer to all their little objections , let us all unanimously persevere , in our several stations , to pray for , and obey , to strengthen and defend one of the most moderate , the wisest , the most pious frames of Religion , that ever Christians enjoy'd since the Primitive Age ; one of the best , the freest , the most happy constitutions of Civil Government , that ever mankind enjoy'd since the Creation . May we all agree in this undeniable truth , that whoever would subvert the State , they are mortal enemies to Religion : whoever would destroy Religion , they are equally enemies to the State. To both let us be subject , not only for wrath , but for conscience sake : And the more for Conscience sake , because so very little , or no wrath , so much of Justice , and Mercy is to be found in them both . May therefore Iustice , and Piety , Mercy , and Truth meet together , that Glory may dwell in our Land : may Righteousness , and Peace , always kis each other among us . May the Counsels , an persons , that advance , and protect both in th Nation , be inviolably united in Righteousnes and Mercy : may they for ever prosper with Lif and Honor. AMEN . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61177-e400 Eccles. vii . 16. S. James ii . 13. S. James ii . 13. Psal. cvi . 45. S. Mat. ix . 13. S. Luke vi . 36. Ps. cxlv . 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c S. Mat. vii . 7. I Kings iii. Rom. xii . 21 Psalm xxxvii . 25. Rom. xiii . 
A61180	----	A sermon preach'd before the right honourable Sir Henry Tulse, Lord Mayor, and the Court of Aldermen, and the citizens of the city of London, on May the 29th, 1684 being the anniversary-day of His Majesty's birth ... / by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1684 Approx. 46 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61180 Wing S5060 ESTC R18474 12170103 ocm 12170103 55376 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61180) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55376) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 825:16) A sermon preach'd before the right honourable Sir Henry Tulse, Lord Mayor, and the Court of Aldermen, and the citizens of the city of London, on May the 29th, 1684 being the anniversary-day of His Majesty's birth ... / by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Corporation of the Sons of the Clergy (London, England) [2], 46 p. Printed for Jacob Tonson ..., London : 1684. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Sermons. Bible. -- O.T. -- Psalms CXXX, 4 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Tulse , Mayor . Martis 4. die Junii , 1684. Annoque Regni Regis Caroli Secundi , Angliae , &c. xxxvi . THis Court doth desire the Reverend Dr. Sprat , Dean of Westminster , to Print his Sermon preached at Bow-Church on the 29 th of May last , before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , and Citizens of this City . Wagstaff . A SERMON Preach'd before the RIGHT HONOURABLE Sir Henry Tulse , LORD MAYOR , And the COURT of ALDERMEN , And the CITIZENS of the CITY of LONDON , On MAY the 29 th . 1684. Being the Anniversary-day of His Majesty's Birth , and happy Return to his Kingdoms . By THO. SPRAT , D. D. Dean of Westminster , One of His Majesty's Chaplains in Ordinary . LONDON , Printed for Jacob Tonson , at the Judge's Head in Chancery-lane , near Fleet-street . 1684. A SERMON Preached before the Lord Mayor , May the 29 th . 1684. PSALM 130. 4. There is mercy with thee : therefore shalt thou be feared . So our Old Translation . There is forgiveness with thee , that thou mayst be feared . So King James's Bible . BY comparing this twofold reading of these words , we find , the blessings of God declared in my Text , were very like the double benefit , our Countrey received from Heaven on this day : both ways extraordinary , and most auspicious : whether we consider it , as a mercy , in the King's Birth ; or as a forgiveness , in his glorious return . And , to make this Scripture yet more applicable to our present purpose , the inspired Penman of this Psalm appears in the beginning of it , to have been in the same deplorable state , these Nations were in for many years before the second of these two most happy days . Out of the depths he had cried to the Lord. Depths , no doubt of the greatest Temporal afflictions , and Spiritual desertions . Then he cried , Lord hear my voice : Let thine ears be attentive to the voice of my supplications . Then , with a deep sense of shame , and remorse for what was past , he acknowledg'd , If thou Lord shouldst mark iniquities , O Lord , who shall stand ? So devoutly he cried , so passionately bewail'd his former rebellions against Heaven , never ceasing to implore pardon for them , till he had found by comfortable experience , that there is mercy , and forgiveness with God. A perfect image this of these three Kingdoms calamities , I may say , of our guilt , before this blessed day of Restoration ; and of our deliverance from the calamities , our indempnity from the guilt , by means of this day . Out of our depths also we had cried to the Lord. Depths , if ever any were , of miseries , and distractions in Church and State. We then either did , or should have confess'd , that if God , or the King had mark'd iniquities against God , or the King , few , or none could have stood . When , by an adorable Providence , the remaining Loyal part of the Nation , who had long cried to the Lord for this day , found inexpressible mercy upon it : nay the very disloyal part , who had cried to the Lord too , but against it , even they enjoyed an unparallel'd forgiveness by it . Thus far the Psalmist's case , and ours were alike ; in our distresses ; in our recoveries . 'T were well for us , if the resemblance between him , and us , would hold out so to the end . For after he had been thus oppress'd on Earth , and relieved from Heaven , how did he behave himself ? He never forgot , strove never to forfeit , presently made the best use of all this mercy , and forgiveness : declared not onely what was afterterwards said of Mary Magdalen , that he loved much , but that he fear'd much , because much had been forgiven him . And thenceforth accordingly resolves , that by waiting for the Lord , with a stedfast hope in his word : by waiting for the Lord , more than they that watch for the morning ; he will lay hold on the plenteous redemption , that is with him ; who is not onely able to redeem , but shall redeem Israel from all his iniquities : as , with a full assurance of faith , he concludes the Psalm . It would be , I doubt , but a very melancholy inquiry , an employment fitter for a a day of Humiliation , than for so great a Festival : Should we go strictly to examine , whether we , the people of these Nations , have made the Psalmist's practice our Example ? Sure I am , it was , and is still our bounden duty so to doe : A duty incumbent on us all the days of our lives : especially on these days of our solemn Thanksgivings . Then , my dear Brethren , we rejoice the best way for mercy , and forgiveness received from God , and God's Representative the King ; when we embrace the forgiveness so , as to take more care of not offending in the like kind for the future : when we remember the mercies so , as not to surfeit our selves with the fruits of them ; so , as not onely to applaud the Divine Authour of them with empty words , and praises : but when we make our joy solid , and lasting ; when we mingle it not with levity , or vanity , too incident to those that are over-joy'd , but with the cheerfull gravity , the easie severity of a Christian life : And so we doe , when we temper our joy with fear , a true fear of God. The words of my Text have a plain meaning , but a doubtfull expression , both in our own , and in the learned Languages . There is mercy , or forgiveness , with thee , or in thee , from thee , round about thee : in his incomprehensible essence : in all the Attributes of his Divinity : in his very wrath there is a long-suffering : in his very revenge there is a forbearing mercy . So essential is mercy to him ; so widely spreading from him ; so , upon all accounts , with him , not onely that he may be admired , or worship'd , much less that He may be neglected , or presumed upon , but that thou mayst be feared . There is mercy with thee , because of thy Name : So the Septuagint . His Nature is mercifull . His Name is agreeable to his Nature . He is a God of mercies , and forgivenesses , abundant in goodness , as in truth , in both insinite . There is mercy with thee , because of thy Law : So another reading of the words . And it is well for us sinfull creatures , that there is so : that God has a Mercy , as well as a Law ; that he has forgiveness , because of that Law : that the sweetness of his mercy is answerable to the exactness of his Law : that the tenderness of his forgiveness far exceeds all our obstinate breach of his Law , else no flesh living could be justified in his sight . But both our Translations render it nearer the Original : That thou mayst be fear'd ; so the New : therefore shalt thou be fear'd ; so the Old Bible . The first signifying the Psalmist's unfeigned acknowledgment of his duty : the second containing his firm intention , and vow to perform it . So that the words thus explain'd may be summ'd up in two parts . 1 st , The great foundation of this whole discourse : the mercy , the forgiveness , that is with God. 2 dly , The great obligation of special dependence , and service , those mercies lay upon us , to fear the onely Donor of them all . From which general Contemplation of the mercies of God , and their principal design , it will be our next business to bring our thoughts nearer home , to the great end of this days particular mercy . Particular ! it was an Universal mercy . And if we shall find it to have been so ; that the favour in it on God's part towards us , was here at least as much , as there it could be to the Psalmist : then what can we doe less on our part ; but to imitate his steady resolution of fearing God ? And in order to that , continually to wait for the Lord , to hope for him in his own way , the way of his own Word , and Church : to wait for him more than they that watch for the morning : even more than we once watch'd , and wished for the morning of this day . My first particular is that , which the Psalmist justly makes the ground of his whole argument : the mercy , and forgiveness , that is with God. The inexhaustible Love of God to Mankind , as it is the chief subject of the written word of God , and the very end , for which it was all written ; so it is that , on which the Holy Scripture , the New Testament especially , and this Book of Psalms , one of the most Gospel-like parts of the Old Testament , does more vary its expressions , and in which the Holy Ghost seems more delighted to enlarge it self , than on any other divine matter whatsoever . Throughout the whole Bible , we find it represented to us by many the most significant phrases , similitudes , and amplifications . It is often here resembled to the greatest degrees of kindness , which we behold in the sublunary World. Sometimes it is compar'd to the natural tenderness for their young , of those creatures , that are onely guided by the motions , and inclinations of Sense . Sometimes it is likened to the higher , and better directed affections of Mankind : to the sympathy , and endearments of a friend , to the provident care , and indulgence of a Father , to the soft passions , and yearnings of a Mother . And all these coming infinitely short , as needs they must : For how can Earth , or frail mortality supply examples , or imaginations large , or tender enough to set forth to us the heavenly compassions ? from thence the Scripture carries our thoughts into Heaven it self : there gives us a view of the highest , and most excellent images of goodness : which are more than tongue can signifie , or heart can conceive to be , and yet are in the divine Nature ; and are manifested to us in all the distinct Works of the ever-blessed Trinity : the undeserv'd favours of a Creator , and Preserver , the unspeakable Consolations of a Comforter , the self-denying sufferings of a Saviour ; who took on himself our flesh , and dyed in the flesh to save us . Now of all this bottomless treasure of Eloquence , by which the riches of God's goodness are set off to us in holy Writ , this in my Text is one of the most affectionate words , and therefore it ought to be proportionably effectual on our practice . It is not onely mercy , but forgiveness . That with God , who is infinitely above us in power , was infinitely offended by our sins , with him however there is not onely a common favour , or a daily support of , or a continued bounty towards us ; not onely gentleness to inferiours , or liberality to those that most need it , or beneficence to those that never merited it : but that with him there is forgiveness , peace with Enemies , reconciliation with Rebels , the requital of the freest grace for the highest provocations : that after all his other mercies of kindness had been so often abused by us , yet with him however still there is a mercy of pity , and commiseration : which as it is , in Heaven , the very Crown of all the blessed Attributes in the eternal power , and Godhead ; so , upon Earth , it is the most God-like perfection , of which the heart of man is capable . I will not attempt to reckon up an exact particular of all the divine mercies , and forgivenesses , for which we all stand engaged to the divine benignity . If they could be so soon reckon'd up , they were not so divine as they are . If they could be spread before us in one view , would it not be a severe objection , a just cause of sorrow to the best of us , to behold so immense a Catalogue of our obligations ? whereof the far greater part is left wilfully uncancell'd by us , because of our ingratitude . And alas ! doe what we our selves can , very much of it will be always unpay'd by reason of our inability . Of God's mercy to all his creatures , of his forgiveness moreover to Mankind , may not the same be truly affirm'd , that is of his presence ? wherever he is , he is mercifull : he has matter to forgive ; he is willing to forgive ; and he is every where . Which way soever we turn our thoughts , whether we regard the present life , or the future : whether we consider our selves as the Works of his hands , as we are men ; or of his Grace , as we are Christians ; or , as I may say , as the works of our own hands , as we are sinners : if we observe from how many terms of enmity , and distance God has freed us ; with how many titles of nearness , and relation he has endear'd us : if we recollect , how absolute our dependence is upon him ; how universal our receipts are from him : which way soever we look , his mercies are so far beyond our repaying by deeds , that they are far above our acknowledgment by words ; nay beyond the very conceptions of our hearts . We may as well undertake to comprehend God himself , who is certainly incomprehensible . For among all the mercies , he bestows on the sons of men , one , and that the chief is , that as he forgives us our selves , so he gives us himself . Yet though the mercies of God are so far beyond our recompencing , that , not onely our thanks , but we our selves are said to be less than the least of them : this does not at all acquit us of our duty : rather the greatest bonds are laid upon us thereby . We see the Psalmist does not onely here present us with a pleasant prospect , but with a serious view of God's mercies : he shews us , that we are therefore ty'd to some special , and irrevocable obligations . And what to doe ? what retribution to make ? All benefits receiv'd should be answer'd by a greater requital , if possible , or by an equal , by an equal good will at least . Now for us men to think of making a greater , or an equal return to Heaven were impiety . How indeed can we , upon our own strength , hope to make any ? since all the return , we can make to God , is of no value at all of it self : but onely according to the price , which his pity , not his justice , puts upon it . Wherefore our most gracious Benefactor has prescribed the proportion of our requital , not at all according to the vastness of our receipts , but rather with respect to the scanty measure of our weak abilities , and that accepted by his grace , which is without measure . So that the very return of thanks for his mercies , which God has injoin'd us , is so manag'd by him , as to become a new degree of mercy to us . For the most perfect return of thanks , that God requires of us , and we can make , yet not without his help neither , is that which we of all things ought most to desire ; and it is this in my Text , that because there is mercy , and forgiveness with God , therefore we should fear him ; which is my second particular . By fear , in this place , is not at all meant that , which the Philosopher describes to be ● passion of the Soul , by which men that are weaker strive to scape the force of the stronger , and to fly from all things , that have a power of doing them hurt . Not that fear . For so good men may , and ought to fear the Devil : so the Devils themselves do fear God , when they believe , and tremble . And so may the King 's irreconcileable Enemies , who next to the Infernal Fiends , must be one of the vilest parts of the Creation , so may they always fear the punishment due to so horrid an impenitency . Nor by fearing God is here intended any servile dread , or abject awe of his uncontrollable Dominion , and terrible Majesty ; as he is the great Judge , and avenger of all sin . Not that fear . For so the damned spirits in Hell do fear God : whilst they suffer the extremity of his wrath for having rejected his mercy . So irreparably wretched is the condition of all wicked men , all Rebels against God , all that are impenitently so ; and , I know not how , Rebellion is in this sense also as the sin of Witchcraft , that it is too generally accompanied with impenitency . Wherefore of such men , it is the peculiar curse , whilst they are in this world , that they shall fear , where no fear is . In the next world they shall fear too , but after another manner . There they shall have but too just a cause for fear , which they shall never be able either by strength , or art to avoid , or by intreaties to deprecate : though God himself had often before most passionately intreated them to avoid it . Nor , lastly , by fearing God is here onely signified some blind reverence , or confused acknowledgment of his Omnipotence , as he is Sovereign Lord of the Universe . Neither this fear . For so a carnal man without grace ( without real grace , I mean , not the counterfeit ) so a man that is without God in the world , may , in some imperfect sense , fear God : may sometimes revere his power , may tremble at his thunder , may be somewhat startled at his apparent judgments , and melted a little by his undeserved mercies : and yet at last have no share in his forgiveness , nor in the plenteous salvation , that is with him , though it be never so plenteous . But these are all narrow , ignoble , legal interpretations of fearing God. The fear in my Text , we find does onely proceed from a sense of God's forgiveness , and so can onely be found , in those whom he will forgive , whom he has forgiven . Wherefore the phrase is to be taken in the most comfortable , and Evangelical meaning . As the fear of the Lord is the beginning , and the perfection too of all wisedom : as it is most usually understood in the word of God , to comprize the principal acts of all true faith , devotion , and holiness ; including the whole compass of all sincere , and undefiled Religion : such a fear of God , as will teach us to praise him openly , and worship him outwardly , so as to love him inwardly ; and so as both inwardly , and outwardly to obey him : and all this most reasonably , because of the mercy , and forgiveness that is with him . First , I say , to praise , and adore him publickly for his mercies . A work most becoming the Children of men . Of all the creatures , are not we most fitted for it , by reason of our greater mercies receiv'd ? our greater capacities to understand , and declare our reception of them ? And are we not therefore most obliged to it for the same reasons ? But if we should be , not onely so irreligious , but so unmanly as to neglect it , and be silent : if contrary to our very nature , we should look downward , and not rather upward , to the day spring from on high , that has visited us , yet still God has not left himself without witness : even all the other works of his hands , all ranks of Beings , all orders of the Creation , would proclaim the Providence , and make out the goodness of their Creatour . Thus much do all the inferiour Creatures . And how infinitely is their account of mercies receiv'd short of ours ? So short , that the greatest part of the Creation was not made so much to enjoy the mercies of God , and to be sensible of that enjoyment , as to be mercies to us . What heinous forgetfulness , and sin would it then be in us , when even the inanimate , and irrational beings , that were made for our sakes , shall all contribute to the praise of their Maker's bounty : if we alone shall be insensible of his bounty , or negligent of his praise ; we , for whose sakes they were made , and for whose service they were ordained by him ! Wherefore the praising God for his mercy , for his forgiveness , is the peculiar duty of Mankind : As forgiveness is the proper act of his mercy to us . All other kinds of creatures never did partake of it . All below Mankind are not the proper object of it . All above us , as the Angels , when they offended , could never obtain it . With his praises then our hearts should be always full , our tongues often sounding . But that is not all . The truest way of praising God is not onely perform'd by a bare praising him . It is indeed a pleasant thing to tell , how good , and gracious the Lord is . Yet it is not onely merely pleasant to tell . There is much work , and real labour , and diligent service , that must ensue . Though 't is true that work it self , if rightly perform'd , will be also pleasant in the end , and that service a perfect freedom . However there is first much work required on our parts . Though the goodness of God is sweet in its Contemplation , yet it cannot be so to any purpose to us , except it produce in us answerable effects . Else the fruitless Contemplation of it were most uncomfortable . For it would the more accuse us of neglecting so great a salvation . Wherefore most properly speaks my Text , There is mercy with thee , that thou mayst be fear'd . Mercy with God that he may be fear'd ! why not rather that he may be loved ? yes , that without all question . The mercies of God towards us , as they onely flow from his Love , so they ought to produce Love in us : yet not onely Love , but Fear : such a fear , as can never be divided from love ; such a love , as is always join'd with a dread of offending , a jealousie of displeasing the person beloved ; and such is a true Gospel-love ; such is a true filial fear of God. What I have said on the general part of my method proposed , the mercy , and forgiveness , that is with God , and the principal reason , why it is with him ; this , I have premised , as briefly as I could , in so weighty and copious an argument , as a necessary introduction , for th' applying my text to our selves , and to this glorious day of mercy , and forgiveness . A day , of which , amongst its many other felicities , this is none of the least , that , do what we our selves could , not to deserve any more of these days ; do what our worst adversaries could , that we should have no more of them : yet neither our sins , nor their malice have prevail'd . But we are still met in the house of God ; in a Congregation of true , and dutifull Sons of the Church of England ; in the midst of this , His Majesty 's always best-beloved , now I am sure , I may say , most deservedly beloved City : here we are met once again to solemnize this day ; and to doe it , as joyfully as we did at first ; nay more , if possible : Since now by the late defeat of the new Conspiracies of His Majesty's old , and new Enemies ; though it is prodigious he should have any new ones ; however now by the blessed prospect of Peace maintain'd , and Justice restored , and Rebellion once more destroy'd by its own arts ; now by the renew'd affections , and united acclamations of all good men from all quarters of the Land ; by the joint consent of Heaven , and Earth : by the voice of God , and of the People ; which we have been told is the voice of God : The voice not of the unruly tumult , and giddy populace , but of the good , loyal , and peaceably-devout People , that is as the voice of God : and by all these methinks I am incouraged to call this day a new resurrection , as it were , of that great Nine and twentieth of May , and this year the very Restoration of the King's Restoration . So perpetually fresh , and triumphant ought to be , and I may venture to presage , will be in all ages to come , the precious memory of this day : whereof it may be justly affirm'd , that except the general redemption of all Nations , on a day of all others the most memorable ; that day , which was the fountain of all the good things we obtain'd on this , or any other day : but except that , on this day we had heap'd on us the greatest blessings , that perhaps ever any Nation under Heaven receiv'd from it on any one day . To God alone be the glory of all . For what , I beseech you , can be said less of a day , whose mercy was so diffusive , that it extended to its Enemies , as well as Friends ? Laid good and sure foundations , if they , and we , had but built upon them , to make us , and them , and all that come after us happy , in all our great interests , whether temporal , or spiritual . To you the ancient Friends , and well-wishers of this day , the old Loyal party I mean , for I doubt not but to many such I speak ; you especially who endured the loss of your Countrey , in hope of returning on this day ; you who so many years preferr'd an honourable Exile , before the injoying such a Countrey without the King ; To you , I will not say , this was a day of mercy , onely because you were restor'd to your estates , and possessions by it . Those you had sufficiently shewn , you never esteem'd as your chief goods : and therefore I will not reckon them as the principal blessings , you reapt on this day : But to you this was a mercy worthy of your perseverance in such a cause , to behold the King , and with the King , his , and your beloved Church of England restor'd . The Church , which was all the while your constant companion , your chief delight , and sometimes almost your onely comforter . This Church you beheld , on this day , decently re-establish'd in its own Temples , whose Tabernacle you had so long followed in the Wilderness . Thus was it to you a mercy . How much more was it so to those of us , who , by an unhappy fate , were either born or bred up in those miserable times ; who had not the honour of such a Banishment abroad , but had the necessity of an inglorious Confinement home ; how much , on all accounts to us , was this a day of mercy ! A day , which in exchange of an unlawfull yoke of Tyranny , and the worst of Tyrannies , imposed on us by our fellow Subjects : return'd to us the easie , and blessed Government of our Lawfull Prince . A day , that secur'd to us a lasting , safe , and innocent peace , not a false , or slavish peace , like that we had before , worse than the very state of War. A day , which gave us to know , what a true liberty of Conscience is instead of a Licentiousness . A day , which restor'd our King to his Rights , and Prerogatives , our Countrey to its Privileges and Laws ; for the false shews of which things it had so bitterly suffer'd . But what need I prove that to you , and to us this was a day of mercy ? when it was mercy , and forgiveness to its implacable Enemies . To some of them it was the first innocent day of their whole lives . O! had it not been the last . To them it was a forgiveness on Earth of all their past crimes : and might have been so in Heaven too , if once they would but have learn't to be less familiar with God , and more to fear him . However to them it was a mercy , that it made them for a time quiet , and harmless , whether they would or no : that without their own personal ruine , it ruin'd their usurped Powers , which had render'd them so guilty towards God , so factious amongst themselves , so hated of all good men , and at last of all mankind . But this one day most seasonably took from them the opportunities of destroying themselves , as well as us , by the numberless confusions , and phrensies of Enthusiastick zeal . This day gently deprived them of those wretched arms , by which they had been so long successfull against truth , and the true Religion ; which to be is really the greatest of miseries . Wherefore to the whole English Name , and Nation was this a day of mercy . By this day our age has been inrich'd with all the blessings of the right hand , and of the left . By this we were taught Precepts , and Examples sufficient to transmit those blessings entire to all posterity . By this the true cause of God , and of the Kingdom was for ever vindicated by divine Providence , against the false cause . By this divine Providence it self was vindicated : clear'd from the twenty years mischiefs , and desolations , which their deluded Authours were wont most arrogantly to impute to the special favour , and indulgence of divine Providence . But on this day Sedition , and Rebellion in the State found , or should have found , its fatal period . Now it might have learn't , that although it may be , for a time , perniciously victorious , yet it can never be quietly setled in peace : that although God may sometimes in wrath permit , yet he never in kindness incourages prosperous wickedness . In a word , on this day , Schism and Sacriledge in the Church were abundantly confounded , and should once for all have been convinc'd , that no real arm of flesh , which for a time they had , no counterfeit assistance of the Heavenly Spirit , which they pretended to , can alwayes , can long protect them against the true celestial arms of the unity , order , truth , and charity of the Church of England , the divine power of its piety , the invincible spirit of its Loyalty . This therefore also is the day , which the Lord has made . He made it by his allwise counsel , by his outstretched arm ; by a way indeed of all others , the most divine , by his counsel more than by his Arm. By the admirable conduct of a brave General , whose name shall ever flourish with this day . Yet not so much by his undaunted valour , or conquering hand , as by his deep wisdom , and peaceful arts . We admir'd the Heroick courage of his undertaking the design . But more , we loved , we blessed the calm prudence of its management , the easie gentleness of its execution . Scarce a sword all the while then drawn , amidst so many armies ; yet all contending for so much more than for one single victory . Scarce a drop of blood spilt , till Justice came to draw its sword , which too was sheath'd almost as soon as drawn . So it was fit , that a mild and peaceful Reign should be introduced only by the methods of mildness and peace . We behold , my dear Brethren , how manifold was the mercy of God to us on this day . If either the time , or your patience , or my voice would permit , 't would be well worth our while to consider yet farther , by how many marvellous degrees of multiplied preservations , and unexpected protections of his Majesties Life , and Crowns , God has ever since taken care to guard , and defend his own gracious gift on this day , and now after four and twenty years , has deliver'd down to us the mercy of it safe , and secure , and even augmented . Amongst many other instances of this kind never to be forgotten , if you would give me leave , there is one signal , and extraordinary Providence , which being freshest in our memories , methinks cannot at this time , without injustice to God , and man , be wholly passed by in silence : I mean the most astonishing deliverance of the King , and Kingdom from the late horrid Conspiracy . Heaven , and Earth knows , that the hellish design was spread into two most villainous enterprises : One , the subversion of the Kings Government , by an open insurrection against him in his politick capacity : The other , the Murder of his sacred person : which two , the Rebellious principles of the late Wars taught Rebels to distinguish in order to the destruction of both . Of the Rebellion design'd ; heats , stirs , as some have pleased to complement it : But of that no honest English man can either speak or think without extream detestation ; if we either reflect on the plenty , and tranquillity we enjoy , and our Enemies would have overthrown ; that we were and are the happiest people in Europe , did we but equally understand , and value our own happiness : or if we shall recollect , not only what we had lost , had the detestable Conspiracy succeeded , but also from whom , from what kind of Enemies we were deliver'd by its wonderful defeat . Were they not either disciples of the very same ill parties , and Sects of men , or many of them the very same men , who had once before ruin'd us by the same popular pretences and ill applied names of things they never meant , of Liberty , Property , and Conscience ? For did we not all the while know the generality of the men themselves , to be Atheists in Religion , to whom nothing was sacred , who made all things prophane ? Monsters in morality , to whom nothing was unlawful , all things common ? Republicans in opinion , to whom the easiest Laws of their own Country seem'd oppression , the mildest Monarchy in the world tyranny ? Men whose black designs required them to be close , and hypocritical : but their Lives proved them to be loose , and debauch'd . Men either of desperate fortunes , or , which is worse , in plentiful fortunes , of desperate principles . Men fierce , cruel , Religiously cruel towards others , boldly irreligious themselves . Men whom Rebellion once prosperous had taught to be Rebellious , but Rebellion often forgiven could never teach them either gratitude , or quiet . Such had been the blessed Reformers , and Restorers of your Liberties , and Laws , Priviledges , and Consciences , by the desperate insurrection intended , if God had not miraculously prevented it . Of the other part of the diabolical Plot , the cruel Assassination of his Majesties , and his Royal Highnesses Persons , at the Rye ; of that I know you cannot but on the oneside , with the highest indignation ; on the other , with an extasie of joy , acknowledge , that as all the most mysterious subtilties , and masterly strokes of hells malice were joyn'd in its secret contrivance : So the wisest , and most gracious arts , as I may call them , of the divine favour were visibly practiced in its disappointment . Of the place , where this abominable Scene was laid , as many of you , as know it , must confess , that it was a spot of ground , the fittest in the whole world , for the attempting such an execrable parricide . A retyr'd passage out of the publick road ; easie to be defended by those within , hard to be approach'd from without . A House solitary , and ruinous ; a seat of melancholy , and horror : a fit Emblem of the furious intent of the wretched possessors mind . There the anointed of the Lord had been taken in a snare . I could not have utterd these words , but that now I can say , the snare is broken , and we are escap't . There however had the best of Kings , the breath of our nostrils , been excluded from the assistance of his few Guards , whom the consciousness of his own innocence had made few ; there , he passing by secure ; as he might well think himself secure in the settled peace of all his other Dominions ; secure in the company of a valiant , and invincible Brother sitting by his side ; secure in the eminent Loyalty of that particular County ; but above all ; secure in his own unequal'd mercy to all his Enemies ; to whom he had done as much as King , or man could do to make them his Friends : However there had the King been on a sudden assaulted by unseen treacherous subjects , armed Villains , chosen Assassinates , Veteranes in mischeif and slaughter , Men kept alive only by his forgiveness : Yet there exposed , defenceless , unarm'd , unforewarn'd , had the King — I can say no more , and God for ever be glorified , our enemies can say no more . For then God from on high interposed . God had seen the whole preparation of the villany , he saw all their closest Cabals , and most daring resolutions . He saw them , and frown'd with disdain at the fury of their wrath : Smiled with contempt at the folly of their malice . God knew , when it was time for him to appear ; when a Kings rescue would become a work worthy of Gods omnipotence . He knew , and he appear'd , he appear'd in such a manner , as to make the glory of his immediate presence unquestionable , God wrought not then by the slow methods of his common providence : Not then by bare natural signs , or obscure presages , or doubtful tokens of his pleasure : but by a flaming hand lift up on high , by a dreadful Fire : That being made the prodigious occasion of so great a mercy , which is otherwise esteem'd a dismal judgement . That surprizing Fire of New-Market only chance , or negligence then seem'd to have kindled . But the event shews , it came from a higher , and a better cause . By that was the good King rouz'd on a sudden , driven first out of his own Lodgings , then by the smoak , and ashes of it pursued out of Town ; so forc'd thence home to Whitehall , before his appointed time , and his Enemies black hour prefix'd . Thus God conducted him hither safe , and untouch'd , passing just by that Same infamous Rye : which was then innocent , because then unprovided ; that otherwise might have been the fatal womb of so many unspeakable mischiefs . But hitherto , and for some months after , you may remember , the King suspected nothing of his danger : imagined nothing of his escape after he was escap'd : perceiv'd not as yet the heavenly protection that had cover'd his head , I will not say in the day of battel , but of his ordinary travelling , which might have proved to him more dangerous than the fiercest Battel . As yet , the wicked conspiracy was not dissolv'd , nor as yet were all their merciless hopes lost : The same wretches , tho somewhat struck with so great a disappointment , yet still met , and combin'd , still contrived new places , provided new weapons , sought out new opportunities to perpetrate the same deed . Still some of them thought , what one of them , the accursed Ferguson had impudence enough to say ; that by this accident , the King was not so much delivered as reserved for some greater judgment . When Lo ! in the midst of our profound security , one of the cheif partakers in the dire Conspiracy , being himself not suspected , not invited , not tempted by promises , not frighted by threatnings , but only those of his own conscience , then he in meer remorse , and dread of his guilt , came voluntarily in , and revealed the hidden work of darkness . And God soon seconded his own favour so well begun . By swift degrees , so many new discoveries were made : So many sensible concurring proofs strengthened each other : So many undeniable demonstrations of all circumstances confirm'd all : So many confessions of the principal , both living and dying Plotters broke forth : And they were plain confessions even when they were taught most to prevaricate , and most cunningly to equivocate : For of those impious arts the Jesuits are not now the only Masters : But so many , and so clear evidences did on a sudden surround and illustrate the whole matter of fact : One particularly , which I am loath to mention , and I cannot mention it but with pity as well as horror ; that lamentable self Murder , I mean which yet was a much stronger proof than many living witnesses could have been : All this , I say , meeting together , to convince the whole world of the reality of this Conspiracy : I dare now pronounce , that next the having a share in the detested Treason it self , the next crime is the not believing it . I mean the seeming not to believe it . For our Enemies themselves cannot but believe it . And most certainly , whoever shall now pretend not to believe that this Plot was real , it may justly be concluded , the the same men , at the same time , do desire it had taken but too real an effect . But I forbear . We have heard what inestimable mercy there was with God for us ; first by so miraculously giving us , and then in an equally miraculous course of Providence , by continuing to us the mercy of this day . But to what purpose , think we , was all this mercy with God for us ? Only that it might be thus faintly repeated , and imperfectly rejoyced in once a year ? That cannot be sufficient . The greatest , and most durable end of this dayes mercy is undoubtedly the same , that we find in my Text to be the chief intention of all Gods mercies : that therefore the divine Majesty should be the more fear'd . Indeed all Gods mercies do exact from us a sutable return of some kind of fear : Yet some more than others . Those his mercies , that flow gently down from Heaven , calmly falling on all our heads every day , in blessed influences relating to this life , or the next , but without any great noise , or astonishing circumstances : They require all our Love , all our thanks , and some fear too mingled with them : A fear of vilifying them by neglect , or forfeiting them by abuse . But such mercies , as these before us , preservations of Crown'd heads , and Royal Families , devastations of Kingdoms prevented , mighty Nations freed from slavery : these come , when they come upon us , with a greaterforce , and concussion of thoughts , and tho with a delightful , yet , give me leave to say it , with a formidable train of terrible delights . These mercies therefore ; as they expect from us our equal love of God , so they may well demand our greater fear of him : more of our submission to his power , and of our reliance on his will ; more of our adoration of his unsearchable counsels ; and of our humble thankfulness for his declared goodness . Thus most solemnly does this mercy call for our fear of God , according to all the interpretations of the Word : That we fear him so as to reverence him for all the secret degrees of ripening this mercy foregoing this day : that we fear him so as to bless him , for all the ensuing happy dayes we have ever since injoy'd , as a consequence of this : That we fear him , so as to stand in aw , and so as to sin no more : That with a careful diligence , in our particular duties , with a zealous fear of God , with an unwearied vigilance over our selves , with a dutiful watchfulness for our King too in our several stations , we dread , and revere God for this , and all his other mercies , least we be forc'd to do so for his Judgments : Since the same God , who has thus bestow'd on us the greatest of mercies , is also able to inflict Judgments as great . That is evidently one part of our duty rising from the contemplation of this dayes mercy , for this undeniable reason , we should all be induced not to disobey , or dishonour , but to fear God. There is still behind another very considerable part of it , which respects God too , tho it seems more immediately to concern the King. It is , that the mercy of God on this day , the forgiveness which God put into the Kings heart , to be willing , into his hands to be able to dispense to all his Subjects ; this should lead us all to fear , that is , in Scripture Language , to honour the King. But this Doctrine , which else where is the most proper subject of this days solemnity , I thank God , in this Assembly , I need not spend time to inforce . Your known , and steady Loyalty has saved me that labour . Yet , what it were superfluous to advise the Kings friends , is , God knows , but too seasonable to wish his Enemies would do . Let it therefore be the fervent , charitable prayer of us , and of all Loyal minds on this day : and true Loyalty is most generally accompanied with true Charity : That God at last would turn the Kings Enemies hearts , and so they shall be turn'd . From what , less than Gods mercy can we expect so great a change , since all the Kings mercy has not been able to effect it ? But O! that now in this our day , their day too once it was , as properly as ours , and may be so again by their amendment : O! that now they would mind the things , that belong to all our Peace . O! that now they would understand , that the best , and only lawful way to preserve the Reformed . Religion amongst us , is to defend it only its own way , and not by practising its very Enemies principles . O! that now they would reflect with grief on all their fresh contrivances against his Majesties Crown and Dignity : And if for no other , yet for this reason they would seriously repent of them , that the King was so ready to forgive all their old offenses , without so much as staying for their repentance . O! that now at length they would begin to fear the King for his mercy : Since amidst all his power hitherto , they have never had any other just cause imaginable to fear him . O! that henceforth they would forbear , upon any more pretences of Reforming the Church and State , to violate that Royal goodness , which when all was done , was next under God , only able to heal the breaches , and compose the distractions , they had caus'd once before under the disguise of such Reformations . God , of his infinite compassions grant , that they may be converted , and we united ; that without any other fear , but of God , and the King , we may serve God all the dayes of our lives ; that we may long enjoy the Kings mercies , and they may have no more such need of his forgiveness , Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61180-e310 Vers. 1. Vers. 2. Vers. 3. Vers. 4. Vers. 5. Vers. 6. Vers. 7. Vers. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 
B05946	----	To the right honourable my Lords, of his Majesty's Commission Ecclesiastical Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1688 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B05946 Wing S5064 ESTC R24613 52614960 ocm 52614960 176197 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B05946) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 176197) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2764:7) To the right honourable my Lords, of his Majesty's Commission Ecclesiastical Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1688] Caption title. Signed at foot: Rochester. Rochester = Thomas Sprat, Lord Bishop of Rochester. Place and date of publication from National Library of Scotland. Wing (2nd ed.) incorrectly gives publication date as 1698. Reproduction of original in: National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Ecclesiastical Commission (1686) Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Sources. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE My LORDS , of His Majesty's Commission ECCLESIASTICAL . I Most humbly Intreat your Lordships Favourable Interpretation , of what I now Write , That since your Lordships , are resolved to Proceed against those , who have not complyed with the Kings Command , in Reading His Declaration . It is absolutely impossible , for me to Serve His Majesty any longer , in this Commission : I beg leave to tell your Lordships , that tho I my Self , did submit in that particular , yet I will never be any way Instrumental , in Punishing those , my Brethren , that did not . For , as I call God to Witness , that what I did , was meerly in a Principal of Conscience : So I am fully satisfied , that their forbearance , was upon the same Principle . I have no Reason to think otherwise of the whole Body of our Clergy , who upon all Occasions , have signaliz'd their Loyalty to the Crown ; and their Zealous Affections to His Present Majesty's P●rson , in the worst of Times . Now my Lords , the safety of the whole Church of England , seeming to be exceedingly concerned in this Prosecution : I must declare , I cannot with a safe Conscience , Sit or Judge in this Cause , upon so many Pious and Excellent Men , with whom ( if it be God's Will ) it rather becomes me to Suffer , then to be in the least , Oc●●●●on to their Sufferings . I therefore , earnestly request your Lordships , 〈◊〉 ●●terceed with His Majesty , that I may be Graciously dismissed , from any 〈…〉 her Attendance at your Board : And to assure him , that I am still rea●● to Sacrifice , what ever I have to His Service , but my Conscience and ●●ligion . My Lords , I am Your Lordships , Most Faithful , and Obedient Servant , Rochester . 
A61181	----	A sermon preached before the King and Queen at Whitehal, on Good-Friday, 1690 by the Lord Bishop of Rochester, Dean of Westminster. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1690 Approx. 42 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61181 Wing S5061 ESTC R13441 13586899 ocm 13586899 100565 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61181) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100565) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 851:7) A sermon preached before the King and Queen at Whitehal, on Good-Friday, 1690 by the Lord Bishop of Rochester, Dean of Westminster. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [2], 42 p. In the Savoy, printed by Edward Jones, [London] : 1690. Written by Thomas Sprat. Cf. BM. "Published by Their Majesties Command." Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bible. -- N.T. -- Peter, 1st, II, 21-22 -- Sermons. Good Friday sermons. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED before the King and Queen , At WHITEHAL , On Good-Friday , 1690. By the Lord Bishop of ROCHESTER , Dean of WESTMINSTER . Published by Their Majesties Command . In the SAVOY : Printed by Edward Jones . M. DC . XC . 1 St. Peter , Chap. 2. Part of 21st , and 22d Verses . Christ also suffer'd for us , leaving us an Example , that ye should follow his Steps , Who did no Sin. THE Subject of our Devout Meditations on this Blessed Day , is our dear Redeemer's Passion ; and the last most bitter part of it , his humbling himself so , as to become Obedient to Death , even the Death of the Cross ; and the Preaching of this Cross , though ( as St. Paul tells us ) To them that Perish it is Foolishness , yet he also assures us , to as many as are Saved , it is the Power of God. Now that none of Us should be found in the number of those , who Perish by foolishly despising the Doctrine of a Crucified Saviour , but rather that we may all be wise to Salvation , by meekly adoring this Power of God , and the wondrous Depths of Divine Love in it , and by rightly applying the unspeakable Fruits of it to our selves , our Church has taken all imaginable care to represent it to us in the most serious and efficacious manner , and to fix it firmly on our Minds and Consciences , by frequent and affectionate Repetitions of all its Parts and Aggravations . So that if we shall reflect on the whole Annual Circle of our Publick Devotions , 't were easie to observe , that our Saviour's Sufferings are therein oftner reiterated , and more in proportion , insisted on , than perhaps any other Article of our pure and undefiled Religion : Our Church in this , as in all things else , exactly following the Blessed Pattern of the first , and purest Ages , as they did the Gospel of Christ ; which seems to dispense , and measure out to us , the benefits of all Spiritual Truths , even of his Glorious Resurrection it self , only according as we shall lay hold on the Merits of , and be conformable to his Death . For so , ( among many other Scriptures to the like purpose ) we read , That if we have been planted together in the likeness of his Death ; if so , and upon no other terms , then we shall be also planted in the likeness of his Resurrection . Wherefore in order to this , and to introduce , as at this time , the Passion of Christ with the greater Solemnity , well did the Church Ordain , That the certain Period of our Regular Abstinence , and Repentance every Year , should immediately go before this particular Season ; wisely judging , the severest Mortifications of our selves , to be the best Preparations for our meeting worthily our Lord dying , and rising again for us ; and that some more than ordinary Method of Zealous Piety , and Stricter Retirement from the World , was necessary to fit us duly for a Time , and Commemoration so Sacred . Nay farther yet , When the very Day of his dying did nearer approach , to shew what ought to be the chief Matter of our Private Contemplations , as well as Publick Worship , during the whole Week preceding , ( which has been therefore remarkably honour'd with the Venerable Name of The Holy Week , ) has not our Excellent Liturgy , Day by Day , without Intermission , with a Succession of Divine Offices , the like not enjoin'd us in any other Week of the Year , continually repeated and inculcated on our Memories this one charming Truth , That our Lord , our Love , was Crucified ? So that scarce any thing else has all this while sounded in our Ears , in these Holy Places , but some one or other step of our Saviour's sad , and dolorous passage to the Field of Blood ; till now at length we are brought thither , and to the very Day , when He cried out , It is finish'd , and gave up the Ghost . We having been so lately conducted through this wholesome course of Severities and Contritions , all teaching us to Die to Sin , as our Lord Died now for our Sins ; I cannot but believe , that what had been else the proper Business of the Preacher on this Day , is already in great part here done to my Hands ; that You are all come hither tenderly affected with a deep Sense , and melting Remorse , for what Christ suffer'd , as at this time in our stead . And if , by GOD's Grace , Your Hearts are thus already touch'd from above , then all that is left for me to do , will be only to assist You , not so much in raising , as in directing to the best Uses , Your Devout Affections already rais'd : To consult together with You , in the Fear of GOD , how all this Grief , and Sorrow , which so deservedly possesses Your Souls , may become a true Christian Grief , and Godly Sorrow ; How by Degrees we may advance it into Spiritual Gratitude , Hope , Love , Zeal , and Full Assurance of Faith ; and at last into Joys unspeakable , and full of Glory : Which , as sure as God is true , will come to pass in the event , if we shall make his precious Death and Passion , not only the steady Object of our Belief and Admiration in those parts of it , wherein we cannot imitate Him ; but also of our unwearied Imitation , and constant Practise in those Things , wherein he left behind him an Example , for us to follow his Steps . So you see it is , that my Text instructs us , in the only saving way of Contemplating our dear Lord's Sufferings ; that we should consider them not only in themselves , and their Cruel and Lamentable Circumstances , but in their Gracious Ends , Influences and Powers : As Christ was the Person Suffering ; as he suffer'd so much , and as he suffer'd for us : For us , as an unvaluable Randsom to atone GOD's Justice , that we may relie on it ; For us , as an unblameable Original of Meekness , Holiness , Charity , and Resignation to the Will of GOD , that we may Copy after it . In these few Words therefore , we behold our LORD's Passion display'd to our View , in its brightest Glory , its condescending Humility , its most obliging Endearments , and its principal Uses . First , Its Glory , in that it was Christ who suffer'd ; Jesus the Christ , the Christ of God , who is Lord of all things , the Lord and Giver of Life : That the same Person , who was Anointed a King to Govern the whole World , and Ordain'd a Prophet to Teach 〈◊〉 , should be also Consecrated a Priest to ●acrifice for it , Himself being the Oblation . That is the Second , and was the Low●ness of His Humility ; which is here styled His Suffering : Expressing , in one word His patient enduring all that Misery , and Torment , which not only the Malice o● wicked Men , or the Rage of Hell disappointed by Him , but the Wrath of GOD provoked , could inflict on Him , not in the least on His own Account , but only for our sakes . Which next follows , and is the most endearing part of all , that He suffer'd for us ; the Creator for the Creatures ; the Just for the Unjust ; the Judge for the Criminals : Yet for us , loaded with all this Weight of our Guilt , and with all these just Causes of His Prejudice , he suffered , for our Justification , for our Salvation ; but in the mean time , and in order to that , for our Example ! And lastly , The Excellency of the Example , he has left us to follow , is specified in such an eminent Instance , that He did no Sin , as would indeed make us utterly to despair of ever following it , were it not for his Grace strengthning us , his Mercy forgiving us , and his Spirit supporting us : All which he has faithfully promis'd , and no Guile was ever found in his Mouth . The first Particular in my Text , wherein the Grace of our LORD's Passion is magnifi'd , is , that the Person now suffering was the Christ of God. I need not here stay to enumerate distinctly the many High Prerogatives , and Glorious Appellations , which are heap'd on this great Person , as he was the Christ , throughout the Holy Scriptures ; whereof He was the Alpha , and Omega , the Beginning , and the Ending ; first the Mystery , then the Manifestation ; that to the Jewish Church under the Law ; this to the whole World under the Gospel . It may suffice , that all over this inspir'd Book , He is amply declar'd to be , what the Author to the Hebrews has Divinely contracted into few words ; The Son of God ; The only begotten of God ; The Heir of all Things ; The Lord of Glory ; The very Brightness of his Fathers Glory ; The express Image of his Person , full of Grace and Truth , by whom He made the Worlds , upholding all Things by the Word of his Power : All unconceivably splendid , and triumphant Attributes ; and all these directly tending to , and chiefly exercis'd in , our Pardon , and Peace . For so it presently follows , that when by himself he had purg'd our Sins , then , and not till then , He sate down on the Right Hand of the Majesty on High. This then was the Christ , appointed before all Time , coming in the fulness of Time , sent from the Bosom of his Heavenly Father , by his Death to raise us from the Death of Sin ; whereof our first , and Temporal Death , was the fatal Consequence ; and our second Eternal Death , had been else the irreparable Punishment . A Design this was of Pity and Compassion , whose Heigth , Depth , Length and Breadth , were so Incomprehensible , that nothing less could be sufficient , than an Infinite Wisdom to contrive it , and Power to effect it , and Love to accept of it . By this one Adorable Counsel , Heaven and Earth , that were themselves so vastly distant , and whose distance our Sins had widened so much more , were to be join'd , and for ever Reconciled : Mercy and Truth were to meet together , Righteousness and Peace to kiss each other : There was to be an Atonement on the one part , a Forgiveness on the other : Satisfaction was to be made by the Free Sufferings of a Man ; Salvation to be bestow'd by the Free Grace of GOD. Wherefore both Natures , the Human , and the Divine , were to be United in one Christ. And since GOD was pleas'd to dignifie our Mortal Condition , so highly , by this near Conjunction , he made our Nature in his Christ , as Glorious , and Perfect , as it was capable to be . The Preparations for his Appearance , the Signs that foretold him , the Wonders that made way for him , his Personal Perfections , his Teaching , his Actions , his Sufferings , did all exceed all Measures of Human Greatness or Benignity . So Sacred was his Authority , that all other True Divine Teachers , from the beginning of the World to his Birth , though they had gone before him in the Flesh , yet received their Power , and Commission from him by the Spirit . Whatever Wonders they wrought , whatever Truths they taught , all was done , and spoken with relation to him , and in subservience to his Religion . We know , that not only he himself , but even his Types , Forerunners , and Shadows , had many of them , the Privilege of working Miracles , the Gift of altering the common Course of Nature , and controuling the setled Laws of the Creation , as they pleas'd . The Prophets had it : Moses had it above all others . Yet they all had it only with dependance on him , and by a Title deriv'd from him ; as they were his Figures , Ministers , and Substitutes ; to prepare , and enable the World , by Degrees , to receive this Great Mystery of Godliness , God manifested in the Flesh ; This last , and universal Declaration of Life , and Immortality brought to Light in the Gospel by Him , the Messias . I know that Messias cometh , who is called Christ ; and when he is come , he will teach us all things , said the Samaritan Woman in St. John the 4th , and Vers. 25. And in the same Chapter said many of the Samaritans , Now we have heard him our selves , we know that this is indeed the Christ , the Saviour of the World , Vers. 42. And the same St. John , who loved him most , and therefore probably knew him best , ( for the greatest Love of GOD is the best way to the greatest Knowledge of him . ) The Messias , ( says he ) is , being interpreted , the Christ : The very Messias , whom the Jewish Nation , all the Wise , Devout and Inspired part of it ; all the time it was a True Church , so earnestly expected , and desired ; as he was to be afterwards also the Desire of all Nations . They long before beheld him , though but darkly , in the Visions and Intimations to their Fathers , the Characters and Inspirations of their Prophets , the Veils of their Ceremonies and Sacrifices , the Ornaments of their Temple , the Office of their High Priests ; which were all , as the Law it self was , only Shadows of good things to come , whereof He was the Body ; they had all a borrowed Meaning , and Mystical End ; they were all fixt on the Great Messias ; by Him they were Illustrated ; and in Him alone they were all Consummated . By the United Expectation of the Jews all along , according to the Prophet Daniel's Prediction , and no doubt by a right Tradition , antienter than that , their Messias was to appear after the Captivity , and before the Destruction of their Temple and Nation . They themselves , just then , when Christ came , did instantly , and every Moment , expect his coming . All their Circumstances agreed in that time : All their Descriptions concenter'd in his Person : All their Prophecies than gave over ; the End of them all being in him once obtain'd . And that People has since had no more visible Communion with GOD , which had so much before . The Scepter was not to depart from Judah , nor a Law-Giver from between his Feet , till Shiloh should come : The Scepter just then did depart from Judah : Their Temple was shortly after destroy'd ; and their Nation irrecoverably hitherto scatter'd . Wherefore , this our Christ must Infallibly have been the same with their Shiloh , their Messias . He , Unto whom the gather ing of the People was to be ; He , towards whom all the Antient Ages of GOD's Church before him , did look forward , and upon whom all the Ages of it since , have look'd back : The former Times to foretel him ; the later Times to reveal him ; both to Believe in , and to be Saved by him alone ; for which end , and with respect to him , all the Miseries and Joys of Eternity it self , are provided , and accordingly , shall be dispens'd , to punish those that Reject him , to reward those that Obey him . These , and whatever other such , magnificent Expressions of Excellency , the Holy Scriptures have attributed to our Lord , as he is the Christ ; as they are all on the one side , so many evident Testimonies of his Eternal Power and Godhead ; so on the other , they ought to be esteemed as so many Marvellous Degrees , and astonishing Amplifications of the Merciful Condescention of his Sufferings , which is my next particular . This very Christ suffer'd . If any shall now inquire , from what Period of Time we may justly date the Beginning of his Passion ; without all Question , his Sufferings took their Rise from the very first Moment of his Assuming our Flesh : Since for the Eternal Son of GOD only to become Man , was infinitely to suffer : That He , who was in the Form of GOD , and thought it no Robbery , but his inviolable Right , to be equal with GOD , should be made of no Reputation , and take on him the Form of a Servant , and be made in the Likeness of Man. He was made in the Likeness of Man. Was not that an inexpressible Debasement of the Glories of his Divinity ? But , as if that were not Obscurity , and Degradation enough , to that is added , his stooping down to the low , and abject Form of a Servant . The great GOD of Heaven , who is otherwise No Accepter , or Respecter of Persons among Men , nor does he prefer the highest before the lowest , upon any inequality of our Conditions here below ; yet , when he himself was to put on our Humanity , he then became , as it were , an Accepter of Persons on the other side , and chose to appear in the vilest , and most despicable State among the Children of Men ; which is , that of a Servant , and the being made of no Reputation . Thus , with his very taking our Nature , did his Sufferings begin ; and thence were continued through all the humble Circumstances of his Birth , and Kindred , and Conversation ; through a Life of Poverty , Simplicity , and Self-Denial ; and as the Evangelical Prophet describes him , As a Man of Sorrows , acquainted with Grief ; despised and rejected of Men : Till he came at length to that , which still deserves Emphatically to be call'd , His Passion ; when he was also smitten of God , and afflicted , to his dreadful Conflict with GOD , and himself in the Garden , and his Sweating Drops of Blood there ; to the Buffetings , the Revilings , the Scourges , the Spittings , the contradiction of Sinners he endured : The Cruel Insolency of his Enemies ; the fierce Rage of the Superstitious Jews ; the Tyrannous Scorn of the Romans ; the Theives Crucifi'd with him ; the Murderer preferr'd before him ; the Gall and Vineger given him to Drink ; the Nails in his Hands ; the Spear in his Side ; the very August Name of King , objected to him in Contempt ; the Painful and Shameful Crown of Thorns put on his Head , with Ignominious Mockery : And , at last , that inutterable Torment darted into his very Soul immediately from GOD himself , which compell'd him for a time , almost to Despair , and to sink under its Weight . Surae we are , it made him cry out , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? In that black and dismal Moment of his expiring on the Cross , what insupportable Suffering must his have been , which could even appear to stagger such a Faith , and eclipse his Assurance of the Presence and Love of his heavenly Father ! How many Deaths , and extream Agonies of Death must he then have felt ! When , as the Prophet Isaiah says , The Lord laid on him the Iniquity of us all : And as St. Peter here expresses it , He his own self bore our Sins in his own Body on the Tree ? And not only ours , but the Sins of the whole World ; since St. Paul has also taught us in his own Person , that every Sinner , as such , carries no less a Load about with him , than a whole Body of Death ! Certainly the bare mention of our Lord 's thus suffering , though so plainly related , could not but convince any indifferent , and unconcern'd Person passing by , that never any Sorrow was like his Sorrow . But there is still something more behind , that methinks should never permit any of the Sons and Daughters of Men to pass it by as indifferent , and unconcern'd : And that is the third part of my Text , He suffer'd all this for us . For us he suffer'd . For himself he could not die . Death is the Wages of Sin ; and the sting of Death is Sin. Death could have no Dominion over him on that account : He did no Sin. But if any of us shall say so of our selves , The Truth is not in us . Wherefore for us , or which is all one , for our Sins , in our place , he suffer'd . All Sin must be acknowledg'd to be a breach of the Wise , Holy , and Upright Law of GOD : And for every breach of such a Law , a severe Punishment is due , unless some fitting Expiation be made . And that He only could have perform'd . Could any other Creatures for us ? Alas ! all their value bears no proportion to such a Forfeiture . However , such as they are , we had no right to use them to that purpose , since GOD alone , not we , had the Propriety in them before . Nor could we our selves have made an Equitable Satisfaction . Alas ! Were it not for this Redeemer , we had wanted an Atonement not only for our Iniquities , but for our best Righteousness . Wherefore seeing neither we our selves , nor any other for us , could contribute any just Price towards our Redemption ; to whom could we have recourse ? Whither should we flee for Refuge , but to that one GOD , and one Mediator between GOD and Man , the Man Christ Jesus ? Flee to him we did not neither : Nor could we first ; rather he sought us out , found , overtook us fleeing from him . In that deplorable Condition the Good Samaritan had Compassion on us , weltring in our Blood , in our Sins that required his Blood ; To bind up our Wounds , and heal our Bruises , and love us freely : Freely it must have been , or not at all . Thus for us , incompass'd with innumerable Frailties and Corruptions ; contaminated with so many Pollutions of Original and Actual Sins ; blacken'd with so many repeated Ingratitudes towards Heaven : For us , sinful Men. Men ! sinful Dust and Ashes ; Worms and no Men ; ( for so the Scripture accounts of every Sinner ; condemns him to have lost the very common Privilege of being a Man ; which at best is no great Matter to boast of , as Man has made himself : For Man does but walk in a vain Shadow , whereas Sin makes him worse than a Shadow ; worse than the very Beasts that perish ; and of Beasts the most contemptible , even a Worm of the Earth : ) However , for us , in this dejected and depraved Condition , Christ undertook , Christ suffer'd : Not only became our Intercessor , our Pledge , our Ransom , our Surety ; but our Propitiatory Offering , our Bloody Sacrifice ; to atone for us , by undergoing himself the Divine Vengeance . What shall we say then ? If our Lord 's Suffering in this terrible manner , was able to shake the whole Frame of the Visible World , as it did ; if it could disorder the very Inanimate and Insensible Parts of it , though they were altogether Innocent of its Guilt : If it could rend the Veil of the Temple , and split the Rocks , and darken the Sun , and overspread the Face of the Earth with thick Darkness , and open the Graves , and make Dead Bodies arise , and walk abroad : What powerful Effect then ? And , What irresistible Influence should all this have upon us ? Who , in as much as we are all Sinners , had but too great a share in being the Causes of his thus Suffering . What passionate Relentings , What vehement Desires , What fervent Longings should the Remembrance of all this excite in our Souls towards him ? What Carefulness ; yea , What clearing of our selves ; yea , What Indignation ; yea , What Fear ; yea , What Zeal ; yea , What Revenge , against Sin and Iniquity , that occasioned all This ? What Resolutions of better Obedience , What Vigilancy , What Prayers , What Tears , What Vows for the future should it Solemnly engage us in , against those our Transgressions , which cost him so Dear , no less than his Immaculate Blood , and weigh'd down for a Time , his Righteous Soul into Hell ? Thus Christ Suffer'd for us , to pay an Inestimable Price for our Demerits ; and by his own Merits , to make us Sinners acceptable in the Sight of God , who is of purer Eyes , than to behold Iniquity . But , may we now safely conclude from hence , That the whole design of our Redemption , was absolutely finish'd between God , and Him , and Us , merely by his Suffering for us ? Yes , entirely , as to the Meritorious part of it , tho' we should all beware of Negligence , or Presumption , on that Account : For there still remains enough to be done on our part . His share was in Truth , All in All , and All in every Part. It was completely to purchase Salvation for us . But then must begin , and then only can begin , our share , which is still , To Work out that Salvation . So that although , all our Working can only proceed on the sure Foundation of his Purchase : Yet withal , it must indispensably proceed thereupon . And let us not be deceiv'd ; if , as we are told , even our best Working in this Life , cannot be without some Fear and Trembling , What will our not Working at all be ? Consider I beseech you , The Free Grace of our LORD 's Redeeming Mankind by his Blood , The Blood of the New and Everlasting Covenant , as large and diffusive as it is , yet can be of no Consequence to us in Particular , but to aggravate our Condemnation for neglecting it , unless we not only Accept and Apprehend it by Faith , but Embrace and Cherish it with a Living Faith. And then Faith only lives in an Evangelical Sense , not only when it Breaths and Professes , but when it Moves and Works , then it most Lives , when it Operates Vigorously in a Conscientious Obedience to his Precepts , and a Diligent and Dutiful Conformity to his Example : Which is the Reason , my Text assigns , of our LORD 's Suffering for us , that he might leave us an Example , and we should follow his Steps . We know there are some , that call themselves Christians , who rejecting the great Fundamental Doctrine of our LORD 's Suffering for us , as a Propitiatory Sacrifice , allow no other End of his Coming , and Living , and Dying in the Flesh , but that he might shew us the way to Heaven , by his Teaching , and Example . I need not , in this Audience , labour to confute this ; or to prove Christ's having been a Real Sacrifice , and the only sufficient Atonement for Sin , by himself once offer'd : Since in the whole Tenour of the Gospel , especially in St ▪ Paul's Epistles , and that to the Hebrews ▪ this Truth seems to be so perspicuously confirm'd . Only let me add , his being offer'd to GOD , as our Sacrifice , was a thing so Necessary , that without it , in Vain had He been proposed to us , as our Example : Both these great Intentions of his Suffering , being so inseparably Mixt and United , that wherever they shall be found divided , neither o● them can be Effectual . Christ could never have been to us a Pattern of Holiness , such as we could have had the least hope to follow , had He not also been a Propitiation for our Sins . And that Propitiation will prevail with the Righteous Judge of all the World , only for such as , in some Degree , or other , sincerely ▪ Practice after his Pattern . Upon no less , nor any other Conditions , has He undertaken to cleanse and rescue us from the Guilt and Slavery of our Sins , but only , as we shall strive to exercise that Capacity , which He has also obtain'd for us , of following the Steps of his Graces . It must be Confess'd , without his Righteousness imputed to us , we can never be Justifi'd in the Sight of God. And his Righteousness is never imputed to any , but only those , by whom either , in Deed , or in Will , it is Imitated . I say , not only in Deed , but in Will , because our Gracious GOD , who worketh in us both to Will , and to Do of his Good Pleasure , is sometimes pleas'd , To accept the Will for the Deed : But never so , as thereby to give us any Incouragement to come short of , or to omit the Deed. I say then again , our Blessed LORD can never be a comfortable Example , but only to those , for whom He was a Sacrifice . And He never suffer'd effectually for any as a Sacrifice , but such , as unfeignedly desire , and endeavor , to make Him their Example . This being granted , that it highly concerns every one that calls on the Name of Christ , not only to trust in Him as our Redeemer , but to follow His Steps as our Example . It will next be very well worth our while to examine carefully , where we may find an accurate Copy of that Example : In what Holy ground we are to search , for the Genuine Marks of those Heavenly Steps we are to tread in . For that , the Greek Word in my Text , which is translated Example , may suggest to us a certain Rule of Direction in this whole Matter : The Word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , such a Type , Prescript , and Original Draught , as is left us in Writing , whence we may transcribe it into our Lives . So that you see , St. Peter was not content to leave us a mere uncertain hear-say , changeable , traditionary Doctrine of our Lord's Example ; but such a One , as being at first taken as near the Life as could be , was then written down , once for all finished , and once delivered to the Saints , as indeed every part of it is demonstrably to be shewn in the Holy Word of GOD , which is our fix'd Standard of all Truth and Goodness , and next to Christ and His Spirit , our only Infallible Guide of Faith and Manners . This , says our Apostle , is the Example . He has left us , for you to follow : Consign'd it first into our Trust , and our Recording , who were Eye-witnesses of all , by us to be faithfully transmitted down to you , the Saints of all Ages to come . An Example most Holy , and most Worthy , both of our and your Imitation , in that He did no Sin. So my Text proceeds to make out the Perfection of His Example . But here , alas ! we must stop , when He took on Himself our other Infirmities ; yet , Sin was excepted . He was a spotless Example to us of Holiness : But such as we can never be to one another . 'T were Blasphemy in us to imagine , that we can ever be Exempt from Sin in any Degree of Equality with him : Well were it for us , if we might be so , in some Degree of Resemblance to Him. And let us not Despair , for that we may be , if we shall do what we are here advis'd , and what , through His Grace we may do : If we shall still have him in our View , and Write , and Speak , and Live after the perfect Copy of so great a Master ; and stedfastly follow his Steps , though it be only , as his Friends and Acquaintance followed him to the Cross , afar off . However , if we shall keep his Example unmoveably before our Eyes , and perpetually strive to Walk answerably to it ; then , whatever we shall Do , or Speak , or Think well , though very imperfectly , he will accept ; and , where through Human Weakness , we shall fail , he , out of the inexhaustible Riches of his own Mercy , will supply all the Good that is wanting , and pardon all the Ill that remains . An Example seems to be some visible Image , or sensible Pattern of something extraordinary in its kind ; so exhibited to common Observation , that others may direct their practise by it , and learn to excel in the same kind . And great is the force of Examples : Great on both Sides ; either in leading us to Good , or seducing us to Evil. By common Experience , Examples are found to have far greater Influence on the Minds and Actions of Men , than the most Excellent Precepts singly deliver'd . Examples have a Natural , Living , and vigorous Efficacy , by Secret and Familiar Charms , they are generally wont to insinuate much farther , than the best Commands , or Intreaties , or Incouragements by themselves can reach . Whilst the Wisest Laws can only prescribe and require Obedience , by threatning Punishments , or promising Rewards , good Examples do more softly affect the Passions , and captivate the Imagination , and gently frame the Will to themselves : Convincing Mens Understandings , that the Good ought to be done by the bright lustre attending all Goodness , when brought into Example ; and also proving to our very Eyes and Senses , that it has been done by others , and therefore may be done by us , if it be not our own fault ; and shewing the easiest Method , and most graceful Manner of doing it . Since therefore in all things relating to Practise , Examples have so prevalent an Authority , much more than any other way of Teaching ; let me seriously Recommend to you all , the following this most . Consummate Pattern of our Lord , and the being made like to him , above all other Examples : A Duty so Incumbent on all Christians , that our very first Initiation into his Faith , our Baptism obliges us to it , as the distinguishing Badge and Character of our Holy Profession . And let me assure you , Great , Happy , and Illustrious , would soon be the Benefits of such an imitating Christianity : Such as shall Teach us , in the first place , most studiously to imitate Christ himself ; and next him , his Disciples , Apostles , and first Companions , To be followers of them , according to St. Paul's Rule , concerning himself , as they were of Christ. This would undoubtedly make us Disciples of Christ , according to his own Heart , who has declared himself to be not only the Truth , but the Way , the Truth , and the Life . This would speedily take off our Minds from eager Disputes , and fierce Emulations ; and employ them about plain and unquestionable Truths and Duties . This would quickly abate much of the vehement and tumultuous Spirit of Zeal , but increase the temperate Heat , and useful Fire of it . This would soon allay and sweeten all that Sharpness , Sowerness , and Peevishness of Conscience , which so generally prevails , and change it into a Conscience void of Offence towards God and Man. This would incline Men rather to be innocent , and holy themselves , by constant looking towards Him , who was so , than to find fault curiously , or to object subtily against others : Rather to be industrious in doing well , as He did , than to be critical in blaming what others do amiss . This , in short , is the best way to restore the Primitive Power of the Gospel , by restoring the Primitive Method of its wonderful Rise , Increase and Progress . This , in stead of making all Practise evaporate in Speculation , would more profitably reduce Speculation into Practise . This would bring Religion more into publick View and Notice , and by consequence more into Credit and Fashion . And whereas nothing can be a greater Scandal to any Church , than for the Members of it to be Rigid in their Censures of others , and yet loose in their own Examples ; This would make the Loveliness of our Examples to correspond with , and even to adorn the Beauty of our Churches Doctrines and Precepts . Give me leave to urge this yet farther , with a special regard to You of this Place . For You thus indefatigably to Copy after this Blessed Example of our Lord Christ , were the certain means for You to prove the greatest Blessings to the whole Nation wherein You live ; that is , to become Good , as well as Great Examples to it : You I mean , many of whom GOD has placed in so high a rank of Dignity and Honour in this World , that whither You will or no , whatever You do , Your Practise cannot but be a powerful Example to others . Wherefore , in the Name of GOD , let us all raise up our Thoughts , and make our Imitation Aspire and Ascend towards Him , who is the Author and Finisher of our Faith ; who has Ascended on High , and has led Captivity Captive , and has receiv'd Gifts for Men ; yea , for the Rebellious also ; That the Lord God might not only teach us by his Doctrine , but dwell among us by his Example . To this End , we all have , or may have in our Hands this Blessed Book of the New Testament of his Blood. Here only is to be found , St. Peter's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the uncorrupt Original , and native Comliness of his Holy Life and Death . Hence only let us take it , as from a pure and unmixt Fountain . Let us often revolve in our Minds , and Imprint deeply this unerring Idea of him on our Hearts . Let us incessantly Compare , Measure , Judge of , and Correct all our Thoughts , Words and Actions , according to the Exactness of this Model . As we should always Adore , and Worship all his inimitable Praises and Perfections ; so let us also imitate all his imitable Graces . Let us most imitate those of them , that are most fitted to our peculiar Conditions . So let us imitate them altogether , that our Zeal for some of them may not make us averse from any of the rest . So let us observe his Mortifications , as not to neglect his Charity . Nor let our Love of his Communicative Goodness exclude our Observance of his severer Institutions . Rather let us carefully mingle them all in our practise , as he did in his . As he did , let us harmoniously joyn the good Duties of Society with those of Retirement ; the private Devotions of Solitude with the Distributive Virtues of Conversation . Thus , in every Step of his irreprovable Life and Death , we shall not fail to meet with something excellent , and most proper for us to trace out , and delineate in every Step of ours . When we find him in the Stable , or the Manger , have we not his great Humility ? When in the Throngs , and Assemblies of the City , his Mild , Charitable , and Blameless Behaviour to set before our Eyes ? When among Publicans and Sinners , his gentle Gravity , and winning Authority in reproving Wickedness and Licentiousness : When with the Scribes and Pharisees , his avowed contempt of proud Singularity , and censorious Hypocrisie : When in the Temple , his fervent Zeal : When in his Journeys by Sea or Land , his going about doing good : When alone in the Wilderness , his unaffected Sanctity , and meek Severity : Every where we have his Innocency , his Temperance , his Modesty , his Affability , his Justice , his Mercy and Universal Beneficence . But , as this Day most requires , since we have now seen him in his Agony in the Garden ; in the Judgment-Hall Accus'd and Condemn'd ; and thenceforth brought as a Lamb to the Slaughter , and as a Sheep before her Shearers is dumb , so opening not his Mouth ; so meekly , either bearing the Cross himself , or Crucify'd on it : When he was Reviled , Reviling not again ; When he Suffer'd , Threatning not ; but committing himself to him that judgeth Righteously : And since ( according to the Words immediately foregoing my Text ) This is acceptable to God ; for even hereunto were we call'd : Now particularly let us learn to imitate his Patience , Equanimity , and Long-Suffering ; his forgiving Injuries , and loving Enemies ; His Blessing them that Curs'd him ; His Praying for them who Despitefully used him , and Persecuted him ; and lastly , his entire Obedience to the Will of Heaven , express'd in that most admirable Word of Submission , amidst such ineffable Tortures , Not as I will , but as Thou wilt . And if we shall thus follow his Gracious Steps to Mount Calvery , we shall also shortly follow him to Mount Olivet : If we shall thus be Partakers of his Death , by dying to Sin , we shall also be Partakers of his Resurrection , by living to Righteousness here , to Glory hereafter ; Which I beseech Almighty GOD to Grant us all . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61181-e110 Philip. 2. 8. 1 Cor. 1. 18. Rom. 6. 5. St. John 19. 30. St. Matt. 16. 20. St. Luk. 9. 10. 1 St. Pet. 3. 18. Chap. 2. vers . 22. Rev. 1. 8. Hebr. 1. Vers. 3. Psalm 85. 10. 1 Tim. 3. 16. 2 Tim. 1. 10. St. John 1. 41. Colos. 2. 17. Hebr. 10. 1. Gen. 49. 10. Vers. 10. Philip. 2. 6 , 7. Acts 10. 34. Gal. 2. 6. Isai. 53. 3. Vers. 4. Hebr. 12. 3. St. Matt. 27. 46. Isai. 53. 6. 1 St. Pet. 2. 24. Rom. 7. 24. Rom. 6. 23. 1 Cor. 15. 56. 1 Tim. 2. 5. St. Luk. 10. 33. Hos. 14. 4. Psal. 22. 6. Psal. 39. 2 Cor. 7. 11. Hab. 1. 13. Phil. 2. 12. Heb. 10. 29. 13. 20. Heb. 9. 28. Phil. 2. 13. St. Jude v. 3. Luk. 23. 49. St. John 146. Heb. 12. 2. Psal. 68. 18. Isaiah 53. 7. 1 St. Pet. 2. 23. Vers. 20 , 21. Vers. 24. 
A61161	----	Observations on Monsieur de Sorbier's Voyage into England written to Dr. Wren, professor of astronomy in Oxford / by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1665 Approx. 162 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 152 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61161 Wing S5035 ESTC R348 11942143 ocm 11942143 51287 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61161) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51287) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 42:4) Observations on Monsieur de Sorbier's Voyage into England written to Dr. Wren, professor of astronomy in Oxford / by Thomas Sprat ... Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Wren, Christopher, Sir, 1632-1723. [2], 298 p. Printed for John Martyn, and James Allestry ..., London : 1665. First ed. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in University of Chicago Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sorbière, Samuel, 1615-1670. -- Relation d'un voyage en Angleterre. Great Britain -- Description and travel. Great Britain -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OBSERVATIONS ON Monsieur de Sorbier's VOYAGE INTO ENGLAND . Written to Dr. WREN , Professor of Astronomy in Oxford . BY THOMAS SPRAT , ●ellow of the Royal Society . LONDON , ●rinted for Iohn Martyn , and Iames Allestry , Printers to the Royal Society . 1665. A LETTER Containing some Observations On MONSIEVR de SORBIERE'S Voyage into ENGLAND . Written to Doctor WREN , Professor of ASTRONOMY in OXFORD . By Tho. SPRAT . Sed poterat tutior esse Domi. SIR , I Here send You the Account , which Monsieur de Sorbiere has gi●en of his Voyage into Enggland . And though it be an insolent Libel on our Nation , yet I doubt not , but you will peruse it with delight . For when you have beheld how many errors , and falshoods , he has committed in this small Relation ; you cannot but be well pleas'd to find , that whoever undertakes to defame your Country , he must at the same time , forfeit his Wit , and his Understanding , as well as his good Manners . The King of France ha● already given him an effe●ctual Answer . And it became the justice of so great a Monarch , while he was defending the Interest of the Christian Faith with his arms , to punish a pragmatical Reviler of one of the most powerful Kingdoms in Christendome : and while he was exacting satisfaction from the Pope himself , for an affront offer'd to his Embassador , to take care that none of his own Subjects should presume to injure the reputation of his neighbors , and neerest Allies . This just Reply which has been publiquely made to this rude Satyr , was the cause that it has not bin hitherto confuted by an English Gentleman of your acquaintance , who had undertaken it , whose Wit wee might have oppos'd against him , if he had still flourish't at Paris , with the Title of Historiographer Royal , though all his mighty boasts of his own abilities had been true . But however , though he is now below our excellent Friends consideration ; yet I think my self ingag'd to see him corrected . For having now under my hands the History of the Royal Society , it will be in vain for mee to try to represent its design to be advantageous to the glory of England , if my Countrymen shall know that one who calls himself a member of that Assembly , has escap'd unanswer'd in the publique disgraces , which he has cast on our whole Nation . I will therefore Sir , briefly take him into a calm examination . And that you may understand how I intend to proceed with him , I do here in the beginning profess , that I will not vindicate the honor of the English , by making reflexions on the French. I will not indeavour to repair our own fame on the ruines of others . I will have no contention but with himself . I will only put together , and compare , the mistakes , the incoherences , the vanities of his Book . And ( to confess a secret to you , Sir , ) I am resolv'd to take this course in answering him ; not only because I abhor the sordid way of Wit , of abusing whole Nations : but also because I am not much inamor'd of the glory of his punishment . For I cannot think that it is worth a mans while , that can live quietly here at London , to have the honour of making three or four ill-natur'd jests , on a whole Kingdom , with the hazard of being justly bani●ht into Flint or Denbigh for ones labour . I must confess Sir , I came at first to read him with some expectations . I had before seen what he had written in praise of those two great Men , the Ornaments of France , Gassendus , and De Marcu the Arch-Bishop of Paris . And I had some good hope , that the familiarity , which he pretended to have had with them , had taught him some of their good Qualities : that from the first he had taken that candour , and modesty , which the world admires in his writings : and from the other he had learn'd with what respect he ought to treat the fame of whole Nations , Churches , and Soveraign Princes , by that admirable defence , which he has made of the Gallican priviledges . Besides this , Sir , I took his Book into my hands with the grea●er good-will , because I had some knowledg of his person : I had seen him at the Royal Society : I had been a witness with what civility he had been there entertain'd : I had been inform'd what kindness he had receiv'd at Oxford : I had heard what favour the King had shewn him , by admitting him to private discourses with him in his Cabinet . And from all this I was incouraged to beleive , that he had given an honourable , or at least a just description of England . But I quickly perceiv'd how much I was disappointed : I presently saw what difference there is between scribling fine Harangues on vertuous Men , and real vertue it self . I strait found that instead of the good intentions , which he says , he never wants , the greatest part of his Treatise consists of ill-grounded reproches : that he has ventur'd on many things , whereof it was impossible he should receive an account : that where he might be suppos'd to have some tolerable knowledge , his malice has perverted his understanding : and that through the whole course of his Observations , he has by his own example made good that character , which he often in this Book bestows on humane Nature in general , that mankind is most pleas'd with trifles , and that we are all credulous and Lyars . In his Epistle Dedicatory , he assures the most Christian King , that the principal motive of his journey , was a desire to advance his Majesties glory . The Design was commendable , and worthy an Historiographer Royal. But what course did he take to increase his renown ? he says , that he travell●d abroad , on purpose to spread throughout the world , the fame of his Majesties munificence to himself . I beseech you , Sir , how long will your English modesty overwhelm you ? how much reason have You real Philosophers , and Mathematicians , to have high thoughts of your selves , if it shall be allow'd to a man , who has onely got some name by creeping into your companies , to beleive himself so considerable , that his Masters liberality to him ought to make to all mankind admire his Magnificence ? The Christian world has better signs of the greatness of the King of France's mind : his armies , and money have been honorably imploy'd against Algiers and Constantinople . Amidst all these glorious expences , what a mighty sound does it make , that the famous Monsieur de Sorbiere did receive a small stipend out of his Treasury ? But that you may the better understand , who this great man is , that can either exalt , or diminish the honor of Princes with a word of his mouth : I intreat you to hear his own description of himself . I will onely repeat in his own words , the praises , which in the compass of a few leaves , he has given his own merits : by which you may ghess how uniustly he has misplac't , the titles of proud , and arrogant , when he bestow'd them on one of the best Natured , and bashfullest Nations in the world . He brags , that he has spent all his life , in advancing the reputation , and sustaini●g the interests of the Sciences ; that he has always push't on , and incourag'd the great Masters of Knowledge to labour : that he has made a noyse wherever he came : that he has got a discretion how to judge of good things : that he has mingled himself in the intrigues of the Muses ; that he has been so happy , as to be heard by them , and to get some credit amongst them : that he holds a constant commerce with the chief heads of Parnassus : that he has either been acquainted with all the learned men of the Age , or has had certain information concerning them : that his King did not favour him , without understanding him ●ell . Now Sir , would not any man that reads this conclude , that Monsieur de Sorbiere is his own Historian , more then the King of France's . Is this conformable to his own Rule , which he sayes he prescribes to himself , not to make Elogies on any man ? Before he had da●'d to have said so much of himself , ought he not to have exceeded Iulius Scaliger in his Learning , and his nobility , as well as he has done in his spite to our Country ? whereas the plain , and the true story of Monsieur de Sorbier's life , is only this , he was borne at Orange , and for a long time profess'd the Protestant Religion , all or the greatest part of his Writings have been only some fe●● Letters , a small Panegyric● or two , a translation of Mr● Hobbes's de Cive , into French this Description of England and another of Holland . Hi● first imployment was to teach a younger Son of the Count de la Suze , then he was made Usher to a Schole in his Native City . Both these places he lost upon suspicion of some heterodox opinions in the fundamentals of Christianity . In this discontent he came to Paris , renounc't his Religion , and turn'd Papist . And at last , by many insinuations and flatteries , he obtained to have the profits of a small Canonship of Avignon settled upon him . This Sir , is all the Bruit that Monsieur de Sorbiere has made in the world . And this Confident of the Muses , this Darling of Parnassus , this Favorite of Cardinals , this Comp●nion of Governors of Provinces , this Censurer of Nations , this Judge of Kings , though he strove to advan●e himself by 〈◊〉 Religions , in the one did never rise to a higher office then of a Pe●d●nt , in the other never go● a greater preferment , then ● pitiful Sin● Cure of two hundred crowns a ●ear . And yet you have no reason to think that he has been wanting to himself all this while , seeing in this very Epistle you find him in plain terms beseeching his Majesty , that he would employ him . 'T is a modest request . But what other place is that which he can desire ? he sayes that he has already been glorifi'd with the title of Trumpeter . After this , whither would his Ambition lead him ? In this Warfa● of Letters ( give me leave to prosecut● his own Metaphor ) the name of Trumpeter best become● him . For ( according to his Brother Trumpeter's defence of himself in the Fable ) it is never requir'd of ●uch officers , that they should ingage in the fight , or do any Real Service , but they are onely us'd for a shew , and to make a noyse . As for his other Qualification of Historiographer Royal , I will shew you in one instance how he deservs it . He tells his King● that he has reported in every Country where he came , the prodigious benefits , that heaven ha● heap'd upon him : that to the Statesmen he has proclaym'd his Industry in business , and the strength of his Iudgement : to the Souldiers , his Valour : to the Friends of the Church of Rome , his Piety : to the Grandees , the Pomp of his Court : and to the Fair Sex , his good Meen . These , Sir , are all Brave words , and he had a glorious subject , whereon to amplifie . But let us consider the authority of his testimony . For Monsieur de Sorbiere , the Kings Historiographer , when he might have had so much better intelligence● when he might have alleg'd the witness of all the brave men in France ; does yet openly declare , that he receiv'd the image of his own Prince's vertues , from the Report of Madam Fiennes , a Lady whom he met with accidentally at Calais . Upon the very entrance into his journey , as soon as he sets forth from Paris , he gives evident proofs of the lightness , and vanity , of his mind . From what he had said before in his own commendation . I began to fancy in my thoughts , a grave Philosopher , going forth with the intent to survey all civil States , that he might bring back their profitable Arts , and inrich his Native Country with them . I call'd to mind the Examples of Pythagoras , Solon , Thales , Plato , and almost all the first wise men amongst the Grecians● who were wont to make long voyages into Egypt , and the East , for such honourable purposes . And upon this thought I was inclin'd to forgive him all his former Boastings , and to look on them onely as pardonable imperfections , which sometimes accompany great Wits . And hence , Sir , you may think how much I was surpris'd , when I saw that the first fruits of his travels were ●n account of the pleasant company , that he had on the way , of certain Polacks , that spoke Latine , that could play on the Violin , and that gave him a daunce twice a day . But hold Sir , I will not give him this occasion , to confirm the sentence , which he has past upon us , that the English are of a gloomy , extravagant , fanatick , melancholy humour . I am content to allow him these divertisements . It was fit that he , who went forth to civilize barbarous Nations , should be attended as they were of old , with harmony . Yet you cannot but be delighted , when you observe the choice that he made : that he who undertook to censure , and refine manners , and to promote inventions , he who talks of nothing less then intrigues with the Muses , should find nothing worth mentioning in his journy from Paris to Calais , but the Musick , and the dauncing of Poland . Seeing his skill is so good in one of the Arts● seeing he was so well satisfi'd in France it self , with a Fiddle of Cracaw , or Warshaw . I wonder he would come into England , to ●earch for Philosophy , and had not rather gone to the famous Vniversity of Mosco . And yet , Sir , to speak the Truth , I can easily pardon Monsieur de S●rbier's affection to a Polish Iyg. This is not the worst thing , in which he h●s e●pres'● his inclination to that Country● He was turn'd out of his Schole a● Orange , for being a Socinian . And therefore we may well allow him to be an Here●ick in their M●sick , seeing he was ●o i● their Divinity . In this Jolly posture he arrives at Calais . In the same I●●e lay Madam ●ien●es . She was invited the next day to dinnner by Mounsie●● de Courtebonne . Monsieur de Sorbiere waits upon her thither . The entertainment pleas'd him . For this he commends his Host , for one of the most accomplish't , and obliging Gentlemen in France . And he professes , he thought himself bound in Conscience to make him this publique acknowledgment . What is to be blam'd in all this ? what could be more courtly ? what a greater sign of a scrupulous , and tender Conscience , then to beleive himself so much ingag'd to be grateful for a good Potage ? what greater recompence could a Royal Trumpeter make to Mounsieur de Courtebonne , then thus to sound up his meat ? hitherto all is well . But now , Sir , I pray recollect , whether he deals so fairly , and religiously , with your fellow Professor , Doctour Wallis ? to whom , for all his good cheer , for a hearty welcome , for shewing him the Vniversity of Oxford , for imparting to him many curiosities , which he himself confesses were admirable , he has return'd no other thanks then only a ridiculous des●ription of his Cap. At his landing at Dover , he was saluted with ill language by the Boys . Methinks the handsome entertainment that he met with there at his return , might have mov'd him to conceal this ill usage . Though the matter it self , at the worst , was not worth speaking of● for he might have consider'd , that it is an ordinary thing for Boyes , not to have any great kindness for Schole-Masters : yet hence he takes occasion to inveigh against the rudeness of the whole English Nation . I have already , Sir , ingag'd my self , to forbear comparisons : or else , I might perhaps very justly , contradict what he says , that the English are always welcom'd at Deip , and Calais , with so much obliging care . We are indeed with care enough . For the inhabitants of those places ●eiz on every part of us , some catch our Cloaks , some our Hats , some our Cloak-bags : and when we are by piece-meals brought to Shore , our officious frinds demand their own rates for having thus oblig'd us : so that sometimes we can scarce know , whether we should call it a Landing , or a Wreck . This , Sir , is more then a verbal Incivility . Yet I make no Conclusion from hence against the whole French Nation , but only against the Porters , and Mariners , of Deip , and Calais . And the same Right ought Monsieur de Sorbiere to have done us . He should not have presently exclaim'd against the whole Kingdom , for that which is only to be attributed to the ill Discipline of Dover-Schole . This , Sir , may serve to give you some light , what kind of Judg we are like to find him in matters of greater weight : and when you read , that he alledges no other sign of the English Courage , then that their Butchers are delighted with the noble Combats of Bulls , Bears , and Dogs : I hope you will remember , that it is the same Man , who is here wise enough to pass a General Rule , concerning the English ill manners , from the Rude behaviour of the Children of one of our Sea-Towns . Yet , to do him right , in this particular , he does not cast all the blame on the English : but he involves the Dutch , and the Italians , in the same common Crime . He here complains , that as we call the Frenchmen Dogs , so the Dutch upbrayd them with the approbrious name of Mushromes , and the Italians with the worse term of Fools . For my part , I think all this by no means to be justifi'd , if the accusation be true . But however , how does this consist , with that Flatt'ry which he uses to his KING , that whereever he came , he found the whole world ready to submit to the French Empire ? What says he now ? Is it probable , that all Nations are willing to make France the Seat of a Vniversal Monarchy , when at the ●ame time , he assures us , from his own experience , that the usual Titles , which their Neighbours bestow upon them , are those of Dogs , Fools , and Mushromes ? The next part of his Iourny is from Dover to London . His errour about the distance between these two places I forgive : though in threescore miles he mistakes ten . All the evil touches which he here gives , concerning the Disposition of the English , I reserve for their proper place . But I must take notice how particularly the Historiographer Royal describes the Waggoner of Canterbury . The Horses were ty'd one before another : The Driver cloth'd in Black : a brave Mountaero on his Head : a jocund fellow ; mighty well satisfy'd with himself : a great Droll : in all things appointed like another Saint George . What think you now Sir ? may we not after this beleive that Tom Coriat is one of the cheif Heads of Parnassus , with whom he has converst ? Where lyes the Difference between these two Learned Authors ? That famous countryman of ours was just so curious in his Relations : neither Horse nor Man could escape his Pen : on his host's Beard , and his Sign-Post he still declaymd : Here are only wanting the Frenchman's Bills of Fare every night , and you might have sworn , that Monsieur de Sorbiere had inherited the great , and inquisitive spirit of the Noble Traveller of Odcomb . I will not here much insist on the Irreverence of this zealous Roman Catholique , as we shall afterwards find him to be : though methinks it was not well done of him , to object to the English their calling Saint Paul , by the familiar Name of Paul ; when he himself has compar●d one of our chief Saints to a Waggoner . Nor am I much concern'd , to see him so punctual in describing the Waggoner of Canterbury to his Shirt , and yet not to make any mention of Thomas Becket , and Austin the Monck , the renowned Saints of that place . But yet I will here tell him , that though he was so careless of his Religion , he might have conceal'd this Character of the Waggoner upon another account : For he will hardly be able to perswade his Reader , that the best way to spread the report of the magnificence of his Patron , was to ride to London in a Waggon . But to give you farther evidence of the solidity of his humour . In all the Rode between London to Dover , he forgets not to enlarge upon every thing that he saw , except only that which is one of the bravest spectacles in the World. He is very exact in surveying the Bay-Windows of Canterbury . He fully describes the Bowling-Greens , and the very Rowlers , that make them smooth : he speaks so Romantically of the Vallies , the Hills , and the Hedges of Kent , that the Authors of Clelia , or Astrea , scarce ever venture to say so much on the like occasion : he commends the convenient Form of Rochester Bridge : which he says , is so contriv'd , that mens Hats cannot be blown over . Who can deny , but in all this he is a very circumstantial , and Faithful Relator ? But I pray , Sir , mark , that he spends very many more lines in speaking of each of these Toyes , then of the most magnificent Arsenal at Chattam , which lyes just below that Bridge . Of this he onely in passing says , that here our Ships of War are built , and here they are laid up , when they return . And has he not here unawares betraid the Levity of his own mind ? where then was his Philosophical Curiosity ? where his discretion to know good things ? where his Love for Great , and Wonderful Arts , ? what was a fitter Prospect to have stop'd at ? where could the antient , or present World have shewn a nobler Sight ? For there , in one view , he might have seen the Ships , that command the Ocean : that make this small people that he despises , terrible to the ends of the Earth . We confess we yield to the French in the Beauty of their Cities , and Palaces : But in our floting Castles we outgo them as much . He is in the right , that about Paris , there is a far greater number of good Buildings : But the Suburbs which London has on the Thames , and Medway , make a sufficient recompence for this defect ; as long as we exceed all the World , in the Fabricks of Strength , and Empire , we may easily allow him to object to us our want of those of Pleasure . And without question , the Sovereign , the Charles , the Prince , the Iames , the Henry , the London , the Resolution , and above an hundred more , the best in the World , might have been thought worthy naming by him , that almost reckons up the Windows , and the Cellars in Canterbury , and expresses himself so well satisfy'd to see , that there was care taken , that a plume of Feathers should not be disorder'd upon Rochester Bridge . In his Description of London , he affirms that it is bigger then Paris ; and that it is a vulgar errour of his Countrymen to think otherwise . And to manifest how vast he beleives its extent to be , he professes , that he would not undertake to frame an exact Idea of it in his mind , under a whole years time . This , Sir , methinks , might have admonish'd him , that if he was not able to take a full draught of one City in less then twelve Months , he has been very presumptuous , ( let me return upon him his own word ) to conceive that he could give a Character of the Genius , and Vices of our Nation , of the Constitution , and Corruptions of our Church , of the Weaknesses of our Government , of the Pedantry of our Learning , and of the Barbarousness of our Language , in three Months time . This consideration ought certainly to have stop'd his Pen a little , especially seeing the Streets , and the Alleys of London stand still , and represent themselvs always in the same fashion to our eys , and it is enough to know them perfectly only to travel them often through : whereas it is so intricate a work , to take a right Prospect of the Manners of Men , the Humours of Nations , and the Secrets of Princes Counsails , that it is perhaps the most difficult employment of human Wit. 'T is true indeed , he indeavors to fetch a justification of his Insolence , from the English themselves : But the Apology , which he makes , rather aggravates his offence . He says , , he is confident , that if he writ in our own language , he should not displease us . And he gives this reason for it , that the English have ofte● caus'd their Character to b● publish'd : and that they hav● this peculiar good Quality , that they love to have themselves handled plainly , and ill-spoken of . This he professes to mention in our praise . And if this be his Courtesie , I now find , that the Passengers with him in the Waggon had reason , when ( as he complains ) they interpreted his very Civilities for affronts . But hold , Sir , what is this that he here says ? has the English Nation ever caus'd its Character to be Printed ? he speaks of it , as if it had been a thing done by Act of Parliament , and by the Authority of the whole State. 'T is true , Sir , there was ( as you may perhaps remember ) a small Pamphlet , that came out with the Title of the Character of England , about six years ago . But that was pretended to be a Translation out of French. Or let us suppose that it was an Englishman that writ it under that disguise : yet has Monsieur de Sorbiere from thence any ground to say , that the whole English Nation has often printed its own Character ? I will give him one instance to shew how absurdly he did thus conclude , from one particular man , to a whole Country . Monsieur de Sorbiere , in his Book of Letters , has inserted ( as he calls it ) a Sceptical Discourse concerning the City of Paris : wherein he uses the Metropolis of all France , almost as injuriously , as he does the English in this Relation ; with language as foul , as the Dirt of Paris it self . Now then , because Monsieur de Sorbiere , a private inhabitant of Paris , has presum'd to slander it , in that manner ; does it become me to affirm that the whole City of Paris has written a scandalous Libel on it self ? But perhaps by this Instance which I have here mention'd , Monsieur de Sorbiere will raise an Argument , that shall be very much to his own advantage . For now he will be ready to say , that the English have no great reason to take his Affronts unkindly , seeing he has been already so free of his Corrections , and Reproofs , as not to spare his own Countrymen themselves . I accept of his Apology . 'T is Pietatis plena Defensio : 'T is an excellent good Natur'd Defence , for his rayling against Strangers , that he has done the same before , against his own Fellow-Citizens . But to return to the English-Book , which he proposes as his Pattern . Seeing we have but one Libel in our Language , against a whole Country in general , let us permit the Historiographer Royal , to imitate it . Yet I cannot imagine how he came to uuderstand that Book alone , when he professes that he was utterly ignorant of the English-Tongue in all things else . It seems that reviling , and Satyr is so natural to his mind , that he is able to conceive the sence of it , though the Language in which it is written , be never so much unknown to him . However , if he compare the times of their publication , we shall find that there is a great distinction between the crimes of the English , and the French Satyrist . The first of these was publish'd during the Tyranny of the late Usurpers : and though it was very severe on the English in many passages , yet the greatest part was spoken with a good intention , in reproof of the miserable distractions of that Age , and the many ill-Customs which a long Civil-War had introduc'd . I beg of you now , Sir , to consider , by what an Example he clears himself . Because there was one Satyr written on our Nation , in a time of Licentiousness , and Confusion : he will second it now with a Worse , when we are setled in Peace , and Prosperity . Seeing he thinks this Plea sufficient , for what he says against the Manners of the English , that an English-man did the same under Oliver , or Richard : I would have him also defend himself in all his Slanders on our Court , and the King's Ministers , with an argument that will resemble the other . For why may he not assert , that it is lawful for him now to use such Liberty ; because Milton was allow'd by the Rump , to write a Villanous Book against the late King of Blessed Memory ? This weak excuse therefore , Sir , that he makes for his Barbarous way of handling Us , shall not serve his turn . He is so far from having receiv'd incouragement from the English : that I can shew him several Volumes of the Voyages of some of our Countrymen , into Russia , Persia , Egypt , the Turkish-Empire , the East-Indies , and America , which have given a more advantageous account of those Infidels , and Barbarians , then he has done of one of the most polite Countries in Europe . The English have describ'd , and illustrated , all parts of the Earth by their Writings : many they have discover'd ; they have visited all . And I dare assure him , that they have been always most tender of the Reputation of forein States , which they have gone to visit , as they have been most merciful in sparing the Natives blood , in those Countries which they discover'd . Let us now behold how Monsieur de Sorbiere has conform'd himself to this generous English Spirit . I will give you in a short view some of the good terms that he has bestow'd on our Nation in General . He says , That we have skimm'd all the vices , and disdain'd the virtues of other Countries : that we contemn all the rest of the World : that we esteem all mankind besides miserable : that we scorn to look on them , or to speak to them , when they travel hither : that we frequently menace , and insult over our neighbours : that it is very hard to know , how to get our good will : that we have a strong union amongst our selves against strangers : that we regard the prosperity of others with an evil eye : that we have a natural inclination to idleness , to presumption , to a certain extravagance of thoughts , which is to be found in our most excellent writings : that almost all the English are guilty of these faults , because they proceed from our Soyl : that our humour is too free , and arrogant : that we are voracious , and luxurious : that we submit to any , that will fill our Bellies , let us rayl , and will not disturb our slothfulness : that we are scoffers , and malicious speakers : that we are very irregular , and suspicious : that we are filld with dark thoughts : that we are fierce , and capricious : that we have a melancholy peculiar to us : that if we once get necessaries to support life , our idleness makes us careless of any more : that there are every where Doe-littles , proud , and Fanatick Persons to be met with : that there is nothing so crouching as an English man , if once you can find the means to make him afraid : that if you take away their Insolence , you take away their courage , and that they make but one leap , from the greatest ●uffe of pride into the basest cowardize . He has wearied me , Sir , and I can follow him no further , in heaping up such ignominious Trash . He acknowledges , that England is better known then any other part of the World , by the Britannia of the most Learned Mr. Cambden . And it is happy for us that it is so . For , if Foreiners should have nothing else to direct them cencerning us , but this fair Idea which he has here given ; I suppose they would travel hither with the same caution , as we do into Greenland , to fish for Whales : they would only touch upon our shores , and stand upon their guard at every noyse , least the wilde Bears should surprize them unawares . I intreat you to recall into your mind the description , which Caesar makes of the salvage manners of this Island , at the time that he conquered Gaul and Britain together , you will find that Monsieur de Sorbiere is less milde in his expressions on us now , then that great Conqueror was on the untaught and original Inhabitants , that liv'd in Forrests , and painted their Bodies , to make them appeare more dreadfull . Whatever reflections had been made on our Imperfections , we might perhaps have patiently receiv'd them from the hands of the Master of Rome , that had civiliz'd us ; and it may be too from one of his Trumpeters , so he had been a Roman : But we cannot from a Schole-Master of Orange , from a Trumpeter of Little Britain , from a man that came hither to pick up Presents of Gloves , and Ribbands , and ( as he himself confesses ) to collect some certain debts , that were here owing to his Friends . When I first , Sir , beheld all this good language which he has given us , I did presently cast about and examine what might be the cause of his Rage . And at last I had from one of his acquaintance intimation enough to ghess , why he was pleased to be thus incens'd . When he return'd from his second visit to the King , this Gentleman ask'd him , How his Majesty had receiv'd him ? he reply'd , Kindly enough : but , he expected , he would have presented him with some Medall . This , Sir , was the Provocation , And this was the occasion , that made him lay about him so terribly . What Indignation can be great enough against such baseness ? Are these Writers of Letters , and Flatteries , and Romances , such dangerous men ? Must the King of England deal with them , as some petty Bord●ring Princes are forc'd to do with th● Turk ? Must he buy them off , and pay tribute to them , lest they should invade his Territories at their pleasure ? Monsieur de Sorbiere , Sir , is a man of ripe Age , he pretends to have been familiar with Embassadors , Generalls , and Nuntio's : he lays claim to the title of Philosopher , and to the most generous Sect of Philosophy , he tells us he is a Sceptick . But did he ever yet hear of an Example of a Philosopher , that preferr'd a petty gift , before the sweetness , and the obligation of so Great and so Magnanimous a Prince's conversation ? It has indeed been told us , that some Philosophers of old have transgress'd on the contrary , and have refused the Bounty of Monarchs , that they might preserve the liberty of their minds : But in all History there can be no such instance shewn , that a man should forfeit his Truth , and Honesty , for the want of a Medall , unless it be of him , that first renounc'd his Conscience , and chang'd his Religion , to obtain a Pension . In answer to these calumnies with which he has aspersed us , I will onely in plain and simple terms , say as much as may confute his reproaches : But I will not set upon a long , and a solemn Panegyrick of our Nation : For it is not my business here to paint , but only to wash . The first Slander , of which I shall take notice , he pretends to be a Proverbial-Speech ; that we have despis'd all the good , and skimm'd all the bad , of other people . As for the first part of it , whether we have scorn'd all the good qualities of others , I am content to have try'd by his own words . He graunts , that in very many things , we imitate the magnanimous Spirit of the Antient Romans . And if we have been so careful to learn Vertue , from an Empire that was long ago at an end : how could he imagine , that we contemn all that is commendable in the Living ? I thank him that he has resembl'd us to the greatest men of all Antiquity : But in the Instance which he alledges , he does well express what Sence he has of greatness of Mind , and honorable Actions : For , He reckons the Fights of their Gladiators to be one Chief Sign of their Virtue : Which was a cruelty , that all the Civil World do blame them for besides . I will confess Mons●eur de Sorbiere to be a better Master of Defence then any that he saw at the Red-Bull , if after this he can prove to Me , that he is a fit Man to distinguish , what is Insolence , and what is Courage , in the English ; Seeing he counts it to have been a great piece of Bravery in the Romans , that they were delighted in beholding their Slaves , and their Captives , murder one another . And whereas he says , that we are infected with Outlandish-Vices ; I cannot forbear telling him , that if this should be graunted partly true , that we are in some measure degenerated from the Native Vertue , and Innocence of our Ancestors , in Edward the Third , and Henry the Fifth's time ; yet it is easie to tell , from what Coast the Infection was transported hither ; and we may say with Horace in a like case , though in respect of worse Arts then he intended ; Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit , & Artes Intulit Agresti Latio . He next objects to us , That we have a strong union amongst our selves against Strangers , and that it is almost impossible to get our good will. This , Sir , is so far from being true , that ( you know ) it may well be computed , that we have more Foreiners in Norwich , Canterbury , and London , who are permitted to Trade , and to injoy the Privilege of Natives , then there are constantly residing in any Twenty Cities of Italy , Spain , or France . He upbraids us with frequent menacing , and insulting over our Neighbours . This he speaks with particular respect to the Hollanders Trade . But who made him Judge of the rights of Peace , and War ? He acknowleg'd before , that all other affairs , except only those of the Sciences , and Learned men , lie out of his way . Why does he then thrust in to be Arbitrator of the differences between the Dutch , and Vs ? to call those Menaces and Affronts , which an Assembly that represents a mighty Nation , has already styl'd demands of just satisfaction ? and which the great Soveraign of the Seas will shortly make appear to be a a Vindication of the Law of Nations ? But if Monsieur de Sorbiere beleives , that our present contentions with the Low-Countrymen , are only rude Affronts , and not just Grievances ; I am certain he was once of another mind , when he writ his Letter to Monsieur de Courcelles in the year 1652. Wherein he extols the Rumps Victories over them , and presages a glorious Empire to those Tyrants , from their absolute subduing them . He says , that we will not vouchsafe to speak to those that travel hither , and yet he calls us presumptuous , Raileurs , Arrogant , and Evil-Speakers . But to this it shall suffice me to reply , that seeing the same man condemns our Silence , and our Speech , it is a good Argument , that we are moderate , and unblamable in Both. He declares , that We regard the Prosperity of others with Iealousie : whereas , there is not one of our Neighbors , to whom our Assistance could reach , but we have ayded in their Calamities . The Vnited Provinces , notwithstanding their present apprehensions of us , will still confess that their Common-Wealth was founded upon English Valour . The Great Henry of France was establish'd in his Throne by Queen Elizabeth's succours . And while I am writing this , the Portuguez behold one of the surest Ramparts of their Liberty , to be the Breasts of English Souldiers . He proceeds to affirm , that we will serve any man , that will feed us , suffer us to rail , and be idle . But to give him a full Testimony , how careful the English are of their own Liberty , it is enough to say , that they indeavor , more then most other Nations , to preserve inviolable the freedom of mankind in general ; For they never make Slaves of their Prisoners of War in any part of Europe , which perhaps few other Nations have forborn . And that the world has a better opinion of us , he may be convinc'd by this , that the Natives of all Trading-Countries , have still maintain'd a peculiar respect for the English integrity ; and that whereever the Bounds of our Empire have reach'd in antient Times , there still remains on the minds of the people , a Remembrance of the easiness of the English Government . If all this will not satisfie him , that the English are not of a more Servile Disposition then other Countries ; I will put him upon an Employment , which may well become his Abilities : Let him make a computation of the Footmen , Grooms of Chambers , and Cooks in Europe , and then let him tell me , whether he finds those of the English Nation to be the most Numerous . He asserts , that the English are suspicious , dark , irregular , caprichious , and that they haue a Melancholly peculiar to themselves . In this , methinks his small Philosophy should have instructed him better , that such dismal qualities are not the necessary Companions of the Complexion of Angels , which he allows them . But he that went dauncing from Paris to Calais , and at Calais , as soon as he alighted out of the Chasse Marin , could not abstain from going to a Puppet-Play ( for that I suppose he means , when he says , he saw a Comedy there ) is not a fit man to Censure what is the difference , between what is Fantastical , and good Humour , between the Serious , and the Sullen . However he has made some Recompence to us for this disgrace . He has describ'd the Vigorous , and the Sprightly Humour of the French , in such a manner , as makes it no very desirable Accomplishment . For he tells us , that whereever they come , they make such a Noyse , as to draw all the Children , and the Dogs in the Town after them . And I suppose , it is such a kind of Bruit as this , tha● Monsieur de Sorbiere says , he has made in all places , where he arrived . He often says , that we are all Idle , Sluggish , and Doe-littles . Upon this he insists so frequently , that I conceive his French Readers , that never saw England , will be apt to believe that he found it such a Country as Lubberland : that he caught all the Inhabitants stretch'd out on their Backs , and sleeping under Trees . But whence could he gather this conception of our stupidity ? The places that he visited , were onely those on the Road to Oxford , and London , and some few other Noblemens houses besides . I hope he did not conclude our Nation to be so lazy , from the quiet of the streets , and the retirement of the Colleges in the Vniversity : yet when I remember what judgement he made on our Rudeness at Dover , and from whence he took his conjecture , I am likewise inclin'd to think that he has discretion enough to determine upon the English sluggishness , from the private way of living of our Scholars . It must be so , For every where else he beheld many marks of diligence . In his Journey to London , he confesses , It was admirable to see , what an infinite number of Seamen , and Shipwrights , were at work on the Banks of the Thames . In London it self he reports , that there are more Shops , and better beautified , then in any Citty in the World. He found every where in England , men busie about Natural Experiments , from whose labours he is confident , mankind may expect prodigious Inventions . And are all these the signs of an overgrown slothfulness ? But besides these , Sir , he never saw any of the cheif Seats of the English Industry , he beheld not the Cole-pits of New Castle , the Clothworks of the West , and the North , the Lead Mines of Derby , the Orchards of Hereford , the Plough-lands of Devon , the New Rivers of the Fenns , the Tinn Mines of Cornwall . These , and many more , he should have view'd : he should thence have passed into our Western Colonies : he should have considered the Sugar works of the Barbadoes , the Tobacco Plantations of Virginia , the Silk Trade that is begun there , and the Vast Mole , which goes on at Tangier , that pittifull place ( as he terms it : ) after all these surveys he might have been a fitter Judge of the English labours . This exactness of Information might have been expected from an Historiographer Royal. But he has been as carefull in this , as in most of the rest of his Intelligence . For as soon as ever he sets his foot on the English shore , he strait positively condemns all the whole Nation of laziness , from the first Posthorse that he saw gallop . His last disgrace is the English cowardize . And the occasion from whence he takes this Observation is very remarkable , He saw an Oxford Scholar affronted by a Frenchman that had been seven years the Protectors soldier : And thence He passes sentence on the baseness of our Nation . What , Sir , will the Dutch and the Spaniards think of this ? The one , when they remember the Battels of Portland , and the North forland ; and the other , when they call to mind Tenariff , and the sandy hills of Dunkirk ? Will they not take it very ill at his hands , that he should reckon all those for Cowards , whom Cromwells Soldiers had defeated ? But if our late civil Warrs have not given an unconfutable evidence of the English valour : if the magnanimous Deaths of so many Martyrs for the Royall Cause do not prove it : If Eighty Eight : if the Immortal Sir Richard Greenvill , if our Conquests of Ireland , and Scotland be forgotten : if the joynt Testimony of almost all the Historical Writers for these last six hundred years be of no account : yet ( to say no more ) I could never have believ'd that any French Historiographer would have given it under his hand , that the English are Cowards . And now , Sir , having laid all these Ignominies together , would you not have ghess'd that he would never have dar'd , to pronounce so boldly upon us , unless he had convers'd all his Life time with us ; unless he had throughly studied our Temper , and deeply pierc'd by a long search into the Compo●ition of our Nature ? But when I find , that as soon as ever he was call'd Monsieur by the Children of Dover , he strait makes Conclusion of our general Inhospitality : and of our Insolence from the next Carrier that he employ'd : and of our Abusiveness , from a silly Zealander , that was his fellow-Traveller : and of our want of Courage , from a pitiful Fray between a naked scholar , and an armed French Souldier , at Beaconsfield . This puts me in mind of the Judgment , which one of the greatest men that ever liv'd , did passe on the Antient Gaules . It was the experience of Caesar himself , of their trifling , and changeable Humour , that in their most solemn Councils , they determin'd on the weightiest Affairs , upon the Authority of any slender Report of the next wandring Pedlar . This I hope I may repeat , without offending the present French Nation . For I do not say , ( as Monsieur de Sorbiere of us ) That it came from the Nature of their Soyl , and that therefore it must needs descend on all that are born on the same Earth . But I only affirm , that I know a certain French Trumpeter , that has made good this Observation of Caesars . This , Sir , being the Form , which he has fanci'd in his Brain of the wild Manners of the English , it is easie to ghess , what thoughts he has of their Religion . And the Truth is , having represented us , as such Monsters , in our Civil Customs , and Behaviour , he could do no other , then paint us out to be as bad as Infidels , in ●ur Spiritual Condition . For whosoever are Barbarous in their Lives , can never be good Christians in their Hearts . It is the peculiar glory of the True Christianity , that it does not onely Save , but Civilize , its Reall Professours . We shall therefore find , that his reproaches are proportionable , concerning our Religion . And by the Irreverence of the Language which he uses towards it , you may perceive , that he did not only learn from the Trooper that was his Companion to Oxford , that the English are Insolent , and Cowards : But that he also furnish'd him with this Intelligence of Church . For this account , which he has here set down , could have been given by no man Living so properly , as by one that had been a Soldier in Cromwells Army . To pass by the friendly names of Schismaticks , and Hereticks , which he as freely bestows upon us as if they were our National Titles : he has ventur'd to say , that We separated from the Church of Rome for shameful causes , that are known to all the World : that the people has an universal Aversion from the Religion establish'd by Law : that there is a probability , that all our Sects may shortly unite to destroy it : that our solemn Publique Prayers are only a Morsel of a Liturgy : that the King did the most hazardous thing he could undertake , when he restor'd Episcopacy : that our Ecclesiastical Government is nothing else , but the Shaddow , and the Corruption of the true Hierarchy : that the Introduction of our Church-Service into Scotland , was the cause of the shedding of so much Blood in the three Nations : that our chief Clergy men , who have Pluralities of Benefices , make their Grooms their Curats : that our Bishops do horribly abuse their Iurisdiction , in their Excommunications , and Impositions : that they are so haughty , that none of the Inferiour Priests dare speak to them : that they rob the Church , by letting its Leases for thirty years ; getting all the Money into their own Pockets , and leaving only a small Revenue to their Successours : that England is a Country , where no man is afraid of committing Simony . This , Sir , is his Judgment of our Church . And you may be pleas'd to observe , that this Catalogue of Slanders is equally made up of those , which the most furious of the Romanists on the one side , and the most Fanatick amongst the Non-conformists on the other , are wont to Revile us withall : So that in repeating them , he does at once act both the Parts , which he had before plaid in the World at several times , that of a violent Calvinist , and a Iesuitical Papist . And first , it is false that our English Reformation began upon a shamefull occasion , or from the extravagance of a private passion . I know he has the famous story of Henry's Divorce to oppose against what I say . But I am not startled at that , no more then at the Fable of our Bishops Consecration at the Naggs-head Tavern ; or , of the Kentish-mens having long Tayls for the murder of Thomas Becket . Such frivolous Arguments as these might have served well enough in the Mouths of the Moncks two hundred years agoe : But they will not pass so easily in a Philosophical , and Inquisitive Age. In breif therefore , Sir , it is evident that King Henry the Eighth did never intend to proceed to a much greater distance from the Roman See , then the Gallican Church maintains at this day . There is no man of our Church , that looks upon his breach with the Pope , to have been a Reformation . We onely esteem it to be of the nature of those Quarrels , which many Princes in the most Catholick Countries , have manag'd against the Holy Chair . The Reformation to which we stand is of a latter date . The Primitive Reformers amongst us , beheld the Reason of men tamely subjected to one mans Command , and the Sovereign Powers of all Christendom still expos'd to be check'd , and destroy'd by the Resolutions of his private Will. Upon this they arose to perform two of the greatest Works in the World , at once to deliver the minds of Christians from Tyranny , and the Dignity of the Throne from Spiritual Bondage . Whatever was the accidental , this was the Real Cause of our first Reformation , and of their separation from us , not ours from them . And this was an event which must needs have come to pass near the time in which it did , though King Henry had never forsaken his Wife . Let him therefore know , that our Doctrine ( as much spoyl'd as it is , in his opinion ) was establish'd by Christ and his Apostles : and that the Ceremonies of our Worship , were not set up by faction , or by popular Fury , but by the deliberate Counsels of Wisemen , and by the authority of that power , which bears the immediate Image of God. This , Sir , I have said in Vindication of our Church , not so much to satisfie this idle Dreamer upon Parnassus , as out of the love which I bear to many well-meaning Catholiques amongst us , who have this Argument sometimes in their mouths , of whom I know very many , whose wishes for the happiness of their Country , and for its freedom from forein Usurpations , are as honourable as any Englishmens living . As for Sorbier's part , it had been a sufficient Reply to him , that I can name a man , who has indeed separated from the Religion wherein he was born , for a shamefull cause which is known to all the World. He declares that the people of England have an universal aversion from the establish'd Worship . But here I cannot say that of him for which he commends Doctor Wallis , that He is one of the best Accountants in the World. This positive Computation he never was in any capacity to make , he never saw any of the middle , or the remoter parts of our Nation , where Non-conformity is but very sparingly spread . He never convers'd with the vast Body of Gentry , and Yeomanry that live Country lives , who are generally uninfected . It is London alone on which he must rely for this calculation . And yet even in this too , I dare openly assure him , that the farr greater number is for the Rights of the Church , then against them . But I advise Monsieur de Sorbiere , that before he thinks himself able to make an exact judgment of the Number of our Religious Sects , he would first correct all his errours in Arithmetick , which are to be found in this Book , about the most obvious things , in reckoning of which , it was enough to have onely had the understanding of the least childe that he ever taught . I will onely produce one in this place . Have we not reason to rely upon his opinion of the difference of the parties in the whole Kingdom ; when in the least number that can be , he has mistaken half : For , he says , that the double-bottom'd . Vessel has two Masts in the Front , when every Sculler on the Thames knows it has but One. He affirms , that the Government of our Bishops is nothing else , but the shaddow , and the corruption of a True Hierarchy . And he gives this excellent Reason for it , because here the Spiritual submits to the Temporal . This very Argument I will turn upon himself . It is therefore the True , the Sound , the Apostolical Episcopacy : because it does yield to the Temporal Power , which else could be nothing but a shaddow . It is the glory of the Church of England , that it never resisted Authority , nor ingag'd in Rebellion : which is a praise , that makes much to its advantage , in the minds of all those , who have read of the dismal effects of the Scotch Covenant , and the holy League . He says , that our King did put himself on the most dangerous Enterprise that could be attempted , when he restored Episcopacy . And yet he confesses that our other Sects are inconsistent with any Government but a Common-wealth . What dreadfull danger could be imagin'd in a Monarchs destroying that , which must needs fall of it self in a Monarchy ? But to shew how much he was mistaken , It is evident , that upon his Majesty's most glorious Return , the Church soon recover'd all its rights of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , of sitting in Parliament , and even all its Lands , which had been long held by Armed Usurpers , without any other Opposition , then what was made by General Vennor , and his forty men : who it seems did run the greatest hazard of the two . He declares that there is so great a distance between our Bishops , and our inferior Clergy , that these dare not speak to , nor stand cover'd before , them . This , Sir , you and I can prove to be a manifest Untruth , by several Instances . But however , what course can we take to please this grave Censurer of our Civility ? He here dislikes the respects , that we shew to our cheif Churchmen : and in another place , He condemns the familiar behaviour of our common Soldiers towards their Officers . He abuses the Clergy-men for standing bare to those Reverend and Aged Persons ; and the Red-Coats for keeping on their Hatts in the presence of their Captains . How sufficient a Judge is he of good manners , that would bring the rude Customs of a Camp into the Church , and the Punctilio's of Observance , and Courtship , into an Army . But he accuses us of a greater Crime . It is but just that there should be so great a distance , if our Clergymen that have Pluralities , make their Grooms supply their Cures . In this part of his Character he certainly , Sir , mistook the Country , and intended this for some other Kingdom in Europe , where he had also miss'd of a Medall . It is a sign that he is as little acquainted with his own Church , as he is with ours : or else he would never have objected to us our Pluralities , which are infinitely fewer , and more confin'd amongst us : he would never have ventur'd to upbraid us with the Ignorance of our Parish Priests , lest we should have provok'd the whole Church of Rome to a comparison . In breif , Sir , our Slaves do not serve at our Altars : and I will also add , that our Cheif Spiritual Dignities are not intayl'd upon Families , nor possess'd by Children . In all the Parishes of England ; I dare challenge not onely him that is a Stranger , but the most bitter Enemies to our Discipline , to shew me Twenty Pulpits , that are fill'd with men , who have not spent their Youth in Studies to prepare them , and who have not the Authority of Holy Orders . That He has presum'd to call our Publique Solemn Prayers , only a Morsel , or a Scrap of a Liturgy ; I do not much wonder . For he that has long made his own Religion his Cook ( as one of our Poets expresses it ) may well be thought irreligious enough ; to take a Metaphor for ours from a Kitchin. But besides this , he asserts , that the Introduction of the English Liturgy into Scotland , was the cause of the shedding of all the Blood in the three Nations . This Speech might have well fitted the mouth of Bradshaw , or the Pen of Ireton . For it lays all the guilt of so much Slaughter , on the most Innocent , and most merciful Prince , that ever wore a Crown : by whose special care , an Uniformity of Worship was attempted in that Kingdome . But to give him better light , and to let him see , that there were other Causes of our Miseries , in one of these three Countries at least , I would fain have him ask this Question of the Pope's Legat that was in Ireland , whether the horrible Irish Massacre was committed for no other reason , but only out of a tender Brotherly sense of the Yoke which was laid by the Common-Prayer , on the Scotchmen's Consciences . He tells us , that it is an ordinary thing with our Bishops , to exercise their Ecclesiastical Censures upon frivolous accounts . But methinks he might have remembred , that it was not probable , they should seek out any trifling occasions of excommunication , when , by his own confession , they have so many weighty Provocations : if that be true , that the whole Nation neglects their Discipline . But , Sir , you know it is apparent to all indifferent Men , that the Bishops have been most remarkably moderate in their Visitations : and that the Punishments , which have been inflicted on the Obstinate , have for the most part proceeded from the Temporal Sword , and not the Spiritual . But , because he here quarrels at the Absoluteness of our Bishop's power , I leave him to be answer'd by the whole Clergy of the Church of Rome , who ought to be alarm'd by this . For if ours shal be reputed so Tyrannical , what will they be e●teem'd , whose Jurisdiction is so much larger ? He goes on to de●ame our Bishops . He says , they have imbezled the Church Lands , to make their own Families Rich. This , Sir , is an Objection , which though it was at first manag'd against them with great Clamour , by the common Enemies of the King , and the Church : yet now upon a calmer consideration of things , it has universally lost its credit , even in those places where he says , the English take Tobacco half the day together ; from whence he acknowledges , that he had a good part of his Relations . The first murmurs against them were rais'd , because they receiv'd altogether , some part of that which was their due , for twenty years before . But the Envy of that was quickly scatter'd , when it was manifest how many publique , and Generous works they have promoted . Besides the first Fruits , and Tenths , and above all the Subsidies , which have swept away a good part of their gains , they have compounded with a very great Number of the Purchasers ; they have increas'd the Vicaredges in their Gift to Fourscore Pounds a year : they have indow'd Alms-Houses , and Colleges , they have built Chappels , they have repaired the Episcopal Palaces , and Cathedrals , which were generally gone to Ruine ; they have redeem'd at once all the English , that were Slaves at Algiers , and that too I dare assure him , without any intent to make Curats of them . The Account which he gives of their letting Leases is most ridiculous . There is no man amongst them , that lets a Lease for thirty years . The Reserv'd Rent is that which was always the standing Revenue of the Church . Nor ought this Custom to be Objected against the Church of England . It is the same course which is taken in France , and most other parts of Christendom . Nay , to go farther , the letting of Church Leases is a business , whose Regulation was brought about since the time , that the Church of Rome divided from us . Before Queen Elizabeth's reign , the Churchmen had a power of Farming out their Lands , not only for Thirty , but for Ninety Nine years . It was Shee , that first confin'd the Term to One and Twenty ; and so it still remains . He ought not therefore to reckon this practice as our disgrace : when the good order , that is now us'd about it , is the peculiar honour , that belongs to the English Reformation . But to Conclude , if no Man fears Simony in England , then there is no man that is affrighted with punishment . For our Laws are as strict against it , and as severely executed , as any where else . However , if it were true , ( which is far from being so ) that we Simoniacally imploy the Church estate to Secular uses ; yet this sounds very ill from that Layman's Pen , who , when he writ this Voyage , was maintain'd out of the Ecclesiastical Revenue . This , Sir , was Monsieur de Sorbiere's Case . And the first Office of a Churchman that ever he perform'd , was in this Book , where He devoutly prays to God , to make Mr. Hobbs a Roman Catholique . Which if his prayers can obtain from Heaven , he deserves not only to be made a Priest , or Bishop , but even a Saint too : For this will be a far greater Miracle , then any of those for which many have been Canoniz'd . And now , Sir , can you require any greater signs of Monsieur de Sorbier's Sincerity in his Religion ? He has accus'd of Simony , the most Incorrupt : of Pride , the Humblest : of Rapacity , the most Innocent : of Ignorance , the most Learned : of false Doctrine , the most Primitive ; of ill Discipline , the most Decent Church under Heaven . And when nothing else could be said , he even upbraids it with its Submission and Obedience , To shew , ( that he is as ill a Disciple of Mr. Hobbes's , whom he pretends to admire , as he is of the Apostles . ) Notwithstanding all which impudent Disgraces , there remains this one comfort to the Church of England , that the same man , who now vilifies Her so basely , had once as mean thoughts of the God-Head of Her blessed Founder Himself . But it is easie to conjecture at the Cause of this his harsh Usage of our Church . He had but lately Apostatiz'd from the Reformed Religion in France : he was but just enter'd into the Romish Communion . And he suspected , that there might be some doubts still remaining on mens minds , of the Reality of his Conversion , which might turn to the prejudice not onely of his Spiritual , but of his Temporal Estate : he had given himself out for a great Philosopher : and he understood well enough , that few Philosophers are thought to alter their minds , that have once been Protestants . He was therefore resolv'd to give an Unquestionable proof of his Establishment in the Faith , by reviling the Church of England . And in performing this , I confess , Sir , he has Counterfeited the Zealot very well : he has prosecuted Us , with all the Violence , and Bigottry , which commonly accompanies new Converts . But yet I beleive this will hardly do his business . Even in this very Book , he gives Evidence enough , that Calvinism , and Heresie , are not wholy rooted out of his Heart . He grosly abuses the most devoted Children of the Church of Rome , the English Roman Catholiques . He complains of them , that they have no mind to disturb the Peace of their Country tomards the restoration of their Religion : which is indeed spoken to their Honour , though he intends it to their Shame . He says , that they are not so zealous in their Way , as forein Papists , the quite contrary to which is true : he makes , as if they never saw the True Mass perform'd : he affirms , that they are all born in Servitude , and debases so many Antient , Rich , and Honourable Families , to the condition , and the minds , of Slaves . In all these Speeches , he does not express any certain mark of a True Proselyte . But above all , he has set down such a determination of his Faith , that if he had made it in Italy , or Spain , he had undoubtedly fallen into the Inquisition . He boldly pronounces , that Transubstantiation , Purgatory , the Merit of Works , Invocation of Saints , the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome , the authority of Councils , and the Infallibility of the Pope , are none of them Fundamental Doctrines . What greater Apology could be made for the Church of England , which he has so much defam'd : seeing these are the onely shameful Causes , for which we dissented from Rome ? But I leave him to be corrected by the Pope's Sentence for these Heresies : which perhaps the Holy Father has reason to think , do more shake the Holy Chair , then the five points of Iansenius that he condemn'd : which Monsieur de Sorbiere says , did raise a dispute about a matter of Nothing . From our Religion , Let us follow him of our Government . And here , Sir , I was at first a little at a stand how to deal with him . But I have heard of the Magnanimous resolution of the late Duke of Buckingham , who would never permit any Apology to be written for him . And I consider , that it is almost as great an arrogance for one obscure Writer , to undertake to defend the Actions of Great Princes , as it is for another to defame them . I will not therefore inlarge my Speech in the praises of the present happiness of England , or in paying all the acknowledgements , which are due to our Sovereign , for the blessings of His Reign . That is a Subject ficter for a more elaborate Volum , then a single Letter , and for a far more elegant Pen then mine . I will onely here shew the Vanity of our Historiographers groundless suggestions . And as an Introduction to what he says , concerning the Political condition of this Nation , I will first observe how he deals with some others of the cheif Crown'd Heads in Europe . You will perhaps , Sir , be very hardly induc'd to beleive , that he can be guilty of disrespect to Monarchy , or Sovereign Princes , when you behold him so Panegyrically given towards that Government , as to take the pains , to go five or six thousand miles , to find out a Race of Kings to commend . For he here speaks very zealously in praise of the most vertuous , and most religious Kings of China . This , Sir , I cannot but applaud in him ; and to shew how much this one testimony of his good manners has wrought with me , I will not be harsh upon him in this place . I will not call in question the credit of his Intelligence from the farthest East , which you see is so false , about a Country , that lies only seven Leagues distant from his own . Nay , I will not so much as inquire whether ever he met with any Chinese Madam Fiennes to give him this Information . I will graunt , that the Kings of China have been great Menders of Bridges , and Planters of Orchards . But I will only now softly put him in mind , that while his Pen did overflow with sweet words , upon the Kings of China , he has handled the Kings of Sweden and Denmark more cruelly , then Dionysius the Tyrant would have done , when he was a King , much less when he was a Schole-Master . Of the two last Kings of Sweden he affirms , that their Glory is almost wholy vanish'd : and that all moderate men must needs read the Desolations , which they caus'd with Horror . You see , Sir , what an excellent occasion he has here given me of Triumphing over him . You know very well , how many great , and irresistable arguments , this matter might suggest to me : what might not be said of that Victorious Nation ? how copious might I be in extolling the indefatigable Industry , the Conduct , the Good Fortune , the Generosity of those Kings ? What Passions might here be rais'd , in appealing to all Mankind , and in aggravating the common misery of all Great Commanders of Armies , if it shall be permitted to every small Pamphleteer to invade their Lives , and to arraign their Ashes , when he pleases ? But there is no need of going so powerfully to work , or of imploying against him any of the Lofty , and Tragical Forces of Eloquence . It will suffice , if I recall to his Memory , the Title in which he boasts so much . I will only ask him , how the Historiographer of France can assert the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus to have been horrible Divastations , without casting some share of the Dishonor on the Crown of France it self ? For ( if we will believe all the French Writers of that time ) there was a strict Confederacy , and a real Union of Interests , between those Two mighty Monarchs . I give him leave to use the Fame of the Kings of Sweden as he pleases . Let them in his account pass for Theives , and Oppressors . They deserve so to be us'd : for they were mortal Enemies to that belov'd Country , with whose Mu●ick , and Latin , and Dancing , he was before so much ravish'd . I only bid him look back on the relation , which Lewis the Iust had to Lewis the Fourteenth , and then let him try to vindicate himself for overturning the Trophies of the Father , in the same Book , wherein he declares , that He travell'd abroad in a Waggon , to spread the glory of the Son. But the Fame of those dead Princes is plac'd above the reach of his Envy : let us , Sir , consider how he behaves himself towards the living . What a long Story ( or rather , as he himself stiles it , Romance ) has he here made , of the life of Vlefelt the Dane , on which he builds the justification of his Crimes , and condemns the King of Denmark's Iustice ? And yet at the same time he acknowledges , that He took the whole Relation , only from the Mouth of Vlefelt's own Wife . After this , have the Kings of China any great reason to be proud of this Mans good will ? when he has here express'd no more Judgment , nor Integrity , then from the single and partial Information of a Woman , to acquit a man that had been hang'd in Effigie in Denmark , and has been since kill'd as he was pursued for High Treason ? Upon the sight of all this , Sir , I may well return securely Home , to examine his opinion of the Imperfections of our State. And here I must not forget to acquaint you , that he is not all over Satyrical ; But in several places he sprinkles some few kind words to our advantage . Yet his Commendations are so directly contrary to his reproaches ; that instead of reconciling me to him , they rather supply me with new arguments against him . And who can desire an easier Adversary to deal with , then such a one , who , when he speaks against us , opposes evident Truth , when he speaks for us , contradicts himfelf ? This Inconsistence of his own mind with it self , is apparent in this Political part of his Relation , which now comes under my Censure : He confesses , Our King to be one of the best Princes in the World : He declares , that His Majesty us'd him with all imaginable sweetness , and that by the Charms of His Discourse , he sent him away as well pleas●d , as if he had loaded him with his Presents . I intreat you now , Sir , to recollect , how this , and that which follows hangs together . First , He suggests , that perhaps there was not so much pretence for the people to rebel in the late Kings time , as there is at this present . In the reply which I shall make to this Passage , I cannot , Sir , confine my self to the bare limits of a satisfactory Answer : but I must permit my Zeal for the Prosperity of our Country , to break forth into Expressions of Joy , and Gratitude . It is fit that all the World should know , that as our King was restor'd with the most miraculous submission of minds , and interests , that ever any History can shew : as he was establish'd on the Throne of his Ancestors , while there were two mighty Armies on Foot , that had fought against him and his Father : so there can be no difficulty in continuing this quiet , now he has all the power of the Nation in his hands , and now his Enemies are scattered , and disarm'd ( if yet he can be thought to have any real Enemies , after so many Heroick Testimonies of his Mercy ) The condition of all his affairs abroad is in such a posture , in respect of his Neighbors , that he is as far from being lyable to receive Injuries unreveng'd , as he is averse in his own disposition from doing wrongs unprovok'd . And the small dissentions that still remain on some of his Subjects minds at home , are so far from hazarding the safety , that they will rather make for the Honor of his Reign . For by his renew'd and generous indeavors towards the composing of these differences , there will arise for him a continued succession of Peaceful Triumphs , of which the occasions had been wanting to him , if he had found us all of one mind . And many such Victories as these , we may justly presage to our Sovereigns future Government . The Forces which he employs against those few that are still contumacious , which are those of Affability , and Forgiveness , are impossible to be resisted . Who ever contends with his Adversaries with those weapons , he has not only his own Virtues , but theirs on his side . And as these are the surest Conquests , so they are of the greatest renown . In the Triumphs of Warr , his Souldiers , his Commanders , and even Fortune it self , would come in for a share in the Fame : But those which are obtain'd by pity , and by pardoning , have no Partners in the honor , but are wholy to be attributed to the King himself . But for a proof of our calm and well-secur'd condition , I appeal from this Triflers Conjectures , to the Parliament it self , which is the true Representative of the Affections of the whole Kingdom . If he would have been willing to refer the matter to their decision , he might have found all things so free from any likelyhood of new disturbances , that they have been still as inclin'd to be severe against the Kings ill-willers , as he himself has been to be gentle : and so sollicitous to guard his Royal Person , with their lives and fortunes , as he has been carefull , that he might need no other defence , but his own goodness . Yet since he is resolv'd not to stand to the determination of that great Assembly , which he modestly terms an extravagant Body , let us see what reports he has pick●d up amongst the malcontents of the Vulgar : He says , that they every where complain of the neglect of the interest of Trade , of the mis-spending of the Treasure , of the oppressions of the Court , and of the decrease of our glory at Sea. All this , Sir , he professes to take from the murmurs of the multitude . And if they are guilty of such discourses , more then the Communalty of other Countries , they justly deserve the Titles that he gives them , of a suspicious , a sullen , an insolent , and an envious Generation . But then , Sir , if the mean and ignorant people ought so much to be condemn'd for upbraiding their Governors , though they only do it in private , when they are heated with drink , and under the protection of a cloud of Tobacco smoak : what punishment does that Historian deserve , who thought good to collect their discontents , and to make himself worse then the Authors of them , by being the first that reports them in this publick way ? What credit could he expect to get , by repeating these low scandalls , when it was dishonourable for him only to confess , that he came into such places , and companies , where he might over-hear them ? This Reprehension , Sir , he ought to have undergone , if all this that he relates had been true : But if we take it in pieces , we shall find that ●e libells the very Suburbs , and that his ink is black enough to represent the worst slanders of the Rabble , in darker colours then their own . As for the repinings which he heard concerning the diminution of Trade : You know , Sir , that it is the publique , and the cheerfull voice of all Englishmen , that are ingag'd in Traffick , that there have been farr more incouragements for Merchants , and more vigorous attempts for the advancement of Commerce , within these four years and half , then in many ages before . I might for a proof of this allege the Royal Council , that is particularly set up for that purpose . I might instance in the increase of the Customes , which from thirty or forty thousand pounds in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's Reign , do now amount to almost four hundred thousand a year . I might urge all the Proclamations for the prohibiting of foreign Manufactures , and for the improvement of our own : I might reckon up the many new Statutes for the repairing of Havens , the mending of High-waies , and the cutting of Rivers : But it is enough only to mention the Institution of the Royal Fishing , and the Royal Company : In both which our King has prosperously begun a Designe , which will infallibly make the English the Masters of the Trade of the world ; and that is the bringing in of our Gentry , and Nobility , to contribute towards it . When this shall be brought about , not all the little Crafts of the Hollanders , ( which he magnifies so much ) will serve their turn : But the English will outgo them in Industry , and Stock , as much as they do already in Shoars , in Ports , in Ships , in Valour , in Vertue . This , Sir , we shall undoubtedly live to see accomplish'd , ●eeing the Gentlemen of England have so great an Example before them ; of a King , who does not only make the Arts of Commerce and Navigation his business , and his interest , but his very delight and recreation . What he says of our Treasure , is most impudently objected against that Prince , who has retrench'd himself in those expences which his Predecessors maintain'd , when the Revenue of the Crown was farr less . And he chose a very unseasonable time , to proclaim , that the Blood-suckers of the Court devour the people , when those Blood-suckers have parted with their very Food , and the antient Dues of their Offices , to lessen the charge of the Publique . But his loudest outcrie concerns the loss of our Dominion at Sea. And here he most invidiously compares the times of the Rump , with our present Naval Power . First of all , he might have understood , that the Fleets which were then set forth against the Dutch did mainly consist of the late Kings Ships ; and also that the whole Estates of the Crown , the Clergy , most of the Nobility , and Gentry , and indeed well nigh of the whole Nation were then at the Vsurpers disposal . From hence he might have concluded , that even the Glory of their Victories is not so much to be given to the Riches and Interest of Scott , Hasilrig , or Vane , as to the Treasures of the King , and the Royal Party . But besides this , Sir , What will he be able to answer me , when I shall tell him , that our King has made our Sea-provisions far stronger then ever they were in any Age or Countrey before ; and that too only by the help of a Revenue bounded by Law , and limited to the strict Rules of Justice ? of the truth of this , he might speedily have been convinc't , if he had visited any one of our Royal Stores , instead of describing Smithfield , Bedford Garden , the Conduits of London , Morefields , Hatfield Fishponds , and St Catharines College in Oxford . Never was there a greater abundance of Materialls in readiness ! Never more skillfull Builders ! Never more formidable Preparations ! Never more expert Seamen ! Never more valiant Commanders ! and , in one word to perfect all , never a Braver Admiral ! An Admiral of whose undaunted courage , unwearied diligence , and fortunate Conduct , all the Nations round about us have beheld so many unquestionable proofs , even from the very first years of his youth . And if I thought that all the men of Honor , wherewith France now abounds , were not yet satisfied how little Monsieur de Sorbiere deserves to be Historiographer Royal , I would desire no other instance to prove it , then only this ; that when he declares he came into England , to content his curiosity , to see all the rare things , and men amongst us , yet he scarce mentions the Duke of York . I will admit that hitherto he has only recited the extravagancies of the Rabble ; let us now , Sir , come to that place , wherein he has chiefly exercised the profoundness of his skill , his own speculations , on the defects of our Monarchy , and the Factions of our Court. And that you may know how conversant he has been in all intrigues of State , as well as those of the Muses , I will give you his positive determination of one of the gravest points of Policy that ever was debated at a Council Table ; and it shall be in his own words , to his intimate Friend Monsieur de Vaubrun . To you Monsieur de Vaubrun ( says he ) being my Bosome Friend , a man that esteems me much , and one whom I honour infinitely , being also a Gentleman , that loves justice , as well as fighting ; I will reveal the bottom of my heart , and tell you the most secret of all my thoughts . What weighty matter does he introduce with this solemne Preface ? He complains that the learned men of the English are not enough communicative . Certainly we shall find him of a better temper : No doubt he will now unfold some new Principle of Policy , and of the Laws of Humane Society , which he has discover'd , that is not yet ripe for the publique , and only fit to be committed to the trust of a particular confident . It proves so indeed ! The Oracle which he immediately pronounces , is this : That Man was not made by Nature to fight with Man , but rather to injoy the Benefits of peace : that God has not given us horns , hoofs , or claws ; but Os homini sublime dedit . This , Sir , is all the mighty Mystery , of which he discharges his breast with so much Ceremony . And in which is he now more ridiculous , his History , or his Policy ? His History , in speaking so many false reproaches aloud ; his Policy , in whispering such trifles with so much caution . I beseech you , Sir , let us allow him the reputation of this new invention intire . Though he did not think fit to name the famous Author of the Lunar Globe , which he saw in the Kings Closet : Yet I intend to be juster to him : And I will propose this Epitaph to be grav'd on his Tomb ; Hic jacet primus Author hujus sententiae , Pax Bello Potior . This , Sir , is one tryal of his Contemplative , you shall have more of his Practical Politicks . He has ventur'd to declare the Queen Mothers thoughts , about her most private , and Domestick concernments ; which were so near to her , that it was impossible for a thousand Madame Fiennes , to have given him any instruction about them . And in this he had no reverence for the greatest , and the most vertuous Princess of this Age , for the Mother of our King , nor for the Daughter of Henry the Great . He has made a disadvantageous Character on my Lord St. Albans to the French Nation , where he was before so well known , and where he liv'd long in so much honour . He has presum'd on the King himself : he sawcily conjectures at the reasons of the choice of his Ministers , as if he had been admitted into his Royal Breast as well as his Cabinet . He says , that His Majesty is forc'd to be familiar with his Nobility , and Gentry , to keep their esteem and good will : and so he endeavours to bring down those Vertues , of which he himself receiv'd so many proofs , to be only works of necessity . But seeing he confesses this generous affability to be able to hinder the Kings Subjects from rebellion , methinks it might have prevail'd on a mean stranger , to ●pare the Reputation of his Kingdomes . He insinuates , that the true Sovereign Power amongst us resides in the People . Which is a Doctrine that was scarce ever heard of in England till the year Forty eight , and vanish'd in Sixty . He affirms , that there is a mixture of all sorts of Government in the composition of our State , notwithstanding that we have so many Acts of Parliament that devolve the whole power on the Crown . His long discourse of the Privileges of the House of Commons , and the degrees of their increase , is nothing , but a wild Whimsy of his owne Brain . There is no mention in any English Historian , that Edward the first , was the King that first call●d Knights , and Burgesses , to sit in Parliament : or that when they were so conven'd , he only us'd their Counsel , and rejected those of the Nobility and Gentry . And yet upon these imaginary faults , of which he supposes Edward the first Guilty , he here takes him into his discipline , reads to him a tedious Lecture of the Arts of Government , and treats the Wisest and most Victorious Prince of Christendom in that time , as imperiously as if he had been a Cadet of the House of Suze . But I am weary , Sir , of taking notice of such errors , which are only mistakes in History or Chronology . At least I need not go three hundred years back for them , seeing he is so much besides the Truth , in his account of the most Renown'd action in this Age : the Kings Return : Which he wholly attributes to the Presbyterians . All the circumstances of that glorious Restauration are still , Sir , fresh in our memories : the very noy●e of those Triumphs , which fill'd the whole World with admiration , seems to be yet ●carce out of our Ears . And shall we suffer him to fix all the honour of that Immortal Work on a private Sect ? Whereas it was accompli●h'd by the immediate favour of divine Providence , by the Wisedom of a Victorious General , by the perpetual and immoveable Fidelity of the Royal Party , by the Hands , the Wishes , the Tongues , and the united Desires of three Kingdoms . 'T is true indeed , the Presbyterians went along with the mighty Torrent ; But the whole course of this happy Violence is not therefore to be attributed to them . You see , Sir , I am unawares fallen into a Metaphor , which does best resemble that Enterprize . It was in that , as in a sudden Land-Flood , which , as it comes down , carries with it Trees , and Stones , and Houses , and all that it meets in the way . And even all these which lay before quiet , nay which resisted the first Waters while they were weak , do add to the impetuosity of the Current , when it is going . But we must not therefore say that the Flood it self took its rise from thence : seeing it was , in truth , caus'd by Rain coming down from Heaven , and by Streams flowing in from every part of the Country . This allusion , Sir , I think does represent the whole matter to your mind . If it does not , however I have return'd Monseeur de Sorbiere , an ill Similitude for one of his , where he compares the Protestants to the Ottoman Empire : which is so much an Intrigue of the Muses , that I will challenge all the Witts of England , and France , to interpret it . But if the Covenanters shall still be fond of this praise , which he here allows them , let them remember of how little value his Panegyricks are , seeing he calls Vsefelt a Heroe : and if they will still maintain that they restor'd the King , let them take heed lest some mischievous Royallist should tell them , that in one sence they did indeed occasion the Kings Restoration . But in the same that Quintus Maximus meant after he had recover'd Tarentum : who gave this answer to another Roman that had lost that place before , and yet boafted what share he had in regaining it . 'T is true ( says he ) it was by your means indeed ; Nam nisi tu perdidisses Tarentum , ego nunquam recuperassem . But the chief Secret into which he has pierc'd , is the late Controversie between my Lord Chancellor , and the Earl of Bristol . What subtle conclusions does he draw from it ? what prophetical visions does he here reveal , concerning the terrible disturbances , that shall arise to our Government , many ages hence , from an accident , which was at an end , before he got back to Paris ? What a formal division has he made of the whole Nation ? Homer himself is not so punctual in marshalling the forces of the Greeks , and the Trojans : nor is there lesse fiction in this History , then in his Poetry . On the Earl of Bristols quarter , he places the discontented against the Court , the City of London , the Presbyterians that brought in the King , the House of Lords , a great , and a strong party of the House of Commons , which he says is the true Body of that extravagant Body the Parliament . An Army numerous and formidable . On the Lord Chancellors side , he ranks the Royal Family , the Bishops , Dea●s , and Chapters , all the Nobility , all the Rich Merchants , and Burgesses , ( though he had before bestow'd the House of Lords , and the City of London on the Earl of Bristol . ) Thus he has drawn the whole Kingdome into Battalia : It is but now performing his office of Trumpeter , and a dreadfull Battle will no doubt ensue . But how comes it to pass that all these Rumors of mighty warrs did vanish on the sudden ? Was it because they were English Cowards , and dar'd not fight ? Alas , Sir , all this was only a fine story of incounters in the Air , whereof there was no other foundation then in the wild fancies of his own making . And may we not give that Character of our Historian , which he does of one of the Noble Combatants , that his great Wit has inclin'd him to be Romantick ? Is not this the true trick of a Romancer , to bring in many Princes fighting together in a wood , without giving any account how they came thither ? But the danger is over . All is quiet again ; and long may it so keep . For to speak t'yee , Sir , from the bottome of Monsieur de Sorbier's heart , Peace is better then Warr. Well then . He grants that the Victory did a little incline to my Lord Chancellor's Party : yet he has shewn the bravery of his own mind , by defying the Conquerour . And here , Sir , I confess he has driven me upon one of the tenderest points in the world ; which is the speaking concerning the fame of a great Man , while he is living . But I entreat you to lay before your eyes the many powerfull arguments , by which I am mov'd at least to give a true testimony , though not a long elogie , concerning him . My Lord Chancellor is a man through whose hands the greatest part of all the publique and private businesses of our Countrey do pass● And it will be most dishonourable for us , to suffer his name to be revil'd in this manner , while he is scarce at leisure to look to its defence himself , by reason of his eternal Labors for the publique Justice and Safety . And besides this , Sir , I can , for my own particular , allege another motive of nearer concernment . For I am to consider my self , as a Member of the Royal Society , and the Vniversity of Oxford , and the Earl of Clarendon , as Protector of one them , and Chancellor of the other . These , Sir , are some of his true Titles , however Monsieur de Sorbiere is pleas'd to pass them over , and give him worse in their stead . First of all , he says that he is a Presbyterian . At this ridiculous scandall , I assure you , Sir , I am not much griev'd . I was ( to tell you true ) in a terrible affright , when I read what he reports , that almost all the City of London are Presbyterians . But now this passage has compos'd my mind again : For it is like to be a very exact computation , which he has made of that Sect , when the first man that he names for a Presbyterian , is my Lord Chancellor . He next tells us , that he is a man of the Law ; a shamefull disgrace : the Lord Chancellor of England● whose Office it is to govern and moderate the Law , is a Lawyer . As if I should endeavour to lessen the credit of Monsieur de Vaubrun , and prove him unfit to be Governour of Philippe Ville , and Colonel of Light-horse , by objecting that he is a Souldier ; or of Monsieur de Sorbiere to be Historiographer Royal , by saying that he is skill'd in Historie . But he is a Lawyer , and Statesman at once . Can this be any more disparagement to him , then it is to the whole Body of Lawyers in France , who in all times have manag'd the greatest Imployments of that State ? Could he not have recollected , before he writ this , that Monsieur de Segnier , the present Chancellor of France , is a Gentleman of the Long Robe ? You see , Sir , what a good Satyrist we have here got , who would undertake to abuse an English Statesman with such an argument , which must at the same time reflect as much upon his own Countreymen , his chief Friends , and Patrons● to whom he directs his Speech . But the worst is still behind . My Lord Chancellor is utterly ignorant of the Belles Lettres . This accusation is as decent as all the former . He dislikes our Carriers , for not b●ing Courtly ; our Souldiers , for not putting off their Hatts well ; our Bishops , for their Gravity ; and our States-men , for not being Grammarians , and Criticks . But I will prove to him , by his own confession , that My Lord Chancellor deserves not this reprehension , and that he is a man skillful in all Polite Learning . He himself allows him to be a great Politician , and a very Eloquent Man. I have obtain'd , Sir , what I desir'd . You see how easy it is to justify the Earl of Clarendon , seeing the very man , that vilifies him , does at the same time gainsay himself , and suggest to me his prayses , without my interposing any word in his commendation . If we should graunt , that a man may chance to be a great dealer in Politicks , without understanding any thing else ( which y●t nothing but Monsieur de Sorbiere●s own example in this place , can perswade us to be possible ) yet how can he be thought to attain to a perfect Eloquence without any skill in the Civil Arts ? Where now is his Polite Learning ? whence did he fetch this Idea of Eloquence ? Let him produce his Notes out of Aristotle , Tully , Quintilian , Seneca , or any of the Rhetoricians of Antiquity ; And then let him tell me , whether they do not all with one voyce consent , that an Orator must of necessity be acquainted with all sorts of useful knowledg ? But because he is so free in his reproof of my Lord Chancellors unskillfulness in the Belles Lettres : I pray , Sir , what signs has this great Aristarchus himself given , of his own proficience in them ? Where do we find in him any footsteps of the True Spirit of the Grecian or Roman Wit ? What reason have we to envy his judgment in the Classical Authors , when all the proof that he has given in this Book , of his being conversant in them , are only three or four pedantical Quotations , of which the chief is , Os Homini sublime dedit ? Thus farr , Sir , in reply to him : But more is to be added concerning the Honourable Person , of whom he speaks in such mean terms . My Lord Chancellor is a Gentleman of a very antient Family , of which Mr Cambden makes mention in his Britannia . His Education and first years were spent in a strict familiarity with many of the most Famous Men , not only of that Age , but perhaps of any other : of whom ( to pass by some Reverend and Learned Church-men that are living ) it is enough to name Mr Chillingsworth , and the Lord Falkland . His first application to the Affairs of his Countrey , was in a time wherein extraordinary fidelity and sufficience were requir'd . His Services to the late King were requited by the committing of many eminent Businesses to his management ; and by a very high share in his Majesties Favour ; of which there are indelible proofs in many places of that Excellent Prince's Letters . Under him he was Chancellor of the Exchequer , Privy Counsellor , and design'd Secretary of State. Since that time h● was Extraordinary Embassador into Spain , and attended his present Master in his Misfortunes , which was undoubtedly the most glorious Scene of Honour in the world . By these several degrees of Great Imployments , he ascended to that illustrious Station which he now enjoyes . And as for the Qualifications of his Minde , if it be needfull to adde any thing to the Votes of the Royal Society , and the Vniversity of Oxford , I will declare , that of all the men of great worth , who have possess'd that High Office , since Learning and the Civill Arts came amongst us , there was never any man that has so much resembled Sir Thomas More , and the Lord Bacon , in their several Excellencies , as the Earl of Clarendon . There might , Sir , much more be answer'd against all his false Insinuations , concerning the Political Condition of England . But I have seen a Book of Monsieur de Sorbiere's Discourses and Letters , whereof many were written to the late Cardinal Mazarini ; and they are so full of gross flatteries , that they have wholly turn'd my stomach , from speaking any more of State Affairs : So that in truth , in the present humour into which the reading of them has put me , I had much rather offend on the other extream , by an unjust silence , then by impertinent praises of the English Government . I will therefore conclude this whole matter , as I began it , by reflecting on a Passage of his own , in the story of Vlefelt ; wherein he has given undeniable testimony , that he is wholly ignorant of the Rights of Princes , the true Policy , and the Law of Nations . He affirms , that Vlefelt fled into Sweden ; that he became thereby effectually a Traytor , that he was the cause of the Swedes last invasion into Denmark , by advising Carolus Gustavus to turn his Army , from the Poles , against Coppenhagen . These are his own words . And what more apparent Crime could there be then this , which had like to have drawn after it the utter Ruine of that Kingdome ? And yet immediately after he professes , that he makes no doubt , but the Illustrious Heroes , Vlefelt , and his Wife , will live to see their great merits acknowledg'd , and to enjoy in peace the applauses that are due to them for their fidelity to their King , and their zeal for the Fundamental Laws of their Countrey . But this , Sir , I suppose , is one of those which he himself calls the Besueues of his stile : which though ( as he says ) Monsieur de Vaubrun uses to forgive , yet the King of France did not think fit to pass by . This is the Idea that he has drawn of the Manners , the Religion , and the Government of the English. But these are not the subjects which he principally regards : such matters as these , he confesses , that he only uses to touch upon , as they come in his way . I will now therefore , Sir , consider his commerce with the chief heads of Parnassus , and his intrigues of the Muses ; that is ( to speak plain sence , without the help of Apollo ) I will examine some particulars in the account that he gives of the state of knowledge amongst us : This is the argument in which he triumphs : This is a Business in whose promotion he has spent the whole course of his life . And that he may appear not to have bestow'd all his labour in vain , I will allow , that he ought to be numbred amongst the men of Learning ; Provided that he be content with that definition which he himself has laid down of Learned men in general ; For he says , that it is the good custome of such men , to render themselves ridiculous by their malignity , and their Billings-gate-language . In conformity to this description , besides what is already past , let us now behold what he reports of Dr. Wallis , Dr. Willis , Mr. Hobbs , the Royal Society , the English Stage , their Eloquence , their Language , and their Authors . Dr. Wallis he condemns for his ill usage of Mr. Hobbs in the Mathematical Controversies that have pass●d between them . I will not endeavour to make any defence for this knowing and acute Professor , as he grants him to be . But yet let me say , that if Monsieur de Sorbiere himself being the Judg , so much modesty of language ought to be preserv'd , even in the contentions of Wit and Argument , when Passion is apt to overbear the most temperate Minds ; then certainly he himself ought to have been careful of keeping to the same rule , in an Historical Relation , wherein he had no adversary to put him into a heat , and nothing but his own natural peevishness to exasperate his Anger . Dr. Wallis Entertain'd him at his house , made him partake of his Experiment upon a dumb Man , and behold the Model of a flat Floor , which ( he says ) did raise admiration in Mr. Hobbs himself . And for all this , he might have deserv'd at least , to have been pass'd by in silence . But he had a good subject to be merry with , for want of Polish Musick , and he must needs give the receipt of making an Vniversity Cap. Take a Portefueille : cover it with black Cloth : fix a tuft of Silk upon it : and sew it to a Calot : and you have a perfect four corner'd Scholastical Bonnet . Do you not now wonder , Sir , why he did not call himself Taylor , as well as Trumpeter , to the Common-wealth of Learning ? What kind of good breeding is this ? How can he , after this , object to Dr. Wallis , that he has little in him of the Gallant Man ? Whose behavior has the strongest scent , and wants most to be purify'd by the air of the Court ? The Geometrician receives him kindly at his Table : The Historiographer Laughs at the habit of his Host. While he allows him extraordinary abilities , that are proper to himself , he abuses him for that , which is common with him to the Sorbonists in France , and almost all the Vniversities and Clergy-men in Christendom . He declares that he profited very little by Dr. Willis's company , because he could not understand his Latin. And upon this he objects , that all the English pronounce that Language with such an odd Tone , as renders it almost as difficult to strangers , as our own Tongue . I might here , Sir , allege in defence of our pronuntiation , that We do as all our neighbors besides : We speak the antient Latin , after the same way that we pronounce our Mother Tongue , so the Germans do , so the Italians , so the French. But the obscurity of our Speech being not only his complaint , but of many other Foreiners , I will not stand long in its justification . There are so many peculiar slanders of greater concernment , which he alone has fix'd upon us , that I will not regard this small objection , wherein there may be others , that agree with him . But however , Sir , from hence I may observe , that it was therefore impossible for him to take a right measure of the English Manners , and Disposition , seeing he was incapable of holding any sort of correspondence with us . He was not in a condition of being inform'd by our Gentry , our Farmers , or our Tradesmen , because he understood no English : nor by our Schollars , our Physitians , our Divines , our Mathematicians , because he professes , that our Latin was unintelligible to him . But to return , Sir , to Dr. Willis : I am able to give another Reason , why Monsieur de Sorbiere did profit so little by his Conversation . The substance of it was reported to me from Dr. Willis his own Mouth . And I doubt not , but the remarkable sincerity , and integrity , which● that excellent Man preserves in all his Writings , would make this character of the other's vanity to be believ'd , though we had not so many other proofs of it . When Monsieur de Sorbiere came first to visit him ; the Doctor esteem'd him to be a man of some real and solid knowledg : the great names of Des Cartes , and Mersennas , which he hath frequently in his Mouth , might have perswaded him as much : he began to treat him accordingly : he enter'd into discourse with him , about some parts of Chymistry , and Physick , in which he desir●d his opinion . The Professor deliver'd it franckly , and plainly , as it became a Philosopher , without deceipt or ornament . But expecting that he would have continued the Argument , with some material Objection , he soon found that the Traveller understood nothing of the whole matter : but answer'd him , as little to the purpose , as if he had only said Pax Bello Potior . He try'd him in other subjects . But nothing could he get of him , except only some few Philosophical terms , and ends of Poetry , as In puris naturalibus Ex aequo & Bono contundantur grosso modo . Homo est animal credulum & mendax ; and Os homini . Upon this he gave him over , as he would have done a yongtraveller of twenty years old , & left him to reckon the College Quadrangles , to tell the Pillars in Saint Iohn's Cloysters , to commend their Grove , to measure King Harry's Sword , to describe Saint Catherines College ( if there be any such there , ) to examine why one of the Colleges took its name from a Brazen Nose , to number the Books in the Bodleian Liberary , to consider why it was built in the form of an H. and to count how many Folios , and how many Quar●●● are above and below in every Shelf . These , Sir , he perceiv'd were fitter Subjects for Sorbiere●o ●o handle . And he has confirm'd this his Opinion of him to be true . For his long Tale of his Journy to Oxford , is made up of such childish contemplations : While he was speaking of that place , which for the beauty , and convenience of its buildings , for the vastness of its revenue , and above all , for the sobriety , the virtue , and the piety of its discipline , is to be prefer'd before all others that have been ever dedicated to liberal Studies , in the past , or present times . But here , Sir , I confess I have been a little too rigid upon him . It was ill done of me , to expect that he should on the sudden turn so unlike himself , as to give a good account of our Vniversity alone . I will not therefore bestir my self against him , for having omitted the most memorable things in Oxford . My quarrel to him now is upon another score . He has here committed a grosse oversight in his own way : For in this exact enumeration of all our fine Rarities , he has wholy pass'd by one famous Curiosity , which was of all others the most proper for such an Historiographer , or at least for such a Trumpeter to mention , and that is Queens College Horn. From his new acquaintance , I proceed to his rudeness , towards the only man in England , to whom he professes himself to have been long familiar . Mr. Hobbs was the chief man for whose sake he came over , and he speaks very many great things in his commendation : he prayses his good humor , his excellent Wit , the vigor of his old Age , and his long and diligent search into Nature . After this , Sir , you will perhaps think that this Philosopher is safe from his invectives . But you will find it otherwise , he commends him indeed for that , upon which Mr. Hobbs lays not so much stress , for his good Breeding : but he wounds him in the most dangerous place , his Philosophy , and his understanding . He very kindly reports of him , that he is too dogmatical in his Opinions : that he Writ against the Church of Rome , because he never had a right Idea of it , in his thoughts , and because he had only read the controversies on the Protestant side . How d●ye think , Sir , this will sound to Mr. Hobbs , who professes to have reduc'd all the Politicks to demonstrations , when his Translator shall tell him , that he concluded against a Church , and a Religion , before he had heard one word that could be said in their defence ? The Title of Dogmatical which he gives him , being propounded by a declar'd Sceptick , was the worst fault that could be charg'd on a Philosopher : and indeed it is the same , that he bestows on Borri , while he strives in a long Story , to render him to appear nothing but a foolish Charletan . But let him not fear . I have no mind to aggravate this injury to Mr. Hobbs . It is the particular manner of his passing this judgment upon him , of which I will take notice . He tells the World that Mr. Hobbs was censur'd for Dogmatical , between his Majesty , and himself , in his private discourse with him . And is not Monsieur de Sorbiere a very fit man , to upbraid to Dr. Wallis , his want of good manners : when he himself is at once rude to his antient Friend , and insolent to the King himself , in betraying what he was pleas'd to Whisper to him in his Cabinet . But however , to comfort Mr. Hobbs for this affront , I dare assure him , that as for Monsieur de Sorbiere's part , he understands not his Philosophy . Of this I will give an unanswerable testimony , and that is the resemblance that he makes of him , to the Lord Verulam : Between whom there is no more likeness , then there was between St. George and the Waggoner● He says that Mr. Hobbs was once his Amanuen●is ; that from thence he has retein'd very much of him : that he has Studied his manner of turning things : that he just expresses himself in that way of Allegory , wherein the other excell'd : and that he is in Truth a very remaine of my Lord Bacon . This , Sir , is his opinion : but how far from being True , let any man judg , that has but tasted of their Writings . I scarce know two men in the World , that have more different colors of Speech , then these two great Witts : The Lord Bacon short , allusive , and abounding with Metaphors : Mr. Hobbs round , close , sparing of similitudes : but ever extraordinary decent in them . The one's way of reas'ning , proceeds on particulars , and pleasant images , only suggesting new ways of experimenting , without any pretence to the Mathematicks . The other 's bold , resolv'd , setled upon general conclusions , and in them , if we will believe his Friend , Dogmatical . But it is the Royal Society , to which he is most favourable , and that he may shew him self a great Benefactor to their designe , he has bestow'd Gresham College upon them . Whereas , you know , Sir , they only hold their present meetings there , by the permission of the Professors of the Foundation of Sir Thomas Gresham , to whom that house does belong . We are beholding to him for this noble Bounty . But perhaps the Citizens of London , who are the overseers of Sir Thomas Gresham's Will , may take it ill at his hands , especialy having such just ground to quarrel with him already : For he said before , that they are almost all Presbyterians or Phanaticks . He comes to describe the Weekly assemblies of the Royal Society : and he does it in words becoming a meeting of Natural Philosophers . The Vsher carries a great Silver Mace before the President , Which is layd on the Cushion where he sits : they have a large Hall , and a handsom Anti-chamber : the place where they Assemble is Wainscotted : there is a long Table before the Chimny , seven or eight grey Chairs about it : some Benches behind , that are bare : the hindermost higher then the first : the President sits in a Chair with Arms : his back to the Chimny : holding a wooden Hammer in his hand , wherewith he sometimes knocks the Table to make silence . Can you , Sir , indure to read all this stuff with any patience ? I suffer'd his Tittle Tattle upon Rochester Bridg , upon the Eternal greeness of the Fields of Kent , upon the Walls of Lincolns-Inn-Fields , on the Guild-Hall , on the Rancks of Trees in Morefields , and many more such pretty Philosophical Discourses : But is not this a shameful signe of his weakness , that he has insisted so long on such mean circumstances , while he was describing a subject , that might have yielded him so much noble matter for his Pen ? And when the Royal Society it self is so careful , that such ceremonies should be just no more , then what are necessary to avoyd confusion ? What other Language should he have us'd then this , if he had been to inform the World of his own Schole at Orange ? Just so he should have proceeded . He should first have declar'd , whether the Room were Hung , or Wainscotted : Next , whether the Master sate with his back towards the Window , or the Chimny : then how many Seats there were for the Boys to sit upon : at last he should have drawn himself in a majestick Chair , his Ferula in his hand , and the poor Scholars trembling for fear at every rap on the Table . But all this is still pardonable : he has been utterly mistaken in the report of their main design . There are two things , that they have most industriously avoided , which he attributes to them : the one is a dividing into parties , and Sects ; and the other , a reliance upon Books , for their intelligence of Nature . He first says , that they are not all guided by the authority of Gassendus , or Des Cartes ; but that the Mathematicians are for Des Cartes , and the Men of General Learning for Gassendus . Whereas neither of these two Men bear any sway amongst them : they are never nam'd there as Dictators over men's Reasons ; nor is there any extraordinary reference to their judgments . He also asserts that the Royal Society has appointed Lodgings , and establish'd four thousand Livres a year , upon two Professors , who shall read to them out of Authors , and that they have begun a Library for that purpose . Whereas they have as yet no Library , but only a Repository for their Instruments , and Rarities : they never intend a Professorian Philosophy , but declare against it : with Books they meddle not farther , then to see what Experiments have been try'd before : their Revenue they designe for Operators , and not for Lecturers . I now pass over to his chief delight , the Belles Lettres of the English. He grants our Stage to be handsom , the Musick tolerable , better I suppose , then that of the Polack Gentleman . But yet he says that our Poets laugh at the Rules of Time , and Place : that all our Playes contain the Actions of Five and Twenty years : that we Marry a Prince in the First Act , and bring in his Son fighting in the Second , and his Grand-child in the Third . But here , Sir , he has committed a greater disorder of time , then that whereof he accuses our Stage : For he has confounded the Reign of King Charles the Second , with that of Q. Elizabeth . 'T is true , about an hundred years ago , the English Poets were not very exact in such decencies : But no more then were the Dramatists of any other Countries . The English themselves did laugh away such absurdities as soon as any , and for these last Fifty years , our Stage has been as Regular in those Circumstances , as the best in Europe . Seeing he thinks ●i● to upbraid our present Poets , with the errors of which their predecessors were guilty so long since : I might as justly impu●e the ●ile absurdities that are to be found in Am●dis de Gaul , ●o Monsieur de Corneille , de Scudery , de Chapelaine , de ●oiture , and the rest of the ●amous Modern French Wits . He next blames the meanness of the Humors which we represent . And here , because he has thrust this occasion upon me , I will venture to make a short comparison between the French Dramatical Poetry , and ours . I doubt not , Sir , but I may do this with the leave of that witty Nation : For as long as I do not presume to slander their manners ( from which you see I have carefully forborn ) I hope they will allow me to examine that which is but a matter of Wit , and delight : I will not enter into open defiance of them , upon Monsieur de Sorbiere's account , but I intreat them to permit me only to try a civill Turnament with them in his War of Letters . I will therefore make no scruple to maintain that the English Plays ought to be preferr'd before the French. And to prove this , I will not insist on an argument , which is plain to any observer , that the greatest part of their most excellent pieces have been taken from the Spaniard : whereas the English have for the most part trodden in new ways of Invention . From hence I will not draw much advantage : though it may ●erve to balance that which he afterwards says of our Books , that they are generally stoln out of other Authors . But I will fetch the grounds of my persuasion , from the very nature , and use , of the Stage it self . It is beyond all dispute , that the true intention of such Representations , is , to give to mankind a Picture of themselves ; and thereby to make Virtue belov'd , Vice abhor'd , and the little irregularities of mens tempers , call'd humors , expos'd to laughter . The Two first of these are the proper subjects of Tragedy , and Trage-Comedy . And in these I will first try to shew , why our way ought to be preferr'd before theirs . The French , for the most part , take only one , or two Great Men , and chiefly insist on some one remarkable accident of their Story : To this end , they admit no more Persons , then will barely serve to adorn that : And they manage all in Rhythme , with long Speeches , almost in the way of Dialogues , in making high Ideas of Honor , and in speaking Noble things . The English , on the other side , make their chief Plot to consist of a greater variety of Actions , and besides the main design , add many other little contrivances . By this means , their Scenes are shorter , their Stage fuller , many more Persons of different Humors are introduc'd . And in carrying on of this , they generally do only confine themselves to blanck Verse . This is the difference . And hence the English have these advantages . By the liberty of Prose , they render their Speech , and Pronuntiation , more natural , and are never put to make a contention between the Rhythm , and the Sence . By their underplots , they often change the minds of their Spectators : which is a mighty Benefit , seeing one of the greatest Arts of Wit and persuasion , is the right ordering of Digressions . By their full Stage , they prevent men's being continually tyr'd with the same Objects : and so they make the Doctrine of the Scene to be more lively , and diverting , then the precepts of Philosophers , or the grave delight of Heroick Poetry : which the French Tragedies do resemble . Nor is it sufficient to object against this , that it is undecent to thrust in men of mean condition , amongst the actions of Princes . For why should that misbecome the Stage , which is always found to be acted on the True Theatre of the World ? There being no Court , which only consists of Kings , and Queens , and Counsellors of State. Upon these accounts , Sir , in my weak judgment , the French Drama ought to give place to the English , in the Tragical and lofty part of it . And now having obtain'd this , I suppose they will of their own accord resigne the other excellence , and confess that we have far exceeded them in the representation of different Humors . The Truth is , the French have alwaies seem'd almost asham'd of the true Comedy : making it not much more then the subject of their Farses : whereas the English Stage has so much abounded with it , that perhaps there is scarce any sort of extravagance of which the minds of men are capable , but they have in some measure express'd . It is in Comedies , and not in Solemn Histories , that the English use to relate the Speeches of Waggoners , of Fencers , and of Common Souldiers . And this I dare assure Monsieur de Sorbiere , that if he had understood our Language , he might have seen himself in all his shapes , as a vain Traveller , an empty Politician , an insolent Pedant , and an idle pretender to Learning . But though he was not in a condition of taking advice from our Stage , for the correcting of his own Vices , yet methinks he might thereby have rectify'd his judgment about ours : he might well have concluded , that the English temper , is not so universally heavy and dumpish , when he beheld their Theatres , to be the gayest , and merriest in Europe . Concerning the English Eloquence , he bravely declares , that all their Sermons in the Pulpit , and Pleadings at the Bar , consist of nothing but mean pedantry . The censure is bold , especially from a man that was so far from understanding our language , that he scarce knew , Whether we move our lips , or no , when we speak . But to shew him , that we can better judge of Monsieur de Sorbier's Eloquence , I must tell him , that the Muses and Parnassus are almost whip't out of our very Scholes : That there are many hundreds of Lawyers and Preachers in England , who have long known how to contemn such delicacies of his stile . I will only give one instance for all . I believe , he could scarce have Brib'd any Scriveners Clerk , to describe Hatfield as he has done , and so to conclude , That the Fishes in the Ponds did often leap out of the water into the air , to behold , and to delight themselves with the beauties of that place . I will not attempt to defend the Ornaments , or the Copiousnesse of our Language , against one that is utterly ignorant of it . But to shew how plentifull it is , I will only repeat an observation , which the Earl of Clarendon has made ; That there is scarce any Language in the world , which can properly signify one English expression , and that is Good Nature . Though Monsieur de Sorbiere will not allow the Noble Author of this Note , to have any skill in Grammar Learning : Yet he must pardon me , if I still believe the observation to be true : At least , I assure you , Sir , that after all my search , I cannot find any one word in his Book , which might incline me to think otherwise . But I will be content to lay the whole authority of his judgement in matters of Wit , and Elegance , upon what he sayes concerning the English Books . He affirms , That they are only impudent thefts out of others , without citing their Authors , and that they contain nothing , but ill Rhapsodies of matter , worse put together . And here , Sir , I will for once do him a courtesie . I will suppose him not to have taken this one character of us , from the Soldier , the Zealander , the Puritans , or the Rabble of the Streets : I will grant he might have taken an ill conceit of our writings , before he came over , from the usuall judgement , which the Southern wits of the world , are wont to passe on the wit of all Northern Countries . 'T is true indeed , I think the French , and the Italians , would scarce be so unneighbourly , as to assert , that all our Authors are Theivish Pedants . That is Monsieur de Sorbier's own addition , but yet they generally agree , that there is scarce anything of late written , that is worth looking upon , but in their own Languages . The Italians did at first indeavour to have it thought , that all matters of Elegance , had never yet pass'd over the Alps : but being soon overwhelm'd by Number , they were content to admit the French , and the Spaniards into some share of the ho●nour . But they all three still maintain this united opinion , that all wit is to be sought for no where but amongst themselves : It is their establish'd Rule , that good sence has alwayes kept neer the warm Sun , and scarce ever yet dar'd to come farther then the forty ninth degree Northward . This , Sir , is a pretty imagination of theirs ; to think they have confin'd all Art to a Geographicall Circle , and to fancy that it is there so charm'd , as not to be able to go out of the bounds which they have set it . It were certainly an easy and a pleasant work to confute this arrogant conception , by particular examples : It might quickly be shewn ; that England , Germany , Holland , nay , even Denmark , and Scotland , have produc'd ve●y many men , who may justly come into competition with the best of these Southern wits , in the Advancement of the true Arts of life , in all the works of solid reason , nay , even in the lighter studies of ornament , and humanity . And , to speak particularly of England , there might be a whole Volume compos'd in comparing the Chastity , the newnesse , the vigour of many of our English Fancies , with the corrupt , and the swelling Metaphors , wherewith some of our Neighbors , who most admire themselves do still adorn their Books . But this , Sir , will require a larger discourse then I intend to bestow on Monsieur de Sorbiere . I am able to dispatch him in ●ewer words● For I wonder how , of all men living , it could enter into his thoughts , To condemn in grosse the English Writings , when the best course that he has taken to make himself consider'd as a writer , was the Translation of an English Author . But I beg your leave , Sir , that I may briefly add , That in the first Restoration of Learning , the English began to write well , as soon as any , the Italians only excepted : and that if we may ghesse by what we see of the Italians at this day , the English have continued to write well , longer then they . Sir Thomas Moore was contemporary with Erasmus , and though he was a man of the Law too , yet he yielded not much to that incomparable man , in the plenty of his invention , or the Masculine easinesse of his stile . And ever since that time down to this ( if we may take a measure of the English , by what Tully says of the Romans , in their most flourishing condition , that they had scarce above one excellent Poet or Orator in an age ) we may make a very advantagious computation , for the honour of our Country . We have at this present , as many Masters of true and reall Wit , as ever Greece produc'd in one age , whose names though I conceal , yet posterity shall declare . We have had many admirable Geniuses in Poetry , who have handled most of the antient and modern subjects of fancy , with wonderfull success . We can name many faithfull and diligent Historians , such as never strove to frame a Romance out of every story , that they manag'd . And the number of these will be shortly increas'd by the labours of a great man , from whom we hope to receive the History of our late warrs , a subject fit for the pen of a Privy Counsellor to Kings , who had himself a great share in the conduct of these affairs which he is to relate . Our Mathematicians we may almost equall to those of all Europe besides : Our Physicians have long bin applauded by all the Learned world ; and certainly their Renowned Colledge at London deserv'd to have bin mentioned , as well as the Fencers at the Red-Bull . Our famous Divines have been innumerable , as the Dutchmen may witnesse , who , in some of their Theologicall Treatises , have bin as bold with the English Sermons , as with our Fishing , and their robberies have bin so manifest , that our Church ought to have Reprisalls against them as well as our Merchants . We have had many Philosophers , of a strong , vigorous , and forcible judgment , of happy and laborious hands , of a sincere , a modest , a solid , an unaffected expression , such who have not thought it enough to set up for Philosophers , only to have got a large stock of fine words , and to have insinuated into the acquaintance of some of the great Philosophers of the age . And above all , we have one small Book , which we dare oppose to all the Treasures of the Eastern , and Western Languages , it is that which was written by our Late King , and Martyr : Whose Ma●estical stile , and Divine Conceptions , have not only moved all his Readers to admire his Eloquence , but inclin'd some of the worst of his enemies , to relent their Cruelty towards him . After all these signs of his excellent judgment , and generous mind , there still , Sir , remains that which he has given of his good Palat , For he has boldly determin'd the controversie , that had long depended in all the Kitchings of England , and France , which is the best way of eating , Chines of Beef , and Mutton , or Bisques , and Potages . This , I confesse , was a matter fit to be decided by that Historian , Critick , Mathematician , Orator , and Physitian , Who had Travell'd throughout the world to acquaint himselfe with all the Learned men of all countries , and to push on all Sciences to perfection . He has here indeed behav●d himselfe like the true naturall , and experimental Philosopher , whose businesse it is to take in all manner of observations , that can be got from the Senses . You see , Sir , how fairly I treat him , I allow the very Criticisms of his appetite to be a part of his Philosophy ; and I look upon his affection to Fricacies before whole Ioynts , to proceed from his love to the Doctrine of Atoms , before that of the two great standing dishes of Matter and Form. But yet I must tell him , that perhaps this Rigid condemning of the English Cookery , did not so well suit with his belov'd Title of Sceptick . According to the lawes of that profession , he should first have long debated whether there be any tast , or no ; whether the steam of a pot be only a fancy , or a reall thing ; whether the Kitchin fire has indeed the good qualities of rosting , and Boiling , or whether it be only an appearance . This had bin a dispute more becomming a Sceptick , then thus to conclude Dogmatically on all the Intrigues of Haut gousts ; and to raise an endlesse speculative quarrel between those that had bin hitherto peaceful and practical Sects , the Hashe's , and the Surloiners . You may now , Sir , perhaps expect , that I should make some Comparison between the French Dyet and the English. It were , I confess , a pleasant , and a weighty argument . But I am resolv'd to passe it over : not that I think we have the worst of the cause ; but for a particular reason of my own . It is that Monsieur de Sorbiere may still remain in his error ; For as long as he is ignorant that there is any good House Keeping in England , we are like to have no more of his company ; yet I cannot but say to the advantage of Boil●d Beef and Rost , that the English have the same sincerity in their Dyet , which they have in their Manners : and as they have less mixture in their Dishes , so they have less sophisticate compositions in their hearts , then the people of some other Nations . But now , Sir , I confesse he has quite tyr●d my hand , and I almost asham'd to behold this heap of his vanities arise to such a Bulk , as he ought to be , that he has given me this occasion to collect them ; I will therefore in few words come to an issue with him : I will satisfie him in the request which he makes to this Reader . I am content to conclude from these his three moneths travells , what kind of Observations he has made in the world these thirty years . This , Sir , is his own desire , and I obey him . But then I know not how he will be able to avoid the imputation of those Crimes with which he has so often slandered the English , of being a Doe-little , an Idle , a Lazy , and a Vseless Person . The description of his Voyage into Holland is not yet come to my hands : but if it be of the same thread with this , he had bin much better imploy'd , if he had only imitated the Roman Emperours journey thither , and gone to gather Cockle-shells on that shore . If he has any friends amongst all the learned men of Europe , that were once his familiars , they would do well to advise him what weight his mind will bear : he is himself in the right , when he acknowledges , that these matters of state , Characters of Nations , descriptions of Governments , Churches , and Courts , are far above the weakness of his Spirit . But yet the Mans abilities are not wholy to be discourag'd ; he may still prove a tolerable good flatterer of his Patrons : he may bring in his Vostre Tres Humble , artificially enough in the end of an empty Letter of complements : he may serve to commend Philosophers when they are dead : or ( to conclude with his own dear Epithete ) he may make a sufficient Trumpeter in the Common-wealth of Learning . And in truth he has behav'd himself , in this account of his Voyage , like a true Trumpeter ; for Trumpeters , when they are sent into forein armies or countries , are alwayes blinded on purpose that they might not be able to give any certain intelligence , of the places through which they pass'd . And now , Sir , having dismiss'd the Historiographer Royal , that I may speedily put an end to your trouble , I will only in few words apply my speech to your self . You may perhaps remember , that we have sometimes debated together , what place and time of all the past , or present , we would have chosen to live in , if our fates had bin at our own disposal ; and in that discourse , insteed of desiring to have bin born in China , we both agreed , that Rome , in the Reign of Augustus , was to be preferr'd before all others . The prerogatives of that time were very many : That City was then become the establish'd seat of the Empire of the world : that Emperour had the good fortune to succeed a long civil war : the minds of all men were easily compos'd into obedience by the remembrance of their past misfortunes : the arts of Wit , Reason , and delight were in their highest perfection : the Court was the place of resort , for all the Lovers of generous knowledge : and such was the freedome of their manners , that Virgil , Horace , and Varius were admitted into the privacies , and friendship , of Agrippa , Mecaenas , and Augustus . Beyond this we could fancy nothing pleasanter to a Philosophical mind ; which was resolv'd to live according to the convenience , and Rules of Nature , seeing it might there have injoy'd at once all the varieties of an active life , and all the quiet , and peace , of a Retir'd . This , Sir , was then our opinion : But it was before the Kings Return . For since that blessed time , the condition of our owne Countrey appears to me to be such , that we need not search into antient History for a reall Idea of happinesse . 'T is true that England is not the seat of the Empire of the world : But it may be of that which confines the world it self , the Ocean : To this Dominion our Nation is invited , by the Scituation of our shores , the inclination of our people , and the Genius of a vigorous and skilfull Prince . The time wherein we live is upon the recovery of an Universal peace ; a peace establish'd on the two surest foundations of Fear , and Love : a peace that was accomplish'd without proscriptions , and even without the ruine of those that resisted it : a peace that was produc'd by peaceful Arts , though it was by the conduct of an Army . The footsteps of the late dreadfull war are not only vanish'd from our eies , but now almost from our thoughts . If any thing of it still remains , it is only the good effect which it had on our countrey , the industry that was excited by it , and the wisdome which such wofull experience has taught us . The Government which we injoy , is justly compos'd of a sufficient liberty , and restraint . And though it may be suspected in a querulous and discontented Age , a little to incline the people to disobedience ; yet in a calme , and a secure time ( such as this at present ) it serves admirably well to breed a generous , an honourable , and invincible spirit . The temper of the English is free , Modest , Sincere , Kind , hard to be provok'd : if they are not so talkative as others , yet they are more carefull of what they speak : if they are thought , by some of their neighbours , to be a little defective in the gentleness , and the pliableness of their humour ; yet that want is abundantly supplyed , by their firme and their Masculine virtues : and perhaps the same observation may be found true in men , which is in Mettals , that those of the strongest , and the Noblest substance are hardest to be polisht . The Arts that now prevail amongst us , are not only all the usefull Sciences of Antiquity , but most especially all the late discoveries of this Age in the reall knowledge of mankind , and nature . For the improvement of this kind of light , the English disposition is of all others the fittest . And an universal zeal towards the advancement of such designs , has not only overspread our Court and Vniversities ; but the Shops of our Mechanicks , the fields of our Gentlemen , the Cottages of our Farmers , and the Ships of our Merchants . To all this , Sir , may be added the Profession of such a Religion , and the Discipline of such a Church , which an impartial Philosopher would chuse : which by falling with the Throne , and by rising with it again , has given evident signe , how consistent it is with the Laws of humane society , and how neerly its interest is united with the prosperity of our Country . 'T is true indeed that after all these advantages , there may be some room still left for future amendments , in the union of our minds , the smoothness of our manners , and the Beauty of our Buildings . This last was the peculiar honour of Augustus , who is said to have found Rome of Brick , and to have left it of Marble . In this kind too we every day behold a wonderful progress , by the powerfull influence of a Royal Example : so that I may in generall affirm , that never any Nation in the world has proceeded by swifter degrees , to excell in Convenience and Magnificence . But whatever is to be added in this , or any other such way , we can never receive it from the petulant corrections of such vain Observers , as this whom I have here consider'd . No , Sir , we are to expect it from the many Noble and practicall English Wits of this Age : and chiefly from your self . For you must give me leave , Sir , to presage , that to you your Country is to owe very much of its Ornament , as well as experimental knowledge , its reputation and indeed all the living , and Beneficial Arts , the enlargement of their Bounds . This , Sir , I know will offend your modesty ; but he is an ill English-man , who would not have said as much as this , when your name was mentioned : which if I had omitted , I had bin almost as injurious to our Nation , as this very Traveller whom I censure : for as he was un●ust in aggravating the faults , so I my selfe had been , in concealing one of the principall glories of England . I beg of you now , Sir , only to permit me to conclude with some Apology for my self . You may , perhaps , wonder all this while to see me undertake such an argument , and to prosecute it in a manner , which may appear perhaps a little too sharp for your eye , or my pen. You know , Sir , that I am enemy to all manner of controversies , that I hate contention , though in matters of the greatest concernment , and that I had much rather defend , then accuse : To this I can therefore only reply , for my excuse , that this Letter may not so properly be call'd an Accusation , as a Defence : For though I have confuted the sawciness of one particular Man , yet I have pleaded for a Great , a Valiant , and a vertuous people . Sir , I am . London , August 1 , 1664. Your most Humble and Affectionate Servant . THO. SPRAT . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61161-e160 Pref. P. 188. P. 133. E. Ded. E. Ded. P. 201. E. Ded. E. Ded. E. Ded. Pref. E. Ded. P. 93. P. 201. E. Ded. P. 201. E. Ded. E. Ded. E. Ded. P. 8. P. 6. P. 6,7 . P. 94. P. 100. P. 14. P. 17. P. 14. P. 14. P. 12. P. 15. P. 15 E. Ded. P. 9. P. 18. P. 42. P. 18. P. 26 , 27. P. 22. P. 22 , 23 , 24. P. 29. P. 29. P. 32. P. 37. P. 10. P. 11. P. 21. P. 20. P. 12. P. 112. P. 112. P. 153. P. 113. P. 12. P. 133. P. 11. P. 11. P. 12. P. 151. P. 122 , 123. P. 19. P. 112. P. 113. P. 19. P. 11. P. 21. P. 21. P. 161 , 162. P. 12. P. 12. P. 172. Pref. P. 16 , 17. P. 13. P. 40. P. 80. P. 175. P. 10. P. 21. P. 21. P. 45. P. 43. P. 44. P. 43. P. 44. P 44. P. 45. P. 53. P. 52. P. 53. P. 62 , 63. P. 63. P. 45. P. 100. P. 44. P. 58. P. 122. P. 130. P. 99. P. 64. P. 64. P. 64. P. 64. P. 48. P. 60. P. 117 , 118. P. 118. P. 116. P. 123. P. 120. P. 124. P. 130. P. 130. P. 130. P. 151 , 152 , 153. P. 132. P. 130. Praef. P. 116 , 117. P. 93. P. 171. P. 127. P. 128. P. 129. P. 121. P. 132. P. 148. P. 133 , to 143. P. 137. P. 141 , 142 , 143. P. 58. P. 47. P. 126 , 127. P. 127 , 128 , 129. P. 21. P. 126. P. 129. P. 125. P. 127. P. 125. P. 126. P. 184. P. 186. Pref. Pref. Ep. De. Ep. De. P. 96. P. 94 , 95. P. 100. P. 100. P. 101. P. 94. P. 94. P. 206. P. 188. P. 102. P. 103. P. 105. P. 102. P. 103. P. 104 , 105. P. 65. P. 66. P. 97. P. 97. P. 99. From P. 177. to 199. P. 97. P. 97. P. 97 , 98. P. 86. P. 88 , 89 , 90. P. 92. P. 87 , 88. P. 167. P. 167. P. 168. P. 168. P. 169. P. 168 , 169. P. 168 , 169. P. 169. P. 158. P. 168 , 169. P. 185 , 186. Ep. De. 
A61182	----	A sermon preach'd to the natives of the county of Dorset, residing in and about the cities of London and Westminster, at St. Mary Le Bowe, on Dec. 8, 1692, being the day of their anniversary feast by the Lord Bishop of Rochester. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1693 Approx. 46 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61182 Wing S5062 ESTC R13442 13586908 ocm 13586908 100566 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61182) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100566) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 851:8) A sermon preach'd to the natives of the county of Dorset, residing in and about the cities of London and Westminster, at St. Mary Le Bowe, on Dec. 8, 1692, being the day of their anniversary feast by the Lord Bishop of Rochester. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 40 p. In the Savoy, printed by Edward Jones and sold by him and Randal Taylor ..., [London] : 1693. Written by Thomas Sprat. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bible. -- N.T. -- Acts IV, 32 -- Sermons. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACH'D to the NATIVES OF The County of Dorset . Residing in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , At St. Mary Le Bowe , on Dec. 8. 1692. Being the Day of their Anniversary FEAST . By the Lord Bishop of Rochester . In the Savoy ; Printed by Edward Jones , and sold by him and Randal Taylor near Stationers-Hall . 1693. Imprimatur , Dec. 30. 1692. H. LONDON . Acts IV. Vers. 32. And the Multitude of them that believed were of one Heart , and one Soul : Neither said any of them , that ought of the things which he possessed was his own , but they had all things common . IN the second Chapter of this Book of the Acts , there is represented to us , as much as by Words a Thing so Wonderful can be express'd , the Glorious Manner of the first Miraculous Descending of the Holy Ghost , on the Apostles , and Primitive Disciples . A Miracle , that gave a perfect Confirmation to all that had been done before , from the Creation to that Day , towards the Establishing of the True Religion ; and also gave Authority , to all that has been added since that Day , for the same End , on the same Foundation . It clearly manifested to the World the Truth of the Christian Faith , and most visibly declared its Power : Fill'd the first Christians Mouths with new , unknown , unstudyed Tongues ; and to all those Tongues gave Utterance at once , to sound forth the Works and Praises of GOD : Whilst the Standers-by of all Nations all marvelled ; and when every one heard his own Language , they were all confounded ; as well they might , to find all Mankind now going to be united into one Church by the same extraordinary Way , by which they were at first scatter'd into many Nations , by a Multiplicity of Languages , and Variety of Speech . After that first most astonishing Gift of Fiery and Cloven Tongues , we have next in the latter part of the second , and in the third , and this fourth Chapter , an Account of St. Peter's first Sermons to the People , who being come together out of all Countries to keep their Pentecost at Jerusalem , and there meeting with so unexpected an Event , were amazed to think what it should mean. St. Peter tells them , This is that which GOD had foretold should come to pass in the last Days , that is , according to their understanding of those Words , in the Age of the Messias . And from thence he goes on to prove to them out of their Scriptures , that this JESUS , whom they had now Crucified , was the Messias , both Lord and Christ. An Argument , which seem'd to require a long search into the whole Design of their Ceremonial Law , and a deep skill in all the Writings of their Prophets ; that consisting all of dark Types , these being full of Mysteries : An Argument therefore , that might be thought fitter for their Scribes , and Pharisees , and most Learned Doctors , and the High Priest himself , than for an Unlearned Galilean and ignorant Fisherman to undertake . Yet this very Fisherman so manag'd this Weighty and Mysterious Subject ; with such Convincing Plainess , such Strength of Reason , as neither was nor could be taught by Art ; with such undoubted Evidence of Scripture and Antiquity ; such visible Demonstration , and Power ; that the Meaness of his Person , and Trade of Life , soon ceas'd to be an Objection and against him , was so far from less'ning his Authority , that it became an unanswerable Proof of the Divinity of his Doctrine , and the Reality of his Inspiration . Wherefore these first Sermons of St. Peter had a present and surprizing Effect ; Fear came upon the Soul of every Hearer ; Three Thousand Persons were at once added to the Church ; the Multitude strove , who should first declare their Conversion , and Belief , and Desire to be Baptiz'd . And as fast as they came in , the New Converts were inspired with the same Gift of Tongues , by which they had been Converted . Just before , they had been obstinate Unbelievers , perhaps Mockers of that Doctrine , whereof , just then in a Moment , they were compleatly furnish'd with Abilities to become Interpreters and Teachers to all Mankind . In my Text we have one remarkable Instance of the Blessed Spirit 's coming down upon one of these first Assemblies of Christians , in such a marvellous Manner and Measure . In the Verse before 't is said , That when they had prayed , the Place , where they were met , was shaken , and they were all filled with the Holy Ghost . And then strait follow three most signal Effects of this Wondrous Dispensation . First , That they spake the Word of GOD with boldness ; without any farther doubt in their own Minds , without any dread of Opposition from others , though the whole World was against them ; with such an inspir'd Boldness , as became the Supernatural Commission , they had then receiv'd , to speak the Word of GOD ; and a Boldness , that was justified by the Supernatural Works , which thenceforth accompanied their Speaking . Secondly , That all the New Converts were of United Judgments and Affections . Not only the Apostles , but the Multitude of them that believ'd , were of one Heart , and one Soul. Thirdly , That this inward Unity of Heart , and Soul , was outwardly demonstrated by a free , and mutual Communication of their Temporal Goods , and Possessions . None of them said , That ought of the things he possest was his own , but they had all things common . Now of these three immediate Consequences of this admirable Revelation , the first , which was their Speaking the Word of GOD with Boldness , I shall pass by at this time ; and by GOD's Assistance , and your Patience , rather apply my self to the two last , as being more proper for the Occasion , and suitable to the End of this your Friendly , and Religious Meeting . For the great Intention , My Beloved Countrymen , of your Assembling thus together in Publick Devotions , and Amicable Society , being , as you all profess , and , as I am verily perswaded , for the increase of Brotherly Love , and Good-Will among your selves here present , and to promote Charity towards those of our Country , who may be absent through Poverty ; I , for my part , know not how I can better perform the Task , your Kindness has laid upon me in this Solemnity , than by Recommending to your Devout Meditations , and , in some sort also , to your Pious Imitation , this great , and most Christian Example of the first Christians . First , Their Unanimity , and Concord ; They were all of one Heart , and one Soul. Secondly , Their Liberal , and Generous Distribution of their Goods , to their Brethren that wanted ; None of them esteem'd any thing he had to be his own , but they had all things common . I begin with the first , They were all of one Heart , and one Soul. This is the first here in Order ; and was indeed the Cause of the other . For how can there be a greater , or more powerful Motive to the outward Charity of Works , than internal Unity of Mind ? Where the Goods of the Soul are entirely Communicated , it is almost impossible that there should be an absolute engrossing of the Goods of Fortune ; so Men are wont to call them , though they are , in truth , the Gifts of Heaven , as well as the other ; and as such , are to be distributed by the same Laws . They were therefore all of one Heart , and one Soul ; than which a nearer Agreement cannot be described , or imagin'd : The Heart ( if there be any difference of the Expression in Scripture-Language ) being to be taken for the chief Seat of the Will and Affections , and the Soul of the Judgment and Understanding . Nor was this only spoken of St. Peter , and the rest of the Twelve ; nor only of the Apostles , and Seventy Disciples ; nor only of the first Hundred and Twenty in the Upper Room ; nor only of the Three Thousand Converted by one Sermon ; but of All ; of the Multitude of them that Believed . Certainly some strange , and unusual thing must needs happen , as here it did , that could bring together , and cement such a Multitude , so as to make them be of one Heart ; that could persuade such a Multitude to converse together , and conspire in the same Thoughts , and Desires , as if they had but one Soul. Whereas a Multitude , however composed , too commonly seems by its inconstant , and fluctuating Counsels , its partial Debates , and perverse Opinions , and head-strong Resolutions , to have more Hearts , and more Souls than it really has ; even more than it has Bodies . In the Weakness , and Ignorance , or prejudicate Knowledge of a Multitude , how easily are the Seeds of Dissention and Contradiction sown ? By the various Interests , or wilful Humours , or violent Passions of a Multitude , how quickly are they rais'd , and inflamed ? And when once a Multitude is engaged in Divisions , how hard a thing is it to compose them again ? A Multitude therefore could never have been so united , had they not been a Multitude of Believers ▪ Nor then neither , had not the Holy Ghost , the Blessed Author of all Peace and Truth , inclined them to it : Had not that taught them to make the Matter of their Belief to be the Cause , and Ground of their Concord , not of their Separation ; as too often since has been experienc'd . The Difficulty of so Divine a Work , to Unite a mixt Multitude of all People , and Languages , to Unite them so closely , to Animate them all with such Cordial Affections , did well become the Almighty Power of the Holy Spirit : It well became , and could only belong to that Blessed Person , who is one GOD , the same with the Father , and the Son , GOD Blessed for ever , to inspire so great a Degree of Union into the Minds of all , whom it fill'd with its first Gifts , and Graces , and Benedictions . And , Beloved in our Lord and Saviour , this Heavenly Fruit of the Heavenly Spirit 's being thus pour'd forth on the Primitive Christians , was not only intended , as some of the other Fruits of it were , to confirm our Faith ; but also to instruct us in one of our most necessary Duties . The Apostles Miraculous Acting , and Speaking , with such Invincible Freedom and Power , requires our Belief of the Faith that they Preach'd : And GOD took this way to establish it : But that Marvellous Unanimity of their first Converts concerns our practise , and was design'd to direct it . It is not given us to follow them Step by Step in their other extraordinary Privileges and Prerogatives : But in their humble , and Fraternal Condescentions to each other ; their peaceable Acquiescence in the same Divine Truths ; their meek Obedience to the same Holy Laws ; in these we may , and ought to follow them . The Glory of the Signs and Wonders which they wrought , was enough for GOD's purpose in propagating the Gospel to all Times , and Places : But we of these latter Ages can never arrive at the same Abilities ; nor ought we to emulate them in what was Peculiar to their time , and Personal to Themselves . Whoever does , he is likely to shew more Proofs of his own Natural Vanity , or Spiritual Pride , than of any Supernatural Power , or Illumination . Yet still it is left to us , and it is incumbent upon us , with the utmost of our Zeal , to imitate their other Virtues and Graces , which are , though of a lower Degree , yet of a Perpetual Duration for the Benefit of the Church : Such as their Simplicity of Heart , their Agreement in the same Acts of Piety , and their Consent in the same Christian Faith. In those their more exalted and inspired Endowments , we must of necessity be defective , since we cannot have any the least proportion of their immediately-Divine Helps to acquire them ; And because those are not so necessary ( indeed not at all necessary ) in this common and setled Course of Christianity , as they were for the first Founding of it . But as for these their other good and gracious Dispositions , such as their Meekness , Self-Denial , Patience , Long-suffering , Forbearance of each others Frailties , and Fellow-feeling of each others Infirmities ; such as inclined them to this Unity of Heart , and Soul ; and are all still equally necessary to us ; towards our attaining of these , we have still a sufficient Assistance from that Father of Lights , from whom they are derived . Of all these , My Brethren , it was especially design'd that there should be a perpetual Succession deriv'd down on all , that succed them in the same Faith. In these they are to be our lasting Patterns to the End of the World. I mean in this Mutual Concurrence and Conformity of Minds ; This Charitable Compliance of Judgments , and Endearment of Affections among our selves ; this mild , gentle , tender-hearted . Temper towards all Men ; this submissive Uniformity in GOD's Worship : All of them Virtues , and Graces that exceedingly contribute to the very Being , much more to the Well-being of the Christian Church : All of them so peculiarly the Effects , and certain Influences of the Holy Ghost , that they are expresly call'd the Unity of the Spirit ; and that , which is inseparably annext to it , The Bond of Peace . Wherefore , in the Name of GOD , let us all fix our Eyes , and our Hearts on that uncorrupt Original , of the first Christians Agreement in sound Doctrine , and holy Worship , which was , as you have heard , the genuine , and immediate Off-spring of the true Spirit of GOD. That most Christian Communion which began so soon , so gloriously ! That most happy Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ! That most Spiritual one Accord ! That most desirable Unity of Heart and Soul ! which was most frequently and most religiously enjoyn'd all Christians , by the Author and Finisher of our Faith ! And which took so effectually in them , that were the first Publishers of it ! When they come to recommend it to us , you see with what Vehemence they do it : Beseeching us , If there be any Consolation in Christ , if any Comfort of Love , if any Fellowship of the Spirit , if any Bowels of Mercies , Fulfil ye my Joy , saith the Apostle , Phil. 2. 1. That you be like-minded , having the same Love , being of one Accord , of one Mind . And when they come to use Arguments for it , you see how they press us all the ways that can be thought of , to make it enter into our Souls ; how they oblige us to it , by all the Considerations of Duty , of Assistance , of Interest , of Benefit , and Reward : How they farther engage us , by many most weighty Arguments drawn from the very Substance , and End of our pure and undefiled Religion : By the Unity of our Baptism into one Faith ; of our Hope , which is one happy Eternal Life ; of our Head , which is one Lord Christ ; of his Body , which is one Church , the Mother of us all ; and of that common Sense , and mutual Participation of Helps , Affections , and Comforts , that ought for ever to be maintain'd between all the Children of such a Mother , all the Members of such a Body . You see how we are all provok'd to Love , and bound , in our several Stations , to labour for a Spiritual Unity , by all these , and other such unanswerable Grounds of Persuasion ▪ But that which especially sets it home to us is this , That we see the Duty is practicable , we see it lively set forth in that Blessed Model which is given us in this fourth , and in the second Chapter of this Book ; It gives us the most perfect Example of Unanimity , that ever was shewn to the World. And that we may follow it as we ought , it behoves us to consider which way the first Christians came into this state , that we may take the same , as far as we can in our Circumstances . We see then , how when all the Apostles of Christ , and all our Lords own Disciples , attended the fulfilling of his own great Promise of sending the Holy Ghost , to Comfort them , and to Teach them all things ; to Teach them , and as a Comforter to Teach them ; to joyn with the Precepts , and Counsels of a Teacher , the Gentleness and Favours of a Comforter ; then the chief account we have of them , in preparation to all this , is , That they were all with one accord in one place : When that Promise was accomplish'd , when the Holy Ghost was sent , the next account we have of them is , that They were all of one Heart , and one Soul. Observe , I beseech you , in that first General Meeting of the whole Church , than which never any since was more Venerable , nor will be , till the last Day of General Judgment ; when the Blessed Spirit of GOD did not only hover above over all their Heads , as he did over the Waters at the Creation ; from whence all the Order and Beauty of all the Creatures proceeded ; but sate upon each of their Heads , and over-spread their Minds , and enlarg'd their Hearts , and loosen'd their Tongues , to the Amazement of all Beholders , who thereby soon became Converts : There was then no one Circumstance , that more advantageously contributed to their Universal Receiving of that Divine Revelation , than that they were all united , with one accord , in one place : There was no one Consequence of that Revelation , which the same Holy Ghost thought fitter , and more instructive to be everlastingly recorded in Scripture , than that afterwards they all remain'd united in Doctrine , in Devotions , in Charity : There are no other Principles or Practises here mention'd upon which they united , but such as were truly Evangelical , and tend directly to the uniting of the Mystical Body of Christ to the end of the World. They continued stedfastly in the Apostles Doctrine , in Fellowship , in Breaking of Bread , and in Prayers . They continued daily with one accord in the Temple , and Breaking Bread from House to House , or in the House , that is , in part of the Temple also , or in the several Houses at Jerusalem , where the Apostles had their Congregations : There they did eat their Meat , that is , their Spiritual Food in the Holy Communion , and also their Natural , but Sanctifi'd Meat in their Feasts of Charity ; and did all this with Gladness , and singleness of Heart , praising GOD , who had called them to that Excellent Way of Life , and graciously accepted them in it , and gave them a publick Testimony of all this , in the Favour of all the People . What could be done more towards uniting their Hearts , and Souls ? After they had repented , and were Baptized , and were filled with Grace , and Power from on high , First , they continued in the Apostles Doctrine ; in that , and no other . They receiv'd the Word with all readiness of Mind , and search'd the Scriptures , whether those things were so . Having found the Truth , they stedfastly adher'd to it without wavering and uncertainty ; whatsoever Inquiry they made into it , it was without any needless Curiosity , or over-subtil Inventions about it . Secondly , They continued in Fellowship ; that is , either in a strict Communion of all the Offices of Christianity in general , or , as the Learned Dr. Hammond understands the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a Charitable Communication of their good things to those that wanted . Thirdly , They continued together in Breaking of Bread ; that is , in the frequent Participation of the Blessed Mystery of the Lord's Supper : One part , the Breaking of Bread , being here , as Drinking is elsewhere , [ 1 Cor. 12. 13. ] put to signifie that whole Sacrament : though never in Scripture was any one kind of it commanded to be Administred in stead of the whole , as in the Church of Rome is most Sacrilegiously practised . But in the due , and constant receiving that Holy Sacrament , in both kinds , no doubt , they all continued : That most Sacred Ordinance , which is , or should be so much the great Instrument of Unity among Christians , that it is most properly termed the Communion . Fourthly , After they had thus broken that Heavenly Bread ; and Eaten their Meat , their Bodily Meat probably in their Charitable Feasts , what follow'd but Gladness , and Singleness of Heart ? Gladness , the sure Companion , at least in the end , of a single innocent Heart , endued with true Christian Simplicity ; as Darkness and Discomfort is the never-failing Attendant , one time or other , first or last , of a double deceitful Mind , and Hypocritical Spirit . Lastly , They continued daily , with one accord , in the Temple , praising GOD. Though the Lord from on High had visited them with the most gracious Dispensation , that ever was revealed from Heaven ; yet , notwithstanding that extraordinary effusion of the Holy Ghost upon them , they never intermitted , but exactly observ'd the ordinary Course of their Religious Duties . And for this they resorted daily to the Temple : Which though they consider'd now as having lost all its Typical Sanctity , by the renting of the Veil at the Death of Christ ; yet , as Christ himself taught them immediately before his Death , they look'd upon it as being still GOD's House by Consecration , and as being a House of Prayer for all Nations . Thus even at that very time , when they had receiv'd the Blessed Spirit in so abundant a Measure ; yet from that so bright an Inspiration , they took not any Opportunity , nor framed any pretence to condemn , or despise the common Offices of the Church , or to think themselves above all the prescribed Ordinances of their wonted Worship ; but therefore , the rather , they frequented the Service of GOD , according to their accustomed Manner . They continued daily , to shew the unwearied Fervor , and stated Regularity of their Piety . They continued daily with one accord , to signifie the Harmonious Agreement of their Spiritual Society . They continued daily with one accord in the Temple , to testifie their Preference of Establish'd , Consecrated Places , and their Observance of Orderly Decency in their Devotions . Nor did they only there continue in Prayer , in Petitioning Heaven for Benefits to come , but in Praising GOD for Mercies receiv'd : Which is the Noblest , the most Sublime , the most Coelestial Part of Christian Worship ; as being indeed the chief Business of Heaven it self . And if there be any Communion of Saints , which we must believe , or utterly renounce one Article of our Creed ; if any such thing , as a Holy Catholick Church , whereof surely the proud Boastings , and false Pretences of Rome cannot wholly abolish the thing it self ; then there is no manner of Question , but the largest Measures of Grace will be Communicated to our Souls , in these Publick Offices of Prayer , and Praise , which at once , as the whole Primitive Church did then , so a considerable part of it now , with united Tongues , and Affections , and Spirits more united , presents to the Throne of Grace . That is the First Part of my Text ; The Multitude of them that believed were all of one Heart , and one Soul , in this Sense , and to this Degree , and in the Uniform Performance of all these Spiritual Duties . Now , My Brethren , upon this so intimate an Agreement of their Understandings , Wills , and Affections in Matters of Faith , and Worship , there presently succeeded a like Harmony of Good Works : They all practis'd a general Distribution , and Participation of each others Earthly Riches , and Possessions : Which is the last Effect here mention'd of their being all filled with the Holy Ghost . None of them said that ought he possessed was his own , but they had all things common . They were really their own things , as much as any other Mens Goods were theirs : But their new Principle of Christian Charity had made them to alter their Thoughts so much about them , as even to change , and transfer the very Propriety of them . It cannot indeed be denyed , but of such an extraordinary more than Brotherly Love , and strict Fellowship , as this of the Apostles , and Primitive Disciples , there had before some Shadows and Footsteps appear'd in the Practise of some Men of other Religions , both among the Jews and the Gentils . Among the Jews , such a Communication of all things was , in great part , used by that Sect which they call'd Essens , towards Men of their own way of Discipline . And a Generation of Men they were , who , of all others , came nearest the Christian Institution : So that , as Grotius tells us , our Lord had many of his first Disciples out of the Men of that Profession : For which Reason probably , as he observes , they alone were seldom or never reprehended by our Saviour himself , as all the other Sects were very frequently , and sometimes exceeding sharply . Such a Communication also was , in some sort , in use among the Pythagoreans , and some other Fraternities of the Heathen Philosophers , and some of their wisest Polities of Civil Society : Whose chief Aim being the Advancement of Human Nature by all Natural Means ; and they believing they could not do that by any better way , than by raising Frienship to the highest pitch ; which they justly esteem'd the most perfect Natural State of Mandkind , in this World : They therefore Cultivated especially that kind of Friendly Life , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that signifies the same with the Phrase in my Text , of having all things common . But notwithstanding all this , it were easie to prove , that of all the Communities of Goods , which have been ever essay'd among Men ; this of the Apostles , and first Christians , was the most Excellent , the most Innocent , the most Spiritual , and sincerely Charitable kind of it . As for that Sect of the Jews , though they did bountifully dispense their Estates in common to Men of their own Party , and Form of Life ; yet we do not find , but the same Men still retained something of the general Temper of the Jewish Nation ; which was to be kind only to themselves , and their Proselytes , but rigid , and hard-hearted to all the World besides ; especially to all that differed from them in Religion . So that in Truth the Divine Efficacy of the Christian Faith , in its first beginnings , was scarce ever more illustrated in any thing than in this , that it first undertook to convince the Jews ; and could bring so many of them so speedily from the most stiff-necked Arrogance , and narrow-handed Austerity , to the greatest Humility and Generosity , that ever Mankind was acquainted with . For as for the Heathens also , who profess'd to hold such a Community of all things ; they generally went so far in the abuse of it , as to lay all things common ; not only lawful , but unlawful things too ; even some of those things , which , by the Laws of GOD and of Nations , had been made most proper , and peculiar . But in such things the greater the Community , the greater the Wickedness . Whereas this Evangelical Community here instituted in the Primitive Church , had all the quite contrary Advantages , and Perfections . First , It was most pure , spotless , and unblameable . It was only a Communication of Lawful Things ; and of such Things , as might Lawfully be used in common . But all Fellowship with the unfruitful Works of Darkness , all Imagination of partaking in unlawful things , they universally condemned ; and their practise was accordingly . They restrained themselves , and taught us , to abstain not only from the real Guilt , but from the very appearance of Evil. They utterly abhorred the least suspicion of Licentiousness , under a pretence of Christian Freedom : They knew , that although through Christ they were free indeed , yet he had redeemed them only from the Burden of Legal Observances , and not from the Obligation of Moral , or Natural Laws . Secondly , As their Liberal Distribution of their Temporal Inheritances , for the Relief of those among them , that wanted , did flow from the most Divine Principle of Christian Love , and Tenderness towards all their Brethren of the same Faith , and Communion ; so it was at the same time accompanied with an unconfined Good-will , an open-hearted Kindness , and enlarged Bowels of Compassion , to all Mankind besides . What St. Paul exhorted all Christians to do , they perform'd in an Eminent Degree : As they had Opportunity , they did good to all Men , though they did it chiefly to those of the Houshold of Faith. And that indeed is the true Christian Charity . It may have its Degrees ; but never admits of its Contraries : So that all , who are sincerely thus affected , may express their Charity to some more than to others ; but must never be uncharitable , much less unjust , to any . To all we are bound to practise a perpetual Communication of our good Will , and good Offices , and of our Goods too in the Works of Justice , and Charity : In the Works of Charity , according to our Capacities ; in the Works of Justice always , and without reserve . For only the Able can be Charitable : And it may not sometimes be a Man 's own fault , that he is not able to be outwardly Charitable : But it is ever a Man 's own fault only , if he is not outwardly Just , and at least inwardly Charitable to all . Thirdly , This free dispensing of their Goods and Possessions , that was then made by the Able to sustain the Unable and Afflicted , was far from being intended to cherish the Laziness , or to encourage the Negligence , or to nourish the Vanity and Pride of any that were thus relieved ; but to quite contrary Purposes ; that is , either to supply the real Wants of the innocently Necessitous ; or to comfort those , that were under fierce Persecutions ; or to excite those to indefatigable Industry , who were to labour in the Work of the Lord ; that with more Leasure , and Freedom from Worldly Cares , and Diversions , they might attend the most important Business of saving Souls , and spreading the Everlasting Gospel . These , My Brethren , were the only , or the principal Ends of the first Christians having all things common : Ends very different from those of the Monastical Life , as it has been universally abused in all Christendom : Though that pretends to come nearest the first Christians retirement from the World , and free partaking of what each other possessed , and living their Life in common . But towards the imitating of that humble , devout , and self-denying Life of the Apostles , and their Disciples , it is not sufficient for Men , or Women only to profess a sullen Reservedness , or unprofitable Separation from the World : For some Persons , in shew of a more Spiritual Life , to live idly upon others mistaken Charity , is not to practise the Primitive Community of Goods . Whoever will be really like those great Examples of Self-denial and Abstinence , 't is not enough only to follow them superstitiously , and servilely , in some one little accidental thing , some indifferent Habit , or Action of their Lives : Rather we must endeavour to resemble them in their real Virtues , and solid Excellencies , and in carrying on the Work of GOD , by doing all the Good we can in this World , as they did . Fourthly , It is observable , that of the Goods and Estates of the first Christians , thus brought as Free-Will-Offerings into one Common Treasury , the Disposition was ordered with great Prudence , Equity , and Piety ; and that at first by no less Men than the Apostles themselves ; afterwards indeed it was committed to inferior Ministers , but still at the Appointment , and under the Inspection of the Apostles . In this Chapter it is said , That as many as were possessed of Land or Houses , sold them , and brought the Prices of the things that were sold , and laid them down at the Apostles Feet ; and Distribution was made to every Man according as he had need ; so that there was none among them that lacked . Behold , I pray . As that was the first General Purse ( if I may so call it ) of Christian Charity , that ever was raised by the Power of the Christian Faith , so the careful directing of it was an Employment worthy of the Apostolical Office it self , and becoming their high Dignity , and Super-eminent Station in the Church of GOD. For the very Apostles discharge of their Duty , it was not sufficient , that with great Power they gave Witness of the Resurrection of the Lord Jesus : Nor was it enough for them to Baptize Men into , and Confirm them in his Faith ; nor by Exhortation , to Rouze and Awaken the Drowzy World ; nor by Reproof to Chastise , and Admonish the Stubborn and Negligent ; nor by seasonable Counsels and Comforts , to Strengthen the Doubtful , and Refresh the Weak : But by a constant giving their own , according to their Abilities , and by a diligent Collection of others Alms-deeds , and by a wise Administration of both , they became the first Publick Almoners of the whole Christian World. You see , in a time when the whole Christian Church was in a State of outward Poverty , and Misery , that was undoubtedly one of the most Christian Offices then , to relieve the Indigent , to comfort the Distressed , to provide for the Widows , Orphans , Captives , Aged , and Infirm . And certainly therefore the like Deeds of Mercy and Piety ought never to have a less Esteem among all Christians to the End of the World : Especially in times of the Churches Prosperity . However , this we are sure of , so highly did the first Planters of Christianity , in their time , value such common Works of Compassion and Bounty , performed in a right Evangelical Method . And indeed it is wonderful to consider , almost incredible to tell , how great Advantages the Gospel obtained , in its first setting forth , by the Merciful , Charitable , and Hospitable Conversation of its first Professors : When the World beheld Men so despicable in their outward Condition , yet enobled and adorned with all that Lustre of Spiritual Gifts : When Men saw them so ambitious of another World ; so unconcern'd for this ; so not in the least desirous of what was other Mens , so Generous in what was their own ; using their own things so moderately themselves , as if they had belonged to others ; only shewing them to be their own , by their readiness of giving them to others : When Men saw things , so much above the common rate of Human Nature , produced in these Men ; and that only by their being Christians , they could not but have a high Esteem of that Excellent Religion ; they could not but be strongly inclined to embrace it themselves . You have heard , that the Reasons here assign'd why the first Christians had so soon the Favour of all the People , were principally three . The first , That they went about from House to House , eating their Meat with Gladness , and Singleness of Heart : There is their innocent Hospitality , and their right use of the true Christian Liberty in that particular . The second , That all , who believ'd , continued together , with one accord , in Prayers and Praising GOD : There is their publick owning of Religion , and Zeal for GOD's Worship . The third , That they sold their Goods and Possessions , and distributed them to all Men , as every Man had need : There is the Universal Extent of their Charity . And for this last Cause chiefly it was , that they had the favour of all the People ; as the aforemention'd Excellent Interpreter conceives . It is the Doing of Works of Liberality , and Bounty in the sight of all the People , that most naturally gains their Favour and Affections . Of all Religious Actions , none are more praise-worthy or amiable , none more acceptable to GOD and Men , than the visible Works of Mercy and Piety ; such as are freely and bountifully bestowed either for the Service , Comeliness , and Honor of GOD's Worship in his Temples ; or for refreshing the Minds , and feeding , cloathing , and relieving the Bodies of the Poor and Needy , which are his Temples also . And , My Brethren , this their abundant Goodness and Benignity , this sweet-smelling Sacrifice to GOD , this most delectable Savour among Men , this best-hallowed Incense that ever was seen on Earth , or rose up towards Heaven , continued to adorn , and perfume the whole Christian Name for several Ages , their irreconcileable Enemies themselves being Witnesses . It is very memorable that they had the forced Applause , and envious Praise of Julian the Apostate himself in this particular . For in an Epistle which he wrote to one of his chief Heathen Priests , wherein he earnestly exhorted him , and all his Idolatrous Brethren , to oppose the powerful Progress of the Gospel for the future , by better , wiser , and more Virtuous Arts than hitherto they had done ; and to attempt the subversion of Christianity by copying after the Christians themselves , in those very Methods , by which it had grown so formidable to their false Gods ▪ He more especially by Name Recommended two or three of those Laudable Practices among Christians to their Studious Imitation . One was , Their Integrity and Sanctimony of Life in general ▪ Another , Their decent Ceremonies , and comely Rites in the Interment of their Dead : A third , Their Humanity , and Charity to the Afflicted , though Strangers to them ; which , as he goes on , is so remarkable , that the Impious Galileans , ( a Name with which he was wont to reproach the first Christians , and our Lord Christ himself ) these very Impious Galileans , says he , do not only maintain , and support their own Poor , but ours also . A plain Confession in Commendation of the first Christians Beneficence , extorted by the force of Truth , from the spitefully impious Pen of the Apostate himself . And in this Blessed State the Christian Church in great part remained through all its first , purest , and most disinterested Ages ; till the World the Secular Empire , the Pleasures , the Riches , an● Vanities of it were let in upon it . But till then , with the same Coelestial Arms of Genuine Doctrine at first delivered , and the same prevailing Power of Miraculous Works at first bestowed , they converted or confounded their Enemies : And at the same time , with the same joint , though slender , Stock of Earthly Goods religiously disposed , they supported each others , and , in some measure , their Adversaries Necessities , and happily supply'd their own want of Earthly Power . So they lived , as looking on themselves to be parts of the same Christian Family , Children of the same Heavenly Father , Members of the same Spiritual Body ; and took care of , and commiserated and sympathized with each other accordingly ; seeming , as if they had all the same Desires , the same Griefs , the same Joys , the same Interests in this World as well as the future ; having all things common to all , as if ( which I can never too often repeat ) they were all of one Heart , and one Soul. Their chief Treasure they laid up in Heaven , where neither Moth can corrupt , nor Thieves break through and steal . And whatever Treasure any of them had upon Earth , they quickly placed that out of the reach of the Moths corrupting , or the Thieves stealing , not laying it up , but by scattering it abroad into many Hands , and putting it out to the best use . Thus they made their Temporal Riches to be to them as the Gate of Heaven ; which , GOD knows , have been to many since , that call themselves Christians too , as the Gate of Hell. They little cared , or rather they very much cared , how common they made their fading Wealth , their corruptible , and corrupting Abundance of this Worlds Goods ; since by the Fundamental Privileges of their holy Profession , they had so many other , so many greater things in common : One common Faith in one common Creator , Redeemer , and Comforter ; one Communion of Saints ; one Hope of the common Salvation . By these irresistible Ways , and Instruments , My Beloved Brethren , was the Lord pleas'd to found , and amplifie the Christian Church ; and thereby to add daily to it great Numbers of such as should be saved . Whatever now of all this is absolutely inimitable , and never to be copied after by us , either by reason of the distance of Times and Places ; or Customs of Nations changed ; or Diversity of Gifts in several Ages ; or the different State of Christianity in this Age ; all that should be the Subject of our Belief , our Wonder , and our Praise . But whatever of it is imitable , and may again be applyed to our Circumstances , that we should make the Object of our Zealous Studies , and Devout Emulations . 'T is granted , we are not now obliged to that their first way of Conversation , when none among them called any thing his own , but they had all things common . Now , the Blessings of this Life , we possess , we may innocently enjoy , as our own Property , quite distinct from the Rights of other Men to it , as their Rights are distinguished from ours . But withal we must be mindful , that still in respect to GOD , we are all only Tenants , and Usufructuaries : He alone is the true Proprietor , and sole Lord of all : Though for our comfort and encouragement , He , in his infinite Mercy , has declared , That what part or portion soever of it we distribute in a right manner , to whomsoever it be , if even to those , to whom Nature , or Laws , or Custom obliges us to be kind and merciful , if we give it to them for his sake , that he accepts , as return'd and paid to himself . You have been told , that all lawful things were made common to the first Christians for that particular time . But now all things are again become peculiar and several , and seem to return to their old Boundaries of Meum , & Tuum , with us as with the rest of Mankind ; and 't were well indeed , if those Bounds were universally observ'd . Yet still I must say , that among Christians , such as are so indeed , and not only in Name , some part of those things , which are most a Mans own , are to be so dispensed , and dispersed to others , to so many others , by so many Titles , that at last it can only be just said , what is a Christians own is not common to all . As we are Christians , we are all engaged to shew some Effects of our Kindness and Charity to all , that are in want , as they are Christians ; to all in extream want , as they are Men ; even to Strangers and Aliens ; nay to Enemies and Persecutors : Much more to all Friends , and Kinsmen , all Neighbours and Country-men . And that indeed , My Dear Countrymen , has been the chief Aim of this latter part of my whole Discourse , as I question not but it is the great Purpose and Design of your present Assembly . No Man can deny , but as to the Country , whence we all have sprung , our Lot has fallen to be born in a pleasant , and fruitful Place : And I am confident , many that hear me this Day , have there also a goodly Inheritance ; and many , if not there , I am sure have elsewhere : And you know the old Gospel-Rule , To whom much is given , of them much is required . To such of you therefore , give me leave to conclude my Speech : And in the Name , and by the Bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ , I exhort you , as Fellow-feeling Members of the same Mystical Body ; as Members also of the same Political Body and Country , to extend your pious and charitable Assistance towards the distressed and indigent Natives of the same Country : Now especially on this your Solemn Feast-Day ; that when you shall eat your Meat with Gladness , they may not be quite empty and disconsolate . I must tell you , Charity is the best Companion of all Publick Feasting : It is the best , and most Christian Argument to recommend it ; I had almost said to justifie it . Certain it is , that was the chief Reason , for which the Primitive Christians allowed of Feasting at all ; their Feasts being therefore , as I have already said , peculiarly styled Feasts of Charity . Consider then , I beseech you , though GOD does not now expect from you to make all your Goods common to others as largely as they did ; yet still he calls upon you , in your Proportion , to communicate to others of your Goods , as kindly , if possible , as they did . Their Community of all things properly belong'd to them , as they were the first Christians . But the Example of their diffusive Charity obliges you , if you will be Christians ; if you will be Followers of them , as they were of Christ ▪ who gave himself for you , for this very Reason , that you should approve your selves to be his peculiar People , by being zealous of good Works . 'T is true , GOD now permits every Man's Estate to be his own , according to the Laws of his Country : But still some good part of it is always , and upon some Occasions , all of it is subject to the Laws of Christianity : And the more GOD suffers it to be ours , ought not we , in return , the more to make it his ? Nay , let us remember , that our Temporal perishing Goods and Riches are then most our own , when we most distribute them as GOD commands . Then , and then only , if GOD says true , we shall really enjoy , and improve the best way , and bring a lasting Blessing on what we keep to our selves . And for what we thus part with , GOD will recompense an hundred-fold into our Bosoms ; of Peace , and Joy in the Holy Ghost in this World ; of Joys unspeakable and full of Glory in the World to come . AMEN . FINIS . 
A80112	----	A Collection of poems on affairs of state; viz. ... / by A- M-l, Esq.; and other eminent wits. ; Most whereof never before printed. 1689 Approx. 71 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A80112 Wing C5176A ESTC R202112 45578270 ocm 45578270 172211 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80112) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172211) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2618:1) A Collection of poems on affairs of state; viz. ... / by A- M-l, Esq.; and other eminent wits. ; Most whereof never before printed. Marvell, Andrew, 1621-1678. Dryden, John, 1631-1700. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. 33 [i.e 32] p. [s.n.], London, : Printed in the year, MDCLXXXIX [1689] Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Advice to a painter -- Hodge's vision -- Britain and Raleigh -- Statue at Stocks-M. -- Young statesman -- To the K- -- Nostradamus prophecy -- Sir Edmondbery Godfrey's ghost -- On the King's voyage to Chattam -- Poems on Oliver / by Mr. Dryden, Mr. Sprat, and Mr. Waller. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Political poetry, English. Political satire, English. Great Britain -- History -- Restoration, 1660-1688 -- Poetry. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A COLLECTION OF POEMS ON Affairs of State ; Viz. Advice to a Painter . Hodge 's Vision . Britain and Raleigh . Statue at Stocks — M — Young Statesman . To the K — Nostradamus Prophecy . Sir Edmundbury Godfrey 's Ghost . On the King's Voyage to Chattam . Poems on Oliver , by Mr. Dryden , Mr. Sprat , and Mr. Waller . By A — M — l Esq and other Eminent Wits . Most whereof never before Printed . LONDON , Printed in the Year , MDCLXXXIX . Advice to a Painter , by A. M. Esq Spread a large Canvass , Painter , to contain The great Assembly , and the num'rous Train , Where all about him shall in Triumph sit Abhorring Wisdom and despising Wit , Hating all Justice and resolv'd to Fight . First draw His Highness prostrate to the South , Adoring Rome , with this Speech in his Mouth . Most Holy Father , being joyn'd in League With Father P — s , D — y , and with Teague , Thrown at your Sacred Feet , I humbly bow , I and the wise Associates of my Vow ; A Vow , nor Fire nor Sword shall ever end , Till all this Nation to your Footstool bend : Thus arm'd with Zeal and Blessings from your Hands , I 'le raise my Papists , and my Irish Bands ; And by a Noble well-contrived Plot , Manag'd by wise Fitz — and by Scot , Prove to the World , I 'le have Old England know , That common Sense is my Eternal Foe . I ne'r can fight in a more glorious Cause , Than to destroy their Liberty and Laws , Their House of Commons , and their House of Lords , Parliaments , Precedents and dull Records ; Shall these e'r dare to contradict my Will , And think a Prince o th' Blood can e'r do Ill ? It is our Birth-right to have Power to kill . Shall they e're dare to think they shall decide The Way to Heaven , and who shall be my Guide ? Shall they pretend to say , That Bread is Bread , Or there 's no Purgatory for the Dead ? That Extream Unction is but common Oyl , And not Infallibly the Roman Spoil ? I will have Villains in our Notions rest , And I do say it , therefore it 's the best . Next Painter draw his M — by his side , Conveying his Religion and his Bride ; He who long since abjur'd the Royal Line , Does now in Popery with his Master joyn . Then draw the Princess with her golden Locks , Hastning to be envenom'd with the P — And in her youthful Veins receive a Wound , Which sent N. H. before her , under Ground ; The Wound of which the tainted Ch — fades , Laid up in Store for a new Set of Maids . Poor Princess , born under a sullen Star , To find such Welcome when you came so far ! Better some jealous Neighbour of your own Had call'd you to a Sound , tho' petty Throne , Where 'twixt a wholesom Husband and a Page , You might have linger'd out a lazy Age , Than on dull Hopes of being here a Q — E're twenty dye , and rot before fifteen . Now Painter shew us in the Blackest Dye , The Counsellors of all this Villany : Cl — d , who first appear'd in humble guise , Was always thought too Gentle , Meek and Wise : But when he came to act upon the Stage , He prov'd the mad Cethegus of our Age ; He and his D — ke had both too great a Mind , To be by Justice or by Law confin'd ; Their boyling Heads can hear no other Sounds Than Fleets and Armies , Battails , Blood and Woun'd 's ; And to destroy our Liberty they hope , By Irish Talbot , and old doting Pope . Next Talbot must by his great Master stand , Laden with Folly , Flesh , and Ill-got Land ; He 's of a size indeed to fill a Porch , But ne're can make a Pillar of the Church ; His Sword is all his Argument , not his Book , Alt ho no Scholar , he can act the Cook ; And will cut Throats again , if he be paid ; In th' Irish Shambles he first learn'd the Trade . Then Painter shew thy Skill , and in fit place , Let 's see the Nuncio A — ll's sweet Face . Let the Beholders by thy Art espy His Sense and Soul , as squinting as his Eye . Let B — s autumnal Face be seen , Rich with the Spoils of a poor Algerine , Who trusting in him , was by him betray'd ; And so shall we when his Advice's obey'd : Great Heroes to get Honour by the Sword , He got his Wealth by breaking of his Word ; And now his Daughter he hath got with Child , And Pimps to have his Family defil'd , Next Painter draw the Rabble of the Plot , G — n , Fitz G — d , Loftus , Porter , Scot : These are fit Heads indeed , to turn a State , And change the Order of a Nations Fate ; Ten thousand such as these shall ne'r controul The smallest Atom of an English Soul. Old England on a strong Foundation stands , Defying all their Heads and all their Hands , It s steady Basis never could be shook , When Wiser Men her Ruin undertook : And can her Guardian Angels let her stoop At last , to Madmen , Fools , and to the Pope ? No Painter , no close up this Piece and See , This crowd of Traitors hang'd in EFFIGIE . Hodge , a Countryman , went up to the Piramid , His VISION . WHen Hodge had numbred up , how many Score The airy Piramid contain'd , he swore , No mortal Wight e'r climb'd so high before . To th' best Advantage plac'd , he Views around , Th' Imperial Throne with lofty Turrets crown'd , The wealthy Store-house of the bounteous Flood , Whose paceful Tide o're-flows our Land with Good : Confused Forms fleet by his wondring Eyes , And his Soul too , seiz'd by Divine surprize . Some God it seems had entred his plain Breast , And with 's Abode that Rustick Mansion blest . A mighty Change he feels in ev'ry part ; Light guides his Eyes , and Wisdom rules his Heart : So when her pious Son , fair Venus show'd His flaming Troy , with slaughter'd Dardan's Strow'd , She purg'd his Optick Films , his clouded Sight , Then Troy's last Doom he read by Heaven's Light ; Such Light Divine did seize the dazling Eyes Of humble Hodge . Regions remote , Courts , Councils , Policies The Circling Wills of Tyrants Treacheries He views , discerns , deciphers , penetrates , From Charle's Dukes , to Europe's armed States . He saw the Goatish King in his Alcove , With secret Scenes of his incestuous Love ; To whom he spoke : Cease , cease , O Charles , thus to pollute our Isle ; Return , return to thy long wisht Exile ; There with thy Court desile the neighb'ring States . And by thy Crimes participate their Fates . He saw the Duke in his curst Divan set To 's vast Designs reaching his Pigmy-Wit , With a choice Knot of the Ignatian Crew , Who th' way to Murthers and to Treasons shew : Dissenters they oppress with Laws severe That whilst we wound these innocents , we fear Their cursed Seed we may be forc'd to spare . Twice the Reform'd must fight a double Prize , That Rome and France may in their Ruines rise . Old Bonner single Hereticks did burn , These Reform'd Cities into Ashes turn , And ev'ry year new Fires make us mourn . Hybernian Tories plot his cruel Reign , And thirst for English Martyrs Blood again . Our Valiant Youth abroad must learn the Trade Of unjust War , their Countrey to invade ; Others at home must grind us to prepare Our Gallick Necks their Iron Yoke to wear . Ships , once our Safety and our glorious Might , Are doom'd with Worms and Rottenness to fight ; Whilst France rides Sovereign o're the British Main , Our Merchants robb'd , and brave Sea-men slain : T' insure his Plot , France must his Legions send , Rome to restore , and to enthrone his Friend : Thus the rash Phaeton with Fury hurl'd , And rapid Rage , consumes the British World. Blast him , O Heaven , in his mad Career , And let these Isles no more his Frenzy fear : Curst — whom all Mankind abhor ; False to thy self , but to thy Friend much more , To him who did thy promis'd Pardon hope , ( Coleman . And with pretended Transports kiss the Rope ; Ore-whelm'd with Grief , and gasping out a Lie , Deceiv'd , and unprepar'd , thou letst him die With equal Gratitude and Treachery . BRITANNIA and RALEIGH . By A. M. Brit. AH Raleigh , when thou didst thy Breath resign To trembling James , would I had quitted mine . Cubs did'st thou call them ? Hadst thou seen this Brood Of Earls , Dukes , and Princes of the Blood ; No more of Scottish Race thou wouldst complain These would be Blessings in this spurious Reign . Awake , arise from thy long blest Repose ; Once more with me partake of Morlace Woes . Ra. What mighty Pow'r hath forc'd me from my rest ? Oh mighty Queen , why so untimely drest ? Brit. Favour'd by Night , conceal'd in this Disguise , Whilst the lewd Court in drunken Slumber lies , I stole away , and never will return , Till England knows who did her City burn ; Till Cavaliers shall Favourites be deem'd , And Loyal Sufferers by the Court esteem'd , Till Liegh and Galloway shall Bribes reject ; Thus Osburn's Golden Cheat I shall detect : Till Atheist L — le shall leave this Land , And Commons Votes shall Cut-Nose Guards disband ; Till Kate a happy Mother shall become , Till Charles loves Parliaments , and James hates Roome . Ral. What fatal Crimes make you for ever fly Your once loved Court and Martyrs Progeny ? Brit. A Colony of French possess the Court ; Pimps , Priests , Buffoons in the Privy Chamber sport ; Such slimy Monsters ne'r approacht a Throne Since Pharaoh's Days , nor so defil'd a Crown . In sacred Ear Tyrannick Arts they croak , Pervert his Mind , and good Intentions choak ; Tell him of Golden Indies , Fairy Lands , Leviathan , and absolute Commands . Thus Fairy-like the King they steal away , And in his room a Changling Lewis lay . How oft have I him to himself restor'd , In 's left the Scale , in 's right hand plac'd the Sword ? Taught him their use , what dangers would ensue , To them who strive to separate these two ? The bloody Scotish Chronicle read o're , Shew'd him how many Kings in purple gore Were hurl'd to Hell by cruel Tyrant Lore . The other day fam'd Spencer I did bring , In lofty Notes Tudor's blest Race to sing ; How Spain's proud Powers her Virgin Arms controul'd , And Gold'n Days in peaceful Order roul'd ; How like ripe Fruit she dropt from off her Throne , Full of grey Hairs , good Deeds , and great Renown . As the Jessean Hero did appease Sauls stormy Rage , and stopt his black Disease ; So the learn'd Bard , with Artful Song supprest The swelling Passion of his canker'd Breast , And in his Heart kind Influences shed Of Country Lore by Truth and Justice bred : Then , to perform the Cure so full begun , To him I shew'd this glorious setting Sun. How by her Peoples Looks pursu'd from far , So mounted on a bright Celestial Car , Out-shining Virgo , or the Julian Star. Whilst in Truths Mirrour this good Scene he spy'd , Enter'd a Dame , bedeckt with spotted Pride , Fair Flower de Luce within an Azure Field , Her left Hand bears the Ancient Gallick Shield , By her usurp'd ; her Right a bloody Sword , Inscrib'd Leviathan , our Soveraign Lord ; Her towry Front a fiery Meteor bears , An Exhalation bred of Blood and Tears ; Around her Jove's lewd rav'nous Curs complain , Pale Death , Lust , Tortures , fill her pompous Train : She from the easie King Truth 's Mirrour took , And on the Ground in spiteful Fall it broke ; Then frowning thus , with proud Disdain she broke . Are thred-bare Virtues Ornaments for Kings ? Such poor Pedantick Toys teach Underlings . Do Monarchs rise by Virtue or by Sword ? Who e're grew great by keeping of his Word ? Virtue 's a faint Green-Sickness to brave Souls , Dastards their Hearts , their active Heat controuls : The Rival God , Monarchs of th' other World , This mortal Poyson amongst Princes hold ; Fearing the mighty Projects of the great , Shall drive them from their proud Coelestial Seat , If not o're-aw'd : This new-found holy Cheat , Those pious Frauds too slight , t' insnare the brave , Are proper Acts of long-ear'd Rout t' inslave . Bribe hungry Priests to deifie your Might , To teach your Will 's , your only Rule to Right ; And sound Damnation to all that dare deny 't . Thus Heaven designs ' gainst Heaven you should turn , And make them fear those powers you once did scorn . When all the Gobling Interest of Mankind , By Hirelings sold to you shall be resign'd ; And by Impostures God and man betray'd , The Church and State you safely may invade ; So boundless Law in its full power shines , Whil'st your starv'd power in Legal Fetters pines . Shake off those Baby Bands from your strong Arms , Henceforth be deaf to your old Witches Charms ; Tast the delicious Sweets of Sovereign power , 'T is Royal Game whole Kingdoms to deflower . Three spotless Virgins to your Bed I 'le bring , A Sacrifice to you their God and King : As these grow stale we 'l harras human kind , Rack Nature till new pleasures you shall find , Strong as your Reign , and beauteous as your Mind . When she had spoke , a confus'd Murmour rose Of French , Scotch , Irish , all my mortal Foes , Some English too , O shame ! disguis'd I spy'd , Led all by the wise Son-in-Law of Hyde ; With Fury drunk , like Baccanels they Roar , Down wth that common Magna Charta Whore : With joynt Consent on helpless Me they flew , And from my Charles to a base Goal me drew ; My Reverend Age expos'd to Scorn and Shame , To Prigs , Bawds , Whores , was made the publick Game . Frequent Addresses to my Charles I send , And my sad State did to his Care commend : But his fair Soul transform'd by that French Dame , Had lost a sense of Honour , Justice , Fame . Like a tame Spinster in 's Seraigl he sits , Besieg'id by Whores , Buffoons and Bastards Chits ; Lull'd in Security , rowling in Lust , Resigns his Crown to Angel Cromwel's Trust . Her Creature O — e , the Revenue steals , False F — ch , Knave Ang — ery , misguide the Seals ; Mack-James the Irish Biggots does adore : His French and Teague commands on sea and shore : The Scotch Scalado of our Court two Isles , Fale L — le with Adure all defiles . Thus the States Right marr'd by this Hellish Court , And no one left these Furies to cast out : Ah Vindex come , and purge the poison'd State ; Descend , Descend , e're the Cure's desperate . Ral. Once more great Queen thy Darling strive to save , Rescue him again from scandal and the Grave ; Present to 's Thoughts his long scorn'd Parliament , The Basis of his Throne and Government : In his deaf Ears sound his dead Fathers Name , Perhaps that Spell may his ill Soul reclaim ; Who knows what good Effects from thence may spring ? 'T is God-like Good to save a falling King. Brit. As easily learn'd Vertuoso's may With the Dogs Blood his gentle Kind Convey Into the Wolf , and make him Guardian turn , To the bleating Flock , by him so lately torn ; If this Imperial Juice once taint his Blood , 'T is by no potent Antidote withstood . Tyrants , like Leprous Kings , for publick weal , Should be immur'd , lest the Contagion steal Over the whole . Th' Elect of the Jessean Line , To this firm Law their Scepter did resign . To the serene Venetian State I 'le go , From her sage Mouth fam'd Principles to know ; With her , the prudence of the ancients read , To teach my people in their steps to tread ; By their great Pattern such a State I 'le frame , Shall eternize a glorious lasting Name . Till then , my Raleigh teach our noble Youth , To love Sobriety and holy Truth : Watch and preside over their tender Age , Lest Court Corruption should their Soul engage : Tell them how Arts and Arms in thy young Days Employ'd our Youth , not Taverns , Stews and Plays : Tell them the generous Scorn their rise does ow To Flattery , Pimping and a Gawdy Shew : Teach them to scorn the Corwells , P — s , Neils , The Clevelands , Osborns , Berties , Lau — ails , Poppea , Tegoline and Arteria's Name , Who yield to these in Lewdness , Lust and Fame . Make 'em admire the Talbots , Sidneys , Veres , Drake , Cav'ndish , Blake , Men void of slavish Fears , True Sons of Glory , Pillars of the State , On whose fam'd Deeds all Tongues and Writers wait ; When with bright Ardour their bright Souls do burn , Back to my dearest Country I 'le return . Tarquin's just Judge and Caesar's equal Peers , With them I 'le bring , to dry my Peoples Tears . Publicola with healing Hands shall pour Balm in their Wounds , and shall their Life restore : Greek Arts and Roman Arms in her conjoyn'd , Shall England raise , relieve opprest Mankind . As Jove's great Son th' infested Globe did free From noxious Monsters , hell-bred Tyranny ; So shall my England in a Holy War , In Triumph bear slain Tyrants from afar ; Her true Crusado shall at last pull down The Turkish Crescent and the Persian Sun. Freed by my Labours , Fortunate Blest Isle , The Earth shall rest , the Heaven shall on thee smile ; And this kind Secret for Reward shall give , No Poysonous Serpent on the Earth shall live . On the Statue at Stocks-Market . AS Citizens , that to their Conquerors yield , Do at their own Charge their own Citadel build ; So Sir Robert advanced the King's Statue , a Token Of a Broker defeated , and Lombard-street broken . Some thought it a mighty and gracious Deed , Obliging the City with a King on a Steed ; When with honour he might from his Word have gone back , Who that waits for a Calm , is absolv'd by a Wreck : By all , it appears from the first to the last , To be as Revenge and as Malice forecast , Upon the Kings Birth Day to set up a Thing , That shews him a Monkey , more like than a King. When each one that passes , finds fault with the Horse , Yet all do assure that the King is much worse : And some by the Likeness , Sir Robert suspect , That he did for the K — his own Statue erect . To see him so disguis'd , the Herb-women chide , Who upon their Panniers more decently ride : And so loose are his feet , that all men agree Sir William Peak sits more faster than he : But a Market they say doth fit the King well , Who oft Parliaments buys , and Revenues doth sell : And others , to make the Similitude hold , Say his Majesty himself is oft bought and sold . Surely this Statue is more dangerous far , Than all the Dutch Pictures that caused the War ; And what the Exchequer for that took on trust , May henceforth be confiscated for Reasons most just . But Sir Robert , to take the Scandal away , Doth the fault upon the Artificer lay ; And alledges the thing is none of his own ; For he counterfeits only in Gold , not in Stone . But Sir Knight of the Vine , how came't in your thought , That when to the Sc — Id your Liege you had brought , With Canvas and Deals you ere since do him cloud , As if you had meant it his Coffin and Shroud ? Hath Blood him away , as his Crown he convey'd ? Or is he to Clayton's gone in Masquerade ? Or is he in his Cabal in his — set ? Or have you to the Compter remov'd him for Debt ? Methinks for the Equipage of this vile Scene , That to change him into a Jack-Pudding you mean , Or else thus expose him to Popular Flout , As tho' we had as good have a King of a Clout . Or do you his Errors out of Modesty vail With three shatter'd Planks , and the Rags of a Sail , To expose how his Navy was shatter'd and torn , The day that he was restored and born ? If the Judges and Parliament do not him enrich , They will scarcely afford him a Rag to his Breech . Sir Robert affirms they do him much wrong ; 'T is the Gravers Work to reform so long . But alas , he will never arrive at his end ; For 't is such a King no Chizzel can mend : But with all his faults pray give us our King , As ever you hope December or Spring : For though the whole World cannot shew such another , We had better have him than his P — ' d Brother . A Young Gentleman , desirous to be a Minister of State , thus pretends to qualifie himself . TO make my self for this Employment fit , I 'le learn as much as I can ever get Of the Honourable G — y of R — Wit : In Constancy and sincere Loyalty , I 'le imitate the grateful Shaftsbury ; And that we may assume the Churches weal , And all Disorder in Religion heal , I will espouse Lord H — 's Zeal : To pay Respect to Sacred Revelation , To scorn th' affected Wit of Prophanation , And rout Impiety out of the Nation : To suppress Vice and Scandal to prevent , Buck — 's Life shall be my Precedent , That living Modal of good Covernment . To dive into the depth of Statesmen's Craft , To search the Secrets of the subtlest Heart , And hide my own designs with prudent Art : To make each Man my Property become , To frustrate all the Plots of France or Rome , None can so well instruct as my Lord Moon ; For Moral Honesty in Deed and Word , Lord W — r Example will afford ; That , and his Courage too , are on Record . To the King. GReat Charles , who full of Mercy , wouldst command In Peace and Pleasure this , his Native Land ; At last take pity of this tottering Throne , Shook by the Faults of others , not thine own . Let not thy Life and Crown together end , Destroy'd by a false Brother and a Friend . Observe the danger that appears so near , That all your Subjects do each minute fear : One drop of Poison , or a Papist-Knife , Ends all the Joy of England with thy Life . Brothers , 't is true , by Nature , should be kind ; But a too zealous and ambitious Mind , Brib'd with a Crown on Earth , and one above , Harbours no Friendship , Tenderness , or Love : See in all Ages what Examples are Of Monarchs murther'd by their impatient Heir . Hard Fate of Princes , who will ne're believe Till the Stroke's struck which they can ne're retrieve ▪ Nostradamus's PROPHECY . By A. M. FOR Faults and Follies London's Doom shall fix , And She must sink in Flames in Sixty six ; Fire-Balls shall fly , but few shall see the Train , As far as from White-hall to Pudding-Lane , To burn the City , which again shall rise , Beyond all hopes , aspiring to the Skies , Where Vengeance dwells . But there is one thing more ( Though its Walls stand ) shall bring the City lower : When Legislators shall their Trust betray , Saving their own , shall give the rest away ; And those false men by th' easie People sent , Give Taxes to the King by Parliament : When bare-fac'd Villains shall not blush to cheat , And Chequer-Doors shall shut up Lumbard-street : When Players come to act the part of Queens , Within the Curtains , and behind the Scenes : When Sodomy shall be prime Min'sters Sport , And Whoring shall be the least Crime at Court : When Boys shall take their Sisters for their Mate , And practice Incests between Seven and Eight : When no man knows in whom to put his trust , And e'en to rob the Chequer shall be just ; When Declarations , Lie , and every Oath Shall be in use at Court but Faith and Troth ; When two good Kings shall be at Brentford Town , And when in London there shall be not one ; When the seat's given to a talking Fool , Whom wise men laugh at , and whom Women rule ; A Min'ster able only in his Tongue , To make harsh , empty speeches two hours long ; When an old Scotch Covenant shall be The Champion for th' English Hierarchy ; When Bishops shall lay all Religion by , And strive by Law t' establish Tyranny ; When a lean Treasurer shall in one year Make himself fat , his King and People bare ; When th' English Prince shall English men despise , And think French only Loyal , Irish Wise ; When Wooden Shoon shall be the English wear , And Magna Charta shall no more appear ; Then th' English shall a greater Tyrant know Than either Greek or Latin Story show ; Their Wives to 's Lust expos'd , their Wealth to 's Spoil , VVith Groans to fill his Treasury they toil ; But like the Bellides must sigh in vain ; For that still fill'd flows out as fast again ; Then they with envious Eyes shall Belgium see , And wish in vain Venetian Liberty . The Frogs too late , grown weary of their pain , Shall pray to Jove to take him back again . Sir Edmondbury Godfrey 's Ghost . IT happen'd in the Twilight of the Day , As England's Monarch in his Closet lay , And Chiffinch step'd to fetch the Female Prey ; The bloody shape of Godfrey did appear , And in sad Vocal sounds these things declare : " Behold , Great Sir , I from the Shades am sent , " To shew these Wounds that did your Fall prevent . " My panting Ghost , as Envoy , comes to call , " And warn you , lest , like me , y' untimely fall ; " Who against Law your Subjects Lives pursue , " By the same rate may dare to murther you . " I , for Religion , Laws , and Liberties , " Am mangled thus , and made a Sacrifice . " Think what befel Great Egypt's hardned King , " Who scorn'd the Profit of admonishing . " Shake off your brandy slumbers ; for my Words " More Truth than all your close Cabal affords : " A Court you have with Luxury oregrown , " And all the Vices ere in Nature known ; " VVhere Pimps and Panders in their Coaches ride , " And in Lampoons and Songs your Lust deride . " Old Bawds and slighted VVhores , there tell , with shame , " The dull Romance of your Lascivious Flame . " Players and Scaramouches are your Joy ; " Priests and French Apes do all your Land annoy ; " Still so profuse , you are insolvent grown , " A Mighty Bankrupt on a Golden Throne . " Your nauseous Palate the worst Food doth crave ; " No wholsom Viands can an entrance have : " Each Night you lodge in that French Syren's Arms " She strait betrays you with her wanton Charms ; " Works on your Heart , softned with Love and Wine , " And then betrays you to some Philistine . " Imperial Lust does o're your Scepter sway ; " And though a Soveraign makes you to obey . " Yet thoughts so stupid have your Soul possess'd , " As if inchanted by some Magick Priest . " Next he who ' gainst the Senate's Vote did wed , " Took defil'd H. and Hesti to his Bed : " Fiend in his Face , Apostle in his Name , " Contriv'd to Wars to your eternal shame . " He ancient Laws and Liberties defies ; " On standing Guards and new raised Force relies : " The Teagues he courts , and doth the French admire , " And fain he would be mounted one step higher . " All this by you must needs be plainly seen , " And yet he awes you with his darling Spleen . " Th' unhappy Kingdom suffered much of Old , " When Spencer and loose Gaveston controull'd ; " Yet they by just Decrees were timely sent , " To suffer a perpetual Banishment . " But your bold States-men nothing can restrain , " Their most enormous Courses you maintain ; " Witness that Man , who had for divers years " Pay'd the Cubb-Commons , Pensions and Arrears ; " Though your Exchequer was at his Command , " Durst not before his just Accuser stand , " For Crimes and Treasons of so black a hue , " None dare to prove his Advocate but you . " Trust not in Prelates false Divinity , " Who wrong their Prince , and shame their Deity , " Making their God so partial in their Cause , " Exempting Kings alone from humane Laws . " These lying Oracles they did infuse " Of old , and did your Martyr'd Sire abuse . " Their strong delusions did him so inthral , " No Cautions would anticipate his Fall. " Repent in time , and banish from your sight " The Pimp , the Whore , Buffoon , Church-parasite ; " Let Innocence deck your remaining days , " That After-ages may unfold your Praise . " So may Historians in new Methods write , " And draw a Curtain 'twixt your black and white . The Ghost spake thus , groan'd thrice , and said no more : Straight in came Chiffinch hand in hand with Whore : The King tho' much concern'd with Joy and Fear , Starts from the Couch and bid the Dame draw near . Vpon the King's Voyage to Chatham , to make Bulwarks against the Dutch : And the Queen's miscarriage thereupon . WHen James our great Monarch , so Wise and Discreet : Was gone with three Barges , to face the Dutch Fleet ▪ Our young Prince of Wales ( by inheritance stout ! ) Was coming to aid him and peep'd his Head out ; But seeing his Father without Ships or Men , Commit the defence of us all to a Chain , Taffee was frighted , and sculk'd in again ; Nor thought , while the Dutch domineer'd on our Road ▪ It was safe to come further , and venture abroad : Not Walgrave , or th' Epistle of Seignieur le Duke , Made Her Majesty Sick , and her Royal Womb puke : But the Dutch-men Pickeering at Dover and Harwich , Gave the Ministers Agues , and the Queen a Miscarriage ; And to see the poor King stand in Ships of such need , Made the Catholicks quake , and Her Majesty bleed ; And I wish the sad Accident don't spoil the young Prince , Take off all his Manhood , and make him a Wench : But the Hero his Father no courage did lack ; Who was sorry on such a pretext to come back : He mark'd out his ground , and mounted a Gun , And 't is thought without such a pretence he had run ; For his Army and Navy were said to increase , As appears ( when we have no occasion ) in Peace : Nay , if the Dutch come , we despise 'em so much , Our Navy Incognito will leave 'em i' th' Lurch , And ( to their eternal Disgrace ) we are able To beat 'em by way of a Post and a Cable ; Why was this , Sir , left out of the Wise Declaration , That flatter'd with Hopes of more Forces , the Nation ? 'T would have done us great good to have said , you intended , The strength of the Nation the CHAIN should be mended ; Though we thank you , for Passing so kindly your Word , ( Which never was broke ) that you 'd Rule by the Sword ; This Promise we know you meant to fulfill ; And therefore you have reason ( by Gad ) to tak 't ill , That the Bishops , the Bishops did throw out the Bill . Three POEMS on the Death of the late Usurper Oliver Cromwell . Written by Mr. John Dryden , Mr. Sprat of Oxford , and Mr. Edm. Waller . Heroick Stanza's , on the late Vsurper Oliver Cromwell , written after his Funeral , by Mr. Dryden . I. AND now 't is time ; for their officious hast , Who would before have born him to the Sky , Like eager Romans e're all Rites were past , Did let to soon the sacred Eagle fly . II. Though our best Notes are Treason to his Fame , Join'd with the loud applause of publick Voice ; Since Heaven , what praise we offer to his Name , Hath rendred too Authentick by its choice ; III. Though in his praise no Arts can liberal be , Since they whose Muses have the highest flown , Add not to his Immortal Memory ; But do an act of Friendship to their own : IV. Yet 't is our duty , and our interest too , Such Monuments as we can build , to raise , Lest all the World prevent what we should do , And claim a Title in him by their Praise . V. How shall I then begin , or where conclude , To draw a Fame so truly Circular ? For in a round , what order can be shew'd , Where all the parts so equal perfect are ? VI. His Grandeur he deriv'd from Heaven alone , For he was great ere Fortune made him so , And Wars like Mists that rise against the San , Made him but greater seem , not greater grow . VII . No borrow'd Bays his Temples did adorn , But to our Crown he did fresh Jewels bring ; Nor was his Vertue poison'd soon as born , With the too early thoughts of being King. VIII . Fortune ( that easie Mistriss to the young , But to her ancient Servants coy and hard ) Him , at that age , her Favourites rank'd among , When she her best lov'd Pompey did discard . IX . He private , mark'd the Faults of others sway , And set as Sea-marks for himself to shun ; Not like rash Monarchs , who their youth betray , By Acts their Age too late would wish undone . X. And yet Dominion was not his design , We owe that blessing not to him but Heaven , Which to fair acts unsought rewards did join , Rewards that less to him , than us were given . XI . Our former Chief like Sticklers of the War , First sought t' inflame the parties , then to poise : The quarrel lov'd , but did the cause abhor , And did not strike to hurt , but make a noise . XII . War , our Consumption , was their gainful Trade ; He inward bled , whilst they prolong'd our pain ; He fought to end our fighting , and assay'd To stanch the blood by breathing of the Vein . XIII . Swift and resistless through the Land he past , Like that bold Greek , who did the East subdue , And made to Battels such Heroick haste , As if on Wings of Victory he flew . XIV . He Fought secure of Fortune as of Fame , Still by new Maps the Island might be shown , Of Conquests which he strew'd where e're he came , Thick as the Galaxy with Stars is sown . XV. His Palms , though under weights they did not stand , Still thriv'd , no Winter could his Laurels fade : Heaven in his Portraict shew'd a Workman's hand , And drew it perfect , yet without a shade . XVI . Peace was the prize of all his toil and care , Which War had banishd , and did now restore : Bolognia's Walls thus mounted in the Air , To seat themselves more surely than before : XVII . Her safety , rescued Ireland , to him owes , And treacherous Scotland to no int'rest true , Yet bless'd that Fate which did his Arms dispose Her Land to civilize , as to subdue . XVIII . Nor was he like those Stars which only shine , When to pale Mariners , they Storms portend ; He had his calmer influences , and his Mien Did Love and Majesty together blend . XIX . T is true his Countenance did imprint an awe , And naturally all Souls to his did bow , As wands of Divination downward draw , And point to beds where Sov'raign Gold doth grow . XX. When past all offerings to Pheretrian Jove , He Mars deposed , and Arms to Gowns made yield , Successful Councels did him soon approve , As fit for close Intrigues , as open Field . XXI . To suppliant Holland he vouchsaf'd a Peace , Our once bold Rival in the British Main , Now tamely glad her unjust claim to cease , And buy our Friendship with her Idol , Gain . XXII . Fame of the asserted Sea through Europe blown , Made France and Spain ambitious of his Love ; Each knew that side must conquer he would own , And for him fiercely , as for Empire strove . XXIII . No sooner was the French- man's Cause imbrac'd , Than the light Monsieur , the grave Don outweigh'd ; His Fortune turn'd the Scale where it was cast ; Though Indian Mines where in the other laid . XXIV . When absent , yet we conquer'd in his Right ; For though that some mean Artist's Skill were shown In mingling Colours , or in placing Light ; Yet still the fair Designment was his own . XXV . For from all Tempers he could Service draw ; The worth of each with its allay he knew ; And as the Confident of Nature saw How she Complections did divide and brew . XXVI . Or he their single Vertues did survey , By intuition in his own large Breast , Where all the rich Idea's of them lay , That were the Rule and Measure to the rest . XXVII . When such Heroick Vertue , Heaven set out : The Stars like Commons sullenly obey ; Because it drains them when it comes about ; And therefore is a Tax they seldom pay . XXVIII . From this high Spring , our Foreign Conquests flow , Which yet more glorious Triumphs do portend ; Since their Commencement to his Arms they owe , If springs as high as Fountains may ascend . XXXIX . He made us Free-men of the Continent , Whom Nature did like Captives treat before ; To Nobler preys the English Lion sent , And taught him first in Belgian Walks to roar . XXX . That old unquestion'd Pirate of the Land , Proud Rome , with dread the Fate of Dunkirk heard ; And trembling wish'd behind more Alpes to stand , Although an Alexander were her Guard. XXXI . By his Command , we boldly cross'd the Line , And bravely fought where Southern Stars arise , We trac'd the far-fetch'd Gold unto the Mine , And that which brib'd our Fathers made our Prize . XXXII . Such was our Prince , yet own'd a Soul above The highest Acts it could produce or show : Thus poor Mechanick Arts in publick move , Whilst the deep Secrets beyond Practice go . XXXIII . Nor died he when his ebbing Fame went less , But when the fresh Laurels courted him to live ; He seem'd but to prevent some new Success , As if above what Triumphs Earth can give . XXXIV . His la test Victories still thickest came , As near the Center , Motion doth increase ; Till he press'd down by his own weighty Name , Did , like the Vestal , under spoils decease . XXXV . But first the Ocean as a Tribute sent That Giant Prince of all her wat'ry Herd ; And th' Isle , when her protecting Genius went , Upon his Obsequies loud sighs conferr'd . XXXVI . No civil broils have fince his Death arose , But Faction now by habit does obey ; And Wars have that respect for his Repose , As Winds for Halcyons when they breed at Sea. XXXVII . His Ashes in a peaceful Urn shall rest , His Name a great Example stands to show , How strangely high Endeavours may be blest , Where Piety , and Valour jointly go . To the Reverend Dr. Wilkins , Warden of Wadham Colledge in Oxford . SIR , SEeing you are pleased to think fit that these Papers should come into the publick , which were at first design'd to live only in a Desk , or some private Friends Hands ; I humbly take the boldness to commit them to the security , which your Name and protection will give them , with the most knowing part of the World. There are two things especially , in which they stand in need of your defence : One is , That they fall so infinitely below the full and lofty Genius of that excellent Poet , who made this way of Writing Free of our Nation : The other , That they are so little proportioned and equal to the renown of that Prince , on whom they were written . Such great Actions and Lives , deserving rather to be the subjects of the noblest Pens and most Divine Phansies , than of such small Beginners and week Essayers in Poetry as my self . Against these dangerous prejudices , there remains no other shield , than the Universal Esteem and Authority , which your Judgment and Approbation carries with it . The right you have to them , Sir , is not only on the account of the Relation you had to this great Person , nor of the general favour which all arts receive from you ; but more particularly by reason of that Obligation and Zeal , with which I am bound to dedicate my self to your service : For having been a long time the Object of your Care and Indulgence towards the advantage of my Studies and Fortune , having been moulded ( as it were ) by your own Hands , and formed under your Government ; not to intitle you to any thing which my meanness produces , would not only be Injustice , but Sacriledge : So that if there be any thing here tolerably said , which deserves Pardon , it is yours Sir , as well as he , who is Your most Devoted and Obliged Servant . To the happy memory of the late Usurper Oliver Cromwel . By Mr. Sprat of Oxon. Pindarick Odes . I. 'T IS true , great Name , thou art secure From the forgetfulness and rage Of Death , or Envy , or devouring Age ; Thou canst the Force and Teeth of Time endure : Thy Fame like Men , the elder it doth grow , Will of its self turn whiter too , Without what needless art can do ; Will live beyond thy breath , beyond thy Hearse , Though it were never heard or sung in Verse . Without our help , thy Memory is safe ; They only want an Epitaph , That does remain alone Alive in an Inscription , Remembred only on the Brass , or Marble stone . 'T is all in vain what we can do : All our Roses and Perfumes Will but officious folly shew , And pious Nothings , to such mighty Tombs . All our Incense , Gums , and Balm , Are but unnecessary duties here : The Poets may their Spices spare , Their costly numbers and their tuneful feet : That need not be imbalm'd , which of it self is sweet . II. We know to praise thee is a dangerous proof Of our Obedience and our Love : For when the Sun and Fire meet , Th' one 's extinguish'd quite ; And yet the other never is more bright : So they that write of thee , and join Their feeble names with Thine , Their weaker sparks with thy illustrious light , Will lose themselves in that ambitious thought ; And yet no Fame to thee from thence he brought . We know , bless'd Spirit , thy mighty name Wants no addition of anothers beam ; It 's for our pens too high , and full of Theme : The Muses are made great by thee , not thou by them . Thy Fame 's Eternal Lamp will live , And in thy Sacred Urn survive , Without the food of Oil , which we can give . 'T is true ; but yet our duty calls our Songs , Duty Commands our Tongues . Though thou want not our praises , we Are not excus'd for what we owe to thee ; For so Men from Religion are not freed . But from the Altars clouds must rise , Though Heaven it self doth nothing need , And though the Gods don't want an earthly Sacrifice III. Great Life of wonders , whose each year Full of new Miracles did appear ! Whos 's every Month might be Alone a Chronicle , or a History ! Others great Actions are But thinly scatter'd here and there ; At best , but all one single Star ; But thine the Milky-way , All one continued light of undistinguish'd day ; They throng'd so close , that nought else could be seen , Scarce any common Sky did come between : What shall I say or where begin ? Thou may'st in double shapes be shown , Or in thy Arms , or in thy Gown ; Like Jove sometimes with Warlike Thunder , and Sometimes with peaceful Scepter in his Hand , Or in the Field , or on the Throne . In what thy Head , or what thy Arm hath done , All that thou didst was so refin'd , So full of substance , and so strongly join'd , So pure , so weighty Gold , That the least Grain of it If fully spread and beat , Would many Leaves and mighty Volumes hold ▪ IV. Before thy Name was publish'd , and whilst yet Thou only to thy self wer't great , Whilst yet thy happy bud Was not quite seen , or understood , It then sure signs of future greatness shew'd : Then thy Domestick worth Did tell the World what it would be , When it should fit occasion see , When a full Spring should call it forth : As Bodies , in the dark and night , Have the same Colours , the same red and white , As in the open Day and Light , The Sun doth only show That they are bright , not make them so : So whilst but private Walls did know What we to such a mighty Mind should owe , Then the same Vertues did appear , Though in a less and more contracted Sphere , As full , though not as large as since they were : And like great Rivers , Fountains , though At first so deep thou didst not go ; Though then thine was not so inlarg'd a Flood ; Yet when 't was little , 't was as clear as good . V. 'T is true thou wast not born unto a Crown , Thy Scepter 's not thy Father's , but thy own : Thy purple was not made at once in haste , And after many other Colours past , It took the deepest Princely Dye at last . Thou didst begin with lesser Cares , And private thoughts took up thy private Years : Those Hands , which were ordain'd by Fates , To change the World , and alter States , Practis'd at first that vast Design On meaner things with equal Mind . That Soul , which should so many Scepters sway , To whom so many Kingdoms should obey : Learned first to rule in a Domestick way : So Government it self , began From Family , and single Man , Was by the small Relations , first , Of Husband , and of Father Nurs'd , And from those less beginnings past , To spread it self o'er all the World at last . VI. But when thy Country , ( then almost enthrall'd ) Thy Vertue , and thy Courage call'd ; When England did thy Arms intreat , And 't had been Sin in thee not to be Great : When every Stream , and every Flood , Was a true Vein of Earth , and run with Blood ; When unus'd Arms , and unknown War Fill'd every Place , and ever Ear ; When the great Storms , and dismal Night Did all the Land affright ; 'T was time for thee , to bring forth all our Light. Thou left'st thy more delightful Peace , Thy private Life , and better ease ; Then down thy Steel and Armour took , Wishing that it still hung upon the Hook. When Death had got a large Commission out , Throwing her Arrows , and her Stings about ; Then thou ( as once the healing Serpent rose ) Wast lifted up , not for thy self , but us . VII . Thy Country wounded was , and sick before Thy Wars and Arms did her restore : Thou knew'st where the Disease did lie , And like the Cure of Sympathy , Thy strong , and certain Remedy , Unto the Weapon didst apply ; Thou didst not draw the Sword , and so Away the Scabbard throw ; As if thy Country shou'd Be the Inheritance of Mars and Blood ; But that when the great work was spun , War in it self should be undone ; That Peace might Land again upon the shore , Richer and better than before : The Husbandmen no Steel should know , None but the useful Iron of the Plow ; That Bays might creep on every Spear : And though our Sky was overspread With a destructive red ; 'T was but till thou our Sun didst in full Light appear . VIII . When Ajax died , the Purple Blood That from his gaping Wound had flow'd , Turn'd into Letters , every Leaf Had on it wrote his Epitaph : So from that Crimson Flood Which thou , by fate of times , wert led Unwillingly to shed , Letters , and Learning rose , and were renewed : Thou fought'st not out of Envy , Hope , or Hate , But to refine the Church and State , And like the Romans , what e'er thou In the Field of Mars didst mow , Was , that a holy Island thence might grow . Thy Wars , as Rivers raised by a Shower , With welcome Clouds do pour : Though they at first may seem , To carry all away with an inraged Stream ; Yet did not happen that they might destroy , Or the better parts annoy : But all the Filth and Mud to scour , And leave behind anothr slime , To give a Birth to a more happy Power . IX . In Fields unconquer'd , and so well Thou did'st in Battels and in Arms excel , That steely Arms themselves , might be Worn out in War as soon as thee . Success , so close upon thy Troops did wait , As if thou first had'st conquer'd Fate ; As if uncertain Victory Had been first overcome by thee ; As if her Wings were clipp'd , and could not flee , Whilst thou did'st only serve , Before thou had'st what first thou did'st deserve . Others by thee did great things do , Triumph'd'st thy self , and made'st them triumph too ; Though they above thee did appear , As yet in a more large , and higher Sphere : Thou , the great Sun gav'st Light to every Star. Thy self an Army wert alone , And mighty Troops contain'dst in one : Thy only Sword did guard the Land , Like that which flaming in the Angel's Hand , From Men God's Garden did defend : But yet thy Sword did more than his , Not only guarded , but did make this Land a Paradiee . X. Thou fought'st not to be high or great , Not for a Scepter , or a Crown , Or Ermyn , People , or the Throne : But as the Vestal Heat ▪ Thy Fire was kindled from above alone ; Religion putting on thy Shield , Brought thee victorious to the Field . Thy Arms like those , which ancient Heroes wore , Were given by the God thou did'st adore ; And all the Words thy Armies had , Were on an heavenly Anvil made ; Not Int'rest , or any weak desire Of Rule , or Empire did thy mind inspire ; Thy Valour like the holy Fire , Which did before the Persian Armies go , Liv'd in the Camp , and yet was sacred too : Thy mighty Sword anticipates , What was reserv'd for Heaven and those bless'd Seats , And makes the Church Triumphant here below . XI . Though Fortune did hang on thy Sword , And did obey thy mighty Word ; Though Fortune for thy side and thee , Forgot her lov'd Unconstancy ; Amidst thy Arms and Trophies thou Wert valiant and gentle too , Wounded'st thy self , when thou did'st kill thy Foe ; Like Steel , when it much Work has past , That which was rough does shine at last : Thy Arms by being oftner us'd did smoother grow ; Nor did thy Battels make the proud or high ; Thy Conquest rais'd the State , not thee : Thou overcam'st thy self in every Victory : As when the Sun , in a directer Line , Upon a polish'd golden Shield doth shine , The Shield reflects unto the Sun again his Light : So when the Heavens smil'd on thee in Fight , When thy propitious God had lent Success , and Victory to thy Tent , To Heav'n again the Victory was sent . XII . England till thou did'st come , Confin'd her Valour home ; Then our own Rocks did stand Bounds to our Fame as well as Land , And were to us as well , As to our Enemies unpassable . We were asham'd at what we read , And blush'd at what our Fathers did , Because we came so far behind the Dead ▪ The British Lion hung his main , and droop'd , To Slavery and Burthen stoop'd , With a degenarate Sleep and Fear Lay in his Den , and languish'd there ; At whose least Voice before , A trembling eccho ran through every Shore , And shook the World at every roar ; Thou his subdued Courage didst restore , Sharpen his Claws , and in his Eyes Mad'st the same dreadful Lightning rise ; Mad'st him again affright the Neighbouring Floods , His mighty Thunder sound through all the Woods ▪ Thou hast our Military Fame redeem'd , Which was lost , or clouded seem'd : Nay more , Heaven did by thee bestow On us , at once an Iron Age , and happy too . XIII . Till thou command'st , that Azure Chains of Waves , Which Nature round about us sent , Made us to every Pirate Slaves , Was rather Burthen than an Ornament ; Those Fields of Sea , that wash'd our Shores , Were plow'd , and reap'd by other Hands than ours . To us , the liquid Mass , Which doth about us run , As it is to the Sun , Only a Bed to sleep on was : And not , as now a powerful Throne , To shake and sway the World thereon . Our Princes in their Hand a Globe did shew , But not a perfect one , Compos'd of Earth , and Water too . But thy Commands the Floods obey'd , Thou all the Wilderness of VVater sway'd ; Thou did'st but only wed the Sea , Not make her equal , but a Slave to thee . Neptune himself did bear thy Yoke , Stoop'd , and trembled at thy stroke : He that ruled all the Main , Acknowledg'd thee his Soveraign . And now the Conquer'd Sea , doth pay More Tribute to thy Thames , than that unto the Sea. XIV . Till now our Valour did our selves more hurt ; Our VVounds to other Nations were a sport ; And as the Earth , our Land produc'd Iron and Steel , which should to tear our selves be us'd . Our strength within it self did break , Like thundring Canons crack , And kill'd those that were near , While the Enemies secur'd and untouch'd were . But now our Trumpets thou hast made to sound , Against our Enemies Walls in Foreign Ground ; And yet no eccho back to us returning found . England is now the happy peaceful Isle , And all the World the while , Is exercising Arms and Wars , With Foreign , or intestine Jars . The Torch extinguish'd here , we lend to others Oil , We give to all , yet know our selves no Fear ; We reach the Flame of Ruine , and of Death , Where e're we please , our Swords to unsheath , Whilst we in calm , and temporate Regions breath ; Like to the Sun , whose heat is hurl'd Through every Corner of the World ; Whose Flame through all the Air doth go ; And yet the Sun himself , the while no Fire doth know . XV. Besides the Glories of thy Peace , Are not in Number , nor in value less . Thy Hand did cure , and close the Stars Of our bloody Civil Wars ; Not only lanc'd ; but heal'd the Wound , Made us again as healthy , and as sound , When now the Ship was well nigh lost , After the Storm upon the Coast , By its Mariners indanger'd most ; When they their Ropes and helms had left , When the Planks asunder cleft , And Flouds came roaring in with mighty sound ; Thou a safe Land , and harbour for us found , And saved'st those that would themselves have drown'd : A Work which none but Heaven and thee could do , Thou made'st us happy ▪ whe'r we would or no : Thy Judgment , Mercy , Temperance so great , As if those Vettues only in thy Mind had seat : Thy Piety not only in the Field , but Peace , When Heaven seemed to be wanted least : Thy Temples not like Janus open were , Open in time of War , When thou hadst greater cause of fear Religion and the awe of Heaven possest All places and all times alike thy breast . XVI : Nor didst thou only for thy age provide , But for the years to come beside ; Our after-times , and late Posterity , Shall pay unto thy Fame as much as we ; They too are made by thee : When Fate did call thee to a higher Throne , And when thy Mortal Work was done , When Heaven did say it , and thou must be gone , Thou him to bear thy burthen chose , Who might ( if any could ) make us forget thy loss : Nor hadst thou him design'd , Had he not been Not only to thy Blood , but Vertue kin ; Not only Heir unto thy Throne , but Mind , 'T is he shall perfect all thy Cures , And with as fine a thread weave out thy loom : So one did bring the chosen People from Their Slavery and Fears , Led them through their pathless road , Guided himself by God. He brought them to the Borders ; but a second Hand Did settle , and secure them in the promised Land. Vpon the late Storm , and Death of the late Vsurper Oliver Cromwel ensuing the same , By Mr. Waller . WE must resign ; Heav'n his great Soul does claim , In Storms as loud , as his Immortal Fame ; His dying Groans , his last breath shakes our Isle , And trees uncut fall for his Funeral Pile . About his Palace their broad roots are tost Into the Air : So Romulus was lost . New Rome in such a Tempest mist their King , And from obeying-fell to Worshipping . On Oeta's top thus Hercules lay dead , With ruin'd Oaks and Pines about him spread ; The Poplar too , whose bough he wont to wear On his Victorious head , lay prostrate there : Those his last Fury from the Mountain rent ; Our dying Hero , from the Continent , Ravish'd whole Towns , and Forts from Spaniards reft , As his last Legacy to Britain left ; The Ocean which so long our hopes confin'd , Could give no limits to his vaster mind ; Our bounds enlargement , was his latest toil , Nor hath he left us Prisoners to our Isle : Under the Tropick is our Language spoke , And part of Flanders hath receiv'd our Yoke . From Civil broils , he did us disingage , Found Nobler Objects for our Martial rage ; And with wise Conduct to his Country show'd , Their ancient way of Conquering abroad : Ungrateful then , if we no tears allow To him , that gave us Peace and Empire too ; Princes that fear'd him , griev'd , concern'd to see No pitch of Glory from the Grave is free ; Nature her self , took notice of his Death , And sighing swell'd the Sea with such a breath , That to remotest shores her Billows rowl'd , Th' approaching Fate of her great Ruler told . FINIS . 
A61154	----	Copies of the information and original papers relating to the proof of the horrid conspiracy against the late king, his present Majesty, and the government Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1685 Approx. 412 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 74 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61154 Wing S5029 ESTC R18024 13405349 ocm 13405349 99396 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61154) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99396) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 477:1) Copies of the information and original papers relating to the proof of the horrid conspiracy against the late king, his present Majesty, and the government Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. [2], 141 p., 1 p. folded. Printed by Thomas Newcomb ..., and are to be sold by Sam. Lowndes ..., In the Savoy [London] : 1685. Entered in Wing under Sprat. "As they were order'd to be published by His late Majesty." Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Rye House Plot, 1683. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion COPIES OF THE INFORMATIONS AND Original PAPERS Relating to the Proof of The Horrid Conspiracy Against the Late KING , His Present MAJESTY , AND THE GOVERNMENT : As they were Order'd to be Published by His late Majesty . In the SAVOY : Printed by Thomas Newcomb , One of His Majesties Printers ; and are to be sold by Sam. Lowndes over-against Exeter-Change in the Strand . 1685. THE INFORMATION OF Josiah Keeling , OF THE Parish of St. Butolph without Aldgate , In the County Of Middlelsex , Salter , Taken the 12th of Iune . 1683. THis Informant Deposeth and saith , That some time before that His Majesty went last to Newmarket , about a Fortnight or Three Weeks as he remembers , Mr. Richard Goodenough ( under-Sheriff to Mr. Bethel and Mr. Cornish , late Sheriffs of London ) did at the Sun-Tavern behind the Royal-Exchange , take this Informant aside , and ask him how many Men he this Informant could procure to take away the Life of the King and Duke of York : He having begun his Discourse with this Informant by telling him that we ( meaning thereby himself , this Informant , and other Citizens of London ) were like to be in Slavery , and to lose our Charter : To which Question this Informant answered , to the best of his Remembrance , That he could not procure any to do that work . This Informant further saith , That meeting the said Goodenough a second time , while His Majesty was yet at Newmarket , he told this Informant , That the only way to prevent Shedding of Blood , was to take off the King and Duke privately , and renewed his Former Request to me ( this Informant ) to procure what Men I could , towards the Effecting of it ; and upon this Occasion he met me often in London , and came down to my House . This Informant further saith , That he at the Solicitation of the said Goodenough , and others , did speak to divers Persons that Mr. Goodenough had told this Informant there were several Men that would be Concerned in taking off the King and the Duke , and they wanted more to make up their Complement , which were to be Forty in number . Among the Persons that this Informant spoke to , there were Three , viz. Iames Burton , of Wapping White Chappel , Cheese-Monger ; William Thompson Carver of the same ; and Andrew Barber , Instrument-maker of the same : That Meeting by Appointment at the Mytre-Tavern within Aldgate , with one Richard Rumball a Malster-man , living at a place called The Rye ( if this Informant mistakes not the Name ) within two miles of Hoddesden , in the County of Hertford , or thereabouts , did agree on the Saturday next before His Majesties Return from Newmarket last to go down to the Rye , being the House of the aforesaid Rumbal , and there to effect their Design of taking off the King and the Duke . The manner whereby they proposed this should be Effected , That the said Rumbal's House where they were to meet , being by the High-ways side , they that were to be Actors in the Fact , were to hide themselves under a Wall or a Pale ; and when His Majesties Coach should come over against the said Wall or Pale , Three or Four were to Shoot with Blunderbusses at the Postilion and the Horses ; and if the Horses should not drop , then there were to be Two Men with an empty Cart in the Lane near the place , who in the Habit of Labourers should run the Cart thwart the Lane , and so to stop the Horses ; besides those that were to shoot the Postillion and Horses , there were several appointed to shoot into the Coach where His Majesty was to be , and others to Shoot at the Guards that should be attending the Coach. This Informant further saith , That meeting with Mr. Robert West , of the Middle-Temple , Barrister , they went to the Dolphin-Tavern in Bartholomew-Lane , behind the ●●yal Exchange , where they met the said Rumball , and one Hone of Southwark , ( as this Informant believes he was either a Carpenter or a Joyner ) and they discoursing together , when His Majesty would come home from Newmarket , Mr. Rumball said , He heard that he would come that night : Mr. West said he had heard that His Majesty would not come till Munday ; and , said he , I hope he will not come till Saturday , that is the Saturday come Sennight . To which Rumball replyed , I hope so too . If he do not , said Mr. West to Rumball , why then how many Swan-Quills ? how many Goose-Quills ? and how many pair of Crow-Quills , will or must you have ? Whereto Rumball answered , Six Swan-Quills , twenty Goose-Quills , twenty or thirty ( the informant doth not exactly remember which ) pair of Crow-Quills , with Ink and Sand proportionable . This Informant asking , either the said West , or else the said Rumball , what was meant by those several sorts of Quills ; Was answered , That by the first were meant , Blunderbusses ; by the second Muskets ; by the third , Cases of Pistols ; by the Ink and Sand , Powder and Bullet . This Informant seeing Rumball the same Week that His Majesty returned Home , told him he had seen the King passing by his House , and that if he had but Five Men with him , he could have done his Business , and the Dukes , for that there were but Five Life-Guard-men with them . This Informant further saith , That the said Geodenough about a Fortnight ago , came to this Informants House , and going from thence to the Coffee-House , he told him , after he had pulled out some Papers , that he this Informant must take one of the said Papers ; who asking the said Goodenough , what he must do with it ? he the said Goodenough answered , that he must take to his assistance nine or ten Men , such as he could trust , to the end they might consult all the House-Keepers , Journey-men and Apprentices , to see what number of men might be raised upon occasion , either to justifie the Act , if the King and Duke should be taken off , or if not , what strength could be made up in Case of an Insurrection or a Rebellion : And he being told by this Informant , that we were well , indeed better than any other Nation , ( that is ) much happier if we could be quiet , otherwise we should involve the Nation in Bloud and Confusion ; He replyed , That he was clearly for taking off the King and the Duke , and then there should be quickly an end to it . And this Informant further saith , That the two Papers now produced by him , were delivered to him by the said Goodenough , and that the Paper beginning with these words , viz. 4. From White-Chappel Southeast , and ending Round Goodmans Fields , was Written with Goodenoughs own hand , as this Informant believes . And this Informant saith , That he had received a Third Paper from the said Goodenough , which he gave into the hands of one Ioseph Helby a Carver of Limehouse , who put it into his Pocket , but said he would not meddle in it . This Informant further saith , That the said Goodenough told him he had divided the City and Subburbs into Twenty Parts , and shewed this Informant the Names of the Divisions in Writing , having , as he said , taken it out of the Map. In the Company of the said Goodenough and this Informant was one William Rumball , the Brother of the said Richard Rumball , to whom a Paper was offered , but he would not meddle . In each Division there was to be one Principal Man , to take to his assistance eight or nine more as he thought convenient ; but he Named none of them to this Informant . This Informant further saith , That on Thursday last he going into the Salutation-Tavern in Lumbard-street , was told there were above-Stairs some Acquaintance of his ; he going up , found the said Goodenough there , together with one Wade , Nelthrop , and the aforesaid West , all Barristers at Law ; they called this Deponent in Jest by the Name of Gulick ; and he asking them what they meant by it , they told him , Gulick was a brave Fellow and headed the People at Cologne , and they hoped to see this Informant do the same at Wapping ; and they asked how their Friends did in Wapping and what Strength they could make there : The Informant answered , They would do well enough there , and concluded they were privy to the Design . In this Company was one they called Captain Walcot , who went over with the Earl of Shaftsbury , and came back with his Corpse ; as also one they called Colonel , whose Name this Informant does not know . This Informant further saith , That the said Richard Rumball in the Conversation above-mentioned with the said Burton , Thompson , and Barber and this Deponent , affirmed , That to take off the King and the Duke would be a Keeping of one of the Ten Commandments , since it would prevent a Rebellion , whereby abundance of Bloud must be shed . This Informant further saith , That he asking West and Goodenough on the Thursday above-mentioned , what Care was taken for Arms , he was answered , That he need not take Care of that , for there was Provision already made ; and that the said West recommended Secrecy above all things to this Deponent , otherwise the present Design miscarrying , they should never be able to Retrieve it . West further told this Deponent on Easter-Eve , That since the Design to be executed upon the King 's Return from Newmarket had failed , they intended to take the King and Duke off between Windsor and Hampton-Court . Iosiah Keeling . 12 Die Junii 1683. Iosiah Keeling , Iuratus fuit Coram me , L. JENKINS . The Ioynt Information of Josiah Keeling , of the Parish of St. ●utolph without Aldgate , in the County of Middlesex , Salter , and of John Keeling of the Parish of St. Anne Black-Fryers , Citizen and Turner , taken the 14th of June , 1683. THese Informants being in Company with Richard Goodenough , this 14th day of Iune , between the hours of Twelve and One , at the Dolphin-Tavern behind the Exchange ; and the said Iosiah Keeling asking him what account he had of those Twenty Divisions that he had made of the City , or to that effect ; He answered , That he had an account of Lee a Dyer in Old-street , Middlesex , and that he could raise him 500 Men : And the said Goodenough being asked by the said Informants where those Men should have Arms and Ammunition , and also where other men that were designed to be Raised should have the like : It was Replyed by the said Goodenough , That there were Twenty Thousand Pounds already promised , which should be had upon Demand , and that the said Money was to be distributed to the Twenty Principal Undertakers , proportionably to the Lists of Men they brought in ; or the said Goodenough Replied to that effect : The said Goodenough further adding , That the Duke of Monmouth and all his Friends would be concerned in raising the said Money ; and that the said Duke would be at the Head of the said Party , which they propounded to be Four Thousand in number , and that many more would quickly fall in . And the said Goodenough further said , that a certain Colonel ( whom the Informant takes to be Colonel Romsey ) would advance Eight Hundred or a Thousand Pounds towards Paying for Arms. And the said Goodenough further said , that Wade the Counsellor of Bristol or thereabouts , kept in Town two or three hundred pounds , towards paying for Arms. And the said Goodenough being asked what he would Contribute towards the carrying on of the said Design , ( he being a Rich Man ) he answered that he had about threescore pounds in Plate and fifty or threescore pounds in Gold , and had he more it should all go to the same use : And the said Iosiah asking him what Provision of Horse there was , the said Goodenough answered that there were a hundred ready , and Men to Mount them , and if occasion be , there should be more in readiness ; and the said Informants further say , that the said Iosiah , being asked by the said Goodenough , what Progress he had made upon those Papers he had entrusted with him , and Iosiah shewing him the Paper of Number Three ( which Goodenough owned to have been delivered by him to the said Iosiah , with two Papers more ) and telling him all was well enough with us , but asking him withal , what we should do for Arms and Ammunition , he the said Goodenough answered , that if there was Faith in Men , Money should not be wanting to buy Arms and Ammunition ; and that he was to meet this night them that were principally concerned . And these Informants say , that the said Iosiah ( being desirous to pry into the secrets of their design against the Tower ) propounded to the said Goodenough , that a Person with the Staff of a Constable should bring in a Man bound as an offender before the Lieutenant , or Major Roe ; and that at the same time , another Person should be brought in upon the same Coulour , and by that means secure the Guard at the Gate , till such time that a Body of Men which was to be lodged in the Corner-house of Thames-street or the next to it , should come to their help ; For which proposal the said Goodenough applauded the said Iosiah very much , clapping him upon the back . And the Informant Iosiah asking what to satisfie our People we should do for a few Arms , he answered , that the said Iosiah should have Money to buy them . Iosiah then askt him what Gun-smith he would recommend him to , adding whether he had not best deal with Mr. West's ( meaning Mr● West the Lawyer 's Gun-smith ) ? Whereto the said Goodenough answered , that Gun-smith was a very honest Fellow , and that he need not distrust him : The said Iosiah further askt him , saying , you must have some Arms ; Are those disposed that were to be sent to Rye ? Whereto Goodenough answered , they were not . Then the said Iosiah askt him if they were at West's House , or at the Gun-smiths ; Whereto Goodenough answered , they were at the Gun-smiths ; who lived in Sheer-lane , on the left hand , as one goes from Fleet-street : And the said Iosiah asking the said Goodenough whether they went on with their Design of Killing the King and the Duke between Windsor and Hampton-Court ; he the said Goodenough replyed No , because they did not usually go together , but they would do it at the Bull-Feast in Lyon fields . And these Informants further say Not. Iosiah Keeling . Iohn Keeling . 14 Die Junii 1683. Iurati Pradicti Iohan. & Iosiah Coram me , L. Jenkins . The Ioint Information of Josiah Keeling of the Parish of St. Butolph without Aldgate , in the County of Middlesex , Salter , and of John Keeling of the Parish of St. Anne Black-Fryers , Citizen and Turner , June the 15th , 1683. THe Informants say , That being in the Company of Richard Goodenough at the Sun-Tavern behind the Royal Exchange , between the hours of One and Three of the Clock on the fifteenth day of this instant Iune , 1683. They asked the said Goodenough what Persons of Quality would be concerned : He the said Goodenough replyed , That he had discoursed William Lord Russel , Son to the Earl of Bedford ; and that the said Lord Russel told the aforesaid Goodenough , that he would be concerned in it to his utmost , and that he would use all his interest to accomplish the aforesaid Design of killing the King and the Duke of York : And these Informants further say , That asking the said Goodenough , what Collonel that was that yesterday he the said Goodenough told the Informants , Iosiah and Iohn , would advance eight Hundred or a Thousand pound towards carrying on the Design of Killing the King and Duke , he the said Goodenough Replyed , it was Collonel Romzey ; and the Informant Iosiah asked the said Goodenough whether it was that Romsey that Married the Lady Smith , and had Commanded Forces in Portugal for his Majesty , ( i. e. ) the King of England , he Replyed it was . Witness our hands this 15th day of June , 1683. JOSIAH KEELING JOHN KEELING . The Information of Josiah Keeling , given upon Oath at Hampton-Court , the 23d of June , 1683. ANd this Informant further saith , That several Gentlemen , viz. Mr. Roope , Mr. Fitton Gerrald , and Mr. Allen , and one other , whose Name this Informant hath forgot , who as they said came to visit their honest Wapping Men , that this Informant would recommend to them for such , and also to Dine with them at some Tavern , which was the Fortune at Wapping , where was Mr. Samuel Gibbs , Mr. Edmund Hunt , Mr. Robert Ferguson , with several other persons that this Informant doth not remember , where the aforesaid Gentlemen began to drink Healths , some of which were as followeth : To the Man that first draws his Sword in defence of the Protestant Religion , against Poperty and Slavery : Another was to the Confusion of the Two Brothers , Slavery and Popery ; and being askt what they meant ( as this Informant verily believeth ) it was replyed , The Two Brothers at Whitehal : The next was to the pinning of Mackinny's Head on the Monument for burning the City in 66. And this Informant asking what was meant , they said it was the Duke of York . And this Informant Dining at the Horse-shoe Tavern on Tower-hill , with Edward Norton Esquire , Mr. Starkey , Mr. Ogle , Mr. Goodenough , and others forgot by this Informant , they drank the fore-said Healths , and did explain them as the afore-said Company did . And this Informant further saith , that Fran. Goodenough sent a Letter to this Informant by one Cherry , to acquaint the said Informant , That the said Goodenough would with some other Gentlemen Dine at the End of the Town where this Informant dwelleth , and that this Informant would speak to such men as he could trust , to meet the afore-said persons at the Siracusa House ; There came with the afore-said Goodenough one Iohn Row late Sword-bearer at Bristol , with a Dorsetshire Gentleman whose name this Informant hath forgot ; also at the same Meeting was Mr. Edmund Hunt , Andrew Barber , William Tomson , Iames Burton , as this Informant verily believes , with several others forgot ; where it was agreed we should discourse so that it might not be understood if we were over-heard . Then the question was if the Foot-ball was laid down , how many we might reasonably expect would come in at first Laying of it down from our end of the Town to play at it ? To which it was replyed , it was uncertain , but as many as were there would be concerned ; to which it was answered by Row and Goodenough , if we would not in a little time kick the Ball effectually we should be made Slaves ; for saith Row the Lord Mayor hath imposed Sheriffs upon you , and the King will take away your Charter , and then you 'l be in a fine condit●on , and Goodenough spake to the same purpose ; upon which Hunt replyed , That he could do as much good as any body , for that Foot-ball players often got broken shins , and he the said Hunt could Cure them . And this Informant further saith , that this Discourse was grounded upon this Foundation , What Men can be raised against the Church-Warden at Whitehal , which was understood the King. And this Informant further saith , that Richard Goodenough , and Richard Rumbal told this Informant , that there was a Remonstrance or Declaration ready drawn up , which would be ●inted against the day that this designed Commotion was to be , wherein they would ease the people of Chimney Money , which seemed to be most Grievous , especially to the common people , and that they would lay the Kings Death upon the Papists as a continued design of the former Plot. JOSIAH KEELING . Copy of a Note given in by Iosiah Keeling 23d . of Iune , and by him received from Goodenough . From the Tower Eastward on the South-side of Rosemary-Lane to Maiden-head-lane , the West-side of Maiden-head-lane , the North-side of Upper Shadwel , Westward to new Gravel-lane , the West-side of new Gravel-lane to the Thames , and by the Thames to the Tower. The Streets and Allies of Note within the bounds . St. Katherine's . East-Smithfield . Ratclift-High-way . Victualling-Office . Butcher-Row . Redcross-street . Armitage . Nightingale-lane . Artichoack-lane . Red-Mead-lane . Wapping . Gun-alley . Cross-alley . Well-alley . Warners Yard . Salters-alley . Green Bank. Gun●alley . Pump●alley . Love-lane . Back-alley . Meeting-horse-alley . Old-Gravel●lane . Brewer's-lane . Tobacco-pipe-alley . Cinamon-street . Crown-street . Queen-street . King Edwards Street . King-street . Carman-Rents . Crown Yard . Harrow-alley . Seven Star-alley . Garter Yard . Wests Garden . Blew-gate field . Fleece Yard . Chamberlain's-alley . Frankland-street . Match Walk . With all other Places within the Outbounds not Named . The Information of Thomas Shepard , taken by the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland , &c. June the 27th . 1683. SOme time before my Lord Shaftsbury went for Holland , the Duke of Monmouth , Lord Gray , Lord Russel , Sir Thomas Armstrong , Colonel Romsey , and Mr. Ferguson met at my House in Abchurch-lane , where the subject of their Discourse was how to seize Your Majesties Guards , and in Order thereunto , as I afterwards at their next Meeting was informed , the Duke , Lord Gray , and Sir Thomas Armstrong , walked about that end of the Town one night , and gave an account that they found them very remiss in their places , not like Souldiers , and that the thing , provided they could have a sufficient strength , was feasibly enough ; but finding that failed , the Project was wholly laid aside , so far as I know : After that Mr. Ferguson told me of a Project was on foot for Destroying Your Majesty and his Royal Highness coming from Newmarket . Colonel Romsey , Mr. West , and as I remember Mr. Wade came to my Counting-house one Evening , and began to Discourse of it ; upon which I told them , that supposing they should effect what they talked of , it could not be expected that if the Duke of Monmouth should be Crowned , but in Honour and for his own Vindication , he must search out the Assassins , and both Try and Execute them : So that instead of expecting a Reward , they must lose their Lives ; upon which they ceased their Discourse , and went away soon after . Some time after this , Mr. Ferguson told me of a general Insurrection intended both in England and Scotland , and in order to it , that Sir Iohn Cochran , Mr. Bayly , Mr. Monro , Sir Hugh and Sir George Cambell , were come up to Treat with some of our English Men about it ; and that the Lord of Argile had made a Proposition , That if they would Raise him Thirty Thousand pounds he would begin it in Scotland , but finding no hopes of Raising that Sum , the Scotch were willing to accept of Ten Thousand pounds : And by means of a Letter , which came as I was informed ( for there was no Name subscribed ) from one Mr. Stewart , to some unknown Man , which I have forgot ; Concluding then that it was intended to Mr. Bayly , or some other of those Gentlemen , having had some small acquaintance with Mr. Stewart , formerly by means of his Brother , who was then a Merchant in Burdeaux , and one of my Correspondents , I came acquainted with Mr. Bayly , who told me from time to time what steps they made in 't , how he Conversed with the Duke , Lord Russel , Major W. and as I remember , Colonel Sidney ; and that he had divers promises of the Money , and desired it might be paid into my Hands ; at length he told me that Five Thousand pounds they had agreed to Raise amongst themselves , and that they expected the other half should be Raised in the City ; but finding no Monies could be got in the City , that Project fell likewise , and as Mr. Bayly told me , all his Country-men were going beyond Sea. A few days after came out the Discovery , and I never saw any of them since . Mr. Ferguson told me that my Lord Essex was hearty in this business , and that Iohn Trenchard was a Man to be depended upon in the West : They had likewise good hopes of Sir William Courtney , and that my Lord Shaftsbury had sent Captain Walcot down to him , who returned with a very cool Answer that he found them not what he expected , but believed if it came to a Rising , they would prove right enough , I had almost forgot to acquaint your Majesty that both Mr. Ferguson and Mr. Bayly told me ; That Mr. Charleton had once promised to see the Ten Thousand pound paid . Thomas Shepard . Iurat coram Me June 27. 1683. SUNDERLAND . The Information of Joseph How of the Parish of St. Giles's without Cripple-gate , in the County aforesaid Distiller , taken upon Oath before Sir Reginald Forester Baronet , this 15th day of June 1683. against Thomas Lea of Old-street in the Parish aforesaid , in the County aforesaid Dyer , for speaking of Dangerous and Seditious Words . THis Informant Deposeth and sayeth , That the said Thomas Lea , being at his House in White-Cross-street , on Thursday last , between two and three of the Clock in the Afternoon , being the 14th of this instant Iune : The said Thomas Lea , was discoursing with him , this Informant , about the loss of the City Charter , and other things ; upon which the said Thomas Lea fell into a Passion , and told this Informant that he was one of the number of Ten Thousand Men , which were designed to be ready at an hours warning , and in Order thereunto , there was Twenty Thousand pounds in Bank to carry on the Undertaking ; and many more did every day subscribe mony or engage their personal assistance : And the first enterprize they venture upon , is to go very near Windsor , and for to seize the Black-Bird and the Gold-Finch ; and that Three Hundred Men were designed for that Enterprize : And afterwards to seize the Militia , Whitehal , and the Tower : But this Informant answered that he judged it impossible , the Tower being now so very Strong ; but the said Thomas Lea told him that he had been round the Tower in Company with a Captain of a Ship , and had found out a place where a breach might be made , which is to be done by placing some Ships on the Thames side , with Mortar Pieces therein to dismount the Guns ; and also to bring the Major part of those Seamen which were in Arrears of Pay to perform the work , they being angry and in want , therefore the fitter for that purpose : And that for the better carrying of the Design , several Meetings are held ( as this day for one ) at the Kings-head Tavern in Athist-Ally near the Royal Exchange , at Two of the Clock in the Afternoon : Further Informeth not . Ioseph How. Regin . Forester . June 25 , 1683. The Examination of Colonel John Romsey . THis Examinant saith , That in October or November last , there was an Insurrection intended by the Earl of Shaftsbury , and That the said Earl of Shaftsbury told this Examinant , that Bristol was to be his Post , and the Examinant being asked what Persons of Quality or Capacity to Command as Officers , were named as intended to take part in this Insurrection ; He Answered , That he heard my Lord Russel named and complained of , and Mr. Iohn Trenchard named by the Earl of Shaftsbury ; and this Examinant further saith , that Row the Sword-bearer of Bristol told him , That Mr. West had acquainted him the said Row , that there was an intention to Assassinate the King at His coming from Newmarket in October last : the Examinant doth not remember whether the Duke was there or no , but that if he were he was likewise to have been killed ( as the said Row told this Examinant ) and this Examinant further saith , That about the latter end of November , or the beginning of December last , this Examinant having Matters of Law depending , became acquainted with Mr. Robert West , and employed him as his Refereé therein ; That the said West acquainted this Examinant with the Design to Murther the King at His coming from Newmarket in October last ; and told this Examinant , That though it miscarried at that time , it was not to be given over so , and therefore desired that he this Examinant , Mr. Richard Goodenough , and some others which he cannot charge his Memory withal , should meet at his the said West's Chamber , where this Examinant and they did meet within three or four days after , to the best of this Examinants Remembrance , and there Discoursed about the same Design , and let it fall at that time ; and this Examinant further saith , That about the Month of February last , the above-said Persons met with this Examinant at the said Mr. West's Chamber , to consider how the Design should be brought to effect at the Kings return from Newmarket ; and Mr. West , and Mr. Richard Goodenough undertook to find out Men for that purpose . And this Examinant further saith , That about this time the said West and Goodenough did desire that this Examinant would be acquainted with Richard Rumball of the Rye near Hogsden in Hertfordshire , who was the Man that would undertake to Command the Party that should take off the King and the Duke : and that at their desire this Examinant did consent to a Meeting with the said Rumball . When Richard Goodenough brought this Examinant to meet Mr. Rumball at the Angel Tavern near the Old Exchange , the said Rumball acquainted this Examinant how the Ground lay , and would have had him gone down to see it , but this Examinant refused it . And this Examinant further saith , That after that they had several Meetings , to try if they could make up the Number of Forty or Fifty Men for that purpose , under which Number the said Rumball would not undertake it . And this Examinant further saith , That at their next Meeting two or three days before or after the Kings coming from New-market in March last , They did resolve that Arms should be bought against the next Journey to New Market in Autumn or any other opportunity , as at the Play-House or coming from Windsor to Hampton-Court , or otherwise : And that Mr. West did undertake to provide so many Cases of Pistols , so many Carbines , and so many Blunderbusses , and this Examinant thinks Ten Musquets : And that it was resolved , That there should be Arms provided for Fifty Men at least . And this Examinant further saith , That the Men were to be divided , some to shoot the Postillion and Horses , some to Fire upon the King and Duke into the Coach and the remainder to Charge the Guards . And that there was also a Cart to be laid in the way , by which means the Coach should be hindred from going on . That the said Rumbal said at their next Meeting , after the Kings Passing by his House , that there were but four of the Guards Attending the Coach , and that if he had had but a small number of Men with him , he could have taken off the King and the Duke with Ease : And this Examinant further saith , that at this last Meeting Captain Walcot was there present . And this Examinant further saith , that he did not meet again in five or six Weeks after with the said Company though often press't by Mr. West that it was not fit to give it over . And this Examinant further saith , That this Examinant , the said Goodenough , West , Walcot , Norton , Wade and Holloway , did Meet at Mr. Wests Chamber about three weeks or a Month since ; and did then resolve to try what Men could be Raised in London and the Liberties ; and that they might be more certain , London was Divided into Twenty Parts ; and Mr. Holloway , Mr. Wade and Mr. West , undertook to make the Division ; and Mr. West and Goodenough did undertake to find a Man for every Division that should bring in the certain number that they could Raise respectively . And this Examinant further saith , that in the first Fortnight or thereabouts they did very little ; but the next Meeting after Mr. Goodenough brought in an account of seven Divisions , which amounted to Three Thousand Nine Hundred Men or thereabouts ; and that he the said Goodenough did believe that the remaining Divisions would afford as many Men more : And it was further resolved at that time , that the Design in hand should be kept secret until such time as the return of the whole Divisions should be brought in . And this Examinant being further asked , whether he did hear any Commanders or Commission-Officers Named to Command these Forces , he saith he heard of no particular Names , but in General that there were a Hundred old Officers about the Town ; that after that they certainly knew how many Men all the Divisions would amount to they then resolved this Examinant should carry the Proposal of Commanding these , Forces to the Duke of Monmouth ; but the Listings not being finished , he never said any thing of it to his Grace . And this Examinant further saith , that the pretence to make this Levy of Men was to assert Religion and Liberties . And this Examinant further saith , that there was a Declaration designed to be Published when these Forces should be up ; but that to the best of his memory he never saw it nor heard it Read , but he believes some part of it was Discoursed of in this Examinants presence ; as that touching Liberty of Conscience , and something relating to the Law and the Judges . And this Examinant further saith , That to the best of his memory on Tuesday last was Sennight , this Examinant , Captain Walcot , West , Nelthrop , Goodenough and Wade , me at the Salutation Tavern in Lombard-street , to know what progress Goodenough had made in the other Thirteen Divisions , who told this Examinant and the rest , that he had done nothing since the last Meeting ; but that he was to meet with some persons that Afternoon , who were to give him a further Account : And this Examinant further saith that after they had Dined , one that was a Stranger to this Examinant came into the Room to speak with Mr. Goodenough , and that Mr. West asked him , if he had seen the Gazette of that day , in which was a Relation of a Commotion in Cologne by one Gulick , and told him he should be our Gulick , for that in Dutch Gu — was Keil and ick was ing , telling this in a jesting manner . And this Examinant further saith that on Saturday last was Sennight , he this Examinant , Mr. West , and Mr. Norton , met at the George Tavern upon Ludgate-hill , and then this Examinant was told that a Discovery was made of what they had been doing ; and at present this Examinant further saith not . I. Romzey . 25 Die Junii 1683. Capt. & Recognit . Coram , Albemarle . L. Jenkins . Further Informations of Colonel Romzey . FUrther this Examinant saith , that Mr. Ferguson and the rest did in several Meetings since the beginning of February press for the having the Men got ready that were to Kill the King and Dake , and it was told him by Mr. Goodenough and Richard Rumbal and West , that a great many were poor and could not furnish themselves with Horses or Arms ; this was presently after his coming out of Holland : Mr. Ferguson replyed , he would provide the Money ; and in two Meetings afterwards he told them he had Six Hundred pounds ready in Gold , that they might depend on him , when they had got the Forty or Fifty Men , under which number Richard Rumbal would not undertake it ; and then Rumbal and the rest asked Ferguson at the first Meeting w● had , if he thought the Duke of Monmouth would not revenge the Kings Death , and Hang those that had been the Actors ; Mr. Ferguson very freely undertook to have it under the Dukes Hand against the next Meeting , but when we met , he told them there was no saying any such thing to the Duke ; but he said that we must all be ruined if it were not done : Then they asked if the Duke would appear when it was done ; to which he made answer , That a Person would be there , but he must be excused for Naming any Names , and desired not to be pressed : I told them always they were not to trust to what Mr. Ferguson said , for he was so willing to have the most Barbarous Murther done , that he would say any thing to encourage them to do it ; such Discourse as this hapned several times at our meetings , some saying , When our Swords were in our Hands , if he would not protect them , that then he should be cut off too : Such Hellish Discourses as these we entertained our selves with , until the News of the Firing of New-Market came to Town : And then Mr. Ferguson sent for most of us , and was earnest that Goodenough and Rumbald should get what Men they could , and that he could help them with Six , and that Rumbald should attempt it with as many as could be got , but it was given over for that time , because neither Arms nor Horses were ready ; then he promised that he would immediately get the Six Hundred pounds into his own hands to provide all things in a readiness against the first opportunity , whether at the Play-House , between Hampton-Court , or going to Winchester ; and said that some persons were already out to see a fit place to do it in , and if it could not be done before that , then all things should be ready against the King and Dukes going down to New-Market , as Horses bought and kept in a readiness , and Arms which Mr. West undertook to do , he being acquainted with a Gun-smith , and upon Mr. Ferguson's Promise that he would procure the Money , Mr. West bespoke the Arms , and they were ready in a very little time : But when Mr. West came and told Mr. Ferguson that the Arms were ready ( for six Weeks now I did not see Ferguson , but Mr. West acquainted me with all passed as follows , ) he told the said West that his Friend had not brought him the Money as he promised ; also Mr. West was forced to pay for the Arms out of his own Money , which was not repaied him as he told this Examinant not above twenty days since or thereabouts : The said West told this Examinant that Mr. Ferguson told him he might send for his Money when he would , by a Note to Major W. but he must tell him the Name that he would make the Note payable to , that he might tell the same to Major W. the Name I have forgot . In some very few days after , as he the said West told this Examinant , the said Ferguson told him , that he must not send any Body or Note to receive the said Hundred pounds , but Richard Rumbald , because the said W. would not trust any body else ; West sent the said Rumbald very early one Morning , but the said Major W. was gone out of Town before he came to the House , which he went and acquainted the said Ferguson with : In a few days after the said Ferguson paid the said West a Hundred pounds in Gold , and as the said West then told this Examinant , that the said Ferguson told him , he did receive the said Hundred pounds of Mr. Charlton ; and about fourteen days since the said West and this Examinant going to Mr. Ferguson , he told us that there was Three Thousand pounds Raised for to buy Horses , and to maintain them and the Men in a Readiness , that if any opportunity offered all might be ready ; but did not tell us from whom he was to have this Money , neither did either of us ask him any question about it . Further this Examinant saith , That to the best of his Remembrance , in Ianuary last , Mr. Nelthrop told this Examinant , that meeting Colonel Sidney , he told him that now something would be done , for that it was resolved to send some persons into Scotland to some Gentlemen there to come to Town , that they might know what the Scots would do , but they knew not of a Man fit to send ; and the said Nelthrop told this Examinant that he recommended one Mr. Aaron Smith as a fit man. And further this Examinant saith , That the said Nelthrop told this Examinant that the Colonel and others had sent him ( Aaron Smith ) with a Letter to Sir Iohn Cochran to advise him and his Friends to come to London about their Carolina affairs , and that a good Gelding was bought for him , or Money given to him to buy one ; as also Money was given him by Colonel Owen to pay his Expences on the Road and also that some Money was given to his Wife for her Maintenance , she being in poverty . Upon this Letter Sir Iohn Cochran came to London , and some other Scotch Gentlemen , whose Names this Examinant does not know , but as the said Nelthrop and Mr. Ferguson did acquaint this Examinant , they were to Treat with some of this Nation what was to be done for the Delivery of the Nations : The said Ferguson told this Examinant , That the Scotch Gentlemen did acquaint those they Treated with ( not Naming any of their Names ) that their people were in very great Poverty , but very willing to set themselves at Liberty , but they had no Arms nor Ammunition nor Money to buy any and without they could let them have Money to furnish Arms and Ammunition , they could do nothing . During this last Transaction of the Scots for Money , I did not see Mr. Ferguson , but Mr. West who went constantly to him did tell me their Discourse ; as that sometimes the Scotch Gentlemen were departing discontented , and then again in three or four days that they were like to agree and that Money should be provided for them : Often he told me of such changes as these in that Transaction and that Mr. Ferguson did assure the said West , that the Money would be all paid in one week ; I answered the said West , who would have had me gone to Ferguson , that I would not see him until I was certain it was paid , for the said Ferguson undertook much and did nothing but promise what he could not do . There was a Debate what Declaration should be presently after the Murther of the King and Duke and amongst other things a Free Parliament was one Head , Liberty of Conscience was another : That those that had their Lands taken from them at the Kings Restauration should have them returned . A Reformation of the Expensive part of the Law. Mr. Ferguson undertook that one should be ready . Mr. West did further acquaint this Examinant , that my Lord Howard had been at his Chamber to Pump him the said West what we were doing , and that his Lordship did desire to have a Meeting with the said West and this Examinant , which neither the said West nor this Examinant were willing to ; and the said West did further acquaint this Examinant that my Lord Howard did propose a Council of Ten to meet ; but we not consenting to meet , the said West did civilly put off the Proposition , as he the said West did inform this Examinant . And further this Examinant saith , That Discoursing with Mr. West and Mr. Goodenough , and others about the Scotch Affair , they did tell me , That the last Spring there was a Treaty with the Earl of Argile , and that then without Money the Scots declared they could not begin , but that the Earl of Shaftsbury broke that Designe , not consenting to pay the Money : This Examinant never heard any thing of this Design , until the said West , Norton and Goodenough did tell him thereof . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Nelthrop and Mr. Wade did always oppose the Murthering of the King and the Duke , and so did Captain Walcot , but at last the said Walcot consented . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Bourn , and Mr. Goodenough's Brother were at some of the last Meetings about the raising of the Men : This Examinant saith , That to the best of his Memory he hath here set down every thing that was said or Transacted in the Debates when he was there , but he was absent from some . I. Romzey . Colonel Romzey's further Information . THis Examinant further saith , That being sent by the Earl of Shaftsbury about the beginning of November last to Mr. Shepard's a Merchant near Lombard-street , where was the Duke of Monmouth , Lord Russel , Lord Grey , Sir Thomas Armstrong and Mr. Ferguson ; this Examinant told them my Lord Shaftsbury had sent him to tell them it was high time to come to some Resolution about the Rising ; They made him this Answer by Mr. Ferguson ( and afterwards my Lord Grey said words to the same effect ) that Mr. Iohn Trenchard had promised and assured them at his first coming to Town that Term , that he could in four hours time have a Thousand Foot and Two or Three Hundred Horse , but now they had sent to him to know the certainty , he had returned to them this following answer ; That Men would not be got from home on two or three days warning , but that when such a thing as a Rising should be , he must know it sooner , that he might acquaint Men to make Provision of Settlements for their Families ; so they could not go on at this time any further . And for this reason , and that they heard Sir William Courtney would not stir , my Lord must be contented . This Message I returned to my Lord : On this my Lord resolved to leave England . This Examinant further saith , That there was a Project of Government drawn up by Mr. West and Mr. Wade , which they delivered to this Examinant , and he gave it to Mr. Ferguson , who told them that he heard Colonel Sidney had drawn one , that he would compare them together and reduce them into one intire one . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Nelthrop told him that my Lord of Essex , my Lord Russel , Colonel Sidney , and young Mr. Hamden were the persons that did Treat with the Scotch Gentlemen , and so did Mr. West , and I think Mr. Ferguson . Mr. Nelthrop and Mr. West , during the time I did not see Mr. Ferguson , told me that now they were resolved to raise Ten Thousand pounds for the Scots , and that next week it should all be paid in ; that was about a Month since . But they had been with Mr. Shepard the Merchant , and he told them there was none paid . This Money was to buy Arms in Holland . Mr. Ferguson told this Examinant the Rising must be in Scotland before Harvest , or else their people would not be got together ; and that in four days after the Scots were up we should have the first Intelligence and that then we must Rise in this Town and in Taunton . My Lord Howard was at first one with my Lord Essex and the rest , but he told Captain Walcot and Mr. West what passed amongst them , for which reason he was l●f● out of the meetings . Further this Examinant saith , that Mr. Wade and Holloway told him how they had fixed the matter for Bristol ; that they were sure of Three Hundred Men , and that they would Post them in all the cross Streets , so that none of the other party should get together in a Body or out of their Houses . By this means they should be Masters of the Town without spilling one drop of Blood. And this Examinant further saith that Goodenough told Wade , West and this Examinant , that about twenty five Hundred Arms would be wanting for the Men that would Rise here ; for without they were Armed that were on the first to Rise here , we should be beat ; therefore West and this Examinant did acquaint Mr. Ferguson from the rest that did meet , of the necessity of having so many Arms. He replied , Money should not be wanting ; but how so many Arms could be bought without a discovery ? Mr. West did undertake that if Money were given , the Arms might be had ; and some person of the Company did name a Gun-smith that was an honest Man that might without suspition have two or three Hundred Arms , and other Gun-smiths might , if enquired after , be found , that might lodge proportionable quantities in their Shops , and the Men should be led to these Shops and Armed . It was said by Goodenough that six Hundred Arms were together in the Artillery Ground , which might be easily seized on . Many debates we had about the Tower ; some proposed the taking of it by day-time , by sending some Men onely with Pocket Pistols , and when the Sign was given they were to fall on the Guard ; but this was left off as not agreeing with a Rising by night ; and then the other way was to clap two or three hundred Fagots to the Gates and set them on Fire , which would make those within surrender and that Ships should come and lie before the Tower and batter it at the same time the Fagots were on fire . I. Romzey . Colonel Romzeys Letter to the Earl of Rochester concerning the Scotch Pedlars . My Lord , WHen the Rising was to have been in November , Mr. Ferguson did say that he could promise for Three Hundred Scots in this Town that would be ready at a days warning , and that there was in England Twelve Hundred that might be depended upon ; that Three or Four Hundred did always abide here , the rest were scattered throughout England with Packs on their Backs for the Maintenance of themselves ; that a great many of them were Gentlemens Sons and all of them had been at Bothwel-Bridge , and betook them to this way to get ( and carry ) Intelligence as well as a living . J. Romzey . Another Letter from Colonel Romzey to the Earl of Rochester . My Lord , I Do not know whether I have already in any of my Papers where I mention Mr. Roe , acquainted the King of one passage he told me , ( but I think I have ) that Gibbons the Duke of Monmouths Footman did tell him , that nothing but taking off the Two Brothers would do the business , and if he would go with him , he would shew him the place to do it ; he carried him to my Lord of Bedfords Garden , where I think he told me is a Mount to look into Covent Garden , and said no place can be like this to lodge Men in to do the feat and shewed him the Garden-door where they might make a Sally on the Coach if they mist with their Fire . Mr. Roe asked him , but how will you bring the Men in ? He told him my Lord was long in the Country , and he was so well acquainted with the Porter and Servants that he could have the Key at any time . The said Gibbons told Sir Thomas Armstrong as if Roe had proposed it to Gibbons , and Sir Thomas came to me in a great Passion and told me what I have related , and bid we speak to Roe to warn him of talking of any such thing . When I did speak to Roe he Confessed the thing , but that Gibbons moved it to him , for he knew not any thing of my Lord of Bedfords Garden or Servants . This was to be done as the King came from the Play. I cannot recollect whether I was twice at Mr. Shepards with the Duke of Monmouth , &c. or but once ; but if I was but once , then I heard Mr. Ferguson relate to my Lord of Shaftsbury some part of their Debates at another time , as that they had resolved of the 19th of November for the Rising and some Heads of a Declaration : Whether I heard this Debate at Mr. Shepards or at my Lord Shaftsburies Lodgings I cannot be positive in , but Mr. Shepard I believe may remember . J. Romzey . The further Information of Colonel Romsey . THis Examinant further saith , That Mr. Ferguson was at this Examinants House for seven or eight nights , intermitting a night two or three , which time he told me he went to his Wife . During the time he was at my House , the Duke of Monmouth came to see him , to the best of my remembrance twice ; the first time I was with them , and all the discourse that passed was about my Lord Shaftsburie's death , and relating the Affairs of Holland and the Confederates , the Duke not staying a quarter of an hour . The next time I was not in the room with them . Sir Thomas Armestrong came several times in a Morning to see him , sometimes before I was stiring ; the first time I shewed him the room where he lay , and did not go in with him , but went to dress me , I being in my shirt . Andrew Barbers Informations read in Council , 23 June , 1683. ON Saturday morning , about the latter end of March last past , Mr. Keeling came to me , and told me that he and some other Friends of mine would have me come to the Mitre Tavern within Aldgate , because they would drink a glass of Wine with me ; and there I came to them , and found Mr. Rumbal , a one Eyed man , Mr. Keeling , Burton , and Thompson , I sate down with them and drank ; soon after Mr. Rumbald fell into Discourse concerning getting of Arms to his House ; he was speaking he thought it would be a good way to send them in a Barge , but he concluded 't would not be safe ; but said , he thought that those that would be concerned should ride with Arms themselves betimes in the Morning or in the Night and so come to his House , and there they should be refreshed and their Horses , till he should order them what to do . Some I understand were to continue on Horseback , and they that were to kill the Horses , Coachman , and Postillion , and to shoot into the Coach were to be on foot ; and he would order Carts to be set cross the Road for to hinder them . So then Rumbald asked if we could shoot well , I told him I could not , I never shot at a mark in my life ; the others said , let them alone for that ; says Keeling , he is a good Souldier and a lusty man , what do you think of him ? he made no answer , so I answered I was no Souldier fit for that work , and said that it would be Murder to Kill , and he said it would be a means not to Kill , but to save many thousand mens Lives . When I had done , he said he would order some to bring word what Coach by the colour of the Horses , that they may not be mistaken , for this was to be as I understood in Rumbalds own ground , for his House joyns to the Road ; and he said they must come by his House to come to London , so he said he would ingage his Life to do it , if he had but Thirty men , but he expected Forty ▪ and for Horses Mr. Keeling said , he would get as many as he could , but it was not concluded on , by reason Rumbald did expect to have seen more at that place , but Mr. Keeling promised him they should be ready at the next Meeting , which was to be the next Wednesday after , as I remember , but then I resolved never to come into their company more , nor be concerned with them , because I did understand there would be Murther committed , nor have been in their company since , nor I never saw that Rumbald before nor since . Likewise I replied , if you should do so , how will you escape ? Rumbald answered , he would fight his way through , and separate themselves into By-roads , and make what way they could for London , and then they should do well enough . All this time I never heard that this was intended against the King , for he was never mentioned in any respect , that I did understand , but I did verily believe that it was meant by his Royal Highness . So we paid our reckoning , which was I think six pence apiece , and they went towards the Exchange , but I directly home , and have not been in their company since , nor no other tending to such evil work . Andrew Barber . Moreover , Rumbald said , that there was never above one or two that rid before the Coach ; and likewise , if they could get to Cambridge Heath , or thereabouts , they should have friends enough for their help . In the Gate-house the 29th June , 83. Major Holmes Confessed . THat in order to the late Earl of Argile's going into Scotland , and raising a Rebellion there , he had proposed that 30000 l. Sterling should be sent to him from hence , by some great persons , with whom a Treaty was held for that purpose by Ferguson ; but that they refused to advance so great a sum yet , condescended to send him 10000 l. which Holmes knoweth not whether the late Earl hath accepted of , as sufficient for effectuating that design . Upon his being ask'd who were the great men by whose means the Money was to be advanced , he protested that he had never conversed with any of them , but that he had heard often the Duke of Monmouth and particularly the Lord Russel named ; and as to the Lord Grey , he did not remember that his Lordship was mentioned unto him in the matter of Money , but did confess that he had frequently been told of his being ingaged in , and a promoter of the design in general . He confessed that the Letter marked Numb . 2. is from the Countess of Argile to her Husband , and that he was to have sent it away by the Post last Tuesday into Holland , had he not been taken into Custody . That it was directed for Peter Harvie Linnen Weaver ( which is not a true name ) in Bow Church-yard , and was left at one Mr. Browns House a Sider-Seller there , where Holmes usually received her Letters under that borrowed name , but saith that he cannot decypher this , nor any of her Letters . As to the long Letter marked Numb . 3. he protests he cannot Decipher it , nor can positively say for whom it was to have been directed , yet thinks it was to have been carried by Castarres to Fergusn , and by him to the chief men concerned in the Design . Upon inquiring what is become of the parcel of Books , which are the Printed Case of the Earl of Argile , and in what method they were brought over from Holland , he confessed that they had been shipped on board of a Vessel , called ( to the best of his memory ) the Success of Colchester , bound for London , and that Spence was afterwards to come in the Passage Boat designed to have come to Graves-end , but that the wind having been very cross , he came on shoar at , or somewhat near Harwich , from whence he came by Land to London . Upon asking what was meant by the Figures 80 and 81 , in the Letters marked Numb . 5. he said he did not well remember , but when I told him that I knew by the Cypher , Money was meant by 50 , and Officers by 51. he confessed that it was so ; whereupon I did observe to him , that as the late Earl was to have had Money , so he was to have been furnished with Officers for the carrying on the Rebellion in Scotland , which also he confessed , but said withal , that this Letter was intended for his Lady , which he knew by a mark on the back , and shewed it to me . The Examination of Robert Blaney of the Middle Temple Esq 29 June , 83. THis Examinant Deposeth and saith , That this Deponent was invited about Christmas last , on Wednesday the 27th day of December last , ( as near as he can remember ) by Iohn Row , late Sword-bearer of the City of Bristol , to Dine with Collonel Iohn Rumzey , at his House in Soho Square , where were present the said Colonel Romzey , Robert West , Richard Goodenough , Ioseph Tyley of Lincolns Inn Esq Christopher Battiscomb Gent. and the said Iohn Row , and this Examinant ; where being together after dinner , and much Wine and other strong drink drank in the said company , a Discourse was began , but by whom this Examinant cannot remember , about the times being very bad and dangerous for Sober Men , and what Remedies were fit to redress Grievances , and rid our selves of Arbitrary Power , or to that effect ; and it was there likewise discoursed and said , but by whom in particular this Examinant cannot exactly remember it being so long since , that we should never be well till we were rid of two people , by whom as this Examinant did apprehend , were meant His Majesty and his Royal Highness the Duke of York . And it was likewise said , That if the Great People did but agree to Joyn and Rise , or words to that effect it might be done , for the Countries were all willing and ready ; then as this Examinant doth remember by some one , it was in the said company proposed , and as he verily believes by the said Mr. West , that either a Deed of Bargain and Sale , or Lease and Release ( one of them it was ) should be executed to bar both Him in Possession , and Him in Remainder ; by which as this Examinant did then apprehend , was meant the taking off His Majesty and his Royal Highness , and so he believes the rest of the said company did also . And a glass of Wine did pass round the said Table as a Health to the Executing of the said Bargain and Sale , or Lease and Release , ( which he cannot tell , but one o● them it was . ) And this Examinant further saith , that he never was present at any other Consultation with the before-named persons , or any others about the Death of the King , or his Royal Highness , or the raising of any Rebellion , that this Examinant can remember ; except that being very frequently as a familiar Acquaintance with the said Mr. West , he hath often asked him , and the said Colonel Rumzey , whether the great Men would do any thing , and whether any business would be done ; or he used words to that effect , but they did constantly as this Examinant remembers answer him No , that nothing would be done ; and the said Colonel , Rumzey seemed ( as this Examinant did apprehend ) to be very shy of him this Examinant ; and much like Discourse this Examinant hath had with the said Goodenoughs , but never was as he remembers acquainted with the prosecution or particulars of such a Design in the least . And one Nathaniel Wade also this Examinant hath had some such Discourse with , about freeing our selves from Arbitrary Power and Popery by a general Rising , but any particular ways and methods for the same , or otherwise , this Examinant never knew of , or was privy to . And further at present this Deponent cannot recollect . Robert Blaney . 29 Jun. 83. Iurat . coram me L. JENKINS . The further Examination of Robert Blaney , July 1. 83. WHo saith , That he saw Ferguson since the Earl of Shaftsburies death , in the House of one Bourne a Brewer , living in Queen-street over against the Lord Keepers ; that it was about a quarter of a year since ; that Ferguson was in a Night-gown , and therefore he believes he lay in that House ; that the Discourse they had was about the Earl of Shaftsbury and his death . This Examinant saith , that about three weeks after the Earl of Shaftsbury had concealed himself , he saw him at a Merchants House , whose name he remembers not , but the House is in Woodstreet , near St. Albans Church , the corner House , having a little Yard before it , next door to a House that was one Mr. Biddolphs . He saith , he knows nothing of the manner of the Earl of Shaftsburies Escape , nor of Fergusons , nor knows no other places but the above-mentioned , where either of them were at any time concealed . He remembers that he was twice or thrice at the Sign of the Sugar-loaf , near the Devil Tavern with Ferguson , and once with another person , who he thinks was young Shute , about the time the Earl of Shaftsbury absented himself ; but that Ferguson was not then disguised , but in the Habit he used commonly to wear , which was a Russet colour Campane Coat , and a brown short Perewig . Thomas Lee Dyer of Old-street , his Confession , 1 , and 2 July , 1685. I Having been often in the Company of Mr. Iohn Atherton , he told me , about May last , that Mr. Goodenough must speak with me , and Mr. William Thomas . We went to the Salutation Tavern in Lumbard-street , Mr. Goodenough came to tell us and then drew out some Papers , ( but I saw not what was in them ) and there told us that our Rights and Priviledges were Invaded and that some Gentlemen had taken into consideration how to retrieve them or words to that effect ; and did then ask us whether we were willing to assist , and then told us that the City and Suburbs were divided into Twenty parts , and did desire us to see what men we could get and told us , that we must discourse with them about a Forreign Invasion at first and if that took , then we might know of them , whether they would be willing to assist in their own persons , or by Money ; Some time after we met Mr. Goodenough at the Amsterdam Coffee-house in Bartholemew-lane ; I told him that I had acquainted Mr. Charles Bateman and he desired to speak with Mr. Goodenough . That Mr. Bateman told me I must have a care , and speak at a great distance that he was willing to assist , if he could see but a cloud as big as a mans hand and after I called on Mr. Bateman , and went with him to a Sea-Captains , and from thence to the Duke of Monmouths House in Soho Square . As we went , Mr. Bateman told me that the Duke had told him , that he was glad that ever he came acquainted with those Protestant Lords ; and did assure me that the Duke was very right for the Protestant Interest and that we need not mistrust him and then we called to see Mr. Goodenough , but were too late . The same afternoon I went to see for Mr. Goodenough and found him at the Dolphin Tavern in Bartholemew-lane and I appointed him to come to the Kings-head in Swithens-alley in Cornhil ; where he came and told me , that they were making ready and asked me what I had done in that matter ? I told him not much , because I doubted they were not prepared with Money and Arms , he told me that they had both . I asked him what store of Money they had ? he told me , Twenty thousand pounds , and then we went into company , and talked no more about that affair . Some days after I met with him again , and he told me , that he had seen Mr. Bateman , and that he hoped he would be very serviceable , and asked me what that Southwark man was ? I told him he was very honest and willing , and that I had spoken with him , and he desired that he might speak with him . I called him , and they discoursed together alone , and after that he asked me , who that ancient Gentleman was , I told him , that he was an old Souldier and that his Name was Franks ; he desired me to call him , and I did , and discoursed the matter , and he not hearing of it before , was a little surprized ; but said , that he was willing to fight for Priviledge , which he thought was Invaded , but not for Religion . The next day I went to meet Mr. Goodenough at Richards Coffee-house at Temple-bar ; there I met with Mr. Hone , and he had me over to the Kings-head Tavern , and there told me , it had been our great mischief , that there had not been an understanding betwixt the Cavaliers and us ; that there were a great many brave men about the Temple , and that the job had been done upon the Black-Bird and Gold-Finch some time before , if it had not been for an accident that happened at Newmarket . Soon after came in Mr. Francis Goodenough , and Mr. Hone told me that I might be free with him . We discoursed about the matter , he said they were making all things in a readiness against their coming from Windsor , and that he thought they must get Three hundred Horse to seize them coming from Windsor . Some time after I met with Mr. Richard Goodenough , and asked him what readiness things were in , he told me that in a few days he thought he should have an account how many men they could raise . I told him that I had spoken with Mr. Rous , and that he could help them to Arms for a Hundred men ; and that a way was proposed how to raise a Thousand Seamen , if they would be at the charge of a Golden Ball to be played upon Black-heath . He asked me what the Ball would cost ? I told him , I was informed about Twelve pounds . He said , if it were Forty , they would be at the charge of it . Then he desired to speak with Mr. Rous , and appointed to meet him at the Kings-head Tavern in Swithings-alley , and they met and went into a room apart , and afterwards we went to Iosephs Coffee-house in Exchange-alley , and Mr. Rous told me , that he would see and get Ten Sea-Captains to manage that affair . The next day I met with Mr. Rous at the Amsterdam Coffee-house , there he spoke with two Captains , as he told me , and from thence he went with them to the Angel and Crown Tavern in Thredneedle-street , but I did not go with them ▪ I saw him afterwards at the Kings-head , and he told me , he must have Mr. Goodenough go with him to Wapping , I acquainted Mr. Goodenough with it , and he told me , that that business of the Tower was left to some men , that understood those affairs better than himself , and that they must be in a readiness to do all together ; I asked him what that was , he told me they must Seize the Tower , and take the City , and secure the Savoy and Whitehall , and the King and the Duke . Sometime after I met Mr. Francis Goodenough in Westminster hall , he had me behind Kidals Coffee-house , and told me , that the Countrey-Gentry were ready , and said , he desired it might not be delayed long . The next time I saw Mr. Richard Goodenough , was at the Kings-head . I called at Mr. Ienkes , and understood that he had almost dined , and I left word that I was gone thither , and he came to me , and I told him I had spoke with one in Old-street , and that he was willing to assist with Money , and another in White-cross-street , that told me , that he would assist himself , and had Arms for Ten men , and Mr. Goodenough told me , that they were about Summing up their Men , and that they should be ready in a fortnight or less . The Examination of Hicks living in Friday-street London , taken before His Majesty the third of July 1683. WHo saith , that he did hear from Wade ( as he thinketh ) that the City was to be divided into parts , and that Wade told him , there would be a Rising of the Papists to cut all their Throats , to which he had answered , that he did not believe it ; But that the Law of Nature taught him to stand upon his own defence . And that he the Examinant further adding , that this imported Evil and that he would not consent to it . Wade then replied , he the Examinant must perish then by himself . The Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple Barrister at Law , taken the 23 June 1683. THis Examinant saith , he having a general acquaintance with those of the City of London , that are commonly called Whiggs ; observed about Michaelmas last a general discontent amongst them , by reason ( as he apprehends ) of the Elections that had gone before of the Mayor and Sheriffs , and of their apprehensions of the loss of their Charter : whereon this Examinant fearing that their hearts might transport them to commit some extravagancies , and to prevent his own Families being ruined by them , was very inquisitive to know whether any Insurrection might be designed . And this Examinant after some time , was inform'd by some persons , who at present he cannot remember , that an Insurrection was intended in November last in the City of London , but the particulars of it this Examinant was never acquainted with ; and he heard soon after that the Design was wholly laid aside . And this Examinant further saith , That about the time His Majesty came from Newmarket , in or about October last , he heard that there was a Design to seize the King & the Duke of York ; but this Examinant does not know the place where , nor the persons who were to act therein . And this Examinant further saith , that about the latter end of October , or the beginning of November last , this Examinant met with Mr. Robert Ferguson , whom he had been long acquainted with , and the said Mr. Ferguson , gave this Examinant an account of the great miseries the people of Scotland lay under , and did believe the people of England would suffer the like , and Popery over run the Nation , unless the people themselves endeavoured to prevent it . And told this Examinant , that two ways had been thought on ( but named not by whom ) one by a general Insurrection in several parts of the Kingdom , and the other a more Compendious and safe way of taking away the King and Duke by some surprize in some Journey . To which this Examinant answered to this effect , to wit , That he looked upon the first method to be impracticable and full of hazard , the Militia , Navy , Forts , and Ammunition being in the hands of the Government , and the people as it were naked ; and such an attempt might intail a long and Bloody War upon the Nation , and must end in the destruction of the King and Duke , or else it would be vain . And therefore the second method of taking them off by surprize was most rational , if there were a necessity of doing the one thing or the other . And this Examinant further saith , that after this discourse , the said Mr. Ferguson went into Holland , and after his return from thence , had several Discourses with this Examinant to the same effect , concerning the destroying the King and the Duke ; and that there would be an opportunity shortly of doing it , either upon the King and Dukes going to , or coming from Newmarket . This Examinant further saith , That soon after the said Mr. Ferguson , Mr. Richard Goodenough , Mr. Richard Rumball , this Examinant , and sometime Colonel Rumzey ( so called ) and Capt. Walcot met , sometimes at this Examinants Chamber , and sometimes at other places where they used to debate and consider of the method of putting the Design of Killing the King and the Duke in Execution . And this Examinant further saith , That none of the persons above mentioned , save Richard Rumball only , was to act in person , in the said attempt , but the said Robert Ferguson , Richard Rumball , and Richard Goodenough undertook to provide the persons to make the said attempt , which persons were to be 40 at least , and 50 if they could procure them . This Examinant further saith , That there was also a further debate what sort of Arms should be made use of in the Attempt : And it was agreed there should be Blunderbusses , Muskets or Carbines , and Pistols ; but how the said Arms should be carried down , whether before-hand , or by the persons on Horseback , this Examinant does not remember they came to any resolution . This Examinant further saith , that it was resolved some of the persons who were to make the Attempt should kill one or more of the Horses in the Kings Coach , and then one party should set upon the Coach and shoot into it , and another party fight the Guards ; and if there should be occasion , a Cart should be overturned in the Road on purpose to stop the Coach. And this Examinant further saith , that after the said Resolution above-taken , this Examinant was much troubled in his mind , and endeavoured to represent several difficulties and hazards in the thing , and the ill consequences thereof whether it succeeded or not , with an intention to have diverted the thing . And this Examinant further saith , that after the Fire at Newmarket , and before the Kings return from thence sooner than was expected , this Examinant and the other persons above-mentioned met at this Examinants Chamber , where because they had no certain intelligence how long the King would stay there before his return to London , it was agreed , to the best of this Examinants remembrance , that the Attempt should be wholly laid aside . And this Examinant further saith , that some short time after the Kings return from Newmarket , there being a Discourse at a Tavern in the City between this Examinant and the said Rumball , and one Iohn Keeling , concerning the disappointment of their said attempt , in not having the Arms ready ; and the said Keeling openly mentioning Blunderbusses , Muskets , and Pistols , this Examinant advised him to call the said Arms by the names of Swan-Quills , Goose-Quills , and Crow-Quills , that the Drawers might not take notice . And this Examinant further saith , that at the same Tavern , the said Richard Rumball told this Examinant , and the said Keeling , that the King came by his House with a slender Guard of Six Horse , much tyred and that six men well provided might have made the attempt and succeeded in it . And this Examinant further saith , That some short time after , it was agreed by this Examinant , the said Ferguson , Rumball and Goodenough , that some Arms should be bought to be in a readiness for any occasion : And because this Examinant was no otherwise capable to serve in any such Design , it was proposed to him and he undertook to buy some Arms ; and accordingly this Examinant bespake of one Daft a Gunsmith in Sheer-lane , 30 Case of Pistols , 30 Carbines with Belts and Swivels , and 10 Blunderbusses , besides Bullets and Flints , on pretence of sending the same into America , but the same were not entred at the Custome-house till Tuesday last , although this Examinant did design to have done so six weeks before . And this Examinant further saith , That being at a Tavern about three weeks or a month since with Nathaniel Wade , Richard Nelthrop and others , where the said Mr. Nelthrop was reading a Gazette , wherein there were Relations of Tumults at Cologne , abetted by one Gulick , the said Keeling came into the Room to speak with one of the Company ; and Mr. Nelthrop in a jeasting manner called the said Keeling Gulick ; whereupon the said Keeling said to this Examinant , What think you for all your jeasting , if I and some few more of my Friends should save the City Charter and the Nation ? or words to this effect . To whom this Examinant replyed , he would do very well to do so : but then asked him the manner how he would do it ? To which he answered , That no body should know it till they had done ; but hoped he should not be hanged for 't : Upon which words this Examinant suspecting the said Keeling meant some extravagant thing , bid him take care not to do any foolish thing and ruine the Protestants . And this Examinant further saith , That about Easter last some Discourses were had concerning the making some Attempt upon the King and Duke , between Windsor and Hampton-Court , but no resolution therein was ever taken to this Examinants knowledge or remembrance . This Examinant further saith , That there was some Considerations lately had how to make an Estimate of the strength of the Protestant party , in case they should be put upon their own Defence ; when it was agreed that the City and Subburbs should be divided into twenty parts , & that some person well acquainted in each Division , should enquire into and make a return of the number he should find ; which returns are not yet made to the Examinants knowledge : And more this Examinant for the present saith not . Robert West . 23 Die Junii 1683. Capt. & Recognit coram me L. JENKINS . The further Examination of Robert West Barrister at Law of the Middle-Temple , the 24th of June 1683. THis Examinant saith , That he was informed of the Insurrection in his former Examination mentioned to have been designed in November last by Thomas Walcot , who told this Examinant that the same was projected by the late Earl of Shaftsbury , and was to have been put in execution the 19 of November last , but that he looked upon it as a mad thing , which he had no thoughts to engage in ; and afterwards told this Examinant that it was wholly laid aside . And this Examination further saith , That to the best of his remembrance Francis Shute lately deceased was the person who acquainted this Examinant that an Assassination of the King and Duke in their return from Newmarket in or about October last had been intended , and that he heard the same from Mr. Ferguson ; and this Examinant asking Mr. Ferguson about it , the said Ferguson told this Examinant , that it had not been thought of time enough , and therefore could not be done or words to that effect . And this Examinant further saith , That he discoursing with the said Ferguson concerning the late intended Attempt upon the King and Duke in their return from Newmarket , asked the said Ferguson what care was taken to justifie the same , if in case it took effect , for that the other party might in revenge shed a great deal of Blood , and immediately proclaim the Princess of Orange , which would overthrow the whole Design . To which he answered me that care would be taken about it and that the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs and most of the Lieutenancy should be secured . But when this Examinant desired to know what persons were to be concerned , he bad this Examinant ask no questions , for things would be managed well , as he said ; and that if London was secured , all England would fall in . And this Examinant further saith , that when this Examinant asked the said Ferguson whether any Declaration was prepared to be published upon such occasion ? he told this Examinant that it had been considered of and was ready , and would be printed ready to be dispersed : but when this Examinant asked him how it should be done , he answered it was assuredly so , but this Examinant must ask no questions . And this Examinant further saith , That before this Examinant bespake the Arms mentioned in his former Examinations , the said Ferguson told this Examinant that he would give this Examinant mony to pay for them , for he had five or six hundred pounds at Command , but he paid not the money to this Examinant till about three weeks or a month since and then paid it this Examinant in ninety three Guineys , but would not tell this Examinant of whom he had the said money . And this Examinant further saith , That the said Ferguson told this Examinant that the Scots intended to make some Insurrection in Scotland this Summer , but were not well able to do so without the assistance of ten thousand pounds or some other great sum to buy Arms for them , which he had hopes of getting for them and that they expected , and he hoped they would be seconded by a party in England both in London and in the Northern and Western parts . And when this Examinant asked him what persons of Note would engage in it and what method they would use ; He answered , First let us sound our strength and if there be encouragement from that , you will not want men of Quality to take their Post , but you must excuse me from naming of them till there be occasion . And this Examinant further saith , that though he frequently enquired whether any money had been paid to the Scots , he could not certainly be informed that any money had been paid . And further saith this Examinant , that the Arms in his former Examinations particularly mentioned were directed by the Company then present to be bespoken . And further this Examinant saith , That he hath been often in company with Mr. Edward Norton of Dorsetshire , as this Examinant doth believe , with Nathaniel Wade a Barrister at Law and Francis Goodenough an Attorney at Law , at the Castle-Tavern in Fleetstree ▪ and at the Green Dragon Tavern upon Snow-hill ; where some Discourses were held concerning an I●●urrection in Scotland and of one in England , if there should be occasion or be thought requisite ; at which time the said Parties last mentioned , declared they would not be wanting to act their parts therein . And this Examinant further saith not . Robert West . 24 Junii Cap & recognit . coram me L. JENKINS . The further Examination of Robert West , taken by my Lord Keeper the 25th June , 1683. THis Examinant further saith , That Robert Ferguson in his two former Examinations named , told and sent this Examinant word by a Note , That if this Examinant would send to Major Iohn Wildman ( commonly so called ) he would pay a hundred pounds for the Arms in this Examinants farther Examinations mentioned to be bougth by this Examinant ; and this Examinant not being willing to speak with the said Wildman himself , sent Richard Rumbald to receive the money ; but the said Wildman was gone out of Town before the said Rumbald did call at his house . And this Examinant further saith , That upon some discourse at one of the Meetings in his former Examinations mentioned , it was proposed , whether some of the chief Ministers of State , particularly the Lord Keeper , the Lord Marquess of Hallifax , and the Earl of Rochester that now is , should be killed and it was agreed that it was very necessary they should be killed ; but no particular persons were appointed to do it , as this Examinant remembers , it being thought almost impossible for any of the said Ministers to escape . And further , this Examinant saith not . Robert West . 25 Junii 1683. Cap. & recognit . coram me Fr. North , C. S. The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple , Barrister at Law , taken before Mr. Secretary Jenkins the 26th of June 1683. THis Examinant further saith , That some time in the last Spring , and to the best of this Examinants remembrance , whilst the King was at Newmarket , Francis Shute , late deceas'd , came to this Examinant with a Message from the Lord Howard of Escrick , as he told this Examinant , to this effect , viz. That the Lord Howard had a Project for raising a Body of Men to make an Insurrection and desired this Examinants concurrence and assistance in it ; and shortly after , the Lord Howard and Mr. Shute came to this Examinants Chamber in the Temple , where the Lord Howard told this Examinant , That except some effort were made by the People towards saving their Liberties and Religion , all would be lost ; or used words to that effect . And this Examinant telling his Lordship that he saw no way of doing so , that did not endanger the People more in case of a miscarriage , his Lordship told this Deponent , he had thought of a method ●easible in his opinion , and it was this , to the best of this Examinants remembrance , viz. That Ten men of Skill and Conduct in Martial Affairs should meet and each chuse to himself ten men whom he might use , that every of these ten should raise 20 men , so as to make up a Body of two thousand men : that empty Houses should be taken for these men , as near the several Gates of the City and other convenient Posts as could be : that the night before the Execution intended , the Men should be got into those Houses , and acquainted with the execution ; such as refused should be clapt into the Cellars , and the rest sally out at the most convenient hour , and seize and shut up the Gates , and then demand the Inhabitants Arms : and he doubted not but they would deliver them and People enough come into assistance . His Lordship named Col. Rumzey , Col. Danvers , Mr. Clare and three others whom this Examinant hath forgotten , for six of the principal Ten , and desired this Examinant to speak to them to consider of the Project and fill up the number of Ten ; but this Examinant having no mind to engage in it , onely told Col. Romzey of it and none other of the Parties above-named , who told this Examinant he would not meddle in it , and advised this Examinant to proceed no further ; and when the said Lord Howard came to this Examinant for an answer , this Examinant told his Lordship , that he could meet with no encouragement ; whereupon his Lordship replied he could make as good a shift as other men , and he would trouble himself no further and came not since to this Examinant . And this Examinant further saith , That the Lord Howard at another time told this Examinant at a Tavern in the City , That he thought it no difficulty with 500 Horse to surprize the King , Duke and all the Court at Newmarket , by beating up their Quarters about break of day ; but this Examinant told the said Lord Howard it was impossible to get such a Body to so great a distance unobserved , at which his Lordship seem'd convinc'd . And this Deponent further saith , That the said Ferguson told this Examinant , That the Arms to be bought with the said 10000 l. lay ready provided in Holland to be Transported for Scotland , and that the Earl of Argile would go over with them and Head the Scots in Person ; and that one English Lord offered to pay the whole 10000 l. by Mortgaging his Estate , if the rest of the Managers would have secured him their proportions . But he should not name the Lord's Name then but since the said Ferguson told this Examinant it was the Lord Grey . And further this Examinant saith not . Robert West . 26 Iunii 83. Capt. & Cognit . Coram me L. Ienkins . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple Barrister at Law. THis Examinant saith , That he was informed by Mr. Ferguson , and to the best of his remembrance by Colonel Romzey likewise , That the late Earl of Shaftsbury advised the Duke of Monmouth when he went into Cheshire in September last , That if his Grace were attended with a good appearance of Gentlemen and Free-holders there , his Grace should set up and declare for a Free Parliament . And that when his Grace was taken into Custody by a Messenger , the said Earl of Shaftsbury advised that the said Messenger should be killed and his Grace return into Cheshire and declare as above or else Post into the West of England and set up there . But his Grace and the Lord Grey of Wark were of another opinion , viz. That his Grace should Surrender himself which his Grace did accordingly . And this Examinant further saith , That since the Insurrection intended in November last was laid aside , this Examinant was informed by Colonel Romzey , that one great reason of its being laid aside , was , that one Mr. Iohn Trenchard , on whom there was a great Reliance for a considerable body of Men in the West , viz. at Taunton , would not undertake to procure such a Body , for which he was much reproached by the Lord Grey . And this Examinant further saith , That some time before Mr. Ferguson went over into Holland , the said Ferguson , this Examinant and one Mr. Iohn Roe late Sword-Bearer of Bristol were together at the Young Devil Tavern in Fleet-street , where some Discourse was had concerning the killing the King and Duke of York and of a general Insurrection ; but this Examinant cannot remember any particular passages of that Discourse . And this Examinant further saith , That after the said Ferguson went for Holland , viz. about Christmass last , Colonel Romzey , this Examinant , Richard Goodenough and the said Roe , several times met and discoursed concerning the said Design against the King and Duke ; as also of a general Insurrection , which they distinguished by the names of the Lopping Point , and General Point : One of which Meetings , to the best of this Examinants remembrance , was at this Examinants Chamber in the Temple , where were present besides Colonel Romzey , this Examinant , the said Goodenough and Roe , Mr , Ioseph Tyley , Mr. Edward Norton , and Mr. Richard Nelthrop . And the said Mr. Nelthrop approved of an Insurrection , but always expressed a Detestation of the Design to kill the King and Duke , as a base ungenerous thing : But the said Roe declared , he would be one to execute it rather than it should fail to be done . And this Examinant saith , That at some or all of those Meetings it was discoursed in what place , and in what manner the said Design against the King and Duke should be put in execution ; and it was proposed to be done either in the Play-house , by planting Men in the Pit about the King's Box , armed with Pistols and Pocket-Blunderbusses , who between the Acts of the Play should make the Assault , or in their return from the Play-house by night under Bedford Garden Wall ; because of the convenience for one part of the Assailants walking unsuspected in the Piaza and another walking so in the Square within the Rails , and another being about the Church-Porch , who upon the first Assault might prevent Assistance to the King out of Covent-Garden : Or else it might be done as the King and Duke were passing down the River in a Barge , either by over-running their Barge with a Hoy , or else Boarding their Barge , and shooting a Plank or two out of the bottom with Blunderbusses , and so to sink it ; but both these ways were looked upon as very hazardous and probable to miscarry , and therefore neither was agreed on . And this Examinant further saith , That in the last Christmass Holy-days , Colonel Romzey invited this Examinant , and several others to Dinner at his House in Kings-Square in Sohoe Fields , where Dined this Examinant , Mr. Richard Goodenough , Mr. Francis Goodenough , Mr. Roe . Mr. Blaney , and to the best of this Examinants remembrance , Mr. Ioseph Tyley , and some Discourse was then had of the said Design against the King and Duke , and of a general Insurrection , which this Examinant proposed to them being Lawyers to call and distinguish them in this manner ; The Design of Killing the King and the Duke , Executing a Bargain and Sale , which was a short manner of Conveyance : And the general Insurrection , By the executing a Lease and Release which is a longer Conveyance , which Distinction was received , and often afterwards made use of ; but the same Blaney was never afterward , as this Examinant remembers , at any other Meeting . And this Examinant further saith , That some short time after Christmas last , this Examinant , Colonel Romzey , Mr. Walcot , and Mr. Rumbold met at the Salutation Tavern in Lumbard-street , where it was Discoursed , that some Preparations ought to be made against the time , that either the said Design against the King and Duke , or a general Insurrection should be put in Execution : And it was ●●greed , That Ferguson should be sent for Home , and that Ludlow should be sent for if it could be , and that Blank Commissions should be drawn up for Officers both Civil and Military and a Model of Government ; but there was some doubt in whose Names those Commissions should run , and at last it was proposed ( but this Examinant does not remember by whom ) that they should run in the Name of the Con●ederate Lords and Commons of England . After which Meeting , this Examinant and Colonel Romzey went the same night , to the best of this Examinants remembrance or soon after to a Coffee-House in Popes-head Alley , to enquire for one Mr. Thomas Shepard a Merchant , for Directions how to send to Mr. Ferguson then in Holland , and there found Mr. Shepard . And this Examinant , by the consent of the said Colonel Romzey , wrote a sort of Canting Letter to Ferguson , to invite him over for his Health , but there was no particular business in the said Letter ; and the said Mr. Shepard sent it : But Mr. Ludlow was never sent for , nor any Commissions prepared , nor any Frame of Government drawn up to this Examinants knowledge , or as he ever heard of . And this Examinant further saith ▪ That about Christmass last he was informed , to the best of this Examinants remembrance , by Colonel Romzey , that a design for a general Insurrection was carrying on , and was managed by a Cabal or Council , and that the said Cabal differed amongst themselves , and the business was like to be at a stand ; but the persons of that Cabal , the said Colonel Romzey , did not then give this Examinant any account of : But the said Colonel Romzey , this Examinant and Nathaniel Wade agreed to draw up some few Fundamentals , which they thought reasonable , and the said Colonel Rumsey to present the same to the Lord Russel , for him to present to the Managers or the Duke of Monmouth , which they did accordingly , but the same were rejected , as the said Colonel Romzey told this Examinant , and this Examinant hath no Copy of them . And this Examinant further saith , That about Hillary Term last , this Examinant was informed by Mr. Ioseph Tyley , and since by Iames Holloway of Bristol , that there was a considerable Party in Bristol , well provided for , and almost impatient for Action , and had laid a rational Design , if they could be seconded in other places . And this Examinant further saith , That he was informed by Mr. Richard Nelthrop , that Colonel Sidney had sent Aaron Smith into Scotland with Letters to Sir George Cambel , and Sir Iohn Cochran , or one of them , upon pretence of a Purchase of Land in Carolina , but in truth , to get them up to London , in order to settle matters for a Rising , or used words to that effect : and that the said Colonel Sidney gave the said A●ron Smith Fourscore Guineys , or some such Sum for his Charges : And Mr. Ferguson hath since told this Examinant , that the said Aaron Smith behaved himself very indiscreetly in the said Journey , and run a hazard of discovering the Design . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Ferguson often told this Examinant , that it was agreed between several Scots and several Persons of Quality here in England , that the Scots should have 10000 l. from hence to buy Arms , and then should Rise in Scotland , and be seconded here by an Insurrection in England ; or if the English would help the Scots to 30000 l. they would attempt a Rising in Scotland , without being seconded in , or further assisted from England . And that the 10000 l. was to be paid this day and that day , but at length the 10000 l. sunk to 5000 l. but the Scots were resolved to Rise though they had nothing but their Claws to fight with , rather then endure what they did . And about three Weeks or a Month since , the said Ferguson told this Examinant that Colonel Sidney and Major Wildman had used the Scots ill and broken with them after making them attend two Months ; and the reason they broke upon was , That the Scots would not agree to declare for a Commonwealth and the extirpation of the Monarchy , but that the said Ferguson had hopes of raising the Money otherwise , but would not tell this Examinant how ; neither could this Examinant ever be certainly informed whether any part of the said Money has been paid to the Scots . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Iohn Roe hath told this Examinant , that he the said Roe was acquainted with some Scotchmen here in London , who informed him that there were 2000 or 3000 Scots ( many of them Bothwel-Bridge Men ) who were Journey-men and Pedlers in and about England , and were under the order and management of ten or twelve Scotchmen in London , who could in a Month or six weeks time draw in all up to London ; and that the Earl of Shaftsbury had a great command of these men . And this Examinant further saith , That about three Months since or thereabouts , this Examinant being upon the Exchange , met with Major Wildman , who told this Examinant for News that the Marquess of Huntly and Earl of Dowglas , two eminent Papists , were reported to be made General of the Forces , and Governour of Sterling Castle in Scotland and that a Resumption or Repurchase of the Abby Lands was going to be made there . Whereupon this Examinant told the said Major Wildman , That he this Examinant had a Plantation in America where the Churchmen never had Footing , and would go thither if he was driven from hence . To which the said Major Wildman replied , Keep here , and don 't talk of being driven out , drive them out hence . And this Examinant saying , He did not see how that could be done : The said Major Wildman returned , it may be done , and must be done , and shall be done ; or used words to that effect . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Rumbald told this Examinant not long since , that Major Wildman had shewed him a Paper in the nature of a Declaration or Remonstrance , which he intended to have Printed and Dispersed among the People at the time of the intended Insurrection ; and that he the said Wildman had formerly encouraged the said Rumbald in the attempt upon the King and Duke in their way to or from Newmarket , but afterward seemed to discourage him . And this Examinant further saith , That after the Fire happened at Newmarket , and this Examinant , Colonel Romzey , Walcot , Ferguson , Rumbald , and Richard Goodenough had met twice , and resolved to let making any Attempt upon the King and Duke alone . The said Ferguson on Saturday or Sunday before the Kings return , borrowed Forty Gunies of Colonel Romzey , as the said Colonel Romzey and Ferguson have since told this Examinant , in order to set the same on work , but did nothing in it ; and hath since repaid Thirty Gunies , if not the whole Forty Gunies to the said Colonel Romzey . And this Examinant further saith ▪ That after the Kings return from Newmarket , the said Colonel Romzey , this Examinant , Ferguson , Rumbald , Goodenough , and Walcot , as this Examinant believes , met at the George and Vulture Tavern on Ludgate-hill , where the Arms in this Examinants former Examinations mentioned and the Sorts and Sizes thereof were agreed upon : And the said Ferguson told the Company that one was employed to see for some Convenience between Hampton-Court and Windsor , to make the Attempt upon the King and Duke , but he never made any Report of the Message , though he was pressed to it by this Examinant and others , being then wholly intent , as this Examinant perceived , upon Managing the Scotch Insurrection . And this Examinant further saith , That soon afterward there were several Meetings between all or most of the Parties abovementioned , at the Castle Tavern in Fleetstreet , and Green Dragon Tavern on Snow-hill ; but this Examinant doth not remember any particular Discourse at any of the said Meetings , other than concerning the Progress of the Scotch preparation towards an Insurrection . And this Examinant further saith , That there was since proposed making an Attempt upon the King and Duke in their return from the Dukes Play-House in the narrow part of the Street , but the same was wholly rejected and this Examinant never heard of any Attempt designed to be made upon the King and Duke at a Bull-Feast , nor never heard that a Bull-Feast was to be had till about Ten or Eleven days since . And this Examinant further saith , That the said Ferguson told this Examinant that the Insurrection in England intended to second that in Scotland would be in this manner , viz. That one Party should be up in the West at Bristol , Taunton , and thereabout , another in Yorkshire at York , another in Cheshire at Chester , and if it could be done , another in Devonshire at Exeter ; in every of which places some Persons of Quality would appear , but named them not , and that the main Push was designed at London , and was ordered thus , viz. That several parties should at once Attack the Tower , the Guards and the Exchange , the Mews , the Savoy , and White-Hall , and one at Westminster should fall upon the back of White-Hall , that a Party of Horse should be laid at Staines Bridge to way-lay the King and Duke , if they went towards Windsor , and another Party of Horse to way-lay them in their Road to Portsmouth if they went thither ; that the Mayor and Sheriffs should be seized but the Design was not to be Communicated till it was ripe for Action ; and added , that he hoped the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Russel might be prevailed with to appear in London . And this Examinant further saith , That after the Scots were disappointed of the Money promised to them the said Ferguson would have had this Examinant to have met and discoursed with Sir Thomas Armstrong , but this Examinant refused to do so ; and he once asked this Examinant to wait upon the Duke of Monmouth but this Examinant refused that also . And this Examinant further saith , That though the said Ferguson was shie of Naming Persons of Quality to this Examinant yet he always believed he meant the Duke of Monmouth , Lord Russel ▪ Lord Grey ; Colonel Sidney , Mr. Charleton , Major Wildman and others , but this Examinant never Discoursed with any of them himself . And Colonel Romzey about two or three Months since to the best of this Examinants remembrance told this Examinant that the Lord Howard of Escrick , Colonel Sidney , Mr. Hampden Junior , Major Wildman and others whom this Examinant hath forgotten were Managers of the Design . And this Examinant further saith , That Richard Rumbald was commonly called Hanibal by reason of his having but one eye , and that it was usual at the Meetings above-mentioned to Drink a Health to Hanibal and his Boys and this Examinant believes the Ninety three Guineys in this Examinants former Examination mentioned to be paid to him by the said Ferguson for the Arms were given to him by Mr. Charleton , for that the said Ferguson had before told this Examinant , that he should have the said Money when Mr. Charleton came to Town , and when the said Ferguson paid the said Guinies to this Examinant he told him he had not them in his Custody above half an hour , and this Examinant met the said Charleton going from him when this Examinant came to him . And this Examinant further saith , That about five Weeks since after the said Treaty with the Scots seemed to be broken off , this Examinant , Colonel Romzey , Mr. Walcot , Mr. Wade , Mr. Norton , Richard Goodenough , and Iames Holloway , met at the Young Devil Tavern between the two Temple Gates , where it was agreed to divide the City into several Parts and to give the several Parts to several Persons to examine what Force might be Raised in every one of them , and if 3000 Men could be Raised for the first Onset it was thought sufficient encouragement to venture upon an Insurrection , and it was not doubted but 20000 Men would fall in if the first Onset had any success ; and in order to this a large Map of the City and Suburbs was bought and hung up in this Examinants Chamber , where Mr. Wade , Holloway , and Mr. Francis Goodenough divided the City and Suburbs into Twenty Divisions , which were to be Managed thus : One principal Man in each Division should employ Fourteen or Fifteen under him and give them their particular Walks , so that they might not interfere one with another and be deceived in their Numbers . These were to provide Ten men apiece at least , so that 150 Men in each Division would make 3000 out of the Twenty Divisions and what was over might be kept for a Reserve , but there was no particular Method as this Examinant remembers agreed upon to use these Men , but was deferred till the Number was certain , after which Division so made the said Richard Goodenough by reason of his general Acquaintance undertook to find out Men to act accordingly , and some short time after the said Parties above-mentioned met at the Green Dragon Tavern , where the said Goodenough declared he had employed several Persons from whom he hoped to have a good account in a little time , and the next Week after the said Parties above-mentioned and one Mr. Zachary Bourn a Brewer whom the said Goodenough had employed in it , met at the Salutation Tavern in Lumbardstreet , but this Examinant came not thither till the company just broke up , and did not hear what passed there : And about a Week after the same Parties except Holloway ( who was gone to Bristol ) met again at the Green Dragon Tavern on Snow-hill , where the said Goodenough reported that he had an account of 1300 Men out of Two of the Hamlets , and that Southwark would yield more and Spittle-Fields a great Number but had no particular account of other places . And this Examinant further saith , That about Three Weeks since Richard Rumbald told this Examinant that he suspected Mr. Keeling had discovered all the Designs , as well that of the intended Assassination from Newmarket as the other Design then on foot and that if he were sure of it he would take care to get him knock'd on the Head , but was unwilling to do so till he were fully satisfied and about a fortnight since the said Rumbold told this Examinant that he had several Reasons to convince him that the said Keeling had made a Discovery , and but that he made so many Protestations and Imprecations to the contrary he would kill him . And this Examinant hath heard from Mr. William Rumbald , that he lent the said Keeling an Hundred pounds on Saturday was Sevenight last , least the said Keeling should be tempted by want of Money , which he then pretended to labour under . And on Monday was Sevenight last this Examinant was informed by the said Mr. William Rumbald that the said Keeling was with Persons that Afternoon , some of whom he believed would have killed the said Keeling if he had not deceived them by many imprecations that he had made no Discovery . And this Examinant further saith , that this Examinant , Colonel Romzey , Mr. Wade , Mr. Nelthrop , Goodenough and Norton had notice on Sunday was Sevenight last , by means of the said Keeling's Brother that the said Keeling had made a Discovery , and thereupon they resolved to meet early the next morning in order to their Escapes and according to their appointment met in Goodmans-Fields , where they endeavoured to hire a Boat for Holland , whither all except this Examinant were resolved to go , but by reason they could not get clear of Gravesend before five or six a Clock on Tuesday Night , and so might be taken , they laid aside that Design and every one shifted for himself . And this Examinant further saith , That when this Examinant was much dejected , and refused to go for Holland , most of the Company and particularly Colonel Romzey looked wistfully in this Examinant's Face , as if they suspected Treachery in this Examinant . Whereupon this Examinant told the said Col. Romzey , this Examinant if he were taken , would not save his Life unjustly , and instanced that he had never spoke with the Duke of Monmouth and could say nothing against him and would not do Injustice to the Colonel but rather give his Right-hand to serve him ; which Complement the Colonel returned and so parted and there was no agreement between all or any the Parties above-named to favour one another and further this Examinant saith not . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple Barrister at Law before the Lord Keeper the 27 June 1683. THis Examinant further saith , That Mr. Richard Rumbald and a party of his Friends about Ten years since designed and were prepared to have killed the King and Duke of York in their Journey to or from Newmarket and lay in Ambush for that end , but the King and Duke went an unusual Road through the Forest that time , which they never went before or since , and so escaped them ; and the said Rumbald also told this Examinant that he once had a mind to have taken one of the Cellars under the Duke's Play-house , and by placing Barrels of Powder there have Blown up the Play-house when the King and Duke were there ; but the consideration that a great number of other innocent People must have perished in it diverted him from it , though a Friend to whom he communicated the design endeavoured to over-rule that objection by saying , What have the Iack-Daws to do amongst the Rooks ? And this Examinant further saith , That at some Meeting before or about Christmass last there was a discourse concerning Surprizing some Garrisons in case of an Insurrection and it was proposed for Portsmouth , that some Gentlemen should go into the Town and Treat the Officers of the Garrison who in that bad Air were apt to accept of an Invitation and drink plentifully , and that in the height of their drinking a party of Men who might be brought into Town on a Market-day in Country mens Habits should Surprize the Guards , who likewise to that end should be Treated and it was thought the Townsmen who were uneasie under the Insolencies of the Garrison would be apt to close in and assist in the Enterprize . Pendennis Castle was also mentioned as a place naked and easily seized and that might be of great use : And this Examinant doth not remember any thing said about Hull , but Mr. Ferguson lately told this Examinant , that he had good assurances of having Newcastle . And this Examinant further saith , That after the intended Insurrection in November last was laid aside , Ferguson to the best of this Examinants remembrance told this Examinant that the Lord Shafisbury had sent Mr. Walcot to Sir Wiliiam Courtney in Devonshire , to engage him in an Insurrection and to joyn with some Person of Quality if it should be thought fit to send one thither , but Mr. Walcot returned without any incouragement from Sir William Courtney : And though this Examinant knew that the said Mr. Walcot took a Journey into Devonshire , yet the said Mr. Walcot kept the business of it close from this Examinant and would own only making a visit to a Friend . And this Examinant further saith , That the Places usually resolved on for places of Rendezvous in case of an Insurrection in London , were Saint Iames-Square , Covent-Garden , Lincolns-Inn-Fields , Smithfield , the Royal-Exchange , St. Georges Fields in Southwark , Goodmans-Field , Spittle-Fields and Moor-Fields , where the Arms in the Artillery Ground were to be Seized . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Roe told this Examinant , That he had Discoursed with one Mr. Hicks a Tobacconist , an Anabaptist Preacher , a great Ringleader of the Anabaptists ; and that the said Hicks had told him , that the Anabaptists could , and he believed upon a good consideration would make up an Army of 20000 Men , and 1500 of the 20000 would be Horse ; and though perhaps there would be a necessity of making use of some great Men at the beginning ( and this Examinant thinks he mentioned the Duke of Monmouth ) yet when the Anabaptists were once up , they would not lay down their Arms , till they had their own terms . And this Examinant further saith , That to the best of his remembrance he was informed by Colonel Romzey , that the Managers of the general Insurrection had one or more Meetings at the House of Mr. Thomas Shepard Merchant in Abchurch-Lane , or St. Clements-Lane in Lumbard-steet , London ; and that if the Money were paid to the Scots , the said Mr. Shepard was to return it into Holland : and this Examinant , to the best of his remembrance , once to twice asked Mr. Shepard , whether any Money were paid ? who answered , it was promised several times , but he had not any assurance of its being paid . And this Examinant believes , the said Mr. Shepard did know of the intended Assassination of the King and Duke , but doth not remember that this Examinant had any particular Discourse with the said Mr. Shepard about it , the said Shepard having failed to meet this Examinant , Col. Romzey , and others , several times when he had promised to do so . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Ferguson , to the best of this Examinant's remembrance , told this Examinant since the King went to Windsor , that there had been some thoughts of Surprizing Windsor with 500 Horse , but upon consideration , it seemed impracticable , but he named no Persons to this Examinant . And the said Ferguson desired this Examinant , to speak to Mr. Richard Goodenough to meet Sir Thomas Armstrong , which this Examinant did ; and this Examinant believes , the said Goodenough and Sir Tho. Armstrong , have had several Meetings , and the said Goodenough hath Communicated to Sir Thomas Armstrong the design last carrying on for Raising 3000 Men out of the Twenty Divisions of the City and Suburbs , and the Progress that was made in it . And this Examinant further saith , That at one of the Meetings concerning the last mentioned Design , Mr. Richard Goodenough Reported one Man ( but would not name him ) would undertake to bring 1000 Men out of the Hamlets , and if occasion were to give satisfaction , he would shew them all a Footbal Match or other Pastime , but the said Goodenough reported withal , that he found most Persons insist upon terms , and required to know what ease and advantage they should have in matters of Religion , their Liberties and Properties , and what assurance they should have of their being performed before they would actually engage in Arms , for they would not Fight to change Persons only , but Things ; But whether any thing was done in order to give them such satisfaction , this Examinant knows not . And this Examinant further saith , That the fundamentals in this Examinant's last Examination mentioned to be prepared by Mr. Wade , Col. Romzey , and this Examinant , were only rough drawn up by the said Mr. VVade's own Hand ; and this Examinant did not write them , nor had any Copy of them , because if they had been approved of , it was intended to have drawn them into form , and therefore this Examinant cannot set them forth exactly , but to the best of this Examinant's remembrance , the substance of them was to the effect following . 1. That the People should annually meet at a certain time to Choose Members of Parliament , without any Writ or particular Direction to do so . 2. That the Parliament should Meet at , and Sit for a stated time , and not be Dissolved , Prorogued or Adjourned , but by their own Consent , and that no Prorogation or Adjournment should hinder their Meeting before the day , to which they were Prorogued or Adjourned , if there were occasion . 3. That the Parliament should consist of a House of Lords , and a House of Commons , but the exact number of both or either of them , this Examinant doth not remember . 4. That only such Nobility should be Hereditary as were assisting in this Design , the rest should be only for Life , and upon their Death the House of Lords be supplied from time to time with new ones out of the House of Commons , but whether by the Election of the Lords , or of the Prince , this Examinant doth not remember . 5. The Militia should be in the Parliament , and the Parliament have the Nomination if not the Election of all Judges , Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , and other greater or lesser Officers Civil or Military . 6. That what Acts passed in both Houses should be a Law for one Year without the Prince's Consent , and what Acts passed both Ho●ses in two several Parliaments should be a Perpetual Law without his Consent . 7. That a Council to the Prince should be Elected out of the Parliament , a certain Number of the Lords to be Elected by the Commons , and a certain Number of the Commons to be Elected by the Lords , but the Number of the Council , or of either Lords or Commons to be of it , this Examinant doth not remember . And this Examinant further saith , That before the said Ferguson went for Holland this Examinant pressing him to know , whether the Duke of Monmouth were acquainted with the Design against the King and Duke , and would not Hang all Persons concerned in it , if it succeeded , the said Ferguson said , what if I get it under his Hand , that he shall not ? To which this Examinant answered , It would be sufficient Satisfaction ; but when the said Ferguson returned from Holland , and this Examinant pressed him again to have Security fit to be relied on , he asked this Examinant , Whether that were fit to be proposed to the Duke ? And this Examinant saying , If he durst not propose it , he thought other Men ought not to venture upon it : Whereupon the said Ferguson said , That he had mentione● something concerning the King to the Duke of Monmouth , but not Assassinating him ; to which the Duke Answered somewhat sternly , You must look upon me in the Capacity of a Son ; Which answer for some time dampt the Design , and alwayes clog'd it : But at length it was resolved , that if the Duke did prosecute the Actors in it , that the Duke himself should be killed if it could be done . And this Examinant believes Colonel Romzey was present at , or made acquainted by this Examinant with the said Discourse . And this Examinant further saith , That the said Ferguson , to the best of his remembrance , told this Examinant , that some thoughts had been formerly of making an Attempt upon the King and Duke the last Lord Mayors Day , either going out of the Coach into Guild-Hall , or in the Hall at Dinner ( which might be done with Men with Swords only ) or in their return from thence at Ludgate , or Pauls-Church-Yard , but for the great hazards in either of these wayes , nothing was resolved on . And this Examinant further saith , That this Examinant perceiving that little or no preparations were made for the last Designed Attempt in the Newmarket-Journey , told the said Ferguson of it , to which the said Ferguson answered ; That he should have a Sum of Money for it when things were fixt , but not else , for a Sum had been Deposited in a Mans hand ( but named not whose ) for the former designed Attempt in the October Journey , and though it was not made use of , it was not returned , and there was no asking for such Money again . And this Examinant further saith , That at one of the Meetings concerning the Attempt upon the King and Duke , this Examinant propos●d to the said Ferguson , that some of the Duke of Monmouths Servants or Dependants should be brought into the Action , which might be some security to the Persons engaged , or at least make the World think the Duke concerned in it , if he were not . But Mr. Rumbald did not care to engage with any of them , however this Examinant believes the said Proposal had been Communicated to some of them , for that this Examinant was told ( to the best of his remembrance ) either by Colonel Romzey or Mr. Ferguson , that Sir Thomas Armstrong offered to engage , if Colonel Romzey would ; but the Colonel refused , and that in case of a general Insurrection , Sir Thomas Armstrong would the night before it attempt to kill the Duke of York , by going to him with a pretence to discover some Plot against him . And this Examinant was informed by Mr. Iohn Roe , That one Mr. Gibbons , who was or had been a Servant to the Duke of Monmouth , ●et the said Roe in Covent-Garden , or carried him thither , and there told the said Roe , that was a Convenient place to do the Trick in ( by which this Examinant understood the Attempt upon the King and Duke ) and that he the said Gibbons would engage to be one in it . And this Examinant further saith , That about a fortnight before the Kings return from Newmarket , when the Attempt was resolved on to be made , Mr. Ferguson told this Examinant , That the Duke of Monmouth and several Lords should be invited into the City to a Dinner the same day that the King was to return , so as they might be ready to appear in the City upon the Arrival of the News , and the said Ferguson told this Examinant , that some preferment was designed for this Examinant , and desired this Examinant to consider and give a Note of such Lawyers as this Examinant thought fit to be , and would accept of being Judges ; but this Examinant only smiled at his vanity , and never gave the said Ferguson any such account . Robert West . 27. Iunii 1683. Capt. & recognit . Coram me F. North , C. S. The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple , Barrister at Law. AND this Examinant further saith , That at one of the Meetings held for managing the business of the Assassination of the King and Duke in their Newmarket-Journy , there was some Discourse about getting the Arms down to Mr. Rumbald's House , and the said Rumbald first proposed to put them up in long Chests , and send them down by some Empty Carts from Smithfield , and afterwards he thought to make use of two trusty Watermen of his acquaintance , who should lay them in the Boat , and carry Oysters over them ( as sometimes they used to carry Oysters ) up Ware-River , and land them at , or near his own House ; or else every Man was to carry his own Arms under long Coats : But no particular way was resolved on , but such was to be used , as should appear most safe : and at the same or some other Meeting for the same purpose , it was discoursed how the Men should get down unobserved , and it was thought best that they should go from London in the Evening , in small numbers , so as to arrive at the place about Midnight , and go into an empty House near Rumbald's own House , where their Horses should be put into a Barn , and be refreshed ; and Rumbald was to send away his Servants early to Market , and his Wife and Daughter he resolved to Lock up above Stairs : But the greatest difficulty was , how these Men should get off after the Business was done ; the Road might be full , and the party Cut off by some force that might come from London , and therefore Rumbald proposed , that if he surviv'd the Action , or were not disabled in it , to bring them a back way over the Meadows , and over Hackney-Marsh ( to the best of this Examinant's remembrance ) which he said was a very good way , and all of it to be Gallopped , and by that meas they might get to London as soon as the news could . Or else the said Rumbald offered that the party should retire into his own Yard , which was Walled in with a high Wall , and Moated round , which he would undertake to defend against any Force that could assault them , and before night he thought all would be dispersed and shifting for themselves , and the Road be clear to London , but which Course he would take , was left to his Discretion , as the Circumstances of the Case should require . And this Examinant further saith , That the several wayes proposed to surprize and take the Tower of London were these , to the best of this Examinant's remembrance ; One was so send ten or twelve Men Armed with Pistols , Pocket-Daggers , and Pocket-Blunderbusses into the Tower , under pretence of seeing the Armory ; another number should go to see the Lyons , who by reason of their not going into the inner Gate , were not to have their Swords taken from them ; that the persons who went to see the Armory , should return into the Tavern or Sutlers House just within the Gate , and there Eat and Drink till the time for the Attempt was come ; that some persons should come in a Mourning Coach , or some Gentlemans Coach , to be borrowed for this occasion , under pretence of making a visit to some of the Lords in the Tower , and just within the Gate some of the persons issuing out of the Tavern should kill one of the Horses , and overturn the Coach so as the Gate could not be shut ; and the rest of the persons within , and those who went to see the Lyons , should set upon the Guards , that upon a Signal of the Coach driving down , a party of Men ( two or three Hundred or more if they could be got , and were to be lodged in empty Houses to be hired for that purpose , as near the Tower as could be had ) should be ready to rush out , and 〈◊〉 the noise of the first shot , immediately run down to the Gate , 〈◊〉 break in . This way if at all put in Execution , was to be in the 〈◊〉 time about two a Clock , because after dinner the Officers are usually dispersed or engaged in drinking , and the Souldiers loytering from their Arms. Another way proposed was , that several Men should enter Actions against one another in St. Katherine's Court held for the Tower Liberty within the Tower , and that at the Court-day , at which time great Liberty is allowed to all Persons to come in , a party of Men should go as Plaintiffs and Defendants , and Witnesses , who joyned with some others , who should come in under pretence of Curiosity as abovementioned , should attempt the surprize , and be seconded by the Party from the hired Horses ; and to the best of this Examinant's remembrance , a Coach was likewise to be made use of in this Case . And at one of the late Meetings for carrying on the last Insurrection , Mr. Goodenough reported , that an Engineer told the said Goodenough , that he would recommend some honest stout Fellows to be Labourers and Workmen in the Tower , who should be acquainted with the Design , and ready to assist in it . Another way proposed was , to surprize it by night , but that was full of difficulty ; and all that this Examinant remembers to have been proposed was , that a parcel of Faggots should be carried down to the Gate and fired , and to some other Part ( this Examinant thinks the Water-Gate ) if it were practicable , and a great quantity of Faggots should be prepared to throw into the Ditch , and to make up Works . That which most perplexed the business was , that to surprize the Tower by night , was very difficult , and to begin an Insurrection in the day time , was as difficult , and would lose many advantages that the night or break of day would afford ; and therefore no resolution was taken : These were only the Debates of the meetings of this Examinant , and the other Persons in this former Examination named , but this Examinant never heard what the Principal Managers considered of or resolved on in the Case . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Ferguson used to go by the name of Roberts ; and told this Examinant , he was to go for Holland with or soon after the Bill for the Money to be paid to the Scots , and that the intention was to Land the Arms at Edinburgh-Frith , to the best of this Examinant's remembrance . And this Examinant further saith , Mr. William Rumbald told this Examinant , that after it was violently suspected that Mr. Keeling had made a Discovery , but had denyed it , it was proposed to Mr. Keeling for the satisfaction of his Friends , that he should go into the Country for sometime ( where it was easie to Kill him and Bury him privately . ) And this Examinant further saith , That after it was certainly known that a Discovery was made , it was said by Mr. VVade to the best of this Examinant's remembrance , that if a Thousand Men could be got together , it were better to venture a push here or in the West , and die like Men , than be hanged like Dogs : To which it was answered by Colonel Romzey , as this Examinant believes , It is in vain to think of it , the Hearts of the People are down , and our Great Men are good for nothing , or used expressions to that effect . And this Examinant further saith , That on Monday was Sennight last , Mr. Ferguson perceiving this Examinant much dejected and Colonel Romzey , Mr. VVade , Mr. Norton , Goodenough and Nelthorp in some Confusion , laught , and said to them , Gentlemen , you are Strangers to this kind of Exercise , I have been used to flie , I will never leave off as long as I live , and I hope to see some of you at Dunbarr before Michaelmas , or to that effect . Robert West . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple , Barrister at Law. THis Examinant further saith , That at some meetings concerning a General Insurrection ; it was discoursed that a Body of Five hundred Horse would be necessary to scour the Streets , to prevent the Kings Party from embodying , and for Fighting the Horse Guards , or for a pursuit , and to that end it was proposed , that some endeavours should be used to bring up a Party of Horse from the Adjacent Counties , and that some means should be thought on to seize the Life-Guard Mens Horses in their Quarters , and the Citizens and Gentlemens Horses in the Livery Stables , and if there were success , and a great Body of Horse should be necessary , the great number of Hackney Coach-Horses in Town would make a good force . It was further proposed , that Baricadoes should be made in several great Streets , and several Churches be used for lodging the men . And this Examinant further saith , That at some of the said meeting● it was reported , that the Kings Regiments of Foot had not their full Compleatment of men , but wanted a great number , and that the Officers used to lend one another men when they went upon the Guard , and therefore the Foot were not so terrible as might be apprehended . And this Examinant further saith , That it was intended in the beginning of the general Insurrection in the VVest , to send out a Pa●ty of Horse to seize the Marquess of VVorcester , now Duke of Beaufort , and his eldest Son , and another Party to seize the Bishop of B●th and VVells , and some other eminent Men of that Party , if they were ●en in those parts . And this Examinant further saith , That some time before Christmass last , he was informed by Mr. Roe , to the best of this Examinant's remembrance , that the Country expected the City would have been in Arms on Michaelmas-Eve , when the present Sheriffs of London and Middlesex were Sworn , and that he was Credibly Informed , that there were Five hundred Horse in the Adjacent Counties ready to be marched to their Assistance upon the first notice , and that they continued in a readiness for two days , expecting notice ; but this Examinant doth not remember that he named any person from whom he had this Information . And this Examinant further saith , That Mr. Ferguson told this Examinant , that some Nonconforming Ministers had told him , they suspected he was driving on a Design to Assassinate the King and Duke , and beg'd of him to desist ; for that it would bring a Reproach upon the Protestant Religion , whatsoever the event might be , and that he was forced to assure them , there was no such thing intended : but alas , said he , they are weak silly men , and not fit for these thing , who cannot distinguish between Destroying a Prince meerly for his Opinion in Religion , and Destroying Tyrants who Design to overthrow the Laws , Religion and all Civil Rights , and hate the Nation . It is a pious glorious Action , and such as will teach all Princes to use their Subjects kindly , or to that effect . Robert West . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple , Barrister at Law. THis Examinant upon further Recollection saith , That after Capt. Walcot had acquainted this Examinant of the Insurrection intended to have been made in November last , the said Walcot came the second time to this Examinant , and told this Examinant , that the Lord Sha●tsbury had prevailed with him to engage in it ; and that if it proceeded he would engage in it , and desired this Examinant to buy for him , the said Walcot , a long stiff Tuck of some Cutler this Examinant knew , which this Examinant undertook and bespoke , but was so long before he could procure it , that the said Walcot had otherwise provibed himself , and the Design was laid aside first , and this Examinant was forced to keep the said Tuck , the Cutler refusing to take it again . And the said Mr. Walcot told this Examinant , to the best of his remembrance , that the Lord Shaftsbury had formerly sent for Sir George Cambel and Sir Iohn Cockran , about settling a Scotch Colony or Plantation in Carolina , but he believed that was only a pretence , and that the real truth was to Concert Matters in order to some Design in Scotland ; for the Lord Shaftsbury had sent for him , upon pretence of some Command in Carolina , but when he came , the Lord Shaftsbury was very cool in it . And this Examinant further saith , That the said Mr. Walcot refused a long time to act in any wise , in the Attempt upon the King and Duke in the Newmarket Journey ; but at length , by the perswasion of Ferguson , as this Examinant believes , he undertook to Command the Party who were to Fight the Guards , or to be one of them , but refused to act in the Assassination it self . And this Examinant further saith , The said Ferguson told this Examinant , that when the Earl of Arg●le was in England last Year , he had offered to make a sturdy Commotion in Scotland , if he might have had but 6000 l. ( for so low he came down from his first demand of 30000 or 40000 l. . ) but our Great Men were jealous of him then , and would not trust him , though he offered that they should employ whom they would themselves to lay out the Money in Arms , which he said was a great Oversight and Opportunity lost . And this Examinant believes , the Assassination of the King and Duke designed in October last , was Projected and Abetted by the late Earl of Shaftsbury and that the Money in one of this Examinant's former Examinations , mentioned to be advanced for that Design , was advanced by the said Earl , because this Examinant had heard ( but cannot say positively from whom ) that the said Earl complained of having been ill used in that Matter , in the Money not being returned , though it was not laid out . Information of Carleton Whitlock , 5 July 83. MR. West some time in Easter-Term last , in the Court of Requests , told me , That some desperate Fellows had designed to have killed the King , or would have killed the King as he came last from Newmarket , if they had not been afraid that the Duke of Monmouth would have Hanged them . Upon which I told him , That it had been a villanous Action , and that all Mankind would have detested the Action , and the Murderers ; and that if it ever had been in the Duke of Monmouth's Power , he would certainly have Hanged them for it , if they had done it . He told me afterwards , That there was a Design of raising a considerable Sum of Money to buy Arms , as I remember , in Holland ; and that Major Wildman , Col. Algernoon Sidney , and Ferguson , managed the Business ; and that my Lord Russel was very active in it , or Words to that effect : And that Writings were drawn , or drawing , or to be drawn , for the taking up of the Money ; as I remember , he said Ferguson was to manage on the behalf of the Scots . This he told me at his House one Day , when I Dined with him ; but upon my not Examining him to Particulars , he said nothing to me but thus generally : Only at his House he said , That some of them were for a Commonwealth , and others for Monarchy . At Mr. Shute's Funeral , in the publick Room , Nelthorp came to me , and asked me for something for poor Ferguson , as he called him ; and told me , He was doing a good Work for all Honest Men. I told him , I would give nothing to any Man , for doing a Work I did not know of . C. Whitlock . Mr. Edmund Waller's Confession . I Did once meet Mr. West , I do not know the certain time ; and he rail'd so much at those he called Protestant Lords , that I asked him , if he would have them be Rebels ? and told him , That such Men as he , and nothing else , could ruine the Kingdom . This was in the Temple , before the Hall. The last and only other time that I ever spoke with him in private , that is , alone ( for we walked in the Temple-Cloysters ) I met him there ; and he told me , That some People , not naming himself as one , had had a Design to set upon the King ( I am not certain , whether he named Newmarket ) but he said , It was over . I went from him hastily , and only said , These things will Hang you , and undo a great many other People : As I remember , when he said , There had been such a Design ; I told him , I did not believe it : and then he said , It was to have been done as the King came from Newmarket ; and was going on to say more , but I interrupted him , and went away ; and I believe he was jealous of me ; for he called after me , and said , There was no Danger . This was , as I think , the Saturday before this Conspiracy was spoke of in Westminster-Hall . Iuly 6th . 1683. Edm. Waller . Information of Zachary Bourn . RIchard Goodenough bringing Mr. Ferguson , alias Roberts , ( for that Name he used to go by ) to my House , it was a great while ' ere I understood any thing at all of the Design ; but so many coming to him daily as did , made me jealous ; I did imagine something of it . Upon which he took an occasion one Day to ask , What I thought about the Gentlemen that came so often to him ? and then says ; Admit there should be a Design on foot , for the Good of the People of England , Would you be against it ? To which I answer'd , If I can do it with a safe Conscience , I could not tell well what I should be perswaded to . As to that , says he , I shall easily satisfie you : And then went on to prove a mutual Covenant between the King , and the People ; that his Majesty had broke it on his side ; so the People were again at Liberty . But to the Matter , says he , as indeed I will be plain with you ; If you love your self , you must come in ; for there is a Design on foot so laid , and so far gone , that it is impossible it should fail . Then I desired him , if he thought it convenient , to let me know some Particulars ; which he said , He would , provided I would promise him Secrecy : but especially , I should say nothing to my Father or Wife ; for he thought , I would not speak to any Body else : Upon which I said , I would . And then he was plain , as he said , and told me as follows : That there was not a County in England , but had prepared for the Business , less or more , but especially in the North and West ; and that they were sure of most Places of Strength throughout the Kingdom ; but especially , Bristol and Newcastle : And that they were then a considering , how to secure Portsmouth ; but were afraid they should not , the Garrison was so strong . And that the Scots were to stir at the same time we were ; and that we were to lend them 10000 l. to be remitted into Holland , to buy Arms for them ; and that he was to go over with the Bills of Exchange : That he found out a Person could deposite the Money upon good Security , which the Lords had promised should be given : That there was a Dutch-Merchant or two , that he had got to provide the Arms , for the English could not do it without Suspicion . Then I asked him , Who the Lords were ? He told me , There was the Duke of Monmouth , Lord Grey , Lord Russel , and Major Wildman , and Col. Sidney . I told him , I wondred the Duke would be perswaded to take up Arms against his Father ; for my part , I should be very unwilling to trust him . He answer'd me , That he had the greatest Assurance in the World of him ; and that I need no more be afraid of the Duke , than of him . He told me , The Lord Argyle , who was to command the Scots , was of my Opinion too ; for he had a few days before , sent a Letter to him , to be well satisfied in the Point ; and that he had sent him such an Answer , as he did not doubt would satisfie him . He told me , The Duke of York had Fourteen thousand Men in half pay about the Town : And for his part , he thought we ought to defend our selves ; for we could not tell , but our Throats might be cut every Night . I asked him , How he could tell all this ? He told me , That they had a great deal of Intelligence from the Tory Party ; for there were some , that were willing to play a sure Game , and so keep in with both Sides . Some little time after this , there came one Mr. Iohn Row , that was Sword-bearer of Bristol , with one Iames Holloway , of the same Place , a Merchant , to enquire for Ferguson ; but he was unwilling to see them . Then Row asked me , to go and give him a Dish of Coffee ; which I did : And Iames Holloway gave me an account of the Posture of Affairs at Bristol ; which I wondred at , being the first time that ever I saw him , viz. That they had been ready this two or three Months ; that there was but Eight in Bristol , that knew of it ; that he had had some Cannon he had taken out of some Ships he was concerned in , had lain there so long , he was afraid they would mistrust something : That he had great plenty of Powder and Bullet in his own House ; and that they had a couple of Ships there , that would carry forty Guns a piece ; which they intended to seize the first Rising , and fit out to Sea. And then their manner of getting together was thus : Some of those Eight had Houses out of Town , where they would get all of the Town they thought were for their Purpose : The Dissenters , under pretence of a Meeting ; and the Others , under some Colour or other : And then tell them the Design ; and if they would not go with them , they would secure or force them ; and that they would seize all the Head Men of the Contrary Party , which were not above Thirty in all : And that they would post Men at the Corner of every Street ; so that there should not a Man stir , without they pleased . And that to their Assistance , they should have some Colliers out of King-Road , and some Scotch Pedlers that were about the Country ; many of whom were of Bothwel-Bridge . He said further , That the King would have by the Time they begun , a great many Thousand Pounds , that they should seize ; and that there was a great many of the Tory Party , that had a great Summ of Money by them , which they must borrow : And that there was not a good Horse within Five Miles about them , but they knew where to have him : That they wanted but two hundred Musque●s ; for they thought , they should have more Men than Arms , which he was come up about ; which he hoped , the Lords would help them to : But if they could not , Mr. Wade would lend them the Money to buy them ; and that he should pack them up in Parcels of Goods , and send them by the Carrier to his House . Mr. Wade told me himself , He would do it ; that is , lend the Money ; but it was some time after this . Mr. Row sate by , and approved what Holloway said to be true . After this I went down to the Wells , and staid about a Fortnight . When I came Home again , Mr. Wade came to me , and told me , I must promise Secrecy , and then he had something to say me ; which was , That Affairs were settled every where very well , but in London : And though the Lords had a Design to let London alone ; yet they saw there was a necessity , that the Business must be done effectually in London ; for if they let that alone , it was enough to maintain a War against the whole Kingdom , and that their Friends here would be all ruined : and that in order to the securing of it , they had taken this Method , by which they might know their Strength . They had divided the Town into so many Divisions , and had got honest Fellows to consult what Men they might expect out of every Division ; and that they had no Body about me , that they thought could serve them : and therefore desired me to think , if it was not possible to get about an hundred and sixty Men out of Bloomsbury , St. Giles's , St. Iames's , and Soho ; and that I might , by way of Discourse , ask some of my Acquaintance , If there should be occasion to defend our selves , whether they could not find out Ten , or Fifteen , or Twenty Men , that would assist : That they should have a Meeting again in Two or Three Days ; and then he would give me an Account of it , and I should go to them . And accordingly , on Friday following , being the Eighth of Iune , towards Evening , he came and fetcht me out , and carried me to the Dragon-Tavern on Snow-Hill ; where I met Collonel Romzey , Mr. Robert West , Captain Walcot , Mr. Norton , Mr. Wade , Richard and Francis Goodenough . Then I was asked , If I could not do what Mr. Goodenough had spoke to me about ? and was desired , not to say any thing about the Business to any Body in direct terms , but especially to any of the Ministers ; for West said , They were a parcel of Rogues , that had ruined the People ever since Constantine . I told them , I thought Mr. Mead , and Mr. Lobb might be trusted ; and that they were , if they would , capable of serving them very much . But they would not hear it then ; but the next Meeting , which was on Monday the 11th . Ditto , at the Salutation in Lumbard-street , they did think it was necessary Mr. Lobb should be spoke to , but not directly ; which I did : For the next Day I went to him , and talking of the badness of the Times , I said , There was but one way to help our selves , and that was by Arms ; and if we should have occasion to do so , I asked him , where he could find a good Parcel amongst his People , that he thought would stir ? He told me , That the Spirits of the People were low ; but he did believe , there was a pretty many of them , that would make use of an Opportunity , if it was put into their Hands : But he could see no Hopes of such an Opportunity as yet ; we were too great Cowards . But I bid him not be out of hopes : And so our Discourse ended ; for his Wife came in . The next Meeting , which was on Thursday the 14th . Ditto , at the Dragon on Snow-Hill , Richard Goodenough brought in an Account of the Divisions he was concerned in ; which was all the Town almost , but where I was ; and at Westminster , where Mr. Grange , a Brewer , was concerned , but he ne're met with us ; but Goodenough said , He promised Two hundred Men , and would be free of his Purse . At this Meeting , they resolved on This , which had been Consulted before , ( for now they began to be sure of the Design ; for they had a Probability of Eight or Nine Thousand Men , from the Account Goodenough gave in and others ) That Whitehall should be secured , and the manner thus : That the Men in Westminster should be ready to make an Attaque on that side , that they would get about 100 Sea-men that should come up in Long-Boats with Hand-Granadoes and should Attaque that part next the Water and that a Party of about 500 should come down by Charing-Cross , part of which should secure the Mews , and the rest march down and surprize the Guards in their sleep , for it was to have been about one or two in the Morning , and that all the Chief Ministers of State were to be secured , the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs and some of the Aldermen , another party to secure the Savoy and Sommerset-House , and that in Covent-Garden and Lincolns-Inne-Fields were to be Bodies of Men to be ready to give assistance if need were , and that all the expedition imaginable was to be made , for now it was put into the hands of a great many , and there was danger of a Discovery . Mr. Goodenough told us that day that he had met with an Engineer that would do strange things about taking the Tower , and that he had six or seven Mortar Pieces that belonged to the Tower , and that he would take care to keep them this Month or six Weeks ; at that time Mr. West said he thought I must secure my Neighbour , meaning the Lord Keeper , but I told him I would do no such thing as to fall on a Neighbour ; truly he said he should be very willing to come to an account with him , and if he did he should put him in mind of Colledge . At this time Goodenough said the People that he had spoke of the Matters to , desired they might know what they must trust to , for if the Design was onely to change Persons they had as good have the Father as the Son , and therefore desired some Heads might be thought on and carried to the Duke to be signed by him the night before the Design began , and these Five things were resolved on : 1. That the Militia should be in the hands of the People . 2. That they should choose their own Sheriffs in every Country . 3. That we should have a Parliament once a year , and that they should Sit as long as they had any thing to do . 4. That they should have Liberty of Conscience . 5. That all the Nobility of England that had acted contrary to the Interest of the People should be Degraded . Mr. Wade was to put these in Writing , and to carry them the next Morning to Colonel Romzey who was to go to the Duke with them , which he did , and on Saturday the 16th . Ditto at the George and Vulture on Ludgate-Hill he brought us this Account , That he was to wait on the Duke twice before he could speak with him , but at last did ; that the Dukes answer was , That all of them were things of moment , and that they could not be done without a Parliament but must be left to them , that he would do what lay in his power towards the obtaining them , but there being word brought to one Le● a Dyer in St. Giles Cripple-Gate Parish , that there was High Treason sworn against him and Richard Goodenough , Goodenough would not come to us that night , so this onely was concluded on , that we should meet on Munday at the Castle-Tavern in Fleetstreet , and that some time on Monday Mr. Lee and Mr. Wade should go to Mr. West's Chamber to survey the Map of the Town to find fit places to meet in and give us an account at our Meeting , but on Sunday they had an account all was Discovered by one Keeling whom they had some suspicion of some days before ; upon Monday Morning they met at Captain Tracy's where Captain Walcot Lodged , Colonel Romzey came to my House and gave Mr. Ferguson and me an account of it , and took me with him to Captain Tracy's where they consulted how to retrieve the Business : Most were for pushing for it , and so to die with their Swords in their Hands ; and another way was proposed I think by Mr. West , to kill Keeling and one Doctour Butler which I think Colonel Romzey named , who was said to be the person brought Keeling in to Discover , and that this would give them such a Blow would make them afraid : The manner of taking Doctor Butler was to be thus : Some men to go to him ( as it was to be after the killing of Keeling ) and undertake to give him an exact Account of the Murder and the rest of the Plot , and so to meet at a Tavern where was a convenient Room for the purpose , and there to have Assassinated him , but I left them in the dispute and went not again till Morning , when I came there they were all gone but West , who told me that one Rumbald and others had been in company with Keeling all the day before and he had perswaded them into a belief he had sworn nothing against any Man and so escaped from them , though this Morning they ●ound to the contrary . At one time talking to Ferguson about this Matter , he said nothing was to be expected from the Rich old Citizens , and therefore half a dozen of them must be taken out of their Houses and Hanged on their Sign-Posts and their Houses given as Plunder to the Mobile and that would scare the rest . Another time meeting Roe after the Fire at Newmarket a great while , he began to talk of the Design at Newmarket , which he declined when he found I was ignorant of it , but by him and others I understood afterwards that there was a Consult several times at West's Chamber against the Life of his Majesty , and that in order thereunto West had bought as many Arms as cost about 100 l. of a Gunsmith in Shere-Lane , but the Fire happening prevented the Design . Another time talking with Roe , he said there was no way like Lopping , that was his Majesty and his Royal Highness ; to which I answered , I never approved of such ways , and that he might do it himself for me if he would have it done , upon which he replied he would be one with all his heart ▪ and that it might be done through or over my Lord of Bedford's Wall as his Majesty went to the Play-House , or as he went to Hampton-Court from Windsor . At another time I met West on the Exchange , and he told me the Lords were all a parcel of Rogues , and Ferguson a credulous Fool , for that they would Trick upon the Scots and us too , that he had laid out a parcel of Money for Arms , and that he could not get it again , which I told Ferguson when I saw him but he said he should have it . Some time after I met him in Lineol●s-Inne-Fields and he told me that he had a Note to one Major Wildman for the Money and that he 'd go for it next Morning , which he did , but the Major was gone out of Town . Some time after I went to Mr. Owen's in Bloomsbury , where Ferguson then Lodged and there I asked him about West's Money , he told me he had given it himself , for that it was sent to him just before Mr. West came in and he had given it him . On Monday they met at Captain Tracy's , Mr. West gave a Note to one Tottle to go to the Gunsmith to fetch the Arms he had bought , lest they should be found there and carry them with him to one of the Plantations , I think New York , which Tottle did then profer , if they would push for it he would not go his Voyage , though I think he said his Ship was at Gravesend , nor would he come alone , but undertake for a Hundred Sea-men and others presently . The persons that used to come to Ferguson were Sir Thomas Armstrong very often , sometimes two or three times a day , Colonel Romzey , Captain Walcot , Mr. Wade , Mr. Norton , Richard Goodenough , Richard Nelthrop , Mr. West , Mr. Charleton with a wooden Leg , Mr. Iohn Freak , Mr. Blaney once or twice , Mr. Thomas Shepard Merchant , Sir Robert Rich , Iohn Starkey , ( Mr. Baily a Scotch-man , and Sir Camel , and a great many more of his Country-men ) and several from Wapping , all whom I know when I see , also Mr. Iohn Ayloff used to come when he was in Town . Ferguson told me of a certain person of Quality in that part of Ireland next Scotland that could raise Twenty thousand Men , and that he had promised it , I asked his Name but he would not tell me ; he told me it was Aaron Smith was sent to Scotland about this business , and that he had like to have spoiled all , but that the person to whom he carried the Letter went to the Council and shewed them a Letter he had about some business of Carolina , and asked leave to come to London about it , and so got off this suspition . Zec. Bourne . Iuly the 6th , 1683. Zec. Bourne's further Information . THat Mr. Baily the Scoth-man sate up one night with Mr. Ferguson , and he went several times with him to the Duke , and the other Lords , that Ferguson Lodged at several places a few nights at a time and so to my House again , at one Mr. Bickerstaff , a Sword-Cutler in Covent-Garden , at a German Doctors at the Green Posts in St. Martins-Lane , and Mr. Owens in King-street in Bloomsbury . That we met at the Salutation in Lombard-street by the perswasion of Captain Walcot , for he said Mr. Thomas Shepard would meet us there , he went out of Town every night and so could not come further , that I have often carried Letters to the Exchange to Mr. Shepard from Ferguson , that he used to come often to my House to him , that I believe him to be the Man was to return the ten thousand pound , for Ferguson told me he had a great Correspondence with several Merchants in Holland and that he did return my Lord Shaftsbury's Money when he went over . That Captain Walcot would have spoke to one Mr. Collins an Anabaptist Preacher ( he Preaches somewhere in Moor-fields ) that could assist us greatly , but they would not hear of it being a Parson . Mr. West told me that Mr. Ayloff was at the buying the Arms in Shear-lane , and if at the buying , I suppose at the contriving the use for them ; that two or three days before the Discovery was made by Mr. Keeling , thinking the business was pretty ripe , Mr. Norton was desired to write to Mr. Ayloff to come to Town which he did . That Ferguson desired me to tell them one night when we met , that he must have a party to seize Mr. L'Estrange , for he should find strange Papers , and that great care must be taken to secure the Paper-Office at Whitehal . Zec. Bourne . THat Ferguson told me that one Mr. Owen of Grays-Inn would give a hundred pound towards the Design , and further he told me that he was the Author of those two Libels , viz. A Letter about the Black-Box ; And a Letter concerning His Majesties Declaration : that as he walked in the Fields at that time the Discourse was about the Black-Box , it came into his mind to write about it , which he did in an Ale-House in Chancery-lane , and that afterwards when His Majesties Declaration came out concerning the Duke of Monmouth , he finding no body took notice of it in Print , he resolved to write an Answer to that , which he said he did as he lay in his Bed one Morning , and further told me , he got one thrown on His Majesties Hat as he walked on the Tarras Walk at Windsor , and another laid under his Pillar , but would not tell me who it was had so disposed of them two for him ; and farther told me that the Duke of Monmouth gave him fifty Guinies for that piece of service and so hath done every year since . Mr. Bethel that was Sheriff of London was once at my House with Ferguson and had some private Discourse with him . Zec. Bourne . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple , Barrister at Law. THis Examinant upon further Recollection saith , That at the Meetings for carrying on the Assassination of the King and Duke , it was resolved , that Sir Iohn Moor the late Lord Mayor of London should be killed , as well as the present Lord Mayor and Sheriffs , and that if the people did not pull him in pieces , his Skin should be stead off and stuft and hung up in Guild-Hall , as one who betrayed the Rights and Priviledges of the City . And it was further resolved that Mr. Papillion and Mr. Dubois should be declared Sheriffs , and Sir Thomas Gold or Alderman Cornish ( but this Examinant thinks Alderman Cornish was pitch'd on as the brisker Man ) to be Lord Mayor , and that they should be forced to take those Offices upon them , and if they refused should be knocked on the head . And Sin Robert Clayton and Sir Patience Ward who had behaved themselves like Trimmers in their Mayoralty , and neglected to repeal several By-Laws whereby they might have prevented Sir Iohn Moor from being Lord Mayor , should be forced to appear publickly and own the fact , or else be knockt on the Head. And it was further proposed that most of the Judges should be killed or brought to Tryal for their Arbitrary Judgments , and their Skins stuft and hung up in Westminster-Hall . It was further said by Colonel Rumzey , to the best of this Examinants remembrance , that though he was not for shedding much blood ▪ there would be a necessity of taking off some of the chief Abhorrers and Addressers in most Counties , otherwise they would be making head , but this Examinant was of opinion that a publick Declaration of safety to their persons and Estates if they would submit , was a better expedient and would win more upon the People : And it was further resolved that some of the principal reputed Pentioners in the late long Parliament should be brought to Tryal and Death , and that there Skins should be stuft and hung up in the Parliament House , as Betrayers of the People , and of the Trust. It was proposed that Bishops Deans and Chapters should be wholly laid aside , but no resolution was taken concerning their Lands , because the present Tenants might be induced to submit in hopes of preserving them , and would be sure to struggle if they saw they must lose them , and those who had those Lands in the late times would be sure to engage in Arms for us or submit in hopes of having those Lands again . Some discourse was had of applying those Revenues , and of one half or two thirds of the Colleges in both Universities to publick uses in ease of the People from Taxes . It was further proposed that it should be publickly declared to the people that they should be eased of the Chimney Mony , and have Toleration in matters of Religion , which was thought would engage all the meaner people : That England should be a free Port , and all Strangers who would should be Naturalized , which was looked upon as a means to engage Foreigners on our side , that there should be no Taxes for the future bu● the Excise and Land● Taxes which should be appropriated to particular uses , and all forfeited Estates should be applyed so too . And this Examinant further saith that this Examinant enquiring of Ferguson what Fond of Money was provided , it was answered by him and Colonel Romzey , that if the business were done and backt with success there could be no want of Money , there would be half a years Revenue of the Chimney Money then due besides what the Excise-Office and Custom-house will afford , and that there was Money and Plate enough among the Bankers and Goldsmiths which must be taken up upon Publick Faith if there were occasion , and be punctually repaid again for the reputation of the Cause . And this Examinant further saith that when Walcot agreed to engage in the said Action he desired his Name might be concealed whatsoever the effect of it proved ; whereupon Ferguson replyed no Man ought to be ashamed of it , for 't is a glorious Action and such as I hope to see rewarded by a Parliament , and that the Actors in it shall have Statues erected to them with Inscriptions of Liberatores Patriae . And this Examinant further saith that he acquainted Mr. Thomas Shepard Merchant that this Examinant had provided Arms in his former Examination mentioned , and that Ferguson promised to see for a conveniency of committing the Assassination between Hampton-court and Windsor . And this Examinant further saith that Mr. Bourn a Brewer between great Queen-street and Parker-lane was acquainted with the intended Insurrections , and hath talked with this Examinant about them , and declared himself ready to engage in an Insurrection , but not in the Assassination , and the said Bourn was knowing of the Arms bought by this Examinant , but was not at the Meeting when they were agreed to be bespoken ; and this Examinant believes he acquainted Mr. Carleton Whitlock , Mr. Edmund Waller both of the Middle-Temple , and Mr. Holford of Chancery-lane of the intended Assassination and Insurrection in November , but he did not do so till after the time for Execution was past : And further saith , that in the beginning of October last this Examinant met with Colonel Sidney at Vxbridge , where the said Colonel told this Examinant that many tricks had been plaid in the Scrutiny of the Poll for the Lord Mayor , and that Sir William Prichard was declared though not duly chosen , but said he , all that I can say to it is what a Justice of Peace of Essex said lately to a Country Fellow brought before him for Killing a High-way-man that would have Rob'd him ; Friend says the Justice you have done well , but you might have been Rob'd if you would ; and so we may be inslaved if we will , or else need not , or he used words to that purpose , but this Examinant to the best of his remembrance never spake to the said Colonel since . Robert West . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple Barrister at Law. THis Examinant upon further Recollection saith that Richard Goodenough and Francis Goodenough formerly offered to act in the intended Assassination of the King and Duke if a sufficient number of Men could not be got to do it ; but afterwards believing there were Men enough besides , they both declined it . And this Examinant further saith , that at some of the Meetings concerning the said Assassination , Colonel Rumzey said it would be very convenient to take off Colonel Legg the now Lord Dartmouth , for he was a stout Man and of desperate Courage , and believed if he could get into the Tower , would in Revenge fire all the Gunpowder in the White Tower , which would endanger the whole City . And it was said concerning the Lady Ann Daughter to the Duke of York , that it would be best to Marry her to some small Country Gentleman and have a Breed only to keep out any Forrain pretenders to the Crown ; and at one of the said Meetings , when it was discoursed whether the King or Duke should be killed singly , it was agreed , that Rumbold should send out a Spye before , who by some signs should give an account at a distance whether the King and Duke were both together or not , and at one of the said Meetings when it was designed that it would be convenient to take off some of the Chief Ministers of State , as the Lord Keeper , Lord Halifax , Lord Hyde ; Richard Goodenough said , take the Keeper Prisoner , and Try him at Oxford for the Death of Colledge , and hang him upon the same Post on which Colledge was hanged . And at one of the said Meetings this Examinant saying he was well enough Armed for one , for he had a good Musket Blunderbuss and Case of Pistols ; the said Rumbold desired to see 'em , and finding 'em very good said he believed he must use the Blunderbuss in the Assassination , and told Ferguson he must Consecrate it if he should use it . And this Examinant saith that at one of the said Meetings , this Examinant was appointed to speak to one Captain Bon a Seaman at Ratcliff to undertake the Raising a body of Seamen to surprize the Tower in case the Assassination had been committed , and this Examinant accordingly proposed to the said Bon whether he would undertake to do so ; but the said Bon replyed he was going to settle in America where he was born , and did not care to be concerned , and feared he had not interest enough amongst the Seamen if he would , which this Examinant reported to the next Meeting , and the said Bon is since gone to live in New-England where he was born , or in New-Iersey . And this Examinant further saith that Richard Goodenough told this Examinant that he had spoken to one Mr. Grange a Brewer in Westminster to try what Men could be Raised in Westminster for carrying on the last Design of Raising three thousand Men out of the City and Subburbs , and also spoken to one Barnes a Hatter in Fleetstreet to try what Men might be raised thereabouts , but this Examinant never spake to either of the said Parties about it , neither doth this Examinant know nor hath heard what other Persons were employed by Goodenough or any other Person in that Design , and further saith not . Rob. West . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple Barrister at Law. THis Examinant upon further Recollection saith that when the Insurrection intended in November last was resolved on and Walcot agreed to engage in it , the said Walcot desired this Examinant to lend him some of this Examinant's Suit of Silk Armour , viz. a Back , Breast and Head piece , and afterward asked this Examinant to take some Command of Horse under him and to engage some young Men of the Temple , telling this Examinant he could make this Examinant a sufficient Officer in two or three days time , but this Examinant refused to engage himself or his Friends either , though he offered the said Walcot the use of his Armour . And this Examinant further saith , That when the Arms in his former Examinations mentioned were ordered to be bespoke ; it was also proposed that Ferguson should provide the 600 l. he pretended to have ready for that purpose to buy Horses , which should be kept at Livery-Stables in the names of private Gentlemen , and be always in a readiness to be made use of as an opportunity for any Assassination or other Occasion should offer , and the night or two before they were to be used should seemingly be brought out of the Livery-Stables by men to be employed for that purpose , but Ferguson not bringing the Money no Horses were bought . And this Examinant further saith , That after the Treaty with the Sctos seemed to be at an end , and the 10000 l. not like to be had , Ferguson told this Examinant that the Duke of Monmouth was willing to speak with this Examinant and Goodenough to consider what ought to be done in the City and Suburbs , and to leave the Lords and other people ( by which this Examinant supposes he meant the Lords Grey and Russel , Sidney and Wildman ) but this Examinant refused to go to the Duke or to Sir Thomas Armstrong , and knows not whether Goodenough went to the Duke , though he did go to Armstrong . And Ferguson likewise told told this Examinant , That if the English would not agree to stir , it was his opinion and the opinion of many of the Duke's Friends , and of the Scotch Gentlemen that were here , that the Duke should go to Scotland and head the Scots there ; whereupon Mr. Wade who was then present said , If the Duke did go thither he would wait upon him in the Expedition as a Voluntier . And this Examinant further saith , That at some Meeting for the carrying on the intended Assassination , Ferguson said the King went frequently in the night cross St. Iames's Park in a Chair without any Attendance , and that it would be easie for Two Men with Swords barely to dispatch him and make their Escape ; whereupon Colonel Romzey said it was a strange thing to him , that the great Men who were so desirous to have the business done , should not make a Purse and buy some good Office at Court for some Man whom they could trust , who should roar loud of the Duke of Monmouth and the Wiggs , and by that means get into reputation and trust and should observe and give an account of the King 's and Duke's Walks and Hours and any Journeys they designed ; and the said Colonel said he had told Armstrong so and bad him tell his Lords . And this Examinant further saith that about the time the Insurrection intended in November last was carrying on this Examinant observed the Lord Howard of Escrick and Walcot to be very intimate and often together , and the said Walcot told this Examinant that the Lord Howard was as right as any Man for the business and as forward to engage , but this Examinant doth not remember that he ever spoke with the Lord Howard himself about that Insurrection . And further saith Mr Roe told this Examinant that Gibbons the Duke of Monmouth's Servant offered to be one to commit the Assassination of the King and Duke . And further saith not . Rob. West . The further Examination of Robert West of the Middle-Temple Barrister at Law. THis Examinant further saith , That after Ferguson had told this Examinant that a Sum of Money for carrying on the Assassination of the King and Duke in October last was paid to a certain Person who never returned it , of which the Lord Shaftsbury complained : The said Ferguson at another time a little before the Discovery told this Examinant that Richard Goodenough was the person to whom that Money was paid , and that he called Ferguson Fool for returning some Money he had received for the same purpose and Colonel Romzey told this Examinant that Mr. Charleton paid that Money . And this Examinant further saith that when Mr. Goodenough told this Examinant that he would speak to Hone the Joyner to be one of the Assassinates , he said he would first try him whether he would undertake an Attempt upon the Duke of York before he would break the whole Business to him ; and as he found him willing to that he would proceed . And this Examinant believes Mr. Goodenough did accordingly , for that the said Hone coming to this Examinants Chamber soon after , and being asked by this Examinant whether he had lately seen Mr. Goodenough ? The said Hone answered he had , and talked with him about a Jobb upon the Duke of York : And this Examinant asking him whether they were agreed ? Hone replyed yes , but this Examinant doth not remember that Hone then mentioned the King or any Name or description implying the King. And about five or six weeks since the said Hone came to this Examinants chamber about a small alteration this Examinant designing to make in his Chamber ; and then the said Hone asked this Examinant , Master will nothing be done ? To which this Examinant answering he believed not , the said Hone replyed , if this Duke of Monmouth would be true and appear openly , I could bring fifty or sixty honest Fellows from our side of the Water ( meaning Southwark ) who would be ready for business as well as my self , and this Examinant asking him what business ? Hone replyed any business , either a brisk push ( by which this Examinant supposed he meant a General Insurrection ) or the other Trick or Jobb of taking off the two Brothers , the Captain and Lieutenant which were two Names used for the King and Duke . And this Examinant further saith that when the Discourse was had concerning the Killing the Ministers of State , Colonel Romzey said , the Lord Halifax was one of the Greatest Rogues , and deserved it more than any Man , for he professing himself formerly of our Party knows our weakness and Divisions and hath exposed us and made the Court venture upon things which they would never have done otherwise . And when Goodenough proposed that the Lord Keeper should be Hanged where Colledge was Hanged this Examinant having an Opinion that the Lord Keeper was an Enemy to this Examinant and had used him very hardly in a Cause this Examinant lately had in Chancery , this Examinant desired that he might have the Custody of the said Lord Keeper a little while to make him sensible of his unkindness to this Examinant , but this Examinant never designed or desired to Kill the said Lord Keeper or any other person , nor would have had his Hands in any Mans Blood. And this Examinant further saith that Ferguson lately told this Examinant that Mr. Cromwel , Son of Richard Cromwel , who usually goes by the Name of Mr. Cranbourn was so vain as to endeavour to make a Party for himself or his Father in the City : and Goodenough formerly , viz. about Christmass last told this Examinant that he believed the said Mr. Cromwel and Mr. Ireton , the Son of Lieutenant General Ireton would assist in the intended Assassination of the King and Duke in Person . And this Examinant further saith , that Mr. Goodenough told this Examinant that he had spoken to one Partridge a Shoemaker and Almanack-Maker in Covent-garden to Act in this Assassination , and that the said Partridge offered to joyn in it if it were to be done in Town but was not able to Ride and therefore would not joyn in the Attempt out of London : And further said that the said Partridge had erected several Schemes and thereby found the Duke of York would scarce out-live March or April , and that the King was under an ill Direction too , and the People would be Victorious . And Mr. Ryley told this Examinant the same thing as to the Schemes erected by Partridge . And this Examinant further saith that Colonel Romzey told this Examinant that when Mr. Trenchard refused to go into the West and raise a Force for the intended Insurrection in November last , the said Mr. Trenchard was sent for to the Duke of Monmouth's House about it , and there were present the said Duke , the Lord Gray and Colonel Romzey . And further told this Examinant that the Lord Russel had prepared to go the then next morning to his Post which was somewhere in the West , but this Examinant doth not remember the place . And this Examinant further saith that after the Discovery , Walcot told this Examinant , Colonel Romzey , Wade , Norton , Nelthrop , Goodenough and Ferguson , that notwithstanding the said Discovery he was perswaded God would yet deliver this Nation , but he did not approve of the present Instruments who had undertaken it , or used words to that purpose . And this Examinant further saith that he having a Son lately Born desired Colonel Romzey to be Godfather , who said he would not , except he might name him Brutus , but was afterwards prevailed with to do that Office , and give the Name of Iohn to the Child being the said Colonels own Christian name . Robert West . The further Information of Robert West of the Middle-Temple Barrister at Law. THis Examinant upon further recollection saith , that Ferguson formerly , viz. soon after his return from Holland told this Examinant that Dr. Owen and one Mr. Collins either and Anabaptist or Independent Preacher were the most sensible Ministers about the Town , and were both of Opinion that the intended Assassination and Insurrection were both lawful and necessary , and that Colonel Owen Dr. Owens Brother was Privy to them and joyned with Colonel Sidney and Major Wildman in the management of the Treaty with the Scots , and that one Mr. Mead a Nonconformist Minister was zealous in the business of an Insurrection but was not for beginning it in London , and Mr. Nelthrop told this Examinant the same thing of Mead , and that he was able to Raise a thousand Men or more . And this Examinant further saith that Mr. Nelthrop told this Examinant that in case of an Insurrection which he much desired , he would go along with the Lord Russel wheresoever he took his Post and would furnish out himself and a man with able Horses and Arms , and a good sum of Money . And this Examinant further saith , that upon a discourse with Colonel Rumzey concerning a general Insurrection , the said Colonel told this Examinant that if he could have a thousand resolute Fellows to follow him and an other thousand Men to secure him at his back he would undertake to drive the King , all the Court and the Guards out of Town so as they should not dare to look back till they were fled to Windsor . And this Examinant further saith that the Money which this Examinant received from Ferguson amounting to something more than the Arms bought by this Examinant cost , this Examinant by the direction of Colonel Romzey paid Five pounds to Mr. Wade to give to one Manning who was to have been one of the Assassinates , and also in the last designed Insurrection to pay some Debts which Manning owed , and the said Colonel Romzey , Mr. Wade , and Mr. Norton gave Manning a Guinny or 20 s. apiece more . And the said Wade asking this Examinant whether he would personally engage in the last intended Insurrection , and this Examinant saying his infirm Constitution was not able to bear the toyl of a Souldiers life , Mr. Wade told this Examinant , then he must sit out some Men that would , and that this Examinant should give his Blunderbuss to Manning who was a strong stout Fellow able to carry it , which this Examinant agreed to , and to fit out two Foot Souldiers , or do any thing else was fit for him to do . And this Examinant further saith that at one of the last Meetings for Raising the three thousand Men out of the City and Suburbs , Mr. Bourn reported he had communicated the business to Mr. Lobb a Nonconformist Parson who had a Congregation of poor zealous Men , and that Mr. Lobb embraced it readily , and promised to employ two trusty Men of his Congregation to go amongst the rest and engage as many as they could . And this Examinant further saith , that Ferguson had four several Lodgings during this Examinants Correspondence with him , at three of which this Examinant visited him , viz. at Mr. Bourns the Brewer , at Mr. Owens a Lawyer living at the further end of King-street in New-Southampton Buildings , and at a Cutlers over against Wills Coffee-house in Covent-garden , his fourth Lodging was in St. Martins-lane in the Fields at a Dutch Doctors , or German Quacks , which this Examinant never was at , and knows not the name of . And this Examinant further saith that Colonel Romzey discoursing with this Examinant further concerning the Duke of Monmouth , told this Examinant the Duke was inclinable to answer the peoples expectations , and submit to be little more than a Duke of Venice , but the Lords about him and Armstrong designed great Offices to themselves and will not endure to hear of Terms , but cry all shall be left to a Parliament , whereupon this Examinant saying to him , it were but just to discover all their Intrigues , but the being an Informer is an ugly thing , Colonel Romzey replyed , it is true our people are not worth venturing for and the other people are not worth saving , besides it would give a great blow to the Protestant interest all the world over . And further saith not . Robert West . The Examination of William Hone Ioyner taken before Sir William Turner Knight and Alderman of the City of London , and one of his Majesties Iustices of the Peace the 4th day of July , 1683. THis Examinant saith that about the Fire time at Newmarket Mr. Richard Goodenough came to him to Cliffords-Inn where he was at Work at one Mr. Cark's Chamber , and ask'd him to go along with him and told him he wanted some Labourers ; This Examinant then asked him if it were honest ? Upon which Mr. Goodenough clucht his Fist and struck it towards his Mouth twice or thrice and told him it was to seise the King and the Duke , and that there would be 20 l. apiece to buy Horse and Arms. This Examinant then told him he was well settled in his Trade and did not care to trouble himself . He then further told this Examinant that they had taken care to secure the City , and then they appointed to meet the next day at the Amsterdam Coffee-House , where they met together , and from thence they two went to one Sergeants a Cooks-shop at the Sign of the Roe-Buck at the Corner of Bartholomew-Lane where they Diaed , and whilst they were there , there came in one Keeling and one Rombald who had but one eye , and after some Discourse Mr. Keeling said let us go , and Mr. Goodenough said we want Clothes , Mr. Keeling replied he had Clothes for half a dozen , and further said let us make what we can and go , Mr. Goodenough answered no , and pointing to Rombald said , there is one knows the temper of the People better . This Examinant further saith that Mr. Goodenough , Mr. Rombald and Mr. Keeling went from thence to a Tavern in Bartholomew-lane where this Examinant came to them , but heard no Discourse at that time but drank and went his way . This Examinant further saith that a Fortnight after Witsontide he met Mr. Ioseph Keeling and his Brother in Threadneedle-Street near the Exchange and they would needs Drink with him , and he went with them to the Flanders Coffee-House , and then Mr. Ios●as K●eling told him his Brother was a stout Man and could bring together thirty M●n for his share , and then they went all three into a Room above-stairs , and then Mr. Iosias Keeling said these words to him , You know the business of the Rye , this Examinant at that time knew the meaning of the Rye , but not the place they called the Rye : And they being three together they fell into Discourse concerning the King and the Duke of York , and how they should dispose of them and depose the King , and they being hot in this discourse this Examinant said he was for saving the Duke and securing the King , afterwards the two Keelings sent this Examinant to look for Goodenough and told him they must needs speak with him presently , and after this Examinant had been from place to place to find him , and missing of him he returned back to the Tavern where he found the said two Keelings and Goodenough and some others who this Examinant doth not know ; and there the said Goodenough and both the said Keelings retired into a private Room , but what passed between them this Examinant doth not know neither hath he seen them since . This Examinant further saith that about Michaelmas last was twelve month as he remembers Mr. Goodenough spoke to him to make a private place between his Roof and t●e Ceeling Joists of his House with intent as he told this Examinant to put Mony in it because the times were dangerous . So this Examinant cut the Rafters and untyled part of the House and made such a private place , and made a Frame and a Door for a Man to go in , and the Brick-layer Tyled it over and over the Door , but what use the said Goodenough afterward made of it this Examinant knows not . This Examinant saith that the Persons engaged in this Conspiracy are Mr. Richard and Francis Goodenough , 〈◊〉 . Robert West , the two Rombalds , and one Adderton a Glasier , and Lee a Dyar , and both the Keelings ; and a Crape-Weaver who lives about Chiswel-Street . This Examinant saith that he hath work'd for the said Mr. West at his Chamber in the Temple , and one day meeting him in Fleet-Street he asked this Examinant if the Ball were once up whether Gamesters would come in in four or five hours time ? This Examinant replied he thought they would . And at another time being at Work at his Chamber they fell into discourse together concerning the Deposing of the King and the Duke , and words to that purpose , but what the particular words were he doth not well remember . This Examinant saith that to the best of his remembrance as he was Drinking with Mr. Lee at the Kings-Head Tavern in Chancery-lane about a Fortnight after Witsontide last , the said Mr. Lee told him there was a Captain of a Ship would appoint the hurling of a Silver Ball at Blackheath , which would draw a great Company of People together , and then he would give them Brandy and then they would go and seize on the Tower. This Examinant further saith that he being at Work at one Mr. Percivals at Chip●nham where the said Adderton the Glafier was also taking order to Work , the said Adderton asked this Examinant if Mr. Goodenough had said any thing to him about the Business ? This Examinant asked him what Business ? The said Adderton replied he had told Lee of it , and that was all passed between them . Will. Hone. Capt. & Cognit , coram me Die & Anno praesen . Will. Turner . Information of William Leigh : I Do declare that my first acquaintance with Mr. Ro●se and Mr. Lee was by reason of Captain Blagg and his Business to go his Mate , and the first time that ever Mr. Ro●s● spoke any th●ng to me about the Plot , was one day I met him by the Exchange ; He told me he had something to say to me ; and to the best of my remembrance he asked me presently after , if I did know of any Seamen that were fitting to make Captains in Wapping : I told him No , but I would see what I could do ; and he promised , he and Mr. Lee to come to the Blew Anchor by Wapping Dock next morning about Ten a Clock but came not : Another day , he and Mr. Lee came down and discoursed with some of Mr. Rowse's Friends that he met , but they did not like his way and so parted . And the first time that ever I heard of tossing up of a Ball was by Captain Blagg , but I do declare I knew not the meaning of it till Mr. Lee and Mr. Rowse asked me about taking the Tower ; and whereas he or Mr. Lee and Mr. Rowse , or both , asked me about tossing up of a Ball , as I take it on Black Heath : I asked what they would do there ? They told me there was some Hundreds of Horse ready in the Country ; and as for Captain Blagg , I heard him say that Mortar-pieces over Southwark side would be the best way for the taking of the Tower ; and I have heard him say , as near as I can remember , he could raise some Seamen , but the number I have forgot ; and all that Mr. Lee spoke before the King and Council in my hearing was true . All this I am willing to attest ; and for knowing of any others besides Mr. Lee and Mr. Rowse and Captain Blagg to be concerned in this Plot , I know not , neither can I call to mind any words spoken by any but those three . William Leigh . The further Information of William Leigh . Shall it please your Majesty , SInce I sent in my Paper , I have sent something more which came in my mind since , That is about getting some Seamen that might be fitting to go Commanders or Captains of Ships ; and as he asked if I could not get two or three ; sometime afterwards I did enquire what he would do with them , he told me to make Masters of Ships . I asked for what end ? He told me to put in Ships at Deptsord or Woolwich , that is Men of War to make Guard Ships to stop all going and coming : I did ask him what he would do with them when there was no Guns nor Powder nor Shot on board ; but I told him if he had the Tower then he might do something : but his Answer was , if not then , some time after that , says he , Mr. Rous by Name we must secure the Tower and Whitehall both together , or else there could be nothing done : For , says he , we must take the King and then our work is done , to the best of my remembrance : I asked what was then his Oath of Allegiance ? He told me if they had the King he shou'd be King sti●l , but fight under his Commission . I do think Mr. Lee was there present . Will. Leigh . Information of the Lord Howard to the King the 11th . of July 1682. The First Part of my Narrative being a Summary Account of all that Occurred to my Knowledg from September 29th 1682. to the time of the Earl of Shaftsbury's Death . ABout the middle of September 1682. I had occasion to go to a small Estate at Tolibury in the County of Essex , where I continued about a Fortnight waiting to hear of the ultimate issue and result of the long contested Election of the Sheriffs of London , which was shortly to receive a final Determination by the Swearing of the new Sheriffs into their Office. During which time of my continuance in the Country I received two or three Letters from Captain Walcot , importing in a mysterious Stile , well enough understood by me , that the matters of Negotiation betwixt me and the Merchant my Correspondent were brought to a good Conclusion , and that my presence was speedily desired for the better perfecting the same . Upon the 29th . of September ( being the day which put an end to the long Dispute about the Sheriffs ) I returned to my House at Knightsbridge , where I had not been above two or three days before I received a Visit from Captain Walcot , who acquainted me that the Earl of Shaftsbury had withdrawn himself from his own House into a Retirement in the City , where ( though he was secreted from most of his Friends yet ) he desired to see me , for which purpose his Lordship had sent him to me to shew me the way to his Lodging . I presently closed with the Invitation , and went along with him to one Mr. Watsons House about the further end of Woodstreet ( reckoning from Cheapside ) where I found his Lordship alone , who immediately begun to advise me in this manner , viz. That finding the due Election of the City frustrated by the Pseudo-Sheriffs forcibly obtruded upon them , he could no longer think himself safe ( though Innocent ) in the future administration of Justice which must hereafter be expected to be wrested by such Ministers to the Humour of the Court , but this Danger threatned not him only , but me also , and all honest Men in England , in the sense whereof he had thought it necessary for him ( and believed it no less necessary for me ) to withdraw himself into the City , where he had made such preparations ( meeting with a disposed matter ) that he did not doubt but in a short time he should be able to reduce things to a better posture : That in order hereunto there were several Thousands ( I think he mentioned 10000 ) who were ready upon Notice given ●o betake themselves to Arms. First to make themselves Masters of the City , and afterward Sally out and Attack the Guards at White-Hall , that they were to be assisted with about a 1000 or 1200 Hor●e to be drawn insensibly into Town from several adiacent parts of the Country under the Conduct of several good Officers , amongst whom he made mention of Major Bremen ( and of him only ) but there was nothing hindred the putting of this into speedy Execution but the Backwardness of the Duke of Monmo●th and the Lord Russel ( to whom were affixt the Lord Grey , the Lord Brandon , Sir Henry Ingoldsby , and several other Gentlemen who would not stir without the Duke ) who had unhandsomely failed him after their promise given him to be Conc●rre●t with him in the like undertaking ( at the same time ) in Devonshire , Sommersetshire , Chesbire , Lancashire , and other Counties to give variety of Diversion to the standing Forces ; That the Lord Grey seemed to be more forward then than the rest to joyn with him , with whom ( if he could be gained ) he intended to Couple me for the raising of Essex , and that the Lord H●rbert and Colonel Romzey would be assistant to him in the Conduct of the City Affairs , together with very many Eminent Citizens who desired to have their Names spared till the time of Action , with many other particulars too long to be enumerated in this short Summary . To all this I answered , That I was glad to hear and was willing to take it upon his Credit , that the City was in as great a readiness for Action as he had exprest ; and that there would be so considerable a Body of Horse brought out of the Country for their Aid as he had intimated , nor did I doubt but he had prudently provided for all the requisites to so great an undertaking . But withal that I could not but be much surprized to hear that there should be so great a misunderstanding betwixt him and those Noble Lords whose Concurrence I thought absolutely necessary for so great a Work , that if they had failed him ( as he had related ) after an appointment made , they had acted very unsuitably to the Character they bore , and would deservedly forfeit the opinion was had of them , that I must be allowed the ●iberty to discourse with them about it and till then to suspend as well my Censure of them as the Resignation of my self to him in the matters propounded by him ; upon these terms I parted from him promising to see him again within a day or two . The next day I went to Moor-Park , where the Duke of Monmouth then was and in short acquainted him with what I had heard , as well concerning himself as the Lord Russel , &c. He absolutely denied that he , or ( as he believed ) my Lord Russel had ever made any such appointment with my Lord Shaftsbury , that they were altogether Ignorant of what was doing by the said Earl , who for some time ( upon what Capricio he knew not ) had withdrawn himself from them and acted upon separate Councils of his own grounded ( as he feared ) upon the hasty Conceptions of some Hot-headed Men , who might lead him into some untimely undertaking , which in all probability would prove fatal to himself and all the Party : For prevention of which he said he would be glad ( if he knew where ) to give him a Meeting , and to resettle a better understanding with him . Having had this Account from the Duke I made a s●cond Vis●t the next day ( being Thursday the 3d or 4th of October ) to the said Earl , to whom I communicated what had passed the day before betwixt the Duke and me , and thereupon took occasion to strengthen my self with Arguments of the absolute necessity of a speedy Con●erence betwi●t him and the other Lords as well for the removing the present misapprehensions they had of each other , as also for the Consolidating them into such an Union and Concert of Councils as might render them all joyntly helpful to the Common Interest by an harmonious and uniform Acting to the same end in which they did all agree however they might differ in the means . This I urged upon him with all the vehemency that the nature and importance of the thing required , but he still persisted in a refusal of a Meeting , saying with some more than ordinary warmth , That he had long discovered in the Duke a backwardness to Action , by which they had lost great opportunities , that he had cause to suspect that this artificial dilatoriness of the Du●e procee●ed from a private agreement betwixt his Father and him to say●●●ne another . That People ( so he termed that Imaginary Army in the City ) were impatient of longer delays , having advanced so far already that they could not safely retreat : The intention of an Insurrection being commnnicated to so many that it was morally impossible to keep it from taking Air if it was not speedily brought into Act , that one of his Friends ( whom I afterwards understood to be Rombald ) had drawn almost an Hundred Horse into London by small and unobservable Parties a little before Michael●as Day , who ( after they had c●ntinued here a good while at their Expence ) were again retired to their respective places of Abode ; That such frequent Disappointments would weary the Party and flat their Spirits and make them at last resolve to sit down in a total Despondency ; But it was much to be feared the Duke acted with a Prospect very different from theirs , he designing nothing more than the Advancing himself whilst they could not hope that ever their Liberties should be well secured for the future , but under the Government of a Commonwealth : That for these Reasons he was fully determined to be no longer expectant upon the Duke's Motions , but would pursue his former intentions of Attempting the deliverance of his Country by the help of an honest Brisk party in the City , with whom if the rest of the Lords would be co-operating they might share with him in the glory of so honourable an Undertaking , but if they would not he hoped he should be able to effect the Work without them . Howard . Iuly 11. 83. This was the Substance of the second Confere●ce I had wit● him , which I reported the next day to the Duke , who desired me to make one Assay more to procure an Interview . This occasioned my going to the said Earl a thi●d time upo● Saturday the 5th or 6th of October , at which time I did preva●● with him to give me a promise of meeting the Duke and ●y ●ord R●ssel the next day in the Evening , but in stead of coming , he sent his Excuse both to the Duke and me , the next Morning by Colonel Romz●y , and streightway removed to another Lodging , where he continued to secret himself till the time of his departure out of England . During the time of his Concealment , divers intimations were given , some to me by Captain Walcot , others by others to the Duke of Days appointed for their intended Insurrections ; One appointment was about the later end of October , at which time the Kings return from Newmarket was expected ; but this was prevented by the Duke , who prevailed with them to put it off to a longer day in expectation of a Concurrence of the Country with them . This Adjournment ( as I remember ) was for a Fortnight , at which time returns from the Country gave Discouragement to the proceedings . After this the second of November was made a day peremptory , as I have been informed , but that also was put off I know not upon what Disappointm●●t , which often Failures caused the said Earl to take Resolutions of Conveying himself beyond the Seas , which he did accordingly . Whilst these things were in Agitation , I have several times had some dark Hints given me from Captain Walcot , from Goodenough , from West , from Ferguson , of Striking at the Head , of shortning the Work by removing two Persons , by which I did apprehend that there was a design of making some Attempt upon the King and the Duke , or one of them ; but when and where , and by whom , and in what manner and place this was to be acted , I never saw . This ends the Transactions during the Life of the Earl of Shaftsbury , the rest shall be made a Second Part. Howard . Iuly 11. 1683. A Continuation of my former Narrative . AFter the Death of the Earl of Shaftsbury , it was considered , That as there had appeared both in City and Country , a very prompt and forward disposition to Action ; so it might justly be feared that either the minds of Men might ( in time ) stagnate into a dull Inactivity , unless proper Acts were used to keep up the fermentation , or ( which was equally dangerous ) that the unadvised Passions of a Multitude might precipitate them into some rash and ill-guided undertakings , unless they were under the steering and direction of some steady and skilful hand . For prevention of both these Evils , it was thought necessary that some few persons should be united into a Cabal or Council , which should be as a concealed Spring both to give and to guide the motion of the Machine . The persons designed to this general Care were the Duke of Monmouth , the Lord Russel , the Earl of Essex , Mr. Algernoon Sidney , Mr. Hambden Junior , and another whose Abilities and Qualifications did in no degree fit him for such a Province . The first Meeting of these Six was about the middle of Ianuary at Mr. Hambdens House , at which Consultation there was only propounded some General Heads , which were afterwards ( upon more mature thoughts ) to be Debated , viz. Where the Insurrection should be first made , whether in the City or in the more remote parts of the Country , or in both at the same instant ; what Counties were thought to be best disposed to , and best fitted for this enterprize ; what Persons in the respective Counties were the most useful and most ready to be engaged ; what Towns easiest to be gained , and the most proper for a general Rendezvous : what Arms were necessary to be provided , how to be got , where to be disposed , what sum of Money was of absolute necessity to answer publick occasions ; how and by what Methods such a sum of Money was to be raised so as not to draw into observation , nor to administer occasion of jealousie : And lastly , which was the principal and thought to challenge the chiefest Care , how Scotland might be drawn into a Concert with England and which Persons there fittest to be Consulted withal about this Matter . This was the sum of that days Conference . The second Meeting was about 10 days after , at the Lord Russels House , where were present every one of the foresaid Six . At this Meeting it was propounded that a speedy understanding should be settled with the Lord Argyle , and that in order thereunto some fit Person or Persons should be thought of to be sent to him , and to be a constant medium of Correspondence betwixt him and them that care should be taken to be rightly informed of a true state of Scotland , of the general Bent and Inclination of the People , of the Capacities or Incapacities they were under , and that some trusty Messenger should be forthwith dispatched thither to invite two or three of the most valuable Gentlemen of that County into England to the end they might be advised with about the general Design . The Persons nominated to be called into England , were the Lord Melvin , Sir Iohn Cockran , and I remember another Gentleman of the Family and Alliance of the Lord Argyle , who ( if I mistake not ) was of the same Name also , and a Knight , but of this I retein but an indistinct remembrance . Some other things were considered of , but of no great moment . At the Conclusion of this Meeting it was agreed , that there should not be any other Meeting of this Cabal ( unless in case of some extraordinary Emergency ) until the return of the Messenger sent from hence , and the arrival of the foresaid Gentlemen out of Scotland . This affording a kind of Vacation I soon after went into Essex whether I was called by the Concerns of my Estate , after that I went to Bath whither I was enforced to go by the Infirmity of my health , so that what was done or argued on after this , I can give no account but by hearsay . Howard . Iuly 11. 1683. A Supplement of some things which ( upon recollection ) have occurr'd to my memory since my former Information . I Remember that my Lord Shaftsbury complaining of divers persons who had deserted him and fell short of their Engagements to him , amongst the rest named his Cousin Charleton ( meaning Mr. Charleton of Totteridg ) who ( he said ) had promis'd and was able to bring in great assistance to him , upon which he did much rely , but was quite fallen from him , and had so wholly attacht himself to the Duke of Monmouth and my Lord Russel that he would act only by their measure . Speaking also of Major Wildman , He said that he was very forward in the Work , and very active in it ; And being told by me , that amongst other things which were wanting in such Enterprize , the want of some Great Guns seemed to me not to be the least . He told me that they should be furnished with two Drakes by a Friend ( whom he did not name ) which two Drakes I have since thought may be those two small Pieces found with Major Wildman . The Person mentioned in my former Narrative who ( as my Lord Shaftsbury said ) had offered to kill the Duke with his own hands , I do now distinctly remember to be Mr. Iohn Ayloffe , to whom he Answered [ No Jack thou shalt not kill him till we have an Arm'd Force to Iustifie it . ] About the 10th or 12th of October after a stop put to the then intended Insurrection , the Duke of Monmouth told me that he had seriously thought of it ( meaning the Insurrection ) and that after divers ways proposed and seriously considered of he was clearly of Opinion that there was nothing so easie to be accomplished , nor so probable to do the Work effectually as to fall in upon the King at Newmarket with a smart party of Horse of about Forty or Fifty , which he said he could soon have in a readiness . To which I answered , That I was of the same opinion , but whether or not it would be decent for him to appear in person in an Attack to be made when the King was in Person deserved his consideration . Two days after I spoke to him of it again , and ask'd him what thought he had of it ; He answered me that it could not be brought about soon enough . After which I never Discoursed more with him about it ; but upon reflection I am apt to think that from this time and not before the Design of Way-laying the King in his return to London was first meditated , and I am the more confirmed in this Opinion from the Consideration of the behaviour of the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Grey who seemed to be very big of Expectation of some great thing to be attempted upon the day of the King 's coming from Newmarket , upon which day ( as I have before observed ) Sir Thomas Armstrong was not to be found till the King's Coaches were come into Town , and I do verily believe he was to have headed the Party . To this also may be added , That the Duke of Monmouth within few days after told me that he had that day given order to have his Horses carried into London to have been in a readiness to have Mounted upon any Emergency . I do further call to mind , That there is a considerable Person living in Spittle-Fields whom I very well know , and have often been in his Company ( but cannot remember his name distinctly ) this Man I have been told did undertake to bring in two or three Hundred Men upon the strength of his own Interest when occasion should require ; He is well known to Mr. West . Howard . Further Information of Colonel Romzey , June the 11th 1684. SIR Thomas Armstrong was at the Meeting at Mr. Shephards when I was there , and was one that undertook to view the Savoy and M●ws to see in what posture the Soldiers were and how easie or difficult it would be to surprize them . Sir Thomas Armstrong did tell that Gibbons came to him and acquainted him that Mr. Roe and he had been to see the Earl of Bedfords Garden and told him that was a fit place to take off the King and Duke at , but in other Terms which now I have forgot . Sir Thomas Armstrong did come to me the Sunday night after the Fire at Newmarket and told me that he just came from Ferguson , and that notwithstanding they returned so soon Ferguson did not doubt to have Men ready by that time to do the business and desired me to go with him to Fergusons Lodging in his Coach which I did , when I came there Ferguson told me the same but that they wanted Mony , Mr. Charleton not being to be found , upon which Sir Thomas desired me to lend some and he would see me repaid and said if he had been in stock he would have done it himself ; upon their perswasion I went t● my House I think in Sir Thomas his Coach and brought forty Guinnies ; he again repeated that he would see me repaid ; several times after he told me Ferguson had my Mony and wondred I would not go to him to receive it . After the Discovery Sir Thomas came one night and told me he wondred I was not gone and did importune me to be gone with the first and in the mean time to keep close for that I was mightily hunted after . I. Romzey . A Letter from Sir William Stapleton , Governor of the Leeward Islands , to Sir Leoline Ienkins . Nevis Ian. 25th . 1685. Righ Honourable , WHAT now offers to inform your Honours is that having seen the Kings Proclamation and a List in Print of the Conspirators in the last Most Detestable Plot ; I found one James Holloway Merchant therein specified fled and Indicted , who went by another Name , viz. John Milward , whom I have caused to be secured in order to send him home by the next good opportunity , which is by one Captain John Wilkinson Commander of the Ship Joseph of London a good Sailer . William Stapleton . The Information of James Holloway Read the 11th of April 1684. Great SIR , I Your Majesties most humble , but too much mis●ed , and disobedient Subject do here most faithfully , according to the best of my Remembrance , give you an Account of what I knew concerning the late discovered Conspiracy , how I came to be concerned , how far I was concerned ; how it was to have been carried on in Bristol : why I did not come in at the first Discovery , and cast my self at Your Majesties Feet for Mercy ; how I made my escape , and where I was till taken . If I shall through forgetfulness omit any thing that it may be thought I am privy to , I shall be ready and willing truly to answer any question that shall be asked by Your Majesty , or any Your most Honorable Privy-Council , no way despairing of Your Majesties Mercy , but remain in hopes that that Fountain of Mercy which hath so abundantly flowed from Your Sacred Breast ever since Your happy Restauration is not yet Dry , and that there is some drops left for me , who doubt not but to Serve Your Majesty both at home and abroad , much more Living than my Death will. That which I have cause to impute the occasion of my being Concerned , was my too Publick Spirit , preferring Your Majesties and my Countries Interest much before my own , but especially in attending the two last Parliaments , promoting an Act for the Encouragement of the Linnen Manufacture , and the preventing of Frauds in Your Majesties Customs , &c. Which would have brought in , and saved to Your Majesty near 200000 l. per An. and employed many thousands of Poor , &c. as is well known to many Worthy Persons about your Court , and indeed proved my Ruine , otherwise than in this Concern , by bringing me into too great Acquaintance for one of my Capacity , and by that to be concerned as I was . My Attendance on those two Parliaments I doubt have been mis-represented . How far I was Concerned : After the Dissolution of the two last Parliaments , I observed a great dissatisfaction in People in most parts where I travelled , but heard nothing of any Design till Iuly 1682. when one Mr. Ioseph Tyly of Bristol came from London ; I meeting with him ; asked What News , he answered to this effect , All bad , and if some speedy course be not taken we shall be all undone , for by their Arbitrary , Illegal ways and by force of Arms they have got Sheriffs to their Minds , Witnesses they had before , but wanted Jurors to believe them , now they have got Sheriffs , naming Mr. North and Mr. Rich , who will find Jurors to believe any Evidence against a Protestant , and so hang up all the Kings Friends by degrees ; I then told him that I thought it was impossible such things could be done , but the King must hear of it ; no said he , there 's none suffered to come near the King , but those who have been declared Enemies to the King and Kingdom by Parliament , naming some that were mentioned in the Printed Votes , who to save themselves do indeavour to keep all such things from the Kings knowledge , and perswade him against Parliaments , with much more such-like discourse , by which I found the same was discoursed throughout England , Scotland and Ireland as a means to engage People . At length he told me that the Protestant Gentry , naming the Earl of Shaftsbury , Lord Howard of Estrick and others were come to a Resolution , seeing fair means would not do , but all things on the Protestants side are misrepresented to the King by such great Criminals , and none more in favor than those , to take the King from his Evil Council , and that by an Insurrection in several parts of England at once , viz. London , Bristol , Taunton , Exeter , Chester , New-Castle , York , and some other places in the North , and that there would be a considerable party ready in Scotland , and another in Ireland , Therefore , said he , we must consider how to manage affairs in Bristol , for if they proceed at Michaelmas in choosing Lord Mayor as they did Sheriffs , and to swearing of North and Rich , it must begin in October or November , otherwise there will be some Sham-Plot contrived to take off most of the Stirring Men in the last Parliaments ; with much other Discourse to the same effect , adding , that Mr. Wade would come down very suddenly , by whom we might expect a full Account of all . About the end of August as near as I can remember , Mr. Wade came down , who confirmed what Mr. Tyly had said , but could say little as to any farther Resolution they were come to above , either of any Time or Method agreed upon , but that the Design went on , and men were imployed in all parts to try how people were inclined , who found enough ready and that there would be no want of Men , if it was once begun . Then we considered how it might be managed in Bristol , and what Number of men might be needful for the first Onset ; towards which he said , We might depend on 150 Men from Taunton or thereabouts , and concluded that 350 might be sufficient to secure it without the Bloodshed of one man , it being our Design to shed no Blood if possible , but this we resolved not to acquaint any of our Friends with , till the Day and Method was resolved , of which he said we should have ten or fourteen days notice ; and having soon considered of a Method , waited in expectation of further Advice , but none came till November ; then we heard that some dis-appointment happening they were forced to delay it , though there was more and more cause for it . The end of December or beginning of Ianuary had advice that it was deferred to the beginning of March. The third of March I came to London , and meeting with Mr. Wade , asked him how things went , who answered that he could not tell what to make of it , for he could find nothing done more than was nine Months before . The Great Persons who were the Managers having done nothing but talkt of things , but now there was some others appointed to manage it , who were Men of Business naming them to me , viz. The Earl of Essex , the Lord Howard of Estrick , the Lord Gray , the Lord Russel , Colonel Sidney , Major Wildman , Mr. Hambden the younger , and Mr. Charlton , who he did suppose would make something of it , and not do as the others had done , make a years talk to ens●are many thousands of people to no purpose ; for these had already sent Messengers into Scotland and Ireland , to know their minds , naming one Aaron Smith sent into Scotland , and at the return of the Messengers would come to a resolution as to time and method , but he was confident they could not be ready before Midsummer by reason they had done so little in order to it . Mr. Wade was then design'd into the West upon the Earl of Stamford's Business , and said if he could understand any thing more before he left London he would take Bristol in his way and acquaint us with it . This Journey he brought me to Colonel Romzey with whom we had little discourse , he being going forth with his Lady . The sixth of March I left London , and went directly for Bristol ; about the twelfth of March Mr. Wade came to Bristol , but then could say no more than as above , the Messengers being not come back from Scotland nor Ireland and was of his former opinion , that if any thing were done , it could not be before Midsummer , he then expected to be about two Months in the West , and said that if any thing was agreed upon sooner , one Mr. West a Councellor had promised to write to him in the name of Inglestone , and direct his Letter to be left at his Brothers in Bristol , who Wade ordered that if any such Letter came , to open it , and if any thing material in it , to send it by a Messenger to him into the West . About the 17th of March came a Letter for him from West in the name of Inglestone , which his Brother opened , and not understanding the Stile , brought it to me , but I knew not the meaning thereof . The Contents was to desire Mr. Wade to get his Clients together the next Saturday come Fortnight , for that was the day appointed to Seal the Writings , and neither of us understanding it , his Brother sent it by a Messenger after him , who found him at Taunton , and his Answer by the Messenger was , that he knew not the meaning of it , but should be within ten Miles of Bristol the next Saturday , desiring that if any other Letter came , to send it to him . About three days after came another Letter as above , desiring him not to call his Clients together , for the time of Sealing was put off , which Letter was also sent to him , but he understood it not , saying , it was some rash business or other and so went back again . The fifth of April I came to London , and that evening went to Mr. Wests Chamber in the Temple where I found him , who then did not know me , but when I told him my Name , from whence I came , and mentioned the two Letters Mr. Wade received from him , he began to be somewhat free in Discourse with me . I then told him that Mr. Wade and his Friends were surprised at the Letters , not knowing what he meant by them , and did desire to know , concerning which he seemed a little shie , but after a little Discourse , began to tell me , saying , There was a Design to take off the King and Duke coming from Newmarket , which they expected would have been that Saturday mentioned in his Letter , had not the Fire happened , which caused them to come sooner ; Nay , said he , had we known they would have stayed so long as they did ; their business should have been done : I then asked him what he meant by desiring Mr. Wade to get his Clients together by that day , and what he could propose they should have done , to which he could say little , only that they might be ready . I then told him , that I thought it a very rash thing , and that few in England would approve of it , that I was sure none about us would , being a most Cowardly dishonourable action , besides the basest sin of Murther ; Then , said he , what is designed by the General Design but to take them both off , and if it had been done that way , it would have prevented a great deal of Bloodshed in the Nation ; No , said I , no such thing is designed as I know of , the General Design being only to get the King off from his evil Counsels , who had advised him to put a stop to Proceedings against Popish Plotters by Dissolving of Parliaments , &c. and to bring all Popish Offenders to Justice , and such who had betrayed the Liberty of the Subject ; and this I think was all the Discourse we had at that time , being the first of my acquaintance with him : that night I went with him to a Tavern in Fleetstreet , where was Captain Norton , Richard Goodenough , and one Mr. Aylif , who , to my knowledge , I never saw before nor since ; whilst I was with them there was no Discourse of any Business , but I soon left them together . The next day Mr. Roe of Bristol , brought me to Mr. Ferguson , at the House of one Mr. Bourne a Brewer , but was not admitted to see him himself ; Ferguson then went by the Name of Roberts , who when I had told my Name and from whence I came , was pretty free in Discourse with me , and told me the Design went on very well , that there were some Scotish Gentlemen come up , who were treating with the Managers , and did hope they would agree in fews days , and come to a Resolution both as to time and method , of which we should have timely notice , but by all his Discourse at that time I could not perceive that he knew any thing of the Newmarket Design . That day I had some discourse with Colonel Romzey at his house who I found was privy to the Newmarket Business , and his Opinion was that the General Design would come to nothing , for he did not approve of the Managers actings , and said there was nothing like the other Design , for that would put an end to all in a little time ; when I told him that I thought none in our parts would be for it which I think was all the Discourse we then had , only he promised that if any thing was agreed before Mr. Wade came up , I should hear of it , so I took leave and went for Bristol the next morning . About ten days after , hearing nothing from them , ( Ferguson having told me that he thought all would be agreed in four or five days , and promi●ed to advise ) I wrote to Mr. West desiring to know how they went on , who wrote me that they still met with delays , and were come to no Conclusion , after that I heard no more till May. About the beginning of May I came up to London again , in Company with Mr. Wade and some other Bristol men , but when we came up , my Business being in the City , and theirs about the Temple , we parted ; after two or three days I met with Mr. Wade , and asked how he found things , who told me , he doubted all would prove a Sham , for he thought there was nothing intended , finding nothing materially done in order to what had been so long discoursed . Then we went to Mr. West , and discoursed him fully about the Contents of his Letters , who told us , they were resolved to kill the King and Duke as they came from Newmarket , in order to which , he had provided Arms for fifty Men , Pistols , Carbines and Blunderbusses , and that they were promised the House of one Rumbald a Malster , which lay in the Road , and the King must come by his Door , there the men should have been Lodged . Then we asked who was to have acted it , to which he could give but a slender Answer , and could or w●●ld name but two Men , who were Rombald and his Brother , saying ▪ if they could have raised six or eight hundred pounds to have bought Horses , and something to encourage men , they should have 〈◊〉 men enough ; so that we found they had few men , if more than two , and no Horses , only a parcel of Arms , which afterwards he shewed us at a Gun-smiths House in a little Lane near Temple-Bar . Then we asked him what they designed if it had taken effect , to which he answered , that the men should have come up with all speed to London and dispersed themselves immediatly , declaring for the Duke of Monmouth , and that the King and Duke being dead , no opposition could be made ; then we asked who were for this Design , he named Colonel Romzey and Richard Goodenough , and , as far as I can remember , no more ; so we found it was carried on by them contrary to the knowledge or approbation of those who managed the General Design : then we declared our great dislike of it , telling him , it was a base Dishonourable and Cowardly Action , and would seem odious to all the World , that any pretending themselves Protestants , should be concerned in such a Bloody Action , and that we thought it was his Cowardize put him upon it ; to which he said , that he could not Fight , but would be as forward with his Money as any of his Capacity . Then we went to Colonel Romzey , who we found to be wholly of Wests Opinion , saying , that except something be done that way , I know nothing will be done at all , for he knew the other Managers would do nothing ; so we had little Discourse at that time . After this we went to Ferguson , who told us how things stood ; we then found that he knew of both Designs , but was only for the Insurrection , and told us , that the Managers had been Treating with some Scotch Gentlemen ; that they were almost agreed , and the Money they were to be supplyed with , would be ready in three or four days , being ten thousand pounds which was to be returned to Holland to buy Arms , &c. for Scotland . He also told us that the Scotch Gentlemen had made another proposal to the Managers , thus , If they would supply them with thirty thousand pounds , they would begin it in Scotland first , which they could soon have , and then would Invade England , desiring the Managers only to get a Party in the North of England , ready to oppose any Force from coming out of England against them , before they had setled Scotland : but this was not approved of , the Managers chusing rather to supply them with 10000 l. and to begin it in England the same time . Then we daily expected to hear when the Mony would be paid , but still found nothing but delays , the Managers not agreeing how to raise the Mony , and that if the Mony had been ready , they were come to no Conclusion as to any method more than they were nine months before , having done nothing ●●t talked to ensnare people , reporting about in all parts how the Liberties of the people were daily more and more infringed , and that Arbitrary Government and Popery was coming in apace ; which incensed people very much , and made such a grumbling in all parts , that we fear'd lenger delays would make the common people in many parts mutiny , it being as we thought so gen'rally known ; except something was suddainly done , it was impossible it should remain undiscovered ; so the next time we met with Romzey and Ferguson ( tho never together ) we declared our dissatisfaction by Reason of such long delaies , and spoke it so as that it might come to the managers Ears , as we suppose it did , being to this effect : That we thought they had only a design to betray people , drawing many thousands into a snare , for their actions shewed little otherwise , being so long discoursing a thing of that nature , and done so little towards it : few days after meeting with Romzey again , he told us they were of different opinions concerning a method , some for beginning the Insurrection only in London and Scotland , some for it in all places at once as at first proposed , others for several places in England and Scotland , and not in London , saying , that if it was not begun in London , but in other places , there would be forces raised in London to send out against them , which would take out most of their strength , and that then London might be easily secured ; somtimes they were for beginning it only in London and Scotland , and to have people come up to London from all parts of England : to which we answered , that we though no way better than what was first proposed , ( viz. ) the beginning of it in many places at once , as before mentioned , for although we had engaged none in or about Bristol , nor should not endeavour it till all things were concluded , yet with the assistance we were promised from Taunton , did not doubt but to get men enough to secure it , and that we knew not where to get ten men that would come for London , and supposed it might be so in other places , men might be willing to secure their own Country , who would not be willing to leave all and come for London . Romzey then said , if he knew where to get at the head of 1000 men , he would begin it presently , and desired that we might meet the next night with some others and consider of things ; so the next afternoon we met at Richard's Coffee-House near Temple-Bar , and from thence to a Tavern near , I think called the little or young Devil Tavern , where met eight persons , ( viz. ) Colonel Romzey , Robert West , Captain Norton , Captain Walcot , Richard Goodenough , Francis Goodenough , Nathaniel Wade and my self ( this was the first time I knew Walcot . ) When we were all fit , Colonel Romzey spoke to this effect , as near as I can remember the same words : Gentlemen , If we can raise three thousand men in and about London , there is a person of Honour will appear at the head of them and begin the business ; which we supposed to be the Duke of Monmouth , and do not well remember whether he mentioned his name or not . Which proposal much surprized Mr. Wade and I , that he should then question the raising of 3000 men , whereas when it was first mentioned to us , we thought they had been sure of many thousands in London at an hours warning . Then it was considered how 3000 men might be raised , and how they might do something to the purpose : Then we declared what method we had concluded on for the management of Affairs in Bristol , which was as followeth , and they could think of no better way : so it was concluded that London and the Suburbs should be divided into Twenty parts , and one man made choice of in each divisi●n , who should chuse out ten in his division that he could trust , and each of those ten to find out fifteen , which would make 161 in each division ; so that twenty divisions would produce 3220. In order to which , a Map of London was to be bought the next day , and each division drawn out in a particular Paper , mentioning every Street and Lane of note in it , with the North , East , South and West bounds thereof , and to be brought the next Meeting two or three nights after ; at the first Meeting it was agreed , that none should know of this Design , viz. ( of the chief Managers ) till all the Men were secured , and that those seven ( I being not to stay long in London ) should meet every two or three nights till all was compleated . At this meeting Romzey and West would be often saying , there was nothing like the lopping business , meaning the taking off the King and Duke , and that it might be easily done as they went to or from Windsor , or to or from the Play-House , but I never heard any agree with them in it . Next Day a Map was bought and brought to West's Chamber in the Temple , where some met to divide it and draw out the divisions against the next meeting . The next place we met at I think was the Castle-Tavern in Fleet-street , where some of the divisions were brought , all being not done , and then it was consider'd how they should be distributed , being we were most strangers ▪ and agreed , that Richard Goodenough , who had been Under-Sheriff , and so had a general Acquaintance , should do it , who was willing to undertake it , the rest of the divisions to be ready against the next meeting , which was two or three Nights after at the Green-Dragon Tavern upon Snow-Hill , where when Mr. Goodenough came he told us , That he had disposed of some of them , and did hope it would take effect , and that in a week or ten Days he should have fixed the twenty Men ; the consideratio● how things should be manag'd , was deferred till they were sure of the Men , only some mention'd their Opinions how the Tower , Whitehal , and other places might be best surprised . The Tower was thought might be best gained in the Day time , Whitehal and other places in the night , with many such things in way of discourse : Romzey was still upon the old strain of killing the King and the Duke , saying at this the last meeting I was at , ( going for Bristol next Morning ) that it might be done in Windsor-Park , and that he would undertake it , but not except every one there present would go with him , to which not one con●●nted , I replying , that I was for no such thing ; but seeing the other business had gone so far , and was known to so many , if they could bring it to bear in London and other places , I rashly said , rather than fail of Bristol we will undertake it at Noon-Day with an Hundred Men : to which Romzey said I was a bold fellow ; they then promised ( when they were sure of the Men ) to advise and take care for some Arms for us at Bristol , and that we should have some Great Person come down to Head us ; but I heard no more till the news of the Discovery came in publick Letters . I remember one time when VVade and I was with Ferguson , he told us that the Duke of Monmouth was brought to a low Condition , all his Places being taken from him , and his Tenants in Scotland ( being so severely dealt with upon account of their Religion ) were not able to pay Rent ; so that his Estate there , which was accounted worth Ten or Twelve Thousand Pound per An. did not yield him the last Year Two Thousand Pound , that he was not well pleased with the management of Affairs , and desired Mr. VVade to Appoint a place where he would meet the Lord Gerrard , and Sir Thomas Armstrong , to discourse them ; to which Mr. VVade replyed , he would meet none of them , for such Great Men had betrayed the Nation already , and ensnar'd too many Thousands to no purpose . How it was to have been acted in Bristol . We concluded that the only way to secure Bristol would be by a surprize , which with about 350 Men ( 150 of which we depended on from Taunton , the other 200 to be raised in and about the City ) might easily be done about 4 of the Clock in the Morning , as soon as the watch were gone off , without the Bloodshed of one Man , thus , dividing the City into fourteen parts , so making thirteen Posts besides the main Guard , which should at first have been at the Toulsey ( which is in Bristol as the Exchange here ) we supposed 20 Men might be sufficient for each Post , and the remainder for the main Guard , out of which might be spared 4 or 6 Files to be constantly marching about , and to assist where there might be occasion . The method we designed for the raising 200 Men in and about the City was thus , first to find out 30 Men , 2 for each Post , and 4 for the main Guard , who might be able each of them to procure 6 and to command them , which would have made 14 for each Post , and 28 for the main Guard , to whom the Taunton Men should be added , ( viz. ) 6 to each Post , and the remainder to the main Guard , who should have come in the Day before , some at every entrance of the City , and lodge themselves at Inns and Ale-Houses as near the Posts they were appointed for as they could : Each Man being to know his Post and Commanders before they came ; the Bristol Men to Lodge themselves and Arms , with Arms for the Taunton Men , in an House as near as possible to their Posts , and to send one out from each Post , between Three and Four of the Clock in the Morning to observe the motion of the Watch , and to advise as soon as they were gone off , that they might all immediately repair to their respective Posts , calling the Taunton Men ; and as soon as they had gained their Posts , to send out a File of musquetiers to fetch in such and such men in each of their Divisions as they should have had an account of before , and convey them to the main Guard , which in the fourteen Divisions would have been about Sixty Persons , Commission-Officers and others ; then to fetch in all the Arms and Ammunition they could find , which two things being done ( as we supposed might be in a little time , and without any opposition , the Posts being so near each other , that it would have been impossible for any Number to get together ) we resolved next to declare the reasons for our taking up Arms , and to encourage all to come in to us that we could trust , not doubting but we should soon have had many Thousands in the City , and out of the adjacent Counties , Glocester , Somerset and Wilts . The Reason why I did not come in , &c. When the News of the Discovery first came to Bristol , and some time before , I was in some trouble by my Creditors , and forc'd to abscond tho' thought I had sufficient to pay them , only desired time to get in my effects , their Mercy I feared more than your Majesties , and thought if I should come in and find mercy with your Majesty , I could at first expect no better than a Prison , and if from it discharged by your Majesty , to be kept in by them upon account of my Debts . Secondly , hearing there was very many ( in and about Bristol ) supposed to be concerned , and I ( tho' knowing so much ) being able to prove so little against any Man , but such against whom there was sufficient proof without me , feared that if I should come in more would be expected from me than I could prove , and so might fa●l of Mercy , it having been our resolution not to discover the Design to any of our Friends till the Managers had agreed both upon time and method , therefore considered how to make my escape , there being then a strict search in all Ports , thought best to continue in England for some time , till the heat might be over , and so got an ordinary habit and a little Horse about 40 Shillings Price , and travell'd the Country as a Man dealing in Wool , in Gloucester-shire , Oxford-shire and Summerset-shire , till about the middle of August , then repaired towards Bristol , and by Letter with my Wifes Assistance ( all other Friends thereabout fearing to act for me ) prevailed with a Poor Man who had a small Boat about Ten Tuns , for Twenty Pounds reward and the like per Month , for six Months , to go with me for France , and from thence to the West-Indies or where I would , my Name being then in no Proclamation or Declaration , if it had I should not have prevailed with the Man to go with me . So the Twenty third of August Sailed from Kings-Road for Rochell , the 25th . proving bad whether , crackt our Mast , and so put into St. Ives in Cornwall , where we stayed till the fourth of September , then put out again for Rochell , but meeting with contrary Winds was forced into several places in France , and gained not our Port till the Seventeenth . In Rochell I loaded her with Brandy and other Goods , and the fourth of October Sailed from thence for the West-Indies ( being willing to know how my Concerns lay there , that my Creditors might have their own , tho' I knew I might be much safer in France ) and arrived at Barbadoes the eleventh of November ▪ there I heard of my Name being in the Gazette , therefore stayed but two Days landing part of my Cargo , from thence I went to Antigua , where I landed and disposed of the remaining part , staying there about ten Days ; but it being too soon for the Crop , and my charge being the same lying still or going farther , also thinking it not safe to lie long there , resolved to see the rest of the Caribby-Islands , and so went down to Mounserat , Nevis , S. Christophers , S. Estatia and Anguilla , and so back again to S. Christophers , supposing that to be the safest place , I being known to none there , where I stayed about three Weeks . About the fourteenth of Ianuary I wrote to my Factor in Nevis about what was due to me , who on receit of my Letter discover'd me , so that Sir William Stapleton presently sent his Warrant to St. Christophers to Apprehend me , but before it came I was gone down to St. Estatia , expecting to meet my Vessel there , which I had sent up to Barbadoes , and it being known where I was gone , the Deputy-Governor of St. Christophers sent five Men with his Warrant after me , to whom on sight thereof I submitted , tho' had an Opportunity and might have escaped , but was rather willing to cast my self at His Majesties Feet for Mercy , than live such a Life any longer , not daring to appear where there was need of me ( among my Factors ) who I doubt will take too much Advantage by my Troubles for my Creditors Interest . In Nevis I was kept a Prisoner 13 Days , where I promised Sir William Stapleton that I would make what Discovery I could , giving him the Names of some who I had acquainted with it in Bristol , which I suppose he hath given an Account of desiring him that it might be kept private , for if it was known they would have Advice of it ; but it was not kept so private as I expected , for the Night I came off I was told of it , therefore suppose they were advis'd by a Bristol Ship that came away before us , by which I wrote not a word , I suppose she might be at home long before us , we being nine Weeks and five Days . All that I can say against any of them , except William Wade who is before-mention'd , is That I Acquainted them with the business , as I believe many Thousands in England were , and do suppose they would have been concern'd . Hereunder is an Account of many other Persons that I have heard were concerned in the Design for an Insurrection , which is all that I can call to mind of any thing material that ever I heard concerning the Plot. A Paper found in Mr. Charleton's Custody . Worthy Sir , THe particulars underwritten , are a brief Account of what Service was done since May the 15th . 1680. during which time Six Pound per annum hath been paid for Rooms , most what for that Service , besides Wages to two Servants amounting to upwards of Ten Pounds , which is not at all charged to the Account . And all Earn'd and Charged on that Account is but 56 l : 10 s. for Paper and Print , viz.   l. s. d. The Black Box , First Impression Paper and Print Number 1500. 05 00 00 Second Impression with Alt●rations Number 1500. 05 00 00 The Answer to the Declaration Three Sheets , Number 3000. Paper and Print 18 00 00 The two Conferences , Five Sheets , Number 2500. Paper and Print . 25 00 00 Reasons for the Indictment of the D. of Y. Number 1000. Paper and Print 02 10 00 For Bags , Boxes and Portridge 01 00 00 Sum is 56 10 00 Whereof Received 33 00 00 Remains 23 10 00 Besides all the large promises when engaged in that Service , viz. to be the Parliament Printer ( and when the Parliament sat , had not one Sheet to do of all the vast Numbers done for them . ) Also 100 l. per annum and Reimburstment for an Engine made on purpose for the Service , which cost 15 l. A Former that cost 16 l. being rotted in the former Publick Service . Towards all which , Eight Guineas were received of Mr. Ferguson said to be his own Gift . This is a Brief Account of what past under Mr. Ferguson's Order , which shall be faithfully made appear to his Face if he dare stand the Test. By Sir , your most humble Servant . Captain Walcot's Letter , To the Right Honourable Sir Leoline Ienkins . Honoured Sir , I Being in the Country , and to my great trouble seeing my self in his Majesties Proclamation , I came last Night to Town , resolving to lay my self at his Majesties Feet , let him do with me what he pleaseth ; This is the first Crime I have been Guilty of , since His Majestie 's Restauration , and too soon by much now : If his Majesty thinks my Death will do him more good than my Life , God's Will and His be done . Vntill I sent your Honour this Letter , my Life was in my own Power but now it is the Kings ; to whom I do most humbly propose , That if his Majesty desires it , I will Discover to him all that I know re●●ting to England , Scotland , or Ireland ; which I suppose may be something more than the Original Discoverer was able to acquaint His Majesty with ; especially as to Ireland : There is not any thing his Majesty shall think fit to ask me , but I will answer him the Truth , as pertinently and as fully as I can . My inti●acy with a Scotch Minister , through whose Hands much of the Business went , I judge occasioned my knowing very much : And I do further humbly propose , That if His Majesty thinks it advisable , I will follow those Lords and Gentlemen that are fled into Holland , as if I fled thither , and had made my Escape also , and will acquaint the King , if I can find it out , what Measures they resolve of taking next : I do assure his Majesty , the business is laid very broad , or I am misinformed . And I am sure as to that particular , if 〈◊〉 being with his Majesty , and your Honour , be not Discovered , I shall be ten times abler to serve ●im , than either Mr. Freeman , or Mr. Carr ; for they will trust neither of them . There 's scarce any thing done at Court , but is immediately talk'd all the Town over ; therefore if his Majesty thinks what I have presumed to propose Advisable , I do then further most humbly Propose , That my waiting upon his Majesty may be some time within Night , that your Honour will acquaint me the Time and Place where I may wait upon you , in order to it ; and that it may be within Night also , and that no body may be by , but his Majesty , and your Honour ; And if his Majesty pleaseth to Pardon my Offences for the time past , he shall find I will approve my self very Loyal for the future ; if not , I resolve to give his Majesty no further troubl● , but to lie at his Mercy , let him do with me what he pleaseth . I purpose to spe●d ●uch of this Day in Westminster-Hall , at least from Two of the Clock to Four ▪ I beg your Pardon I send your Honour this by a Porter : I assure your Honour , it was for no other reason , but because I would not have a Third Person Privy to it ; And that I might have the better opportunity to make good my Word to his Majesty , and to approve my self Your Honours most humble Servant , THO. WALCOT . Minutes of Walcots Confession before His Majesty the 8th of July 1683. THe first Business was spoken of in a place and at a time he does not now remember . But it was agreed that Lord Shaftsbury should have the Command in London . Lord Russel in Devonshire . Lord Brandon in Cheshire . Duke of Monmouth in Taunton and Bristol . This agreement did not hold long ; Some coming to Town that said the Countries were not ready . The last business was spoke of about a fortnight before Ash-Wednesday last : Captain Walcot had no Conference about it with any Lord but with the Lord Howard of Escrick . Ferguson did oblige Captain Walcot to bring him and the Lord Howar● together : The Lord Howard and Ferguson discoursed together of the ways and means to surprize the Tower. Lord Shaftsbury told him that the City was divided into twenty parts , and that there was to be a Chief to every part and he was to choose fifteen Men to assist him within his Division . Lord Shaftsbury told the Duke of Monmouth that the King was to be deposed . Rumbald was Lieutenant of Horse in Fairfax's Army . Walcot served in the same Army . Richard Goodenough said the Duke of Monmouth expected six thousand Men t●gether in London . Lord Russel and Lord Gray were to Mortgage Lands for the Raising of ten thousand pounds . Lord Howard of Escrick was concerned in the Grand Consultation . Captain Walcot always opposed the Assassination : He will leave 800 l. a year behind him . Ferguson told Walcot about a quarter of a year ago that the Earl of Essex was in this Affair . A Note taken from Walcot , by Captain Richardson Keeper of Newgate , Iuly the 11th . 1683. IF Colonel Romzey be to be spoke with I would have you speak with him to be tender of me , that will do him no hurt , he hath room enough to serve the King upon others , and if Mrs. West , would do the like to her Husband , her Children — On the other side , Run no hazard nor speak with him before any Body , if you cannot be private leave the Issue to God. Two Letters from the Mayor of New-Castle , Dated June the 1st . 1683. To Mr. Secretary Jenkins , about Pringle , &c. Right Honourable , New-Castle Iune the 1st . 1683. WE presume to acquaint your Honour there are two persons Apprehended and Committed to his Majesties Goal here , with whom there are found divers Seditious Papers and Letters , they were for going beyond Seas , the one of them goes by the Name of Alexander Pringle , the other Edward Levitson , when their Papers and Writings were seized on they attempted to destroy and convey the same , but were prevented : We have sent by Express the Writings so seized on to his Grace the Duke of New-Castle our Lord Lieutenant , to forward the same with this Letter to your Honour . What Commands we receive from your Honour shall be obeyed by , &c. Right Honourable , New-Castle Iune the 13th . 1683. WE Received your Honours Letter of the 5th . Instant , do acknowledge your favour and kindness therein , we have and shall make it our chief Care and Study to Apprehend all such Offenders and do our utmost Endeavours on all occasions for his Majesties Interest and Service , we are satisfied one of these persons is Alexander Gordon of Earlestone though now called Pringle , both these Prisoners were delivered Yesterday to Colonel Strother to be safely Conveyed into Scotland , according to his Majesties Commands . We are , &c. A Letter to Mr. Alexander Pringle , seized at New-Castle . SIR , London , March the 20th . 1683. ON Saturday last I had the occasion of seeing a Letter from yo● directed for Mrs. Gaunt , in whose absence Mrs. Ward had received it , at the Reading of which I was not a little troubled , considering my f●ll resolutions signified to you in my last , for effectuating of which I had spoke for passage and taken my farewel of Mother Gaunt she going into the Country ; And that very Week I was so set upon by the Gentleman with whom I stay and Jo. Johnston with some others , to stay but a month , and if that did not acco●plish somewhat in hand to help Trading , then I should be no longer deteined . After I was prevailed to retract so far I Ordered Jo. who had time at Command to give you an ample account of matters : And withal Jo. was desired by our Friends from Scotland to stand here in my place : The like Engagements of Secresie , &c. being taken , and thereupon I ordered 〈◊〉 to shew you the grounds of my staying , and to desire if you inclined to cross the Water to come this way . But since many are the confused ye● troubled Thoughts that have possessed me for Yielding : Concerning which as also my yielding to it , take the subsequent account . In my last , or it precedent to it , I shewed you that Trading was very low here and many breaking , which hath made the Merchants , such as they are , to think that desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures . And while that they have some stock it will be be●ter to venture o●ut than to keep Shop and sit still till all be gon● and then they shall not be able to act but let all go , which Resolution I thought a thing not to con●ide in seeing the most of them are Fire-side Merchants , and love not to venture where storms are any thing apparent . B●t about my departing they shewed the Model of Affairs in such order that I see venture they must and venture they will , whereupon I demanded how our Trade would be carri●d on . Answer , They knew well what goods had proven most prejudicial to their Trade and therefore they thought best to insist upon Negatives . In which whatever I proposed is assented to , as I find , and this they thought b●st to still some Criticks in the Trade and by this m●●ns to endeavour the dispatching the old rotten Stuff before they order what to bring home next , this looks somewhat strange to m● , but when I consid●r all circumstances I think they for themselves do best in it , for our M●rchants I made account only to have had some stock for to s●t the broken on●s up again and so bid them here farewel and th●y to try their way and we ours since they think ●it that some of those wh●m we have found ( as you will say when you hear them named ) treach●rous ●ealers in ●ur Trade consulted and accordingly have done , whereupon I fear or rather hope that our Merchants though broke will rather desire to live a while longer as they are , than joyn with such , and to advance their Trade unless sure● grounds of their ●id●lity be gotten than is or can be expected . And this is the bottom of all my sorrow . But to proceed I fi●d ( if all hold that is intended ) that they think it is almost at a point to set forward if they had their Factors home ●ho are gone to try how the Country will like such Goods as they are for or against the making sail of . Friends I mean Merchants wrote to me that after I had spoken to you possibly you might come this way the better thereby to advise them wh●t to do in this case for I have signified somewhat of it to them but not so far as this ; because I th●ught to have seen you long ere this time but I hope you will not misc●nstruct of my staying , seeing in it I designed nothing b●t advancement of our Trade . B●t once this week those Factors s●●t for will be here , and then matters will ( in instanti ) either off or on , break or go through : Wherefore in reference to friends I desire you will advise me what to do if you cannot or think it n●t convenient to come here , if you do let ● Letter precede , and if any strange thing fall out this week or the next , I will again Post it towards you . I think whe● this and the next week is gone ( and no news come from you ) that I shall set forward being still so ready as that in twelve hours I can bid Adie● . The Whiggs are very low as well in City as Suburbs all Meetings being every Sunday beset with Constables to keep them out , and what they get is stolen either evening or morning . This Winter most of the great B●nkers a●d Goldsmiths in Lombard-street are broke and gone . T●e Bantam Factory in the Indies is taken by the Dutch. Confusion confusion in Town and Co●●try , such as you never saw . Mrs. Ward and several others desire to ●e re●embred to you : My endeared Respects to your self and B. with the young Me●●rrived . This I have writ i● short a●d i● hast ▪ expecting ● line with as great ha●te 〈◊〉 you see is needf●l ; for matters are full as high as I tell you . Farewel . From your Friend and Servant , Io. N. Be sure that you direct not for Bed●al-Green , but for me at Mr. Meads i● 〈◊〉 near London . Directed on the back thus ; To Mr. Alexander 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 at Mr. Alex●nder 〈…〉 . The Examination of John Nisbet of Stepney taken before John Tendring Esq THis Examinant being duely Examined , doth say that he was born in Northumberland , that he was bred a Scholar at Ede●burgh in Scotland , that he came from thence to London , that he was Usher at Mr. Waltons School at Bednal-green , that from thence he came to Mile-end , and there lived about a year in the House of one Mr. Matthew Richardson , and taught his Children ▪ This Examinant saith further , That he came down to Bradwel with Mr. Richardson , and that being a Scholar he did intend to go beyond-Seas into Flanders , and put himself into some Colledge . This Examinant wholly denyed that he knew Mr. Richardson to have any other Name . Capt. coram me . Jo. Tendring . A Copy of Earlestoun's Commission , Omnibus & singulis Religionem vere Reformatam Profitentibus ad quos praesentes pervenient . QUin , Variae Augustiae , pertristes persecutiones , & opprobria nostrae ( hic in Scotia ) Ecclesiae , magna , ad vestras pervenere aures , neutiqum est nobis in dubio : Quum , depressus , & quoad externa , Status devastatus ; quo , pro Fide Sanctis traditâ , & nostroe Ecclesiae privilegiis & jure peculiari contendendo , redacta est , fere omnibus ●it notus : Quorum intuitus & consideratio una cum magna , de vestri ( in nobis interesse , spe conceptâ ) hunc Dom. Alexandrum Gordon de Earlestoun Legatum nostrum , vobis omnibus , Reipublicae Israeliticae fautoribus , & benevolentibus mittere & demandare non ●ine multa causa , persua●it ; causam , & Statum nostrum malitiose , subtilitate adversariorum vobis representatum , cognoscentes qui , eo ipso ut , nos , & quicquid a nobis actum , vobis reddant ridiculo ; in male representando , & Pseudographias actorum nostrorum disp●rgendo , vigilantissimi sunt : Quasi progressus nostri & principia Verbo Dei ( s●premo controversiarum judici ) & vere Protestantismo , essent contraria : Quum nos , nec quicquid ten●re , nec tenere cupere , Verbo Dei scripto , & antiquis , civilis , & Ecclesiastici Status legibus ; & pristinae reformationi contrarium , declaramus , sed cum omnia in eo fundentur , potius ( Deo dante ) actiones ●ostras ei reddere conformes cupimus . Quapropter nos Protestantes , Antierastiani , Antiprelatici , & Tirann●de agitati , in Scotia Presbiteriani , buic nostro legato , concredimus ei plenum consensum & assensum dantes fideliter , & vere , omnes vere Reformatos , ad quos perveniet , informatos reddere ; Quod solummodo nos ipsos in vi● Domini puros ( Dei gratia ) quoad possumus servare , intentes sumus & viam majorum , vere Illustrium , i● nostra nobili reformatione propaganda in diversis , ejus , a Papismo , Prelatura , & Erastia●ismo gradibus , & vestigiis incedere cupimus , atque haec sunt nostraru● persecutionum ( pro praesenti ) capita , & causa . Ad quorum pleniorem & clariorem notitiam , hujus nostri Legati relationi remittimus ; Testimonio cujus , cum sit in rebus nostris , publicis declarationibus & martyrum Testimoniis , sat versatus , ejusdem nobiscum judicii , & sub iisdem perpessionibus fidem dare potestis . Humillime igitur oramus & obsecramus ut relatio●i ●ujus nostri Legati tanquam vere fides a vobis detur , & ut nullius narrationi , vel datae vel quae posthac detur , de nobis , principits , & progressu nostro sicut verbo Dei , votis , juramentis , ei datis , & relationi hujus nostri Legati , contraria cum sit tantum calumniose ab adversariis data credatis . Quocirca , omnes Zionis fautores oramus ; nostrum statum , quo redacti sumus ▪ non parvi facere , sed serio perpendere ; Deus enim omnes , ad sympathium vocat , & perpendum est , omnes conjurationes & Adversariorum consultationes , in universam Ecclesiam esse destinatas : Et uno membro patienti totum corpus cum eo compati debet . Datum Edinburgi decimo die Aprilis , Anno Domini mille●i●● sexcentesimo octuagesimo secundo . Et ex nostro mandato subscriptum a Clerico Conventionis nostro sic subscribitur Jacobus Renwick . The Examina●ions of Gordon late of Earlestoun taken before the Committee of Council , July the 5th . 1683. In presence of the Earls of Linlithgoe , Perth , Bishop of Edenburgh and Register . ALexander Gordon of Earlestoun being Examined again by Order of the Council upon several Interrogators arising from the Letter sent to him by Io. N. Dated London , March the 20th . 1683. As to the Secrecy to be taken of the Man that was to stand in Nisbets place . That it was an ingagement of Secrecy and some Queries to try if they agreed in Principles . Being interrogat of the account of Matters written to him by Io. at the desire of Io. N. Declares that it was a Letter under the Metaphor of Marriage , and that by the Marriage he understood a Rising designed there . Being interrogat what the Merchants being low and breaking did mean. Answers , That he thinks it means that their people , viz. the Dissenters were breaking in their Stocks by Excommunications and other Courses , and therefore they were resolving upon desperate courses ; which was Rising in Arms. Being interrogat what is meant by the said Merchants . Answers , Some that lived at their ease and quiet would not venture to Rise when they saw much danger . Being interrogat what is meant by the Model of Affairs that would make them venture . Answers , That they had shewn to Io. N. a Model how they would go about their affairs in order to their Rising . Being interrogat anent their Resolution to insist on Negatives , and what were the Goods that proved prejudicial to them formerly . Answers , That the meaning was , they resolved to agree in what they would put down , which he thinks was the whole Government , Civil and Ecclesiastick , but that they would not determine positively what they would set up . Being interrogat what was it that Io. N. proposed to them that they assented to . Answers , He thinks he had stated the grounds of the quarrel Relative to the present Government , and that they had assented to it . But declares that when Io. N. was speaking to him of these things , he thought them of that nature that he shun'd discourse upon them to receive Information concerning them , because he had no mind to meddle with them . That by Criticks of the Trade , is understood the Scotch Fanaticks , because they are nice in associating themselves . That by the dispatching of the old rotten Stuff , he thinks it the dispatching of the Sectaries or the present Government , but rather thinks it was the last . That by the Broken ones which he was to set up , is meant the Scotch Fanaticks to be helped by Contributions , and that by their trying their way and we ours , was meant the English was for Rising in Arms , but the Scotch Fanaticks were for delaying some time . That by these called Treacherous Dealers , he thinks is meant both the Secretaries and the present Government , who had formerly broke their Government , but never heard these persons named . That they being at a point to set forward , is meant their being ready for Rendevous . That by Emissaries is meant persons sent out both in Scotland and England from London to try the Peoples inclination to a Rising and to incite them to it , and that these Merchants who advised Io. N. to send for the Declarant to come that way were the Meetings of the Fanaticks in Scotland . That by Advancing of the Trade he thinks is meant the Carrying on of the Rising . By that part of the Letter which tells that when the Factors would return that matters would in instanti be off or on , That the meaning was that when these Factors came in they expected Money for buying of Arms and then they would instantly have Risen , but that the Money was not come in at that time when he did meet with Io. N. That by the strange thing that might have fallen out in a week or two , he understands no other thing than the Insurrection intended . Declares that this Io. N. was a person that past under the name of Iohn Nisbet , an Englishman , and stayed at one Mr. Mead's in Stepney , which Nisbet was an Usher of a School at Bednal-green before . That the close of the Letter bearing that things were fully as high as I tell you , is meant the present intended Rebellion . That by the Capital Letter B. is meant one Mr. Brake a Minister in Lewarden in Friesland , and the young men are some Students who are in Holland . Being interrogat what he heard of the Earl of Argile's concurring or assisting in this Insurrection . Answers , That he heard by report in Holland , that Argile had undertaken to Raise ten thousand Men to assist in that Rebellion , and that he was to furnish himself with Arms in Holland , and about the time of this report which he thinks was in December or Ianuary last , he heard Argile was in Holland but that he did not see him , and to the best of his memory Io. N. also told him of the Earl of Argiles concurring in the Rising , but remembers of no other person . Being interrogat upon the little Letter from Stepney which he thinks was about the beginning of May , Dated Friday at seven a Clock , That the Man whom he speaks of , is Mr. Mead a Minister , and that by the words what my Hands find to do was meant Io. N's . going to Holland and that the Declarant was to meet with Mr. Mead to let Io. N. go . Further declares that Iohn Iohnston was one , who at other times past under the name of Murray , who is a little Man Pock-marked , and wears a Periwig . Sic subscribitur . A Gordon , Linlithgow , Perth , Io. Edinburgen . Geo. Meckenzy , I. Drummond . This is a true Copy of the Original Declaration and Answer made by Alexander Gordon , late of Earlestoun to the Interrogators proposed to him by the Committee of Council , which is attested by me William Paterson Cls. Sti. Concilij . A Copy of Alexander Gordons Examination , June 30. 1683. THe said Alexander being interrogate what he knew of the Author of that Letter directed to Alexander Pringle of the date 20 of March last , to be left at Alexander Hopes House in Gloss-haven , Rotterdam , which runs upon the Metaphor of Trade , answereth , That the Author of that Letter seemeth to him to be one Io. Nishet , with whom he conversed a year ago at London , and ordered the said Alexander to direct his Letters to Bednal-Green , and since to Mr. Mead in Stepney near London : and that he the said Alexander had written a Letter to this Io. Nisbet , challenging him why he came not sooner over to Holland as he had promised , dated about Ianuary last ; and that he received this Letter by the Metaphor of Trade in answer thereunto ; and that the venturing spoke of in the Letter was to signifie a resolution of a speedy Rising in Arms ; and that the Factors therein mentioned , signified their Agents and Emissaries who were sent out into different corners both in England and Scotland , to know the Pulse of their Complices and Parties if they were in readiness to joyn and rise with them , and that they brought back accounts of their willingness so to do , and readiness for an Insurrection . And as to the assistance they were to have from Scotland , he understood it at his last coming here , and some Months before he came over in May last , he heard amongst the Dutch People commonly reported that there was to be very shortly a Rising in ▪ England , and that the Earl of Argile was to furnish from Scotland Ten Thousand Highland-Men for their assistance ; and that at his coming hither last he heard that there was a Person come from England to Sir Io. Cockram , alleadging he came about the Aff●ir of Carolina , but that he had discovered himself to a Servant of the Lord Treasurers that he had come to Scotland upon other matters , and that the Letters for Scotland from any Correspondents of the Party in which Earlestoun was engaged was directed to Mr. Henry Emertson written in Edenburgh ; and that before he came last hither in May , the meeting of these Phanatical People had received a Letter from England subscribed by one I. S. whom he take to be one Murray as he named himself to Earlestoun ( as the other forementioned person named himself Io. Nisbet ) in which Letter there was the Metaphor of a Marriage anent which all things were agre●d and the Marriage ready to be solemnized which occasioned their sending for him the said Alexander Gordon to have his mind concerning that Affair ; and they interpreting that Letter signed by I. S. from England to concern the seeking of their assistance in their intended Rising there , he did disswade them from it : and that by the Marriage they understood a Rising to be intended in England ; and that it was ready to be solemnized was to signifie that an Insurrection was to be very speedily on foot ; and declared that these with whom Earlestoun conversed here declared that they believed that the Persons who came from England to Sir Io. Cokram were sent to manage a Correspondence in order to the design of Rising in Arms. The Relation of Alexander Gordon of Earlstoun of what he was informed of , and heard as followeth . ABout the time of the Election of Rich and North , I heard that there were some designs of Rising in Arms of some people in England , and in order thereto there was some Treating with my Lord Argile , but not agreeing to the terms my Lord left them , and I heard it ceased for some time and went over to Holland ; and when he was there , I was informed of the renewing of the Treaty , and agreed upon the following terms , viz. That the Earl of Argile should raise Seven Thousand Men , and the Treators ( who as I was informed were English-men ) were to advance the said Earl Ten Thousand pound Sterling ; and this was agreed to in April last . The persons in England were by Information the Duke of Monmouth , the Earl of Shaftsbury ; but after the said Earls decease I did not hear so much of the Duke of Monmouth . I was also informed of Ford Lord Gray of Wark his being in the Design . I was also informed that those concerned in Scotland most in the said Design , were Sir Iohn Cockram , Ierviswood , Sessnock Elder and Younger , and that Sir Iohn Cockram the one day kist His Majesties Hands , the other day went to the Cabal anent the above-written Design . I was also informed , That no small number of the Gentlemen in the West and other places in Scotland upon their resentment of the present Government , particularly as to the Test and other Papers put to them , were not resolved to stand to them although they should take them , but rise upon the first occasion . This Information I heard from Murray alias Iohnstoune , who as I heard was a West Country-man in Scotland , who offered to take me along to their Cabals , but upon my refusal to meddle in the designs kept himself and told no more than those generals . I met with Mead at one Mr. Cooks a Merchant living near the Exchange in Austin-Fryers in London , but I do not mind what he spoke of the aforesaid Design to me , but thinks not , for I was a stranger to him , and not acquainted before that time ; and this I subscribe before these Witnesses Sir William Hamilton of Prestoun , Master Iohn Vans Keeper of the Tolbooth of Edinburgh . A Copy of the Interrogators proposed to Alexander Gordon sometime of Earlstoun in the Committee , 25th of September , 1683. TO Interrogate the said Alexander Gordon what Correspondence he did hold with the pretended General Convention from whom he had his Commission . And if he did not write a Letter to , and hold correspondence with them before he came last to Scotland , and upon what account he did write that Letter to the said Convention which is mentioned in one Letter to him from one Michael Sheills , bearing that the Convention had received his Letter , &c. And if to his knowledge the said pretended Convention General did not hold any exact Correspondence and Intelligence with the disaffected Party and other their Adherents both in England and in the United Provinces of the Netherlands , and what the said Correspondence was and if it was not to the weakning and diminishing if not to the ruining and overturning of His Majesties Government both in Church and State as it is now Established within His Majesties Dominions . 2. Upon what account was he moved to accept of the said Commission and what other Instructions he had from the said pretended Convention General in order to the Methods he was to take for inviting the assistance and supply of the Forreign States and Churches unto which he was Commissionate and if he had not Instructions for imploring their Aid by Supply of Money and other Necessaries for sitting and capacitating the distressed Party in Scotland to subvert and overturn , at least to resist His Majesties Government in this Kingdom . 3. Who were the Persons who did sit and assist in the said Convention General when his Commission was ordered , and who did preside thereat . And that he would declare such of the Members of the said Convention as he either knew or heard of by their proper Names and Sir-Names and place of their Residence and from whom he received the foresaid Commission , and who were present at the delivery of the same to him , and what a person Mr. Iames Renvicle is who subscribes as Clerk to the said Commission , and if that was his own true or only a borrowed Name ; And if the same was borrowed that he would declare what his true Name is , and where his place of Residence was , and if he knows what is become of him since , or where he now is , and to interrogate him after the same manner in relation to Michael Sheills . 4. If the said General Convention was not compos●d of Persons sent from particular Districts within this Kingdom and how many such Districts there were and who were the leading Persons within these particular Districts and what sort of Persons they were who were Commissionate from these reserved Districts to the pretended General Convention . And what farther he knows in Relation to the Government and management of Affairs within these particular Districts . 5. To interrogate the said Alexander Gordon what Persons he knew either in Scotland , England , Ireland , or in the United Provinces of the Neatherlands that did hold Correspondence with the said pretended Convention General in order to their acting and consulting of their Affairs or concerting of measures and Methods to be taken in the Prosecution of their purposes and designs , &c. Interrogators to be put to the said Alexander Gordon in Relation to the late Horrid Conspiracy . IMprimis , That the said Alexander Gordon would ingenuously declare the true and Genuine meaning and sense of that Letter written to him by Io. N. from London and would give a full and satisfactory Account thereof to the Lords of the Committee such as may satisfie rational and knowing Men conform to the meaning of the Writer , who was his Correspondent , and who would never have writ to him in Riddles and Mysteries , seeing by the Letter it appears that he was informing Alexander Gordon with the State of their Affairs and with the measures and resolutions they had already taken . And therefore to interrogate him who this Correspondent was who subscribes Io. N. and where he resided and what was his Trade and Occupation and with whom else he the said Alexander did know him to keep Correspondence , and how he became to be acquainted with him , and of that way and manner of writing under the Metaphor of Trade and Commerce , &c. Had not been conceived and agreed to betwixt the said Alexander and the said Io. N. and their party before thereby to vail and disguise their Rebellious contrivances and who were present at the contriving of such a Metaphorical way of Writing besides the said Alexander and Io. N. and if these and the like Methods were not a common Rule and Practise of these Barbarous and execrable Conspirators for disguising of their Horrid and Bloody Designs against the Person of His Sacred Majesty and Royal Brother and for rising in Arms against his Majesty and his Government . 2. What he knows in relation to the said Horrid Conspiracy against His Majesties Person and the Person of his Royal Brother or of rising in Arms against His Majesty and Government and who were accessory to the said Horrid Designs either in Scotland , England , Ireland , or any where abroad , whither in the United Provinces of the Netherlands or else where , and that he would give an account of them in so far as he knows by their Names Sir-Names and Places of residence and such other designs as he knew them by , and likeways that he would give an account of the particular designs methods and contrivances treated upon and concerted for the rising in Arms against the King and Government either in Scotland , England or Ireland , and by what Persons the said Treaties and Designs were carried on as to all which he would give a particular and distinct account to the Lords of the Committee . 3. To interrogate him anent the other Letter Written to him under the Name of Mr. Pringle , and what was the true meaning thereof and by whom the same was written , and if the Trade therein specified do not relate to the condition of the Fanatick and disaffected Party , and what other import the said Letter does bear and from what place of the world the same came . A Copy of the Examination of Alexander Gordon late of Earlstoun . Edinburgh , 25th of September , 1683. The Earl of Linlithgow . Lord Livingston . Lord President of Session . Lord Collintoun . Lord Castlehil JUSTICES , The Lord Pitmedden . The Lord Harcarss . The Earl of Linlithgow Elected President . TO the first Interrogator answers , That the first time he met with that pretended Convention was near the Inne●-Kirk of Kyle in the Fields about two years ago ; and there were about Fourscore persons or thereby ; and that he was brought there from his own House by one Io. Nisbet , whom the Declarant knows not further than that he is a West-Country-man about Glasgow ; and that Io. Nisbet is another Io. Nisbet that wrote a Letter to him to Holland under the notion of Trade , relating to the Rising and Rebellion in England . And farther , That about a year and half ago he met with another Convention consisting of fourscore persons or thereby in the Fields within five miles of the former place near Inner-Kirk , and that very few of them had Swords ; to which Meeting he was advertised to come by a Letter sent to his House subscribed by Mr. Iames Kennick who is Clerk to the Convention and heard of no Ministers being amongst them at either of these times and says there were people there from all the Districts in the several Shires of the Kingdom : which Districts he was informed were fourscore ; and that he knew none of the persons in either of these Meetings except Mr. Iames Kennick the Clerk , the said Io. Nisbet who came from a District besides Glasgow , and William and Iames Stewarts who came out of Galloway and Robert Speir who came from the Lothians , and one Forrest who came from the Upperward of Cluyd and that at these general meetings they produced their Commissions from the several Districts to the Clerk that it might appear that they were commissionate to get relief for the distrest in their bounds , that the business of the Convention was to provide for those amongst them were in want and for their own security against the dangers they were in , being denounced Fugitives from the Laws , and in hazard to be catcht by the Governours ; and that he heard nothing treated or spoke amongst them as to rising in Arms , nor knows of any Correspondence these of the Convention had with any in Ireland ; and as to England he supposes there was a Correspondence there , but knows not these that managed it , except the said Io. Nisbet , he having shewn the Declarant a Letter he had from Michael Sheills one of the Clerks of the Convention , which he saw in the end of March or beginning of April last . To the second Interrogator , the reason why he accepted of the Commission produced , declares , He accepted it upon the account to see if there could be a way found for the distrest Brethren to go abroad , or to have something from abroad to maintain them there . To the third Interrogator declares , He remembers no more persons were present but these condescended upon in the first Interrogator , which he says was occasioned by his being so long abroad ; and although upon seeing their faces he might know several of them , yet knows not their Names , nor the places of their Residence . To the fourth declares , The said general Conventions were composed of persons sent from the several Districts , of which there were as he heard about fourscore in number , in which fourscore Districts he was told there would have been six or seven thousand men , but knows not of any Gentlemen or leading Men amongst them . As to the Commission , it was sent him to Newcastle by a common Receiver whom he knows not , directed to him at his Lodging at the Sign of the Vine in the Gateside in Newcastle , his Landlords Name being George Marshal a publick Inn-keeper , and addrest to him under the Name of La Graveil , being the Name he went by , and that the same was under a Cover of Iames Kennick their Clerk who subscribed it . To the last Interrogator repeats his answer made to the first Interrogator , and knows no further . Being further interrogate upon the Interrogators given in anent the Conspiracy in England , declares , The the first time he heard of any design of rising in Arms was at the time when the Competition was anent the Sheriffs at Midsummer was a year , and then he heard the Duke of Monmouth was to Head the Rebels ; and this he had from Io. Nisbet and one Mr. Murray a Scotch-man then at London ; and declares , That in Ianuary last the Declarant being in Holland he heard by general report that the late Earl of Argile was to raise some thousand Highlanders to assist the Rebels in England by making a diversion , and was to get a Sum of Money for that effect ; and that in March last he having received a Letter from Io. Nisbet in Holland , he came over to London , where he met with the said Nisbet and Murray , who told the Declarant they designed to rise presently in England and to Rendezvous in Six or Seven places at one time pa●ticularly at Coventry and London and that they computed several Thousands in York-shire who were to joyn with them . That Murray desired the Declarant to go along with him to meet with the late Lord Russel and Gray and the Lord Wharton ( but of Wharton they sayed they were not very sure of him being a feared Man ) and with Mr. Ferguson and spoke of several old Officers of Cromwels that were to be there but the Declarant not being for the present Rising shunn'd to meet with these persons or any of them , and both Nisbet and Murray told the Declarant that Sir Iohn Cokram was with them and heard from these Two Persons that both the Cessnocks were concerned in that business . As to the Letter written by Io. N. of the 20th of March , and directed for the Declarant at Rotterdam Declares that Io. Nisbet sent the said Letter and that under the Metaphor of Trade throughout the whole Letter is meant the design of Rising in Arms and a Rebellion and that by the Words ( dispatching the old rotten Stuff ) is meant either the excluding the Sectaries from joyning with them or destroying the Government both Civil and Ecclesiastick which last the Declarant supposes rather to be the Words and that by the Factors are meant their Emissaries for carrying 〈◊〉 the Rebellion ; and for that strange thing that was to fall out that ●eek as the next the Declarant thinks is meant the suddain Muster of the Rebels . In the close of the Letter which says things are full as high as I tell you , is meant that the Rebellion was instantly to break out , and having met with Io. Nisbet after his coming from Holland the said Nisbet explained to him that the sense of the said Letter was as is abovesaid . As to a Letter direct to the Declarant under the name of Pringle of the 2 May 1683 , declares , That the Name of the Subscriber which is blotted out was so blotted before it came to his Hand , but by the Contents of it he knows its from one Rob. Iohnston a Tenant or Vassal to the Lord Gray on the Border and that the Traders and Trading there spoke of is the designed Rebellion and that the said Robert Iohnston offered to come to Scotland with the Declarant to have seen some of our disaffected people here and to have met with them . And that A. T. mentioned in the said Letter which the Letter says laboured to undervalue the disaffected party in Scotland which he calls your Goods , is the Name of Andrew Young who stays about Newcastle whom he supposes to be a suspect Person because he was feared that Colonel Struthers would apprehend him . And that he supposes the way that that Letter came to his Hand was from some Persons that were at a Meeting at Midsummer about that time , where was present several of those People that had Commission from the several Districts , but that he himself was not at that Meeting . Examination of Mr. Steil and Andrew Oliver anent Mr. Aaron Smith's coming to Scotland , & his going to Sir J. Cockram's House at Ochiltree . Edenburgh 11th of December , 1683. MR. Thomas Steil in Iedwart-Forest declares , that in February last , an English Gentleman coming to Iedwart being recommended to the Declarant by one David Sheriff Stabler in Newcastle , only that he might direct him to Ochiltree , spoke only to him of ●arolina Business anent which he was to transact with Sir Iohn Cockram ; and that the Declarant got him one Andrew Oliver in Iedwart-Forest for hire to be his guide to Douglass , and that the said Oliver went with him from that to Sir Iohn Cockrams and declares he knew not his name and had no knowledge of him , but that he was called when he was at Iodwart , Clerk , but afterwards heard he was called Smith . Andrew Oliver in Barwick Tenant to the Marquess of Douglass being Examined declares , a little before Seed-time last the Declarant met with Mr. Thomas Steil at Linalie the Marquess's House , of purpose to bring hom his Wife from Douglas to Iedburgh-Forest , and the Declarant being upon his way and coming to Provost Ainslie's House in Iedburgh , and there being a Stranger there an English man ready to take Horse to go to the West , the said Mr. Thomas Steil having told the Deponent there was a Stranger who knew not the way and would be desirous of his company , and the Deponent having called for the Stranger in the House he and he took Horse together and rode to Peebles that night and the next day came to Douglas , and the Stranger upon the way told his Name was Samuel Clerk , which he thinks was the next day after they came from Iedburgh ; and the next day the Stranger not being able to get a Guide , to convey him to Ochiltree , at the desire of Mr. Thomas Steil's Wife did go along with him from Douglas to Ochiltree , and the Stranger went into the House of Ochiltree to call for the Laird ; the Deponent not having gone in with him , where he staid about one quarter of an Hour and came back to a House in the Town where the Deponent was to Lodge . That de Deponent heard from the Stranger that his business with the Laird of Ochiltree was concerning Carolina business , and of their design to send Families there in the Spring to Plant , and that he commended the Country . And. Oliver . Io. Edenburgen . Edenburgh , Sederunt and Iournals of Council , 20 Dec. 1683. MR. Thomas Steil Chamberlain to the Marquis of Douglas , being Prisoner as alleadged , Entertaining and Corresponding with Aaron Smith when he was in Scotland , and providing him a Guide to Sir Iohn Cokram's House of Ochiltree , who being Examined with the said Guide and all that appears is , That the said Aaron Smith , under the Name of Clark , was Recommended by one David Sheriff , Inn-keeper and Stabler of Newcastle , to Steil , as being his Acquaintance when he came to Iedburgh , to help him to one that should guide him the way being a Stranger , without any suspition or knowledge of his being a person guilty of any Crime or evil Design . The Lords upon consideration of the Bill appoint a Letter to be written to the Secretaries to cause Examine Aaron Smith upon the time of his coming to Iedburgh , and what past betwixt him and Steil and any other Interrogator proper , seeing it 's said that the said Aaron Smith denied he was ever in Scotland ; and that another Letter be written to the Mayor of Newcastle to Examine the Inn-keeper ; and in the mean time allows Steil to be at liberat on Caution to appear when called , under the penalty of 2000 Marks ; and that he shall not go off the Country without Licence , to prevent any practizing with the Inn-keeper . Alexander Gordon of Earlston , his Deposition before a Committee of His Majesties Privy-Council , and two of the Iustices . Edenburgh the 25th of September , 1683. ALexander Gordon being further interrogate upon the Interrogators given in anent the Conspiracy in England , declares , That the first time he heard of any Design of rising in Arms , was at the time when the competition was anent the Sheriffs at Midsummer was a year , and then he heard the Duke of Monmouth was to head the Rebels ; and this he had from Iohn Nisbet , and one Mr. Murray a Scotch-man then at London , and declares , That in Ianuary last the Declarant being in Holland , he heard by general report that the late Earl of Argile was to raise some thousands of Highlanders to assist the Rebels in England by making a diversion , and was to get a sum of money for that effect ; and that in March last he having received a Letter in Holland from Iohn Nisbet then in London , he came over to London , where he met with the said Nisbet and Murray , who told the Declarant , they designed to rise presently in England , and to Rendezvous in six or seven places at one time , particularly at Coventry and London , and that they computed several thousands in Yorkshire who where to joyn with them ; That Murray desired the Declarant to go along with him to meet with the late Lords Russel and Gray , and the Lord Wharton , ( but of Wharton they said they were not very sure , being a fearful man ) and with Mr. Ferguson , and spoke of several old Officers of Cromwels that were to be there , but the Declarant not being for the present rising . shunned to meet with these persons , or any of them ; and both Nisbet and Murray told the Declarant , that Sir Iohn Cochran was with them , and heard from these two persons , that both the Cessnocks were concerned in that Business . As to the Letter written by Io. N. of the 20th of March , and directed for the Declarant at Rotterdam , declares that Iohn Nisbet wrote the said Letter , and that under the Metaphor of Trade throughout the whole Letter , is meaned the design of rising in Arms and a Rebellion ; and that by the word Dispatching the old rotten stuff , is meaned either the excluding the Sectaries from joyning with them , or destroying the Government , both Civil and Ecclesiastical , which last the Declarant supposes rather to be the meaning of the words ; and that by the Factors are meaned their Emissaries for carrying on the Rebellion ; And for that strange thing that was to fall out that Week or the next , the Declarant thinks is meaned the sudden muster of the Rebels ; In the close of the Letter which says , Things are full as high as I tell you , is meaned that the Rebellion was instantly to break out ; And having met with Iohn Nisbet after his coming from Holland , the said Nisbet explained to him that the Sence of the said Letter was as is abovesaid . As to the little Letter directed to the Declarant under the name of Pringle , of the second of May , 1683 , declares that the name of the Subscriber : which is blotted out , was so blotted before it came to his hand ; but by the Contents of it , he knows it is from one Robert Iohnstoun , a Tenant or Vassal to the Lord Gray on the Border ; and that the Traders and Trading there spoke of , is the designed Rebellion ; and that the said Robert Iohnstoun offered to come into Scotland with the Declarant , to have seen some of our disaffected people here , and to have met with them ; and that A. Y. mentioned in the said Letter , which the Letter says laboured to undervalue the disaffected party in Scotland , which he calls your Goods , is the name of Andrew Young , who stays about Newcastle , whom he supposes to be a suspected person , because he was afraid Colonel Struthers would apprehend him : And that he supposes the way that that Letter came to his hand , was from some person that was at a Meeting at Tweeds-Moor about that time , where were present several of these people that had Commission from the several Districts , but he himself was not at that Meeting . Sic subscribitur Linlithgow , I. P. C. Alex. Gordon . Here follows the Letter signed Io. N. which was found upon Earlston . Sir , ON Saturday last I had the occasion of seeing a Letter from you , directed for Mrs. Gaunt , in whose absence Mrs. Ward had received it , at the reading of which I was not a little troubled , considering my full resolutions signified to you in my last ; for effectuating of which I had spoke for Passage , and taken my farewel of Mother Gaunt , she going into the Country : And that very Week I was set upon by that Gentleman with whom I stay , and Jo. Johnstoun with some others to stay but a Month , and if that did not accomplish somewhat in hand to help Trading , then I should be no longer detained . After I was prevailed to retract so far . I ordered Jo. who had time at command , to give you an ample account of matters ; and withal , Jo. was desired by our Friends from Scotland to stand here in my place the like engagements of Secrecy , &c. being taken , and thereupon I ordered him to shew you the grounds of my staying , and to desire if you inclined to cross the Water to come this way , but since many are the confused , yea troubled thoughts that have possessed me for yielding , concerning which , as also my yielding to it , take the subsequent account . In my last , or it precedent to it , I shewed you that Trading was very low here , and many breaking , which has made the Merchants ( such as they are ) to think that desparate Diseases must have desparate Cures : and while they have some Stock , it will be better to venture out , than to keep shop and sit still till all be gone , and then they shall not be able to act , but let all go : Which resolution I thought a thing not to confide in , seeing the most of them are Fire-side Merchants , and love not to venture where storms are any thing apparent . But about my departing they shewed the Model of Affairs in such order , that I see venture they must , and venture they will ; whereupon they first demanded how our Trade would be carried on . Answer , they knew well what Goods had proven most prejudicial to the Trade , and therefore they thought to insist upon Negatives , in which whatever I proposed is assented to , as I find ; and thus they thought best to still some Criticks in the Trade : And by this means first to endeavour the dispatching the old rotten Stuff before they order what to bring home next . This lookt somewhat strange to me , but when I consider all circumstances , I think they for themselves do best in it : For our Merchants I made account onely to have had some stock for to set the broken ones up again , and so bid them here farewel , and they to try their way , and we ours ; Since they think fit that some of these whom we have found ( as you will say when you hear them named ) treacherous dealers in our Trade , consulted , and accordingly have done : Whereupon I fear , or rather hope that our Merchants , though broke , will rather desire to live a while longer as they are , than joyn with such , &c. to advance the Trade ; unless surer grounds of their fidelity be gotten , then is , or can be expected , and this is the bottom of all my sorrow . But to proceed , I find ( if all hold that is intended ) that they think it is almost at a point to set forward , if they had their Factors home , who are gone to try how the Country will like such Goods , as they are for , or against the making sale off . Friends , I mean Merchants , wrote to me , that after I had spoken to you , possibly you might come this way , the better thereby to advise them what to do in this case , for I have signified somewhat of it to them , but not so far as this ; because I thought to have seen you long ere this time . But I hope you will not misconstruct of my staying , seeing in it I de●igned nothing but advancement of our Trade ; but once this Week these Factors sent for will be here , and then matters will in instanti , either off or on , break , or go thorow . Wherefore in reference to Friends , I desire you will advise me what to do , if you cannot , or think it not convenient to come here ; if you do , let a Letter precede , and if any strange thing fall out this * Week or the next , I will again post it towards you ; I think when this and the next Week is gone ( and no News comes from you ) that I shall set forward , being still so ready , as that in twelve hours I can bid adieu : The Whiggs are very low as well in City as in the Subburbs , all Meetings being every Sunday beset with Constables to keep them out , and what they get is stollen , either at Evening or Morning , This Winter many of the great Bankers and Goldsmiths in Lombard-street are broken and gone : The Bantam Factory in the Indies is taken by the Dutch : Confusion , Confusion in Town and Country , such as you never saw . Mrs. Ward and several others desire to be remembred to you . My endeared respects to your self and B. with the young men arrived . This I have writ in short , and in hast , expecting a Line with as great hast as you see is needful , for Matters are full as high as I tell you . Farewel . From your Friend and Servant , while Io. N. London , March 20. 1683. Postscript , Be sure that you direct not for Bednal-green ; but for me at Mr. Mead ' s in Stepney , near London . A Letter as it was written with Argiles own hand , which was addressed to Major Holms , and marked Number 3. Iune 21. THough I cannot by this Post send you a full account of your Affairs , yet I send you as much as may make you take measures what Bills to draw upon me , which I hope you will fully understand by Mr. B's . help ; the whole account amounted to several Pa●es ; but I onely give you one to total , as sufficient . I gone so I and refuse object first you time much is way the our would of altogether concerned do upon absolutely do to do effectually as that it be to is at all be 335759424244575769 money 36 47575657 of and to 69224736535657 and they have is at be that no some their 2345535958 , &c. 50000 4548464758 part as against the but concurrence from be less nor like place and interest is small and power against need do bring which Birch that cannot time are out upon an 324753235657 to 56444256594858444367 projected meat very may little done the been Purse I to shall my lists I to great venture they prospect provided have can willing God given conferrence week Brown I of things said some the now their my head guard mention 324344675748465257 things which to your hope some ago as over some if do spoke for of know and encouragement confer have and self be order resolve and to reckon all and undertake honest or was far be Shooes undertaking many of to for purchase was as is the a possibly us of by force it 〈◊〉 so how the credit for time Birch and some greatest them concerned will for and to and 404843 slation good may onely the if more will if should expect tollerably standing and by and necessar the the more the hazarded to it 8 and think urge so necessar I the that so affairs have business very I possible of I send here against my till what little upon know not which mony 25405748575840524244 I service any what shall resolve thee at did least effectually thought and far if business reckoned for still the there I or stuck you upon money by first sum if then Bills 26435640465359 52 5769455356424457 well that 3841444058 51595058458594357 need trouble something very a frighten the probably not 2000 the tho the once for and 575942 4244575735 will 4057 5748575840524244 and to money could foolish Browne many the not to Gods Brand besides stay Io● seat yet to proposed 322240565157 a deal the things as all once less any drink well on know I as pay whether never the received to any calculate about to that that the such with you I other II for considerable be particular add I are of le●t I but all have it Enemies to cannot to Friends made part I writ wish may be service Mr. an whole there consider persons it when knowing any and payments to I it low shall little little meaning Intelligence thing out had which Tents usual whole with 673151485048584840 and by the more of if but the that blessing raise a 5456538445758405258 4753565744 can Virgins supply to call 485650405243 not keep imaginable tho them 4853485244 standing many number 25 4753565733 onely at standing a 5159505848585943 first considerable with more can them Countrey 425351514052434443 in and there 40565157 it was Weeks half I so to at 600 think needs precise I the the it a within what requisite not Sum truly this grounds to say Mr. thing nor know they as hath the grounds occasioned I they both do is Red only let I distance in I half in I the little would 4057485758405242 first shall number very 1000 and the consider small confess them work proposed pleased cannot are 2000 Brand it 544453545044 the be 40565157 then be 4044440564852464604●84744564443 little 4553564244575758445650485244 have the but it will 455356574457 and as we yet together onely it for buy it consider imploy better Interest small so to some 47535657 a future the to total the absolute of and designed and Waggons are but of proposed or and because what add as out meddle touch of I knowing Merchant there is that what is 404540485644405844515458 Red I not but I of expect of up I enforce at be that should a is in considerable put I done this all have by the not to had before able will I if and a they have will is for 5753504348535956 shall necessars the or of if is is they very incident for the dayly not Cloaths necessar to there the necessar best of the 60405639 events little to hope 5644564457 many Sum were for so in we them more will in and it had any many yet be may all 51485048584840 and will it without and not but more got triple on is very 45535959 now be God and but is what a if odds it as near named not brush of not less power proposed an of thought my and go you in or resolved so I intend hear them our 45564844524357 to neither to will much till any the know on in proposition could what other I of could be the and be but that easie were I all differ was absolutely soon more to sent above at well right foot their together Provisions the suddenly that 404258485352 will take will of the be unwilling the will can at is get Brand not 40565157 no should the much their not and men the are be while do to advantage the husbanding for number is be for 5747534457 only to whole Provisions Charges good can to II my meddle Money as freely for the and be estates do project all after see be I it such you all 47535657 the yet I distance to dare them direction Gods hands in on not prevent and have some help may from a a be pray very II Necessars and that to a occasion prices the submit they but not own had made be do men some of Sum be necessar 47535657 such bestowed nothing they one it Money of Brand not to sent engaged whole with a concerned own Money next prove Money far then but some impossible first be be most to of 4744564858535657 20000 to up do tho there done case and yet number without hard appointed lest 1200 like give will after necessar proposed as should leave hard had number I peremptor I 673347535657 stood possibly those thought juncture I do mention this as as mean other I as neither give know offer have . Adieu .   Gil. St. The total Sum is 128 8. which will be payed to you by Mr. B. Follows in plain writing on the back of the Letter . I have found two of the Books I wrote to Mr. B. were lost , I believe he hath the blew one ; we have received his Letter : I have nothing more to say to him at present ; I hope he knows how to write to me , and understands my Address , and to instruct you ; if he do not , I have lost six hours work . Adieu . The Decypher of the said Letter as it was done in England . Sir , June 21. THough I cannot by this Post send you a full account of your Affairs , yet I send you as much as may make you take measures what Bills to draw upon me , which I hope you will fully understand by Mr. B's . help ; the whole account amounted to several Pages ; but I onely give you one to total , as sufficient . I gone so I and refuse object first you time much is way the our would of altogether concerned do upon absolutely do to do effectually as that it be to is at all be 33 success 69 Money 36 Horse of and to 69 2 H 36 orse and they have is at be that no some there 23 Foot &c. 50000 fight part as against the but concurrence from be less nor like place and interest is small and power against need do bring which Birch that cannot time are out upon an 32 Ho 23 rse to recruited projected Meat very may little done the been purse I to shal my lists 1 to great venture they prospect provided have can willing God given conference week Brown I of things said some the now there my Head guard mention 32 de 67 signs things which to your hope some ago as over some if do spoke for of know and encouragement confer have and self be order resolve and to reckoning all and undertake honest or was far be Shoes undertaking many of to for purchase was as is the a possibly us of by force it tho so how the credit for time Birch and some greatest them concerned will for and to and aid station good may onely the if more will if should expect tollerably standing and by and necessar the the more the hazarded to it 8 and think urge so necessar I the that so affairs have business very I possible of I send hear against my till what little upon know not which Money 25 Assistance I service any what shall resolve the at did least effectually thought and far if business reckoned for still the there I or stuck you upon Money by first Sum if then Bills 20 Dragoons 69 Forces well that 38 beat Multitudes need trouble something very a frighten the probably not 2000 the tho the once for and success 35 will assistance and to Money could foolish Brown many the not to Gods Brand besides stay Job seat yet to proposed 32 22 Arms a deal the things as all once less any drink well on know I as pay whether never the received to any calculate about to that that the such with you I other II for considerable be particular add I are of lest I but all have it Enemies to cannot to an account to Friends made part I write wish may be service Mr. an whole there consider persons it when knowing any and payment to I it low shall little little meaning intelligence thing out had which Tents usual whole with 67 31 Militia and by the more of it but the that blessing raise a Protestant Horse can Virgins supply to call Ireland not keek imaginable tho them joyn standing many number Horse onely at standing a multitude first considerable with more can them Countrey commanded in and there Arms it was Weeks half I so to at 600 think needs precise I the the it a within what requisite not sum t●uly this grounds to say Mr. thing nor know they as hath the grounds occasioned I they both do is Red only let I distance in I half in I the little would assistance first shall number very 1000 and the consider small confess then work proposed please cannot are 2000 Brand it people the b● Arms them be appearing gathered little Forces Stirling have the but it will Forces and as we yet together only it for buy it consider imploy better interest small so to some Horse a future the to total the absolute of and design'd and Waggons are but of proposed or and because what add as out meddle touch I knowing Merchant there is that what is affair attempt Red I not but I of expect of up I enforce at be that should a is in considerable put I done this all have by the not to had before able will I if and a they have will is for Souldier shall necessars the or of it is is they very incident for the daily not Cloaths necessar to their the necessar best of the War 39 events little to hope repress many sum were for so in we them more will in and it had any many yet be may all Militia and will it without and not but more got triple on is very Foot now be God and but is what a if odds it as near named not Brush of not less power proposed an of thought my and go you in or resolved so I intend hear them our friends to neither to will much till any the know on in proposition could what other I of could be the and be but that easie were I all differ was absolutely soon more to sent above at well right Foot their together provisions the suddenly that action will take will of the be unwilling the will can at is get Brand not Arms no should the much there not and Men the are be while do to advantage the Husbanding for number is be for Shoes only to whole provisions charges good can II my meddle money as freely for the an be Estates do project all after see be I it such you all Horse the yet I distance to dar them direction Gods hands in on not prevent and have some help may from a a be pray very II necessars and that to a occasion prices the submit they but not own had made be do men some of sum be necessar Horse such bestowed nothing they one it money of Brand not to sent engaged whole with a concerned own money next prove money far then but some impossible first be be most to of Heretors 20000 to up do tho there done case and yet number without hard appointed least 1200 like give will after necessar proposed as should leave hard had number I peremptor J 67 33 Horse stood possibly those thought Juncture I do mention this as as mean other I as neither give know offer have . Adieu .   Gil. St The total Sum is 128 8. which will be paid to you by Mr. B. Written in plain sence on the back of the Letter . I have found two of the Books I wrote to Mr. B. were lost , I believe he hath the Blue on : we have received his Letter . I have nothing more to say to him at present : I hope he knows how to write to me , and understands my Address , and to instruct you , if he do not I have lost six hours work . Adieu . The Copy of the said Letter , as it was given in by Mr. Spence , according to the plain Sence thereof , without the Preface or Postscript , being set down already with the Cypher and Decypher . I Know not the grounds our Friends have gone upon , which hath occasioned them to offer so little Money as I hear , neither know I what Assistance they intend to give ; and till I know both , I will neither refuse my service , nor do so much as object against any thing is resolved , till I first hear what Mr. * Red , or any other you send , shall say ; onely in the mean time I resolve to let you know as much of the Grounds I go on , as is possible at this distance , and in this way . I did truly in my Proposition mention the very least Sum I thought could do our Business effectually , not half of what I would have thought requisite in an other Juncture of Affairs ; and what I proposed I thought altogether so far within the power of those concerned , that if a little less could possibly do the Business , it would not be stood upon : I reckoned the assistance of the H●rse absolutely necessary for the first Brush , and I do so still : I shall not be peremptory to urge the precise number named , but I do think there needs very near that number effectually ; and I think a 1000 as easie had as 8 or 600 , and it were hard that it stuck at the odds ; I leave it to you to consider if all should be hazarded , upon so small a d●●●er . As to the Money , I confess what was proposed is more by half than is absolutely necessary at the first weeks work , but soon after all the Sum was proposed , and more will be necessary , if it please God to give success , and then Arms cannot be sent like Money by Bills : There are now above 1200 Horse and Dragoons , and 2000 Foot at least of standing Forces in † Brand very well appointed and tollerably well commanded , it is right hard to expect that Countrey people on Foot , without Horse , should beat them the triple their number ; and if multitudes can be got together , yet they will need more Arms , more Provision , and have more trouble with them : But the Case is , if something considerable be not suddenly done at the very first appearing , and that there ●e onely a multitude gathered without action , though that may frighten a little , it will do no good , the standing Forces will t●ke up some station , probably at Stirling , and will to their aid not onely have the Militia of Twenty thousand Foot , and Two thousand Horse , but all the Heretors , &c. to the number it may be of Fifty thousand ; and though many will be unwilling to fight for the standing Forces , yet the most part will once joyn , and many will be as concerned for them , as any can be against them : and though we had at first the greatest success imaginable , yet it is impossible but some will keep together , and get some concurrence and assistance , not only in * Brand but from † Birch , and Ireland ; it will not then be time to call for more Arms , fra less for Money to buy them , no Money nor Credit could supply it , we should prove like the Foolish Virgins : Consider in the next place how * Brown can imploy so much Money , and so many Horse , better for their own interest , tho the Protestant Interest were not concerned ; is it not a small Summ , and a small Force , to raise so many men with , and by Gods blessing , to repress the whole Power of * Brand , that some hope are engaged against us , besides the Horse to be sent , need possibly stay but a little while to do a Job , if future events do not bring the ●eat of the War to Brand , which is yet more to the advantage of * Birch , as to the total of the Money that was propos'd by the best Husbanding it , cannot purchase Arms , and absolute necessaries for one time , for a Militia of the number they are to deal with , and there is nothing out of the whole design'd to be bestowed upon many things usual , and necessary for such an Undertaking , as Tents , Waggons , Cloaths , Shoes , Horse , Horse-shoes ; all which are not only necessary to be once had , but dayly to be recruited , far less out of the whole summ projected , was any thing proposed for Provisions of Meat or Drink , Intelligence , or incident Charges ; some very Honest well-meaning , and very good Men , may undertake on little , because they can do little , and know little what is to be done . All I shall add is , I made the Reckoning as low as if I had been to pay it out of my own Purse ; and whether I meddle or meddle not , I resolve never to touch the Money , but to order the payment of Necessaries , as they shall be received ; and I shall freely submit my self to any knowing Souldier for the Lists , and any knowing Merchant for the Prices I have calculated , when there is an occasion to confer about it , it will be a great encouragment to persons that have Estates to venture , and that consider what they do , that they know that there is a project , and prospect of the whole Affair , and all Necessaries provided for such an attempt : If after I have spoke with Mr. † Red , I see I can do you Service , I will be very wiling ; if I be not able , I pray God some other may ; but before it be given over , I wish I had such a conference as I writ of to you a Week ago , for I expect not all from * Browne , some considerable part of the Horse may I hope be made up by the help of your particular friends . I have yet some things to add , to enforce all I have said , which I cannot at this distance ; and some things are to be done to prevent the designs of Enemies , that I dare not now mention , lest it should put them on their Guard , I have a considerable direction in my head , but all is in Gods hands . The manner of Decyphering is explain'd more at large in another Book , called , an Account of Discoveries made in Scotland , &c. Part of William Spence his Deposition . At the Castle of Edenburgh , the 19th . of August , 1684 MR. William Spence , of the Age 33 Years , or thereby , not married , Solemnly sworn , Depones , That in the Paper subscribed by him ; the Letter dated 21. Iune , and the other without date , marked A , are written plain , and in the true Sense , so far as his knowledge reaches , and that he had no Key to open the Letters with , but the Alphabetical Cypher : That by the 128 Gilders , 8 Stivers , mentioned in the end of the long Letter , he understands that it is the Key thereof ; and by the payment of the same , he understands the way of using it . That he does truly believe there was an Insurrection intended , within these two Years ; and as for what is to come , he cannot tell what the People abroad may be doing : That he had often heard of Designs and Associations ; but that they were directly intended to hinder the Duke his Succession to the Crown , he cannot say : For all that he understood was pretended for the Ground of any designs of Arms , was the defence of the Protestant Religion , the Liberties of the Kingdom ; and if against the Duke his Succession only , in so far as that might be prejudicial to these ; and that he thinks upon the King's death Troubles may probably arise : That Mr. West , to whom the Letters were directed , was not one of that name ; but Major Holms , to the best of his knowledge ▪ And this is the Truth as he shall answer to God. Sic subscribitur . W. Spence . The Information of Robert Smith , formerly of the Parish of Dunscore , in the Sherifdom of Dum●reis , in the Kingdom of Scotland . AT all the Conventicles for near two years before the Rebellion in the year 1679. There were great Contributions of Money ( which were chearfully given ) under the pretence of a Subsistance for their Ministers , and the Poor of their Perswasion ( the only design that was known to the meaner sort of People ) but the greatest part of the Money was employ'd for Arms and Ammunition for a General Rising : In order whereunto the Phanaticks in the Months of April , May and Iune , 1679. were preparing themselves , by keeping several great Field-Conventicles ( both in the West and South ) in which were considerable Numbers of Armed Men. And although they were generally very fond and forward to put their design in Execution ; yet it was hastned a Month sooner then was intended , by the Skirmish that happened about the middle of Iune within two Miles of Lowdon-hill , between a Party of his Majesties Forces under the Command of Captain ( now Colonel ) Graham of Claverhouse , and a strong Field-Conventicle , in which I was my self with a Party of a Troop of Horse ( levyed in Nith●dale in the end of May , and beginning of Iune ) whereof I was Cornet , under Mr. William Ferguson of Caitlock , Captain , and Iohn Gibson of Auchinchein Lieutenant . The same Night after that Skirmish , I was at the Earl of Lowdon's House with Robert Hamilton , Iohn Balfour , and David Haxton ( both Murderers of the late Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews ) Iohn Ker in Minebole , and several others , in number about Twenty Seven Horse . The Earl himself was in the House , and I saw him pass into the Garden ; but I did not perceive that he came into our Company , though I have reason to believe that Robert Hamiliton was with his Lordship and his Lady in some of the Chambers , because I saw him leaving us all of his Company in the great Hall , and going into the private Rooms , where I am sure was my Lady , as I do not doubt but my Lord was also , for it was from thence that I saw him pass into the Garden : But my Lady did publickly that Night entertain and lo●ge all the Company . The next morning at four of the Clock we came from that Earls House , and made all the haste we could to Hamilton , in order to joyn the Body that we had parted with the day before ; and the next day we all Marched to Glasgow , where ( the morning after ) we were beaten by some Troops and Companies of the King's Forces , and thereupon returned to Hamilton . From thence I went in Company of Mr. David Williamson ( who was a Preacher and a Captain ) with Sixscore Horse to the Shire of Galloway , where we met and joy●ed Six Troops of Horse and about as many Companies of Foot that were Levyed in that Country and Nithsdale for our Assistance . Thereafter we went into Dumfreis where we stay'd a night , and had notice of the Kings Forces coming to the Kirk of Shot● ; whereupon we march'd with all possible Diligence to joyn the rest of the Rebels at Hamilton ; seizing all the Arms and Horses that we could find by the way , especially at Drumlanriq , Thorn-hill , Sanebar , Cumnock , Cesnock , Newmills and Strevin ; but at Ces●ock we received four hundred Lances , which we were told were the free and voluntary Gift of Sir Hugh Campbell , the Father , and Sir George , the Son. There was one passage in this ma●ch , which I cannot forbare to relate , viz. That as we were passing by the old Castle of Treve ( where his late Majesty of blessed Memory had a Garrison , in the beginning of the unhappy Troubles of his Reign ) Old Gordon of Earlstown ( who in few days after was killed at Bothwell-Bridge ) in my hearing spoke to the Officers that were about him as followeth , Gentlemen , I was the Man that commanded the Party which took this Castle from the late King , who had in it about 200 of the Name of Maxwell , of whom the greatest part being Papists we put them all to the Sword , and demollish'd the Castle , as you see it : And now ( though an Old Man ) I take up Arms against the Son , whom I hope to see go the same way that his Father went : For we can never put trust in a Covenant Breaker ; So Gentlemen , your Cause is good , ye need not fear to fight against a forsworn King. Upon Saturday the 21st . of Iune , 1679. the main Body of the Rebels came to Hamilton , and lay encamped betwixt that place , and Bothwell-Bridge until Sunday the 29th . when we were defeated by the King's Forces , During which time there came to our Camp great store of Provisions and Arms from Glasgow , Hamilton , Lanrick , Lesmahago , New-mills , and several other places in Clisdale , and the parts adjacent ; but I do not know the particular Persons from whom they were sent , save only what I have said concerning our receiving the 400 Lances at Cesnock : But about a week before our coming to that Place , as we were passing by the Earl of Galloway's House of Garlis , his Brother the Laird of Rymstone came to see some of the Gentlemen that were of our number , and accompani'd us Ten or Twelve Miles , returning aftewards to his House ; but before his going he gave Assurance that both his Brother , the Earl of Galloway the Lord Kenmore and himself were our Friends : And I did hear him giving great Incouragement to the meaner sort of People that were in Arms with us , by bidding them to be Chearful and Couragious ; for he did assure them that they had very good Friends in the Country ; and we did believe that within few days thereafter , as well the Earl of Galloway , and Lord Kenmore , as the said Laird of Rymstone would come and joyn with us , and had we been able to continue some time longer together in a considerable Body , and had given the least fail to the King's Forces , we expected that many Persons of great Quality and Interest , would have joyn'd with us : Whereof a perfect Account can be given by Earlstown ( now a Prisoner in Edinburg ) if he will but ingenuously declare what he knows . The Night before the Fight , the Rebels ( one Hamilton Moor ) held a Council of War , consisting of Robert Hamilton , David Haxton of Rathillett , Iohn Balfour , Major Ledmont , Mackcrellan of Barscob , Gordon of Home , Mr. William Ferguson of Caitloch , ( my Captain aforesaid , ) Gordon of Craig , Gorton of Newtoun , Gordon of Earlstone Elder , Gordon of Earlstone Younger , Gordon of Craichlaw , Captain Mackculloch , Macdougall of Freugh , Captain Iohn Smith , Captain Home , Mr. William Clelaud a Captain of Horse , Mr. Iames Fowler a Captain of Foot , Andrew Story a Captain of Foot , and several other Gentlemen and Officers , whose Names I do not at the present remember , but do well know the Places of their abode . There were also several of the Ministers in this Council of War , viz. Mr. Iohn Welch , Mr. Robert Archiebald , Mr. Alexander Hasty , Mr. David Williamson ( who also as I have said before was Captain of a Troop of Horse ) Mr. David Home , Mr. Iohn Bl●kater , Mr. Iohn Blackloth , Mr. Donald Cargil , Mr. Iohn Kid , Mr. Iohn King , Mr. Iohn Dick , Mr. Thomas Forrester , Mr. Iohn Dickson , Mr. Robert Sandilauds , Mr. Patrick Vernatt , and Mr. Iohn Harraway with some others : But at this time Mr. Richard Camron and his Brother Mr. Michael , with some few other Ministers were gone to Holland with Moneys to pay for Arms that were formerly brought by Kersland's Son ( as I was since inform'd ) and some other Phanaticks living there . In this Council there were very hot debates betwixt Welch's Party ( the most considerable of the two ) who were content to lay down Arms upon their getting an Indulgence , and Robert Hamilton's Party who would rest satisfied with nothing less than the Extirpation of Episcopacy , and setting up a pure Presbyterian Government , as they call'd it . And the Differences were so great betwixt them , that the choice of their chief Officers ( which was design'd to have been that Night ) was put off till the next day , ( being Sunday ) at Ten in the Forenoon ; but were prevented by the King's Army coming before Sun-rising , to the North-end of Bothwel-Bridge : However , they did that Night appoint two Commissioners , ( viz. Mr. David Home and Captain Mackculloch ) to treat for them with the Duke of Monmouth : On whom they waited accordingly about half an Hour before the Fight , but returned without any Success . The general Discourse amongst the Rebels on Friday and Saturday was , That the Lord Burgany would certainly come in to them the Monday following ( had not the Fight on Sunday prevented him ) to command their Forces in chief , and to appoint such Field Officers , both for the Horse and Foot as he should think fit , unless they had been appointed by the Council of War before his coming ; but in either of the Cases they were to have had their Commissions from him : For it was most certain , that they would not allow Robert Hamilton to be their Commander in chief The Rebels did frequently and openly express the great Confidence they had in some of their Friends about the Duke of Monmouth , and particularly the Lord Melvil , the Lord Newark , Sir Thomas Armstrong , and Sir Hamilton of Preston ( the Elder Brother of Robert Hamilton ) besides some others whom I do not now remember , but could know them , if I should hear their Names . When the King 's standing Forces begun to pass the Bridge , the chief Officers of the Rebels were consulting what was fit for them to do , and it was resolved that they should all March away in good Order towards Carrick , and the Ruins of Galloway , until they should be furnished with Arms and Ammunition , which were Landed at Borrowstenness ( besides what was expected from Holland ) but could not then be brought to them , by Reason of the King's Army having been interposed between them and that Place . And moreover they were in Expectation of considerable Reinforcements both of Horse and Foot , which were on their March from several parts of the Country . But their chief Encouragement to prosecute this Design , was the Confidence they had , that the Duke of Monmouth would not put any hardship upon them ; which I have good Reason to believe was true ; for when I was in Company with all the Rebels Horse ( about 1600. in number ) less than a mile from the Field of Battle , marching up on a rising Ground ( in our Retreat ) I look'd over my Shoulder , and saw the King's Horse at a stand , after they had pursued us a little way , which we look'd upon as having been done to favor our escape : For if they had follow'd us , they had certainly kill'd or taken us all , a few only excepted , who were very well mounted ; and we were often afterwards told , that they were stopt by the Duke of Monmouth's positive Command , when they were violently pursuing us , after they had quite broke our Foot ( consisting upwards of 4000. ) and were within less than half a mile of the Body of our Horse ( running away ) which then was in great Consternation and Confusion : However , we march'd that forenoon in as good Order as we could ( twelve miles over a Moor ) to New-mills , without any of his Majesties Forces giving us the least Disturbance , where we separated , some going towards Air , others to Galloway , and the rest to Nithsdale ; amongst which last , were the most resolute of the Officers , to the number of betwixt 45 and 50 ; who continued together in Arms , going up and down the Country in Galloway , Nithsdale and other places thereabouts ( after all the rest were scattered ) until a Party of the King's Forces , under the Command of Claverhouse came into Galloway , and then we ( for I was my self all along with that small remainder of the Rebels ) went into the West , where we were most kindly entertain'd in many places , though I do not remember the Names of the Persons by whom : But I do well know their Habitations ; and I was afterwards told by Mr. Richard Camron , and his Brother Mr. Michael , that they and several others were sheltered and entertained by Sir Hugh , and Sir George Campbells at their House of Cesnock . After some stay in the West , I returned to my own House ( Kilroy ) within four miles of Dum●reis , where having staid about five or six weeks , the said Mr. Richard Camron , and his Brother Mr. Michael ( who were some short time before returned from Holland ) came to see me , and stay'd with me two Nights : They told me , that they had bought four small Brass Guns with a considerable quantity of Ammunition and Fire-Arms , which they had in a Readiness , to have been Shipp'd at Amsterdam , in Order to their having been landed at Greenock ) when they receiv'd the News of the Defeat at Bothwell-Bridge : Whereupon they put up the said Guns , Arms and Ammunition in a secure place in Amsterdam , until there should be Occasion for them . The Sunday after their coming to my House , Mr. Richard Camron kept a Field-Conventicle within a mile of Sir Robert Dalyell's House , where were about three thousand in number . The Occasion of this Meeting ( where I was present ) was to see how the Count●y stood inclin'd , and who would joyn with him . From thence the said Mr. Richard carry'd with him twenty Men ( whereof I was one ) to the Laird of St. Iohn's Kirk ( a Cousin of the Lord Carmichael's , and I suppose his Name is also Carmichael , ) whose House is about two miles from Biggar , and towards thirty from Edinburg , where we stay'd four days : During which , there was several Conventicles kept in the House , at which , the Laird and his Lady were constantly present . And the Sunday after we kept a Field-Conventicle on Tinto-Hill , to which , there was People gather'd from all Parts of the Country thereabout , to the number of between three or four Thousand , whereof many were well Arm'd . From this Hill I went with Mr. Richard Camron aforesaid , and upwards of twenty more to the Lady Gilkerscleughs's House ( a Widow Lady ) in Clidsdale , where we stay'd a Week , and kept several Conventicles with her . About this time the Duke was come to Scotland , and whilst we were in this House , it was one Night at Supper propos'd by Haxtoun to kill his Royal Highness , the said Lady being present together with the two Camrons , four Gentlemen of the North , whom I knew not , and two of my Neighbors whose Names are Iohn Harper , and Robert Nalson . This Haxtoun said he would do it himself if he could come at him ; and thought , that it might best be done when the Duke was at Dinner ; wherefore he asked , If there were any there that would go and observe all the manner of his Royal Highness's Dining ? Whether People might get into the Room to see him at Dinner ? And if there were any Number , or Crowds of People got in ? Saying , That he was too well known to go upon this Errand himself . So Mr. Michael Camron undertook it , and took me along with him , who were particularly instructed to observe , whether people could go in with large Coats or Cloaks upon them , and Women with Plads ; and whether they could pass the Sentinels with their Swords : And according as he should find matters , he would afterwards contrive the best way to effect the Business . Accordingly we two went , and saw the Duke at Dinner ; but as we returned to our Lodging , at one Danald Mackay's House , at the Head of the Co●gate , near the Grass-market , Camron ( by chance ) met there a man which knew him ; whereupon we both betook our selves immediately to our Horses , and were pursued by Twelve of the King's Dragoons , who followed us so close , that we were forced to part Company ; and I went to my own House , where being again in danger by a Party of Claverhouse his Troop , and not thinking my self safe , I came into England , where I continued three years , and was at many Presbyterian House-Conventicles in Shrewsbury , Brummigham and Bristol ; but never see a Field-Conventicle in this Kingdom , save one at Clee-hill ( some few miles distant from Ludlow ) upon a Sunday in May , 1681 , where were met to the number of upwards of 1000 ; and some of Note were amongst them ; but I do only remember the Names of Mr. Burton ( a Lawyer whose Country ▪ Residence is in Shropshire ) and Mr. Wardin , a Merchant in Brummigham , besides the two Ministers who preached there , whose Names are Mr. Thomas Eaglesall , who lived in a little Market Town ( called Kinver ) in Worcestershire , near Justice Foley's House , and Mr. Thomas Case , who lived near Shrewsbury ; and their Sermons were wholly tending to raise Faction and Sedition , in the same manner as I have too frequently heard in the Field-Convent●cles in Scotland . About a year and half ago I went over into Holland , when I saw the ( since deceased ) Earl of Shaftsbury , and the late Earl of Argile , a● Amsterdam ; but did not speak with either of them ; and saw Ferguson at R●tterdam , with whom I spoke ; but nothing concerning the Government . Then Mr. Iohn Hog , and the other Scotch Ministers belonging to Rotterdam ( knowing that I was in the Rebellion , and could not safely live at Home ) advised me to enter my self a Souldier in the Prince of Orange's Army ; which I did accordingly in Colonel Iames Douglas's Regiment , in his own Company , where I served a Year ; and then became known to Mr. Thomas Maxwell , a Captain in that Regiment , whose Countrey-man I am ; and he understanding that I was fled from home upon the Account of my Accession to that Rebellion , told me how fair an Opportunity I had to serve the King , by making a full Discovery of all Persons that I knew to be guilty of it , or any ways aiding and assisting towards the promoting the same . Adding , that if I would follow his Advice in that matter , he doubted not of his putting me in a way to deserve and obtain the King's Remission , whereby I might be enabled to live peaceably at home hereafter . To which I did very readily consent : And he having thereupon ( the 12th . of November last ) obtained my Discharge from my Colonel , I have since discovered what I could . And particularly that at Rotterdam ( since my said Discharge ) I had seen several of the Whiggish Ministers , some whereof I remember were at Bothwel-Bridge , who came from Scotland about the beginning of September last , viz. Mr. Thomas Forre●ter , and Mr. Patrick Vernatt ( formerly mentioned in the Council of War ) who preach frequently in the Scots Church at Rotterdam , As do Mr. Gordon ( who is Brother to Iames Gordon , a Merchant there lately deceased ) Mr. Iohn Harvey , Mr. George Barclay , and Mr. Iohn . Sinclair , all Phanatick Preachers . The most part of whom ( as the above-mentioned Mr. Forrester told me ) went over from Holland into Scotland , about the month of August last ; but that they found themselves in such daily Hazards of being apprehended , that they returned back again to Holland ; and that this bad News which they brought over with them , is the reason why Robert Hamilton's late intended Journey to Scotland was put off , whither I was sometime before informed he did intend to go , and to carry Arms along with him to some of his Friends there . The said Forrester told me further , That they resolve to keep no more Field-Conventicles , finding , that those Meetings have served only to weaken their Party , through the seizing of some , and dispersing the rest ( which made their Friends publickly known ) and that now the English and they joyn Councils , and resolve to go on more warily . I did likewise discover , that the manner of the said Ministers , their passing to and fro betwixt Holland and Scotland undiscovered , was by their being clad in Sea-mans Cloaths , and working in the Ships as Sea-men . As also , that I was perswaded , before they shall attempt any thing towards a new Rebellion , or making use of the Arms , that the two Camrons left in Amsterdam ( which are now in the Custody of the late Earl of Argile , as I was told about nine Weeks ago in Vtrecht , by Sir Iohn Cochran's second Son , and Mr. William Cleland , mentioned in the Council of War ) they will first endeavor to dispatch the King ; and that being done , they doubted not but they could soon overcome the Duke , and all others that would oppose them : Which I heard my self discoursed in a Meeting about two months ago , at Mr. Thomas Hog , a Phanatick Preacher his House in Vtrecht , where were present ( besides Mr. Hog , and my self ) Sir Iohn Cochran's Son , and Mr. Cleland , already mentioned , Mr. Iames Steward , the Lawyer , his Lady , the Lady Kersland , and her Son , with several others , whose Names I do not remember : But this Language they speak only amongst their confident Friends : For they make the common sort of People believe , that there was no such thing as a Phanatick-Plot ; but that the raising of that Report was a Contrivance of the Papists , to make use of false Witnesses , for taking away the Lives of True Protestants ; which I have often heard , not only discoursed in Houses where some of the ordinary sort of People were in Company ; but also preached in the Churches , where the Sermons ( for Oath ) to bring up their Children in the true Protestant Faith , and in the Discipline and Doctrine of the Kirk of Scotland , according as they are obliged by the Solemn League and Covenant ; and at their Communions , debarring always from their Sacrament all such as have not taken the Covenant , and do not adhere to it . But of all the Fugitive Preachers lately gone over from Scotland into Holland , none is more perversely violent against the Government , than Mr. Iohn Sinclair ( who for many years was Minister , and kept a Boarding School at Ormiestoun ) whom about twelve Weeks ago I heard preach in the Scotch Church at Rotterdam ; and a great part of his Sermon was railing against the Duke ▪ and the Privy Council of Scotland , saying , That he ( meaning his Royal Highness ) was a Rebellious Enemy of God ; and had got such a Hand over those perjur'd Rogues ( meaning the Lords of the Privy Council ) as they all intended to overturn the Protestant Religion , and to introduce Popery ; which ( he further said ) could very easily be done , considering the small Difference that is betwixt them since Episcopacy was re-established ; and in his Prayer after Sermon , I heard him pray earnestly , That God might open the King's Eyes , to let him see the Evil of his Ways , and turn from it ; otherwise , That God might take him out of this World , from being a Curse , and a Scourge to his Holy People . And further prayed , That God would turn the Counsels of his Councellors , as he did that of Achitophel into nothing . The late Earl of Argile lives now in the Province of Frisland , where he has a small Estate , purchased partly by his Father , and partly by himself ; upon one of their Family or Tenants foretelling many years ago , that they should be driven from their Estate in Scotland , as I was often told in Holland , particularly by Mr. Iohn Hog Minister of the Scotch Church in Rotterdam and Mr. Iohn Pitcairne , who keeps a Meeting-house at Vtrecht . The Earl of Lowdon with two Servants only , and Sir Iames Dalrymple of Stair with his whole Family , live at Leyden , besides Mr. Douglas ( a Minister ) and some few more whose names I do not remember . There are many Phanatick House-keepers in Rotterda● , who harbour the Rebels and Fugitives that come over from Scotland , Viz. Robert Gibs , Mr. Livistoune , Iohn Gibbs , Mr. Russell , Iames Delapp , Iames Thomson , Iohn Greirson , Iames Nory , Iohn Iack , George Weir , all Merchants , and the Widdow of the lately Deceased Iames Gordon Merchant , whose House was the Common Receptacle of the chief of those Rebels and Fugitives . The Gentlemen that I left at Rotterdam are , Mr. Denham of Westsheills with his Family , Captain William Cleland , Iohn Belfour , with his Family , Captain William Ferguson of Caitloch with his Family , Captain Andrew Story . The Ministers there are Mr. Iohn Hog , Mr. Robert Fleeming ( setled Preachers of the Scotch Church ) Mr. Iohn Harraway , Mr. Thomas Forrester , Mr. Alexander Hasty , Mr. Patrick Vernat , Mr. Iohn Blakater , Mr. Gordon , Mr. George Barclay and Mr. Iohn Sinclair aforesaid , who is now settled a Preacher in the English Church at Delfe . At Vtrecht I left Mr. Iames Stewart the Lawyer with his Family , and his Elder Brother the Laird of Coldnesse , Mr. Cochran , ( Sir Iohn's Second Son ) the Lady Kersland and her Son , and Six Ministers , Viz. Mr. Thomas Hogg , Mr. Iohn Pitcairne , Mr. Iohn Ogilvy , Mr. Iohn Veitche , Mr. Robert Ker and Mr. Robert Menteath , besides some others of less Note , whose names I do not remember I left at Vtrecht three English Gentlemen who lived there for some time before , and go by the Names of Esquire Packwood , Mr. Smith a Merchant of London , and Mr. Iones a Welsh-man , but I do not believe that these are their true Names for they fled from England upon the Discovery of the late Plot ▪ as did likewise several other Englishmen , whom I did often see there , but could not learn their Names . I did also see and speak with Sir Iohn Cochran , but he and 7. or 8. Scotchmen more ( whose names I know not ) went two days after my Arrival there , to Gilderland , where a great many of the Rebels and Fugitives live ( as they think ) most safe and at ease amongst the Bores ; for they were afraid of Staying at Vtrecht ( as some of themselves told me ) by reason of the Spies that they were informed were sent thither from England to make enquiry after such of his Majesties Subjects as lived there . And Mr. Cochran and Captain Cleland told me as their Friend , that the report amongst our Countrymen was that I likewise was sent thither as a Spie ; which although they did not believe , yet they advised me to be gone away privately , assuring me withal that I was every hour I stayed there in hazard of losing my Life . Upon this I returned to Rotterdam , where my Credit with that Party continued about a week , untill I was suspected by my old Captain and three of the Ministers , Viz. Harraway , Forrester and Sinclair , who about 7 or 8 Weeks ago carried me with them to Church , and there proposed ( as a Test of my Sincerity to the interest of the good Cause as it was commonly called ) that I should take the Covenant and the Sacrament with a Solemn Protestation that I am still ( as I have been in former times ) an Enemy to the King and the present Government : All which I refused to do ; and then they debarred me for ever from their Meetings and Company : Nevertheless I did often thereafter insinuate my self into both , though without any Success ; for I could not recover their good opinion , but on the contrary was daily threatned with the severest effects of their revenge . White-hall , 24 Feb. 1683 / 4. Robert Smith . The Information of Zachariah Bourne taken the 5th . of December , 1683. THat Mr. Bayly sat up one night , if not two , with Mr. Ferguson , and went several times in the Evening , with him to the Duke of Monmouth , and the cheif managers of the Conspiracy : Ferguson told me , he was the Cheif man for the Scots , next the Lord Argile . The Night he sat up with Ferguson , I believe it was about the Declaration , for the next day he was going to shew it me , but some body came up to him , and hinder'd him . Mr. Bayly's great business to meet the Cheif Conspirators was ( as Ferguson told me ) to get the 10000. l. for the buying of Arms , for the Insurrection in Scotland . Carstares I saw often come to Ferguson , but for any Discourse he had with him he never told me of , or with any other but Mr. Bayly , as I can at present remember . Zac. Bourne . The Deposition of Mr. William Carstares , when he was Examined before the Lords of Secret Committee , given in by him , and renewed upon Oath , upon the 22d . of December , 1684. in presence of the Lords of His Majesty's Privy-Council . Edinburgh-Castle , September 8. 1684. MR. William Carstares being Examin'd upon Oath , conform to the Condescention given in by him , and on the Terms there-in-mention'd , Depones , That about November or December , 1682. Iames Stuart , Brother to the Laird of Cultness , wrote a Letter to him from Holland , importing , that if any considerable sum of Money could be procur'd from England , that something of Importance might be done in Scotland : The which Letter , the Deponent had an Inclination to inform Shepard in Abb-Church-lane , Merchant in London of ; but before he could do it , he wrote to Mr. Stuart above-nam'd , to know from him if he might do it ; and Mr. Stuart having consented , he Communicat the said Letter to Mr. Shepard , who told the Deponent that he would Communicat the Contents of it to some persons in England ; but did at that time name no body , as the Deponent , thinks : Some time thereafter , Mr. Shepard told the Deponent , that he had Communicat the Contents of the Letter above-named to Colonel Sidney , and that Colonel Danvers was present , and told the Deponent , that Colonel Sidney was averse from imploying the late Earl of Argile , or medling with him , judging him a man too much affected to the Royal Family , and inclined to the present Church-Government ; yet Mr. Shepard being put upon it by the Deponent , still urg'd , that one might be sent to the Earl of Argile , but as Mr. Shepard told him , he was suspected upon the account of his urging so much ; yet afterwards he press'd , without the Deponents knowledge , that the Deponent being to go to Holland however , might have some Commission to the Earl of Argile , which he having inform'd the Deponent of , the Deponent told him , that he himself would not be concern'd , but if they would send another he would introduce him ; but nothing of this was done : upon which the Deponent went over , without Commission from any body , to Holland , never meeting with Iames Stuart above-named : He was introduced to the Earl of Argile , with whom he had never before convers'd and did there discourse what had past betwixt Mr. Shepard and him ; and particularly , about remitting of Money to the said Earl from England ; of which , the said Mr. Stuart had written to the Deponent , namely of 30000 pounds Sterling ; and of the raising of 1000 Horse and Dragoons ; and the securing the Castle of Edinburgh , as a matter of the greatest importance : The method of doing this was propos'd by the Deponent , to be one hour , or thereby , after the relieving of the Guards : But the Earl did not relish this proposition , as dangerous ; and that the Castles would fall of consequence , after the work abroad was done . Iames Stuart was of the Deponents Opinion , for seizing the Castle ; because it would secure Edinburgh , the Magazines and Arms. As to the 1000 Horse and Dragoons , my Lord Argile was of Opinion , that without them nothing was to be done ; and that if that number was raiss'd in England to the said Earl , he would come into Scotland with them ; and that there being so few Horse and Dragoons to meet them , he judg'd he might get the Country without trouble , having such a standing Body for their Friends to Rendezvouz to ; and the said Earl said he could shew the Deponent the convenient places for Landing , if he understood , and as the Deponent remembers , where the Ships could attend . The Deponent remembers not the Names of the Places . The Deponent spoke to the Lord Stairs , but cannot be positive that he nam'd the Affair to him , but found him shie : but the Earl of Argile told him , he thought Stairs might be gain'd to them : And that the Earl of Lowdoun being a man of good Reason and disoblig'd , would have great influence upon the Country , and recommended the Deponent to Major Holms , with whom the Deponent had some acquaintance before , and had brought over a Letter from him to the Earl of A●gile ; but the Deponent had not then communicate any thing to the said Holms . Iames Stuart laid down a way of correspondence by Cyphers and false Names , and sent them over to Holms , and the Deponent , for their use ( which Cyphers and Names are now in the hands of His Majesty's Officers , as the Deponent supposes● ) and did desire the Deponent earnestly to propose the 30000 pound Sterling above-named to the Party in England , and did not propose any less ; for as the Earl told the Deponent , he had particularly calculate the Expence for Arms , Ammunition , &c. But Iames Stuart said , that if some less could be had , the Earl would content himself , if better might not be , but the Earl always said that there was nothing to be done without the body of Horse and Dragoons above-mentioned ; During the time of the Deponent his abode in Holland tho he had several Letters from Shepard , yet there was no satisfactory account , till some time after the Deponent parted from the Earl of Argile , and was making for a Ship at Rotterdam to transport himself to England ▪ Iames Stuart wrote to him that there was hopes of the Money . The next day after the Deponent came to England , he met with Sir Iohn Cochran , who with Commissar Monro , and Ierviswood , was at London before he came over ; and depones , That he knows not the account of their coming , more than for the perfecting the Transaction about Carolina : and having acquainted Sir Iohn 〈◊〉 with the Earls demands of the 30000 pound Sterling , and the 1000 Ho●s● 〈◊〉 Dragoons , Sir Iohn carried him to the Lord Russel , to whom the Dep●nent proposed the Affair , but being an absolute Stranger to the D●ponent , had no return from him at that time ; but afterwards having met him accidenly at Mr. Shepards house , where the Lord R●●sel had come to speak to Shepard about the Money above-named , as Mr. Shepard told the Deponent . The Depon●●● ( wh●●● they were done speaking ) desired to speak to the Lord 〈◊〉 , which the Lord Russel did , and having reiterate the 〈…〉 for the 30000 pound Sterling , and the 1000 Horse and 〈◊〉 , he the Lord Russel told the Deponent , they could not get so 〈◊〉 raised at the time , but if they had 10000 pound 〈…〉 would draw People in , and when they were 〈…〉 soon be brought to more ; but as for the 1000 〈…〉 he could say nothing at the present , for tha● 〈…〉 upon the Borders . The Deponent made the same 〈…〉 Ferguson , who was much concerned in the 〈…〉 the promoting of it . This Mr. Ferguson had in 〈…〉 before , as the Deponent remembers in a Conversation 〈…〉 in Cheap ▪ side , or the Street somewhere 〈…〉 for the saving of Innocent Blood , it would be 〈…〉 few , insinuating the King and Duke , but cannot be positive whether he named them or not ; To which the Deponent 〈…〉 for our wild People in Scotland , my Conscience does not serve me for such things ; after which the Deponent had never any particular discourse with Ferguson as to that matter ; but as to the other Affair , Ferguson told the Deponent that he was doing what he could to get it effectuate ; as particularly that he spoke to one Major Wildman who is not of the Deponent his acquaintance . Ferg●son blamed always Sidney , as driving designs of his own . The Deponent met twice or thrice with the Lord Melvil , Sir Iohn Cochran , Ierviswood , Commissar Monro , the two Cessnocks , Montgomery of Langshaw , and one Mr. Veatch , where they discoursed of Money to be ●ent to Argile , in order to the carrying on the Affair ; and tho he cannot be positive the Affair was named , yet it was understood by himself , and as he conceives by all present , to be for rising in Arms , for rectifying the Government . Commissar Monro , Lord Melvil , and the two Cessnocks were against medling with the English , because they judged them men that would talk , and would not do , but were more inclined to do something by themselves , if it could be done . The Lord Melvil thought every thing hazardous , and therefore the Deponent cannot say he was positive in any thing , but was most inclined to have the Duke of Monmouth to head them in Scotland , of which no particular method was laid down . Ierviswood , the Deponent , and Mr. Veatch , were for taking the Money ; at one of these Meetings it was resolved , that Mr. Martin , late Clerk of the Justice Court , should be sent to Scotland , to desire their Friends to hinder the Country from Rising or taking ●ash Resolutions upon the account of the Council , till they should see how matters went in England . The said Martin did go at the Charges of the Gentlemen of the Meeting , and was directed to the Laird of Polwart and Torwoodlie , who sent back word , that it would not be found so easie a matter to get the Gentry of Scotland to concur : But afterwards in a Letter to Commissar Monro , Polwart wrote that the Country was readier to concur then they had imagined , or something to that purpose . The Deponent , as above-said , having brought over a Key from Holland , to serve himself and Major Holms , he remembers not that ever he had an exact Copy of it , but that sometimes the one , sometimes the other keeped it , and so it chanced to be in his Custody when a Letter from the Earl of Argile came to Major Holms , intimating , that the would joyn with the Duke of Monmouth , and follow his Measures , or obey his Directions : this Mr. Veatch thought fit to communicate to the Duke of Monmouth , and for the Understanding of it was brought to the Deponent , and he gave the Key to Mr. Veatch , who as the Deponent was inform'd , was to give it and the Letter to Mr , Ferguson , and he to shew it to the Duke of Monmouth ; but what was done in it the Deponent knows not . The Deponent heard the Design of killing the King and Duke , from Mr. Shepard , who told the Deponent some were full upon it . The Deponent heard that Aaron Smith was sent by those in England to call Sir Iohn Cochran , on the account of Carolina , but that he does not know Aaron Smith , nor any more of that Matter , not being concern'd in it . Shepard nam'd young Hambden frequently as concern'd in these Matters . Sign'd at Edingburgh Castle , the 8th . of September , 1684. and renewed the 18th . of the same Month. William Carstares . PERTH . CANCELL . I. P. D. Edinburgh . Edinburgh Castle September 18. 1684. MR. William Carstares being again examin'd , adheres to his former Deposition , in all the parts of it , and Depones he knows of no Correspondence betwixt Scotland and England , except by Martin before-nam'd : For those Gentlemen to whom he was sent , were left to follow their own Methods . Veatch , as the Deponent remembers , stayed sometimes at Nicholson , Stabler's House at London-Wall ; sometimes with one Widow Hardcastle in Morefields . The Deponent did Communicate the Design on Foot to Doctor Owen , Mr. Griffil , and Mr. Meed at Stepney , who all concurred in the promoting of it , and were desirous it should take effect ; and to one Mr. Freth in the Temple , Councellor at Law , who said he would see what he could do in reference to the Money , but there having gone a Report , that there was no Money to be rais'd , he did nothing in it , nor does the Deponent think him any more concern'd in the Affair , Nel●hrop frequently spoke to the Deponent of the Money to be sent to Argile , whether it was got or not , but the Deponent used no freedom with him in the Affair . Goodenough did insinuate once , that the Lords were not inclin'd to the thing , and that before they would see what they could do in the City . The Deponent saw Mr. Ferguson , and Mr. Rumsay , lurking after the Plot broke out , before the Proclamation , having gone to Ferguson , in the back of Bishop-gate-street , at some new Building , whether he was directed by Ierviswood , who was desirous to know how things went , Rumsay was not of the Deponent his Acquaintance before , but they knew as little of the matter as the Deponent . This is what the Deponent remembers , and if any thing come to his Memory , he is to deliver it in betwixt , and the first of October : And this is the truth , as he shall Answer to God. William Carstares . PERTH CANCELL , I. P. D. At Edinburgh , the 22d . of December , 1684. THese fore-going Pages , subscrib'd by Mr. William Carstares Deponent , and by the Lord Chancellor , where acknowledged on Oath by the said Mr. William Carstares , to be his true Depositions , and that the Subscriptions were his , in presence of us Underscribers . William Carstares . PERTH CANCELLARIUS . David Falconer . QUENSBERRY . George Mekenzie . ATHOL . Copy of the Lord Russel's Examination in the Tower. My Lord Russel Asked , WHether he knows of any Consultations tending towards an Insurrection , or to surprize His Majesties Guards at any time , and by any persons , and by whom ? Whether he hath ever been at Mr. Shepards House , and how often , and when last ? Whether any Lords were in company , and who ? Whether at any time the Duke of Monmouth , Lord Grey , Sir Thomas Armstrong , Colonel Romzey , Mr. Ferguson , or any of them were there , and how many , and which of them ? Whether there was any discourse concerning a Rising in the West , or any parts of the West , or at Taunton , and what the Discourse was , and by whom ? Whether there was any discourse concerning the surprizing the Kings Guards at any time ? Whether the Duke of Monmouth , the Lord Grey , and Sir Thomas Armstrong did undertake to view the Guards to see if it might be done , and in what posture they were ? Whether they gave any account that they had viewed the Guards , and how they found them ? What did Mr. Ferguson say at any of those Meetings , and by whom was he directed ? Whether he knows of any Design for a Rising in Scotland ? Whether he hath been at any Consultations for that end , with any persons , Scotchmen or others , and with whom ? What Monies the Scotch demanded at first , and whether they did not consent to take Ten thousand pounds , and how was that or any part of that to be raised , and by whom ? My Lord Russel's Answer to the preceding Interrogatories . MY Lord knows of no Consultation tending to any Insurrection . His Lordship knows nothing of any Consultation or Design to surprize his Majesties Guards at any time . divers times His Lordship doth acknowledge to have been frequently at Mr. Shepard's House . His Lordship cannot precisely set down the time that he was there last . To the two Articles relating to the Lords that were in company at Mr. Shepards , his Lordship answers that he went thither with the Duke of Monmouth ; but as to the rest of the persons then present , his Lordship conceives that he ought not to answer , because there were ill Constructions made of that Meeting , nor cannot positively remember . His Lordship answers , There was no discourse as he remembers concerning any Rising in the West , or any parts of the West , or at Taunton , nor particularly of Mr. Iohn Trenchards Undertaking , nor any discourse about Mr. Iohn Trenchard as he remembers . His Lordship answers there was no Discourse at Mr. Shepards about surprizing the Guards , nor of the Duke of Monmouth's , my Lord Grey's , nor of Sir Thomas Armstrong's Undertaking to view the Guards ; nor was there any account there given by the said persons of their having viewed the Guards , nor how they found them . Nor was there any such Undertaking elsewhere to his knowledge . To the question what Mr. Ferguson did say at any of those Meetings , his Lordship answers that he cannot tell what Mr. Ferguson did say there , nor doth he own that Mr. Ferguson was there . His Lordship knows of no Design for a Rising in Scotland , nor knows any thing of the whole Article relating to Scotland , nor any part of it . His Lordship hath heard general discourses of many distressed people , Ministers and others of the Scottish Nation that were fled and that it were great Charity to relieve them . This Examination was taken the 28th day of Iune , 1683. before Us L. Ienkins , I. Ernle , R. Sawyer , H. Finch . Notes of some things Confessed before His Majesty and the Council , taken out of the Books of Minutes . JOhn Rouse consest that Money was Collected in the City at the intimation or desire of some Parliament Men , for the Kings Evidence , that receiving that Money for that purpose from some of them he sent it to those Persons for whom it was design'd . Bourn Confesses , That Sir Thomas Armstrong used to come every day to Ferguson when he lay at his House , that he has seen him since the discovery when Armstrong urged him to get some friends together to make a push and that it was better to dye with Swords in their hands . Walcot Confesses , That Aaron Smith was sent into Scotland by those Gentlemen that transacted the matter . Bourn says , That Ferguson Lodged at his Fathers House a Month or six Weeks , That he left no Papers in his House and used to say he would never be hanged for Papers . Shepard says , Bayly told him Charlton had undertaken to raise the whole 10000 l. Romzey says , The Lord Russel was about going away from Shepard's when he arrived there , and that his Lordship said Trenchard was a Coward , and that he would go down himself and begin the Rising . Charlton confesses , He had paid Oates 80 l. per quarter for his subsistance of which he had but 10. l. of my Lord Shaftsbury , and was himself the rest out of Purse but that he was told a Parliament would reimburse him . Shepard says , That Ferguson and Bayly told him that Charlton would procure the 10000 l. himself , and raise it upon a Mortgage . Charlton further says , He paid Oates about 400 l. in all . The Information of John Rouse taken at his desire in Newgate the 19th of July , 1683. THe Informant saith , That the design of the Rebellion and seizing the King was begun by the Earl of Shaftsbury at his House in Aldersgate-street , before the meeting of the Parliament at Oxford , where the Duke of Monmouth , Sir Thomas Armstrong , Lord Russel , Lord Grey , Major Manly a Brewer at Whitechappel , and others whom he saw there and as he was told likewise by his Servants , frequently met there ; the foundation of all the Scurrilous . Libels was laid , particularly that of the Raree-shew . That all those Clubs at Mile-end-green , the Sun behind the Exchange , at Russel's in Iron-Monger-lane , and at the Salutation in Lumbard-street , were to carry on that Design , he cannot recollect all names , but declares that he knows all those of Note that were at those Clubs were thoroughly acquainted with the Design . These Clubs were divided into three Factions , by reason of which division the Informant saith the Design went on so flow as it did , and at last it fell between the Duke of Monmouth , and a Common-wealth ; and the greater number carried it for the Duke of Monmouth , because it was found upon his going into the West , Ch●chester and Cheshire , the vogue of the people went for him . Those that were for a Common-wealth were absolutely resolved to have nothing to do with the Race of the Stuart's ; but they pitcht upon Richard Cromwel , whom this Informant knows to be in England . The longest day that was appointed for execution of this was at Midsummer-day last , when the people should be at Guild-hall chosing Sheriffs . Five hundred Horse were promised to be sent in from the Country , who were to seize the Guards . The pretence of the Conspirators was to secure His Majesty from being killed by the Papists , that if he would not comply with His Parliament at Oxford , then to set up the Duke of Monmouth . That this was long design'd likewise before the meeting at Oxford . The Informant saith , That it was resolved by the Conspirators , that when they should have accomplisht their Design , and that the Tower and City of London was seized , then they were to go to Whitehal and demand their Priviledges , and Freedoms , with their Swords in their hands . He hath been present at many of these Clubs where these Designs have been consulted of , and all the persons of any note , Commons as well as Lords were consenting to the Conspiracy ; he saith he can prove it by many Witnesses . He saith my Lord Shaftsbury and Oates were the Principal movers in all this business . A particular Account of the Situation of the Rye-House . THe Rye-House in Hartfordshire , about eighteen Miles from London , is so called from the Rye a Meadow near it . Just under it there is a By-road from Bishops-Strafford to Hoddesden , which was constantly used by the King when he went to or from Newmarket ; the great Road winding much about on the Right-hand by Stansted . The House is an Old Strong Building and stands alone , encompass'd with a Mote , and towards the Garden has high Walls , so that Twenty Men might easily defend it for some time against Five hundred . From a high Tower in the House all that go or come may be seen both ways for near a Mile distance . As you come from Newmarket towards London , when you are near the House , you pass the Meadow over a narrow Caus-way , at the end of which is a Toll-gate , which having Entred you go through a Yard , and a little Field , and at the end of that through another Gate , you pass into a narrow Lane , where two Coaches at that time could not go a-breast . This narrow Passage had on the Left hand a thick Hedge and a Ditch , on the Right a long Range of Building used for Corn-Chambers and Stables with several Doors and Windows looking into the Road , and before it a Pale , which then made the Passage so narrow , but is since removed . When you are past this long Building , you go by the Mote , and the Garden Wall , that is very Strong , and has divers Holes in it , through which a great many Men might shoot ▪ Along by the Mote and Wall the Road continues to the Ware-River which runs about Twenty or Thirty yards from the Mote , and is to be past by a Bridge . A small distance from thence another Bridge is to be past over the New-River . In both which Passes a few Men may oppose great Numbers . In the outer Court-yard , which is behind the long Building , a considerable Body of Horse and Foot might be drawn up unperceived from the Road ; whence they might easily issue out at the same time into each end of the narrow Lane , which was also to be stopt up by overturning a Cart. Notes of what pass'd between the Late KING , His Royal Highness the Duke of YORK , and the Duke of MONMOUTH , at the Time of his first Rendring himself . Taken in Writing at that Time by his Royal Highness . November the 25th . 1683. YEsterday the Duke of Monmouth came and Surrendred himself to Mr. Secretary Ienkins , and desired to Speak alone with the KING and DUKE , which was Granted him . He first Threw himself at His MAIESTIES Feet , acknowledging his Guilt , and the Share he had in the Conspiracy , and asked His Pardon , then Confest himself Faulty to the DUKE , asked his Pardon also , assured him if he should survive His MAIESTY , that he would Pay him all the Duty that became a Loyal Subject , and be the First should Draw his Sword for him , should there be Occasion . He then Desired His MAIESTY would not Oblige him to be a Witness , and then gave an Account of the Whole Conspiracy , naming all Those Concerned in it , which were more than Those had already been Mentioned by the several Witnesses . He denyed any Knowledge of the Assassination . When he had made an end of his Confession , His MAIESTY Ordered him to be put into the Custody of a Serjeant at Arms. This day Admitted him to His Presence , and Ordered a Stop to be put to the Outlawry , and Promis'd him his Pardon . He further added , That Dr. Owen , Mead , Griffin , and all the Considerable Nonconformists Ministers knew of the Conspiracy . The Duke of Monmouth's First Letter to the KING , mentioned , P. 151 of the foregoing Account . IF I could have Writ to Your MAIESTY sooner ▪ with any Safety to my Self , I would have done it , to have told you , ●hat there is nothing under Heaven has Struck Me so to the Heart , as to be Put into a Proclamation for an Intention of Murdring of You , SIR , and the DUKE . I do Call God Almighty to Witness , and I Wish I may Die this Moment I am Writing if ever it Entred into my Head , or ever said the least Thing to any Body that could make them think I could wish such a Thing ; I am sure there cannot be such Villains upon Earth to say I ever did . But I am so Innocent to this Point , that I will say no more of it , for I know God Almighty is Just , and I do not doubt but he will put it into Your Heart that I am Clear of this Most Horrid and Base Accusation . But , SIR , the Chief Intent of this Letter is to Beg Pardon both of You , SIR , and the DUKE , for the many Things I have done that have made You both Angry with Me : But more especially of the DUKE , though I might have some Justification for my Self that many People made Me believe he Intended to Destroy Me ; for to you , SIR , I do Protest before God Almighty , and I Wish I may never Prosper more , that all I have done was only to Save You , as I shall Convince Your MAIESTY , if ever I am so Happy as to Speak to You , and I Hope You will let Me do it , before it be long , for I have that to say to You , SIR , that will for ever I Hope Settle You Quiet in Your Kingdom , and the DUKE after You , whom I Intend to Serve to the Uttermost of my Power , and , SIR , to Convince him that I will do so , if Your MAIESTY will Give Me Your Pardon , I will Deliver my Self up into his Hands , that the DUKE may bring Me to You ; besides , SIR , I should be Glad to have him by when I Speak to You , but no Body else , and by this Kindness of the DUKES , if ever I should do any Thing afterwards against Him , I must be thought the Ungratefullest Man Living . What Good can it do You , SIR , to take Your Own Childs Life away that only Erred and Ventured his Life to Save Yours ? And besides , SIR , I am Sure I can be Serviceable to You , and if I may Say so , make the Rest of Your Life Happy , or at least Contribute a great Deal towards it . You may believe Me , SIR , for I do not tell You this out of Fear , but because I do Think my Self sure of it . I do Beg of You , SIR , if You have any Thoughts of Mercy of Me , that You will let Me know it soon , for the sooner I speak to You the better . And now , SIR , I do Swear to You , that from this Time , I never will Displease You in any Thing , but the whole Study of my Life shall be to shew how truly Penitent I am for having done it , and how Well I will Deserve the Life You give Me. And for the DUKE that he may have a more Firm Confidence of the Service I intend to do Him , I do here Declare to Your MAIESTY , that I will never ask to see Your Face more , if ever I do any Thing against Him , which is the greatest Curse I can lay upon my Self , Monmouth . The Duke of Monmouth's Second Letter to the KING mentioned P. 152 of the foregoing Account . YOU must allow Me , SIR , still to Importune You not without Hopes of Prevailing at last upon Your Generosity , so as it may get the better of Your Anger to Me. I am half Distracted , SIR , with the Thoughts of having Offended You ; and the Torment it gives Me is perhaps greater than Your forgiving Nature would know how to inflict upon the most Criminal Offenders : The Character I lie under is too heavy for Me to bear ; even Death it self would be a Relief to Me , could I have it without the Aggravation of leaving the World under Your Displeasure : I must therefore throw my self upon Your Compassion , which being a Virtue so agreeable to Your Nature , I hope Your Child , SIR , will not be an unfortunate Instance of Your denying it , when 't is Implored ▪ I confess , SIR , I have been in Fault , Mislead , and Insensibly Engaged in Things of which the Consequence was not enough Understood by Me : Yet I can say I never had a Criminal Thought towards Your MAIESTY , not pretending by that to Insist upon an Absolute Justification of my Self . Your MAIESTY will Consider , that whilst I was Under the Apprehensions of great Anger and Violence against Me , it might easily Corrupt my Judgment , and by seeing Things in a wrong Light , Betray Me into very Fatal Mistakes : But now that I have had Time to Recollect my Self , every thing like a Fault towards Your MAIESTY appeareth to Me in such a Reproaching Terrifying Shape , that I have a Remorse for it , which could it be seen , I assure my Self it would Move Your Compassion to Me. I Humbly beg , SIR , to be Admitted to Your Feet , and to be Disposed of as You Direct , not only now , but for the Remainder of my Life : And though my Resignation is too full to admit any Reserve , Your MAIESTY will permit me to offer to You , Whether You will let pass any thing as a Penalty upon Me , which may lay a Stain upon my Innocent Children ? Whether You will make Me Undergo the Ignominy of a Tryal , before You give Me Your Pardon ? And of what Use or Satisfaction can it be to You to Forgive Me , and yet give Me the Cruel Punishment of hearing my Self Arraigned for Treason against such a KING , and such a FATHER ? And whether my being carried to the Tower in case You be pleased to Excuse my ●ryal , c●n have any Effect but an unnecessary Mortification of One , who God knoweth is already enough Afflicted , and some kind of Blemish too , to my Family , as well as an useless Limitation of Your MAJESTIES Mercy ? SIR , I lay these Things before You in the most Submitting Manner that is Possible , with an Entire Resignation to what You shall Determine . Neither do I Imagine to Receive Your Pardon any otherwise than by the Intercession of the DUKE , whom I Acknowledge to have Offended , and am Prepared to Submit my Self in the Humblest Manner ; and therefore beg Your MAIESTY would Direct how I am to Apply my Self to Him ; and I shall do it , not as an Outward Form , but with all the Sincerity in the World. If what I have said can Move You to Forget my past Faults , it will be a Grace I shall Endeavour to Deserve by all the Actions of my Life : And I am so sensible how Ill a Guide my Own Will hath been to Me , that I am Resolved for the Future to put it Entirely into Your MAJESTIES Hands , that I may by that Means never Commit a Fault but for want of Your Directions or Your Commands . Dear , SIR , be pleased to Revive by a kind Answer the most Miserable Disconsolate Creature now Living , Monmouth . The Copy of a Letter to the KING , Signed by the Duke of Monmouth , mentioned P. 155 of the foregoing Account . I Have heard of some Reports of Me , as if I should have ●essen'd the Late Plot , and gone about to Discredit the Evidence given against Those , who have Died by Justice . Your MAIESTY and the DUKE know how Ingenuously I have Own'd the Late Conspiracy ; and though I was not Conscious of any Design against Your MAJESTIES LIFE , yet I Lament the having had so Great a Share in the other Part of the said Conspiracy . SIR , I have taken the Liberty to put this in Writing for my Own Vindication , and I beseech You to Look Forward , and Endeavour to Forget the Faults You have Forgiven Me : I will take Care never to Commit any more against You , or come within the Danger of being again Mislead from my Duty , but make it the Business of my Life to Deserve the Pardon Your MAIESTY hath granted to Your Dutiful Monmouth . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61154-e34680 * Nota , That this week His MAJESTY was expected from New-Market , but came eight days sooner , by reason of the ●ire . Notes for div A61154-e36870 * Car●●●res . † Scotland . * S●●tland † 〈◊〉 . * Diss●nting Lords . * Scotland . * England † Carstares . * Di●●enting Lords . 
A61185	----	A true account and declaration of the horrid conspiracy against the late King, His present Majesty and the government as it was order'd to be published by His late Majesty. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1685 Approx. 272 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 87 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61185 Wing S5065 ESTC R27500 09905085 ocm 09905085 44330 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61185) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44330) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1368:6) A true account and declaration of the horrid conspiracy against the late King, His present Majesty and the government as it was order'd to be published by His late Majesty. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. James II, King of England, 1633-1701. [4], 167 p. Printed by Thomas Newcomb, [London] : 1685. Attributed by Wing to Thomas Sprat. Proclamation of King James II testifying to the truth of this account: p. [1]-[2]. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Rye House Plot, 1683. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-12 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A True ACCOUNT AND DECLARATION OF The Horrid Conspiracy Against the Late KING , His Present MAJESTY , AND THE GOVERNMENT : As it was Order'd to be Published by His Late Majesty . In the SAVOY : Printed by THOMAS NEWCOMB , One of His MAJESTIES Printers . 1685. JAMES R. JAMES the Second , By the Grace of God King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To all to whom these Presents shall come , Greeting . Whereas Our Dearest Brother the late King of ever Blessed Memory , gave special Order in His Life-time for Drawing up the following Account and Declaration of the Horrid Conspiracy against His Sacred Person and Ours ; and had provided , that the Substance of it should be Impartially Collected out of Original Papers , and unquestionable Records , and was Himself pleased to direct in what Method it should be digested , taking particular Care , that the Truth of the whole Narration should have such Clearness and Strength , as it might deserve to be owned by Himself . Accordingly it was Composed and ready for the Press ; when it pleased Almighty God to take that Excellent Prince to his Mercy . And whereas it is but too evident , that the same Hellish Plot is not entirely extinguished , but that divers of the Wicked Actors in it are still carrying on new Contrivances against the Happy Peace of Our Dominions ; We cannot but judge it seasonable in this Juncture of Time to have Our Subjects reminded of the Rise , Progress and Mischievous Designs of that desperate Confederacy . To this end , having first Read and Examined this Account and Declaration , that We might be the better able to give Our Royal Testimony , as We do by these Presents , to the Faithfulness and Certainty of the whole Relation , We have caused it to be now Printed and Published . Given at Our Court at Whitehal , the 21 day of May , 1685. in the First Year of Our Reign . By His Majesties Command , SUNDERLAND . JAMES R. OUR Will and Pleasure is , and We do hereby Appoint Thomas Newcomb One of Our Printers , to Print this Account and Declaration ; and that no other Person presume to Print the same , as they will answer the contrary . Given at Our Court at Whitehal , the 23 Day of May 1685. in the First Year of Our Reign . By His Majesties Command , SUNDERLAND . A True ACCOUNT OF THE Horrid Conspiracy Against the Late KING , His Present MAJESTY , And the GOVERNMENT . THE KING has thought fit to lay open , and to declare to the World , An Exact Account of the late Accursed Conspiracy , which was actually form'd , and carried on in England , and set on foot in Scotland , against His own , and his only and dearest Brothers Life , and against the Peaceable and Flourishing Government of His Majesties Kingdoms ; as far forth , as hitherto the Particulars of it have come to His Knowledge , by the Voluntary Confessions , or undeniable Convictions of divers of the Principal Conspirators . By thus faithfully representing the plain Matter of Fact , though perhaps all the Groundless Suggestions , and Malicious Insinuations of Factious Men , will not be wholly put to silence ; it being their old , and constant Artifice , to support , and incourage their Party , by Impudent Slanders and Falshoods , against the clearest Light , and most evident Proof : Yet however His Majesty will have the Satisfaction hereby to confirm the Loyalty , and good Affections of all His loving Subjects at Home , and to establish Abroad the Reputation , and Honour of His Royal Justice . And moreover ( which His Majesty most of all regards ) this Publick , and Lasting Testimony will be given of His sincere Thankfulness to Almighty God , for that Miraculous Deliverance from a Danger , which came so near His Sacred Person , and was so far spread in the Ruine , it threaten'd to all His People . It is well known , what mischievous Arts of late Years have been used , and what Treasonable Courses taken , to withdraw these Nations from their bounden Duty and Allegiance , and to expose His Majesties most Just , and Merciful Government to Calumny and Contempt : The Rebellious Design having been apparently carried on by all sorts of Male-contents ; whom either their Crimes , or Wants , their furious Zeal , or unbounded Ambition , inclined to wish for a Disturbance of the Peace , and Prosperity , which His Majesties Dominions have so long injoy'd , to the Envy of all His Neighbours . To this wicked purpose , many the very same fatal Methods and specious Pretences , which , in the Days of his Majesties Glorious Father , had involved these Kingdoms in Confusion and Blood , were once again revived , and by many the very same Persons ; Men of crafty , restless , and implacable Spirits ; impenitent after the most Gracious Pardons ; whom long Experience had made skilful in seducing weak , and unstable Minds , by counterfeiting the plausible Names of things in themselves most excellent , but most dangerous when abused ; such as Liberty , Property , Conscience , and Religion . By these wretched Instruments , was this most gentle , and benign Government again reproached with Tyranny , and Arbitrary Power : The Church of England was once more Traduced , as Popishly affected : The most able Officers , and faithfullest Servants of the Crown again Reviled , under the odious Title of Evil Councellours . In the mean time Sedition and Schism were every where promoted ; unreasonable Fears suggested ; vain Suspicions of future Dangers augmented to destroy the present Tranquility ; desperate Speeches , infamous Libels , Traiterous Books swarm'd in all places ; and under colour of the only True Protestant , the worst of all Unchristian Principles were put in practise ; all the old Republican , and Antimonarchical Doctrines , whose Effects had formerly prov'd so dismal , were now again as confidently own'd , and asserted , as ever they had been during the hottest Rage of the late unhappy Troubles . From these Preparations to a new Rebellion , the Party began by degrees to proceed to Action . Distinctions of Sides were made : Names , and Tokens of Separation were given : Illegal Conventicles were maintained , in defiance of the Laws of God , and Man : Tumultuous Feasts , and Factious Clubs were set up in City , and Country : Close , and Seditious Meetings haunted : Frequent Cabals appointed , and by Men of high degree with the lowest : Great Stores of Arms provided by private Persons : Insolent Progresses made through divers Countries ; thereby to glory in their Numbers , and to carry far and near the Terrour of their Power , and even to Muster their Party ready for some sudden Blow , or general Insurrection . All these , and many more such Personal Indignities , and Publick Assaults on the Government , his Majesty long endured with the same Mildness , and Clemency , wherewith he had already forgiven the highest Crimes against himself ; His Royal Goodness still patiently expecting , and wishing , that in time the most obstinate of his misguided Subjects would see their Errour , and return at length to a sense of the Duty , they owe him by all the strongest Bands of Nature and Laws , Religion and Gratitude , that can possibly oblige Subjects towards a Soveraign . But when his Majesty was abundantly convinc'd that all those dark Consultations , and open Tumults of unruly Men , were but so many infallible Signs , and Forerunners of Rebellion , or some extraordinary Commotions ; Then at last , in a tender respect to his Peoples Safety , more than to his own , was his Majesty constrain'd to awaken his Authority , to try what good Effect the Vigour of his Laws would have on those Offenders , with whom all his repeated Mercy and Indulgence had so little prevail'd . Yet such was then his Majesties hard Fortune , so firmly combined were the Disaffected , especially by their Prevalent Interest in packing the Juries of London and Middlesex , that whilst his Majesty carefully endeavour'd to distribute Impartial Justice to all his Subjects , he could not obtain the same Right Himself ; his Enemies still becoming more numerous , and united in those very places , where their desperate Enterprises against the Government , were likely to be most sudden and pernicious . Amongst divers other infamous Examples of this Nature , was that of Colledge the Joyner . For though the Criminal was so mean a Man , and no other ways considerable , but for his audacious Forwardness in affronting the Government ; yet his Majesty , with all his Royal Authority , could hardly prevail to have him brought to a Fair and Legal Tryal . Nor had his Majesty been able at last to procure so much Justice to be done , had not the Process been removed into another County , where ( the Rulers of the Faction being less powerful , ) that new and damnable Opinion and Practice of the Lawfulness of Equivocating and even of Perjury for the Good Old cause , had not prevailed over the old and honest English Principles of Truth and Honour . However though in the end his Majesties Justice got the better at that time , yet it was defeated in a greater , and more important Instance , that of the late Earl of Shaftsbury ; who had been long and reasonably suspected , and in the issue was manifestly discovered to be the chief Author , and supreme Manager of all these Trayterous Contrivances against his Majesties Crowns and Life . The said Earl his Majesty had formerly pardon'd , inrich'd , enobled , and advanc'd to one of the highest Stations in the Kingdom ; by a long Succession of manifold Bounties , endeavouring to render his Abilities , and Experience in Business , serviceable to his King , and beneficial to his Country . Yet so treacherous and undermining was his Genius ; so unmeasurable his Ambition ; so impatient of quiet , and moderate Courses ; so much fitter he was to be the Instrument of a Tyrant , than the Servant of a Just and Good Prince ; that after many hainous Infidelities and Offences committed by him , and forgiven by his Majesty , he was at length necessitated to discharge him his Service ; yet so as to leave him one of the most considerable Peers in the Kingdom for Title and Estate . But his aspiring and revengeful Spirit could not brook so gentle a disgrace . Wherefore having deservedly been dismiss'd the Court , he presently attempted to set the Country directly against it . Immediately he profess'd himself the most zealous true Protestant , and the greatest Patriot ; Thereby slily insinuating his designs into the Heads of all Sects and Divisions in Church and State : To them betraying some , vilifying others ; maliciously interpreting all his Majesties Counsels ; Making those very Consultations , and resolutions of State , whereof he had been the chief Adviser , when he was in Power , to be the principal objections against the Government , when he was displaced . Thus he and his party went boldly on to disturb the publick quiet , and to affront his Majesties Authority with the highest Insolence : In Words and Writings defaming it , as Arbitrary and Tyrannical , whilst in Deeds he insulted over it , as believing it to be weak , and resolving to make it despicable . And all this with a secure confidence not only of Indempnity , but Success ; Knowing himself to be under the protection of Juries of his own appointment , or approbation : And therefore presuming he was far out of the reach of his Majesties just Indignation . And so for a time it unhappily proved . For being legally indicted of Crimes of the highest Nature ; though the Evidence against him was cleer , and positive ; some of the Witnesses being the very same Men , whose Testimony had been approved of , in the prosecution of Oats's Plot ; And the very Original draught of a treasonable Association having been actually found in his Custody ; yet he could not be brought to a Lawful Trial by his Peers , the Indictment being stifled by a shameful Ignoramus ; and that accompanied with so much Insolence , that the very Ministers of his Majesties Justice were in much more danger than the Criminal , and hardly escap'd the rude Assaults of his Confederates and Party . However , from so great a Violation of Common Right , and of the Royal Dignity , his Majesty gain'd this very considerable Advantage , That thenceforth he plainly perceived the main Strength of all his Enemies Arrogance lay in their Extravagant Power to pack the City-Juries . For what Treason might not the Earl of Shaftsbury securely Project , or Ferguson Write , or an Association Act against the Government , whilst Goodenough , and a setled Club , was at hand with their Corrupt Pannels , to Indempnifie , and if need were , to second and applaud their most Villanous Practices ? Wherefore his Majesty foreseeing how destructive , in time , the Effects of so great and growing a Mischief would be , resolved at length , after many Intolerable Provocations , to strike at that which he had now found to be the very Root of the Faction . This his Majesty , and all wise and good Men perceiv'd , could be no other ways done , than first by reducing the Elections of the Sheriffs of London to their Antient Order and Rules , that of late were become only a Business of Clamour and Violence : And then to make Inquiry into the Validity of the City-Charter it self ; which an ill Party of Men had abused to the Danger , and would have done it to the Destruction of the Government , had they been suffer'd to go on never so little farther uncontroul'd . In both these most just and necessary Undertakings , the Righteous●●●● of his Majesties Cause met with an answerab●●●uccess . First , notwithstanding all the Tu●●●●uous Riots the Factious Party committed , 〈◊〉 ●isturb the peaceable Issue of that Affair ; y 〈…〉 undoubted Right of the Lord Mayor's N●●●●ating the eldest Sheriff , was restored and estab●●●●ed : And so the Administration of Justice once more put in a way of being cleared from Partiality and Corruption . And then a due Judgment was obtain'd , by an equal Process of Law , against the Charter it self , and its Franchises declared forfeited to his Majesty . But though this happy Event of his Majesties Controversie with the disaffected part of the City of London , was in all Humane probability , the only effectual Course to provide for the future Peace , and Stability of the Government ; yet it had like to have proved a present Occasion of its utter Ruine . For when so many guilty Persons found , that the great Point of the Sheriffs was resetled on its Antient Bottom , and the City-Charter it self in hazard of being speedily vacated ; so that now there would be no farther evasion for them , by any pretence of Law , to escape unpunish'd : Then they concluded it was high time to bring their Devilish Purposes to a quicker issue , and once for all to strike boldly at the Heart of the KING and Kingdom . Particularly the Earl of Shaftsbury , being conscious to himself of the blackness of his Crimes , and of the Iniquity of the Verdict , by which he had for that time escaped ; and finding he was now within the compass of the Justice he had so lately frustrated and contemn'd , thenceforth gave over all his quieter and more plausible Arts of Sedition , whereby he proudly bragg'd he should , in time , as his Expression was , Leisurely walk his Majesty out of his Dominions ; and on a sudden betook himself to more precipitate Enterprises : Alarming his Companions with a prospect of their common danger ; thence inflaming some to Insurrections , others to Assassinations ; supposing now there was no way left for him , or them , to justifie their former Misdemeanors and Treasons , but by attempting and succeeding in greater Mischiefs . This was found by evident Proof to have been the principal rise and occasion of ripening the Horrid Conspiracy in the Kingdom of England . Nor could there possibly have happen'd a stronger Justification of his Majesties Counsels in attempting to rectifie the City-Juries and Elections ; since it is apparent his principal Enemies laid so much stress on the unjust Power they had therein usurp'd , that , being once fairly driven from that Strength , they immediately resolv'd , nothing less than a bare-fac'd and avow'd Rebellion could repair the Loss their Party sustain'd by so great a Blow . As for his Majesties Kingdom of Scotland , it is notorious there has been long shelter'd in it a desperate Faction of furious Zealots , that under the old Professions of the Cause of Christ , and a purer way of Gospel-Worship , has grown up by degrees to a Violation at last , not only of all the Rules and Institutions of true Religion , but of common Humanity . For does not the whole Christian World at this day behold with Horrour , that the most Villanous Tenets of the fiercest Scottish Covenanters , and even of their Remonstrators , have been out-done by their Successors and Disciples in the Field-Meetings , and Armed Conventicles ? Have they not thence proceeded to all the Execrable Rage of Rapine and Violence ? In so much that some of them have lived and died glorying in the most barbarous Murders , and basest Cruelties ; refusing obstinately with their last Breath , so much as to pray for his Majesty , or to say , God save the King ; though by an unexampled Mercy , they had their Pardons assur'd to them at the very place and moment of their Execution , upon that single Condition . And besides the remains of those Bloody Enthusiasts , whose Principles are not yet entirely extinguish'd , though their force has been twice vanquish'd in open Field , by Gods Providence prospering his Majesties Arms ; It is certain also the Peace of that Kingdom has of late been much indanger'd by other great Numbers of Factious and Seditious Spirits , who , though at first they would not venture to incourage publickly the others declared Treasons , yet stuck not secretly to Favour and foment their Cause , and as the event infallibly proves , would soon have Own'd and Headed their Fury , had it prosper'd . Wherefore the wise care of former Sessions of Parliament there , having sufficiently provided by a due severity of Good Laws , against the dreadful Consequences of continuing the Field-Meetings ; for the farther securing the Reformed Religion , and the Antient Rights of the Crown and the Royal Family in that Kingdom , it was judg'd adviseable , by the Wisdom of his Majesties great Council , the last Session of Parliament , to appoint and Authorise a Solemn Test to be taken by all Persons in place of publick Trust , or Power . In that Session the Test was soon pass'd into an Act of State , without any considerable opposition : Though there were not wanting some turbulent Men in the Assembly , who took that occasion of shewing , how ill they were affected to the establish'd Government of their Country ; Which they could have no other inducement to be , but either a desire of Commotions , by reason of the desperate State of their own ill-spent Fortunes , or Envy at the better Condition of Honester Men , or some inveterate Contagion of Treason , derived down to them from the last unhappy Age of Confusions . Of that unquiet and seditious Party , the chief and declared Head was the late Earl of Argyle , who during the very sitting of the Parliament , had , by many indirect ways , attempted to hinder his Majesties Service ; the said Earl , and the then President of the Session , and their Complices taking their opportunity , in wording the Test , to add thereto all the very same Clauses , that have since given any Colour of scruple to themselves . But when all his crafts for obstructing the Bill were defeated by the far greater Number of well disposed Members , the Loyal Voters for it being at least Ten to one of the disaffected ; then no sooner was the Parliament adjourn'd , but the said Earl of Argyle , first at Edenburgh , next in traversing several Shires , did make it his Chief Business to insinuate every where , into the minds of the Clergy and Laity , the most malicious prejudices imaginable against the whole tenour of the Test. And afterwards on his return to Edenburgh he often presumptuously declared , he would either not take it at all , or take it only with a reserve of his own explanation ; which he put in Writing and dispers'd : the contrivance of it being such , as dissolves all the Obligations of the Oath , and makes his own present Fancy and private Opinion , the only Standard , whereby he meant to be guided in all the publick Duties of his Loyalty and Allegiance . At length his Majesties High Commissioner the Duke , and the Privy Council of that Kingdom , having been well inform'd of the said Earls seditious Carriage in City and Country , and being fully confirm'd in their Judgments and Consciences of his Trayterous Purposes , in that fallacious and equivocating Paraphrase on the Test , which he own'd in their presence , perverting thereby the sound sense , and eluding the force of his Majesties Laws , in order to set the Subjects loose from their Obedience , and to perpetuate Schism in the Church , and Faction in the State : Upon these Grounds , he was most deservedly Prosecuted by his Majesties Advocate , before the Soveraign Justice-Court , according to the known Laws of his Country ; and after a full and equal Tryal , he was found guilty of Treason , by the Learned Judges , and a Jury not only of his Peers , but also many of them his own nearest Relations . Soon after Judgment given , albeit the King was far from any thought of taking away his Life , and that no farther prejudice was design'd against him , but the forfeiture of some Jurisdictions and Superiorities , which he and his Predecessors had surreptitiously acquired , and most tyrannically exercis'd ; besides the disposal of part of his Estate to pay his just Creditors , and some few moderate Donatives to those , whom he and his Father had formerly ruin'd for their Fidelity to his Majesty , the Surplusage being intended entirely to return , and descend to his Family ; yet the said Earl abusing the great Freedom indulg'd him in Prison , ( which he enjoy'd as largely after his Condemnation , as before ) fled from his Majesties Mercy , the knowledge of his own Guilt not suffering him to venture on that Clemency , whereof he had before participated so plentifully , when he was under the like Sentence of Condemnation . The King however , notwithstanding this new Provocation , still retain'd the same benign thoughts of favouring his Wife and Children . And before it was known that the said Earl had more Debt on his Estate than the full value of it amounted to , ( which really was his Case ) his Majesty was graciously pleas'd , in one Royal Largess , to give thrice more of the Inheritance to his Posterity , than their Father could lawfully have done , had it never been forfeited . But how ill he deserved , or requited so many Acts of Grace and Bounty , will appear by the sequel of his Behaviour after his Escape . For in stead of doing what his Complices and Dependants gave out he intended , that he would humbly cast himself at his Majesties Feet , and implore his Pardon , which he , of all Men living , had no reason to think desperate , he is no where to be found , but associating with his Majesties implacable Enemies in the Head of new Machinations of Treason , employs his Liberty abroad in maintaining Traiterous Correspondences at Home , with restless Malice exciting the wicked Conspirators of both Kingdoms to a fatal Union against the Life , Government and Family of his Liege Soveraign and Benefactor . And all this is to be proved upon him by Arguments as clear as the Sun , by the Credit of his own Authentick Letters , and by the plain Depositions of his principal Messengers and Agents in the whole Villany . By this brief Recollection of the troubled State of Affairs , and the Tumultuous Temper of ill Mens Minds , in his Majesties Kingdoms of England and Scotland , about the time when this treasonable Conspiracy was in agitation , the impartial World may perceive , from what destructive seeds of Sedition , private Passions and Animosities , under the disguise of Religion and the publick Interest , so Monstrous a Birth was produced . In the wonderful Discovery of which detestable Confederacy , and in the happy Prevention of its dire Effects , as all who have heard of it , must acknowledge that a signal care of Gods Providence has appear'd , for his Majesties and these Nations Preservation : So his Majesty gives the Sacred Word and Protestation of a King , that nothing has been done , on his part , but what was agreeable to that Royal Benignity and Natural Candor of his whole Life , whereof all the World , even his Enemies , have had such undoubted Experience . The Evidence was , most of it , deliver'd in his Majesties own presence . The Examinations were taken by Men of unquestionable Reputation and Honour . The whole Proceeding has been managed with all imaginable Integrity . There has been no straining or extorting of Accusations to blemish the Fame of the Innocent . : No Temtation of Rewards proposed : No Pardon assured before-hand , for discovering or aggravating the Crimes of the Guilty . Some Witnesses , who offer'd themselves , of whom there might have been any colourable Suspicion , his Majesty wholly rejected : Lest it should once again happen , that the blasted Credit , or needy Condition , or profligate Lives of the Persons deposing should derogate from the strength of their Depositions , and administer any the least doubt of Subornation . Those Witnesses his Majesty admitted had been generally Men strongly prepossess'd in Conscience , Zeal and Interest for that Party : Men whose former avow'd Hatred of the Government was reason sufficient to gain them an absolute trust with any , who studied to overthrow it . They were not of desperate Fortunes ; Nor despicable Men. For the most part they separately and singly brought in their Discoveries . Divers of them had little or no Conversation or Familiarity one with another . There was no shadow , or possibility of a combination between them all to discover ; yet such is the prevalence of Self-conviction , and so great the Power of Truth , that all their several Discoveries did perfectly agree with themselves and with each other in all material parts and circumstances . It was therefore in the Summer of the Year 1683 , a time when all his Majesties Dominions injoyed a settled Peace , and profound security , whilst the greatest part of the Neighbouring World was involved in Wars and Combustions , that his Majesty and his Council were suddenly awaken'd with the surprizing Knowledge of this dreadful Conspiracy , which had been laying very deep and broad for many Months before . The Man whom God chose to make the first Discoverer , was Josiah Keeling , Citizen and Salter of London . A Person of good Credit in the common Business of his Calling : but otherwise a most perverse Fanatick ; so fiercely addicted to their Cause , that he had been one of the busiest Sticklers in all the late Publick Oppositions against the Government . Particularly , he was the very Man who undertook , and perform'd the most insolent Assault upon Authority , that perhaps the Party ever attempted in full Peace ; which was the Arresting the Lord Mayor , in open Day , in the midst of the City of London , for refusing to admit the pretended Sheriffs , who had been chosen by those Meetings of the Factious in and about the City , that the Law has since condemn'd as Unlawful and Riotous . However , by so eminent and bold a piece of Service , together with his former approved Activity and Violence for the discontented Interest , was Keeling judg'd by the chief Conspirators fitly qualifi'd to be admitted into their most private Consultations . And accordingly thereafter they trusted him , as one of their surest Confidents . In so much that he was invited to make one of the Forty Miscreants , whose proper part it was to Assassinate his Majesties and his Royal Highnesses Persons . Of which Number after he had freely consented to be , and had met and acted jointly with the rest for some time , to prepare the cursed Work for a speedy Execution ; it pleased the Divine Goodness so to touch his Soul with the Horrour of so amazing a Crime , that he could not rest Day nor Night , till after much conflict in his Mind , he had fully determin'd to discharge his Conscience of the Hellish Secret. Wherefore having first Communicated some part of his burden to one Mr. Peckam his private Friend , who had often before warn'd him in general of the dangerous course he was in , by so deeply ingaging in all the former Seditious Intrigues , he was by him directed to address himself to the Lord Dartmouth , one of his Majesties Privy Council , who remitted him to Sir Leolyn Jenkins , Principal Secretary of State , before whom he gave his first Information upon Oath , and in due form of Law , on the Twelfth of June in that Year . But the intended Assassination , upon the first disclosing of it , appear'd to be so prodigious a Barbarity , that his Majesty for some time gave but very little Ear , and slow Credit to this Information , as little suspecting as deserving such usage from the worst of his Subjects . Which generous Caution that his Majesty took , not to be impos'd on by New Rumours of Plots , and his Gracious Tenderness not to believe so ill of his very Enemies , but upon certain Demonstration , was one of the chief Occasions , that divers of the principal Agitators and Managers of the whole business , took the Alarm , and got time to scatter and withdraw beyond the Seas . However , by Gods Providence continually watching over his Majesties and these Nations safety , so many of the Traytors soon after fell into the Hands of Justice , who did either voluntarily acknowledge their being Partakers of the Treason , or were Convicted of it by Evident Proof ; that henceforth who ever shall pretend not to believe the Truth of the whole , they must either be such as were Parties in the Design , or so monstrously unreasonable , as to believe there never can be a Real Plot against any Prince or State , but what does actually succeed and take effect . Thus much is certain of this Conspiracy , and it is so remarkable and extraordinary , that perhaps the like cannot be affirm'd of any other mention'd in all History , that there was scarce a Man Attainted , or Executed for it , who did not , more or less , add some new Light to the several parts of the dark Contrivance ; either by a plain Confession of it , or by their very manner of denying it ; and by the weakness of the Subterfuges , whereby they endeavour'd to palliate their Crimes . Upon the whole Matter , though his Majesty doubts not but the Treasonable Infection was , in some degree or other , spread into most Quarters of these Kingdoms , amongst the Ringleaders of the Republican Clubs , and lawless Conventicles in Town and Country ; there being no reason for any Man to think otherwise , since it was the usual boast of their principal Factors , That more than Twenty Thousand Persons were made privy to the very beginnings of it , before the late Earl of Shaftsbury's Flight : Yet his Majesty utterly abhorring that bare Suspicions , though never so probably grounded , should prevail to conclude any Man Guilty , has resolved no Reflection shall be made on the Fame of any , but only such , whose part in it was made out by positive Testimony . And in the Kingdom of England , besides the Earl of Shaftsbury , who during his time , was the Prime Engineer in contriving and directing all the several Motions and Parts of the whole Conspiracy ; next under him , the Persons who are already Judicially found to have been deeply concern'd as Actors , some in the Insurrection part , others in the Assassination , divers of them in both together , are these , The Duke of Monmouth , whom the Factious Party had long Corrupted , and Alienated from his Duty and Gratitude to the King and his Royal Highness , by suggesting and increasing in him groundless Fears , and poys'ning his Mind with unjust and forbidden Hopes . The Lord Gray of Wark , who for some Years had been ingaged in the most furious Designs of the Faction ; of late especially , after he found that the Wickedness of his private Life could neither be so well hidden , or go unpunish'd in a quiet State as in publick Disturbances . The late Earl of Essex , whose dark and turbulent Spirit and insatiable Ambition had carry'd him on to be one of the Principal Authors of all the late Distractions in Publick Councils and Popular Heats against the Government : Till after many such ill Practices , unworthy the Son of such a Father , God left him at last to fall into this Precipice ; and permitted him to punish himself for it more severely than the King could ever have found in his Heart to do , had he but given his Majesty time to make use of the excellent Goodness of his Nature . The Lord Howard of Escrick , who had always been a busie Promoter of Fanatical and Republican Projects for Alterations in Church and State ; and was therefore for a time the second Favourite of the Disaffected , whilst he was Imprison'd with the Earl of Shaftsbury . Nor did they ever make any Objections against the Honesty of his private Life , till he came to the honestest part of it . The Lord Russel , a Person carried away beyond his Duty and Allegiance into this Traiterous Enterprise , by a vain Air of Popularity , and a wild Suspicion of losing a great Estate by an imaginary return of Popery ; whereby he was the more easily seduced by the wicked Teachers of that most Unchristian Doctrine , which has been the cause of so many Rebellions , and was so conformable to his Presbyterian Education , That it is lawful to Resist and Rise against Soveraign Princes for preserving Religion . Colonel Algernoon Sidney , who from his Youth had profest himself an Enemy to the Government of his Country , and had acted accordingly . As he lived , so he died , a Stubborn Assertor of the Good Old Cause . Mr. John Hambden the Younger , who has renew'd , and continued the Hereditary Malignity of his House against the Royal Family ; his Grandfather having been the most Active Instrument to widen the Breach between the late Blessed KING , and the seduced part of his People . The Usurper Cromwel often own'd , That Mr. Hambden was the very Man who advised him to oppose the Justice and Honour of his Majesties Cause , with an affected Zeal of Conscience and pure Religion . Sir Thomas Armstrong , a Debauch'd Atheistical Bravo ; one of those , who with an Hypocrisie peculiar to this Age , would have pass'd for the most forward Reformers of Church and State ; whilst they themselves both in their Practise and Opinions , were the greatest Corrupters of Virtue , and all Good Manners . Lieutenant Colonel Walcot , an Old Officer in Cromwel's Army ; who after Pardon and Indemnity receiv'd , and a plentiful Estate secured to him by his Majesties most Happy Return , yet was actually ingaged in all the Plots against the Government ever since : Particularly in that of Ireland some Years ago , to surprize the Castle of Dublin . He was Introduced by the Lord Howard , under the Character of a Stout and Able Officer , into a strict Familiarity with the Earl of Shaftsbnry ; from whom he never after parted till his Death ; accompanying him in his Flight into Holland , and returning thence with his Corps ; he and Ferguson having this peculiar Mark of his Kindness , to be named Legatees in his Last Will and Testament , as his special Friends . Colonel John Romzey , who had gotten Credit abroad in Portugal , by his Courage and Skill in Military Affairs . He was recommended to the Earl of Shaftsbury as a Soldier of Fortune , resolute and fit for his turn , in any desperate Attempt . By his Majesties Favour , upon his Royal Highnesses Intercession , he got possess'd of a very considerable Office in the Customs of Bristol ; which having sold , he afterwards most ungratefully became the said Earls entire Creature and Dependant . Nor was he ever a profess'd Papist , as , since his Confession , the Party has given out that he was , according to their wonted Impudence of Lying . Thomas Shepard Merchant of the City of London , one of a plentiful Estate , and eminent Repute , as any of his Rank on the Exchange : But a Violent Nonconformist , and Disciple of Ferguson's . The two Goodenoughs , Richard and Francis , both Notorious Enemies of the Establish'd Government in Church and State. During all the time of the Factious Citizens most furious Eruptions against Authority , they had been both , for some Years , by turns , Under-Sheriffs of London and Middlesex ; so that the whole wicked Mystery and Trade of packing the Ignoramus Juries pass'd through their Hands . Major Holms , a Fifth-Monarchy-Man , an old Army-Officer , a Confident of Cromwel's , and Trustee for his Family . In the late Times of Usurpation he was a Major in the English Army in Scotland , where he became acquainted with the Earl of Argyle , and was since made intimate to all his Treasonable Purposes . Richard Rumbald Maltster , another old Army-Officer , a desperate and bloody Ravilliac , who had often before laid Designs for the KING's Murder , which God as often prevented by some signal Providence . William Rumbald , his Brother worthy of such a Brother . Aaron Smith , a furious Fanatick , who amongst many other Seditious Practices , was a Factious Sollicitor for College the Joyner : and with unparalell'd boldness dared to menace the Government , and to put a Libel into that notorious Malefactors hands , before the Judges faces , at the very time of his Tryal : for which High Misdemeanor , he has since fallen under the censure of the Law. William Hone , a Joyner , a melancholy Enthusiast , of Colleges Trade and Spirit ; who besides a large Confession of his and others share in this Conspiracy , did also frankly own at his Tryal and Death , that many Years before he had proposed and design'd the Killing of the King out of Bow-Steeple , as his Majesty was passing to Guild-Hall . John Rouse , a busie Agent in all the Tumultuous Proceedings of the City Elections . Zachary Bourn , a Brewer , Son to an obstinate Independent , and he himself one of Ferguson's Hosts and Familiars . Thomas Lea a Dyer , Andrew Barber , both Anabaptists . However these three last mention'd did in some measure expiate their Guilt , by their ingenious and voluntary Confessions . John Ayloff a Lawyer , the very Man who in a spightful defiance of his Majesties Government , did many Years since venture to put a French Wooden Shooe into the Speakers Chair of the House of Commons . Nor has the rest of his Life since come short of the insufferable Insolence of that Action . Joseph Tyley , Edward Norton , Edward Wade , Richard Nelthrop , Robert West , all of them Republican Lawyers , their Hatred of the Government transporting them to be Factious , against the known Interest of their own Profession . These were all Men of Crafty Heads , and Nimble Tongues ; restless Spreaders of false News , bold Talkers in Seditious Clubs ; where , according to the corrupt fashion of those Times , the most profligate Persons of all Conditions were wont openly to Arraign the Monarchy , and vilifie the Church , under the fair shows of amending both , and a tender Concernment for the Publick Good. Next , in the Kingdom of Scotland , the Names of the chief Instruments , who are already proved to have transacted that part of the Conspiracy under the Conduct and Influence of the late Earl of Argyle , and who since , well nigh all to a Man , but those that escaped on the first Notice of the Discovery , have made ample Declarations of their Guilt , are these , Sir Hugh and Sir John Campbell , near Relations of the said Earls , and as much the profess'd Enemies of their Countries Peace and Government . Sir John Cockran , Mr. William Baillie , Men egregiously disaffected to the Government , and therefore of considerable Interest with its most desperate Enemies in both Kingdoms . These , together with Monroe , were the Persons desired by the English Managers , to come up to London , and Treat of a Joint Conspiracy with their Brethren here , under the disguise of Planting Carolina . At the same time Lieutenant Colonel Walcot was call'd out of Ireland for the same end , but under colour of being the intended Governour of that Plantation . To this purpose they were first invited hither by the Earl of Shaftsbury , and after his Death again sent for by a Particular Messenger . Accordingly they actually came up and Negotiated here some time , in order to a firm Conjunction between the Traytors of both Nations for a general Rising . Nor was the Treaty wholly broke off , or adjusted , at the very time when the Discovery broke forth . To these are to be added , James Steuart , Son to Sir James Steuart sometimes Provost of Edenburgh . He was fitted for such a design by his hot and fiery Temper , and by his Education , and his Fathers Example ; who together with most of his Relations , were violent Covenanters . This Man was the Author of the Libel call'd , The Scottish Grievances . The Lord Melvil , descended from Progenitors of such Principles as have been ever against the Crown , when they have fancied their Kings not Zealous for the Reformation . This Man had the Management of the Duke of Monmouth's Affairs in Scotland many Years : And when the Duke march'd against the Rebels near Bothwel-Bridge , the said Melvil ( as the Earl of Shaftsbury had advis'd ) sent to them to Capitulate , assuring them , the Duke of Monmouth had Orders to give them good Conditions ; and when they would not submit , Melvil was over-heard to say , That all was lost : For the Beating of them would lose the said Duke with his Friends in England . Sir Patrick Hume of Polwart , who kept Correspondence with Shaftsbury many Years , and had been formerly Imprison'd in Scotland for Traiterous Expressions . — Pringle Laird of Corwoodlee , a noted Fanatick , and of Antimonarchical Principles from his Infancy . — Denham of East-Sheels , just such another , but less cautious , and more headstrong . — Montgomery of Lenshaw , a Covenanter to the highest degree of Bigottry . Commissary Monroe , who had well serv'd his Majesty in the Wars , as an active , brave Man : But upon some Injuries he pretended to have receiv'd from the Duke of Lauderdail , he grew enrag'd to such a degree , as led him into these Courses ; which now make him so uneasie to himself , that he has often begg'd of his Keeper to kill him , for such an ungrateful Wretch should not live . Hugh Scot Laird of Gallowsheels , James Murray Laird of Philiphaugh , both zealous Sticklers for the Field-Conventicle-Meetings . Besides these , the Principal Scottish Agents , there were divers other inferior Emissaries of that Nation , who went to and fro to carry on the Traiterous Intercourse between Scotland and England , and with the Earl of Argyle in Holland . Such as William Carstares , a Scotch Conventicle-Preacher to a Numerous Meeting at Theobalds , where Rumbald was his frequent Hearer . William Spence , who had been Comptroler , and was now Employed as Secretary to the Earl of Argyle , taken in London under the Name of Butler . John Nisbet , born in Northumberland , bred up at the University of Edenburgh ; where he was the Leader of those Seditious Students , who rais'd a Tumult upon occasion of Burning the Pope in that City . But of all the Conspirators , whether English , or Scotch , the Man , to whom next the late Earls of Shaftsbury and Argyle , belong'd the chief place and precedence in the whole Diabolical Design , was Robert Ferguson a Scotch-Man ; he had been divers Years a fierce Independent-Preacher in the City of London , and had long Brandish'd his Poys'nous Tongue and Virulent Pen against the Government : He is manifestly convicted to have had a Hand in the most Scandalous Libels of those Times ; And was always particularly cherished , magnified and maintained by the Party , for his peculiar Talent in aspersing the Government , and reviling his Majesties Person . So that upon all Accounts , of his restless Spirit , fluent Tongue , subtil Brain , and hellish Malice , he was perfectly qualifi'd to be the great Incendiary , and common Agitator of the whole Conspiracy ; and after Shaftsbury's Death , it cannot be denied , but he was the Life , and Soul of all , especially for the carrying on of the Assassination . These Persons appear hitherto to have been the principal Contrivers or Instruments of the whole Treason , in the Kingdoms of England and Scotland . Divers others there are , concerning whom more than conjectural Proofs may be given , of their being engaged in it : But his Majesty is willing to spare particular Names , as far as may stand with the Necessary , and Just Vindication of his Government . It may suffice , that of these his Majesty has here allowed to be mention'd , the World is abundantly satisfied , that the several Shares they undertook in this Conspiracy , were very agreeable to their former well known perverse Principles , and declared Disaffections to the Government . It is therefore certain that in the Year 1682 , before , and especially after Midsummer-Day , when the great Business of Electing the City Sheriffs came of course to be Agitated ; the whole Factious Interest in and about the Town , prepared to employ the Main of their Power and Craft in preventing the Swearing of the True Sheriffs , on the Michaelmas-Day ensuing . All which time nothing was omitted by the Disloyal Citizens , and great Numbers of Strangers unduly mingled with them in all their Assemblies , to elude or terrifie the Honest Zeal of the Loyal , and to deceive and gain over the doubtful Members of the City ; Whether by direct or indirect ways , it matter'd not : For just about that time the New and Devilish Invention came to be most in Vogue , by which they made the receiving all Oaths , and taking the very Blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper , to be only an Instrument for the promoting their pretended Godly Designs . Wherefore in that space of time , all imaginable prophane , and seemingly holy Cheats and Prevarications were practis'd : All sorts of Arms never before known to be procured in such Quantities by private Persons ; such as Blunderbusses , Steel Armor cover'd with Silk , and the like , were carefully sought after , and bought up : The most improbable false Rumors fill'd every Street ; That now all true Protestants were to be Massacred in an instant ; That such Sheriffs were Nominated , as had consented to be the Executioners ; That Popery was speedily to be Introduced barefac'd , and in Triumph ; That all faithful Adherents to the Government were but Papists in Mascarade : Popery being still made the Word of Alarm to excite and exasperate the Populace : Though it is manifest , the Authors of all those Clamours against Popery , never intended its Suppression : For that would not have consisted with their Design , which was , by the Popular Dread of it , upon all Occasions to shake the Crown , and undermine the Church of England . The Truth is , to such a heighth of Arrogance were things grown on their side , that whoever shall indifferently reflect on the dangerous Devices , slanderous Reports and Writings , and other violent Emotions of the whole Party , that Summer in the City , they will have just cause to conclude , that the course of their Proceedings was not so much a Civil Struggle against their Fellow-Citizens for Victory in the Peaceable Choice of Two subordinate Officers of Justice , as a Decisive Contention for a Mastery over the whole Government . Yet however cunningly the Train was laid , it took no effect but on themselves . The Noise and Rage of all their Mutinous Routs in Taverns and Coffee-Houses vanish'd into Air. Sir John Moor the Lord Mayor , together with the greater number of wiser , richer , and better Citizens , understood rightly , and stuck unmoveably to the Kingdoms , and their own true Interest . Mr. North and Mr. Rich were quietly admitted , and sworn Sheriffs at the appointed time , with the usual Solemnities . Immediately after this , the very same Night the Earl of Shaftsbury privately withdrew from his own House , redoubling his old Exclamations of Popery , Tyranny , Superstition , Idolatry , Oppressions , Murders , Irish Witnesses ; of whose Subornation no Man in the three Kingdoms could have given a more exact account than himself . Whilst he thus lay secret in the City , Romzey , Walcot , Ferguson , Goodenough , and others his Complices , daily frequenting him , they applied themselves with all diligence to expedite the Rebellious Work before projected : His Vain-glory , and the Conceit of his own Dexterity , and his former constant success in making Confusions , inclining him to fancy , what his Flatterers suggested , that the whole City and Kingdom were at his beck , and upon the holding up of his Finger , would presently rise in Arms to extirpate the two Brothers , Slavery and Popery , as they were lewdly wont , in their private Debauches , to style the King and his Royal Highness . The said Earl of Shaftsbury had some time before set on foot a Treaty with the Earl of Argyle , who , after his escape out of Edenburgh-Castle , came privily to London , held divers Meetings with the Confederates , and offer'd , that for 30000 l. Sterling he would make a sturdy Commotion in Scotland . But the Sum of Money demanded being so considerable , and many other Scruples started , and unforeseen Difficulties rising , which could not so presently be removed , as Argyle's pressing danger required , he first quitted the Field , and retired into Holland , with intention there at a greater distance , and more security , to renew and prosecute the same Proposal . About that time also both ways of destroying these Kingdoms were brought under their Consideration , the general way of an Insurrection , and the more compendious way , as they call'd it , of Assassinating the King and Duke in their return that October from Newmarket . The Insurrection was instantly promoted on all Hands , in Town and Country . But the Assassination having then not been soon enough thought on , went no farther than Discourse , to be afterwards resumed , and more deliberately provided for against the next Opportunity . In the mean while the long expected Michaelmas-Day being thus calmly pass'd , and the New Sheriffs having taken a peaceable Possession of that Power , whose influence on the whole Nation , the said Earl of Shaftsbury well understood , no Man better : Then he began on a sudden to have a quicker and sharper sense of the urgent State of their common Affairs , especially of his own Imminent Peril , and to accuse the rest of the Confederates of backwardness , if not of Treachery in the Public Cause : First communicating his Suspicions and Jealousies to the Lord Howard , who had been so lately the Companion of his restraint , and Gaol-Delivery . The Lord Howard was retir'd some Days before into Essex , waiting the result of that great Day in the City , whence he receiv'd frequent intimations from his Friends of the Faction , in a Style obscure , but by him well understood and concerted between them ; That now the business which had been Transacting so long amongst his Correspondents , was coming to good Issue , and call'd for his speedy presence . That occasioned his return on the same Michaelmas-Day , and presently after , Walcot came to him from the Earl of Shaftsbury with a Message expressing his earnest desire to speak with him , in his Concealment at one Watson's in Woodstreet . Accordingly the Lord Howard giving him a Visit , the substance of the said Earl's first discourse with him , was , That finding the Due Elections , as he call'd them , of the City frustrated , and the Pseudo-Sheriffs establish'd , he could no longer think any honest Man safe ; and had therefore hid himself there , having first made what Preparations were needful for a sudden Rising : That many Thousands were ready in the City to Master the Gates , and attack Whitehal : That they within were to be assisted from the Countries adjacent with 1000 or 1200 Horse under good Officers . Only he complained of the Duke of Monmouth's , and the other great Mens backwardness , who had promised , by Rising in other remote Counties at the same time , to give a Diversion to the standing Forces . The Sum of this the Lord Howard the next day Communicated to the said Duke ; who also on his part complain'd of the Earl of Shaftsbury's acting of late on a separate Bottom , and that his present Fears had blinded his usual Prudence ; and therefore he required a speedy Meeting with him , to re-establish a better Understanding and Union of Counsels between them all for the future . This discourse being reported back to the said Earl , he replied , His People were impatient of longer delays , having advanc'd so far , that there was no retreat ; the Design being imparted to so many , that it was impossible but it would quickly take Air. Upon this he proceeded to declare his vehement suspicion of the Duke of Monmouth ; That his Dilatoriness proceeded from some private Correspondence between him and his Majesty : That it was to be fear'd the said Duke acted with a prospect very different from theirs ; only minding the advancement of himself : whereas his own Resolutions were , that since it was now manifest their Liberties were no more to be secur'd but under a Commonwealth , he alone with his Interest would attempt the Deliverance of his Country : If the rest of the Lords would concur with him , they might share in the Glory ; else he hoped he should be able to effect the Work without them , by the help of an honest brisk Party in the City . Upon this Answer the Duke of Monmouth , suspecting that before their People could be ready in the Country , the Earl of Shaftsbury's unseasonable Anxiety for his own Safety might put him on attempting some rash Action in London , which would be easily quell'd by the form'd and disciciplin'd Guards , and so the whole Design might be stifled in a moment ; he did therefore the more earnestly press the Lord Howard to make another essay to procure an Interview . The Lord Howard did so , and got from the said Earl a promise of meeting the Confederate Lords the next Day in the Evening ; which yet , when the time came , he put off with an excuse by Colonel Romzey . However , some Days after they did meet ; their Differences were in some measure piec'd up , and they began to act jointly again towards a speedy Insurrection . To this purpose several Days were proposed . One about the latter end of October , but it was delay'd a little longer , till the concurrence of the the several Counties could be signified up : Then that of Queen Elizabeth , being Novemb. 17. was named , but rejected , because all his Majesties Guards were commonly in Arms to watch and suppress the wonted Tumults of the Rabble on that Day . At last the Nineteenth of November was fixt on ; which happening that Year to be on a Sunday , whilst some excepted against it for that reason , Ferguson with his usual impious Virulency , reply'd , That the Sanctity of the Day was suitable to the Sanctity of the Work. The Day being thus determin'd , they all presently fell to prepare as their several parts were allotted : Especially the great Managers held Assemblies to receive Accounts , how the Counties were dispos'd , and to consult upon surprizing the Guards ; for which end the Duke of Monmouth , the Lord Gray , and Sir Thomas Armstrong , undertook to view the posture of their Quarters , and reported back to their Principals , That the seizing them was a thing very feasible ; which very particular the Duke of Monmouth afterwards confess'd in so many words to his Majesty , when he rendred himself . In the mean time the Earl of Shaftsbury was very uneasie , and weary of lurking in Holes , where every sound and breath of Air began to frighten him . Wherefore with repeated and importunate Messages he press'd the other Lords to keep to their Day ; expostulating with them upon their former slowness , whereby they had lost so many advantageous Opportunities . The case being now so much alter'd , that he , who once presum'd his driving out the King would prove but a leisurely walk to him ; when the danger drew near himself , was become so apprehensive , and rash , as not to afford his own wicked Counsels leisure enough to come to any tolerable Maturity . At length one Day , when their great Council about London was assembled at Shepard's House in Abchurch-Lane , the said Earl sent Colonel Romzey to quicken their Debates , and once for all to learn the result of their final Determinations . But they having just before received several Advices out of the West , that their Friends there , especially in Taunton and Devonshire , could not possibly be ready on so short a warning , presently sent him back such word ; concluding it could not be helpt , but he and they must be content to respite the time of Execution to a longer day . This positive Answer broke all his Measures , and made him instantly resolve to leave England . Wherefore first he removed his lodging into Wapping ; Then , the very Night that place was Burnt , being also the Night of the same 19th Day of November on which he had expected to set the whole Nation in a Flame , he privately sculk'd down the River ; Attended only by the two chief Complices and Witnesses of his Treasons , Walcot and Ferguson ; the latter of them having been forc'd for some time before to abscond too , because of a Warrant out against him , for Publishing some one , or other of his many Treasonable Pamphlets . That was the last considerable Effort made by the Earl of Shaftsbury , against the King and Kingdom . After this , nothing more was heard of him , but that being got into Holland in a Panick fright , he lived obscurely and soon after died in Amsterdam ; having few or no other Companions of the last part of his Life , but several miserable English and Scotch Fugitives , who had formerly been the Instruments of his Trayterous Practises , and were forc'd to fly the stroke of Justice , on that Account : So that he could not but know , that all those about him in his Sickness and Death , had Just reason to hate , and curse him , as their principal Seducer and cause of their Ruine . Nor can such an end of such a Life be justly reflected on , without a special Adoration of the secret Counsels of the Divine Providence . That he , who a little before was generally esteem'd the Head , and Protector of all the Factious in the Kingdom , whom he vouchsafed to distinguish and Honour by the Title of Worthy Men , and the Terror and Scourges of all the Good , and the Loyal , whom he mark'd out , and design'd for Destruction and Slaughter , under the Name of Men worthy : He who , in his own conceit , had so much the absolute disposal of the Hearts and Hands of all the Disaffected , as to be able to subvert the Establish'd Government , when he pleased , and had really once gone very far to effect it , had not his own Presumption Defeated his Malice ; That this very Man , having seen all his hopes , and contrivances dash'd in Pieces at home , should have nothing left to do , but to take shelter , in that Commonwealth , which in his former Greatness , he had so mortally provok'd ; there to lead a Life of Disgrace and Misery , and to Dye neglected in a Country of which he had formerly express'd so great a Hatred : And yet still retaining so much Venemous Rancour against his most Gracious Master , as to profess with his last Breath , that he had deservedly receiv'd his Deaths Wound , meaning the bruise in his Side and now his Death in that Country , where he had done his own so much Mischief ; When he was one of the Commissioners sent thither , in the Year 1660 , to invite his Majesty home freely and without Terms . After this , though the Earl of Shaftsbury was gone , yet the impressions of Mischief he had left behind on the minds of the Confederates , would not so easily vanish . They soon reflected on his last advise , that so , many having been made Conscious to the Design , they should certainly find more safety in pushing it on boldly , than in too late a Retreat . Upon this immediately they recover'd their Spirits and Resolution , which his hasty flight had somewhat Damp'd ; thenceforth they renewed their Consultations with greater vigour than before : The Principal Managers having their frequent Meetings , as also the inferior Instruments theirs ; whilst some of each Number gave secret intimations to the other of what was passing in their separate Assemblies . Of the great Council of Six , the Consults that have been hitherto plainly testifi'd and sworn to , were those at Mr. Hambdens , at the Lord Russels , and at Mr. Shepherds . The Subordinate Cabals were kept in divers places in and about the City ; As in the December of that Year , at Colonel Romzey's House in the Soho Square ; in the next February at West's Chamber in the Temple , about which time it was agreed that Ferguson should be sent for , as he was , and came over accordingly . Then their Meetings were more frequent upon the Kings being at Newmarket , and after : Usually at West's Lodgings , for the conveniency of its situation ; Or in common Taverns ; As at the Miter within Aldgate ; The Horse-Shooe on Tower-Hill ; The Fortune at Wapping ; The Syracusa-House ; The Kings-head in Atheist-Alley ; the Salutation and the George in Lumbard-Street on June the Twelfth , the very Day of the Discovery , they met at the Sun-Tavern behind the Exchange ; on June 14 they met at Bailly of Jerviswood's Chamber , and again in Bartholomew-Lane , and at the Green-Dragon on Snow-hill ; and so continued to do some where or other , till they totally dispers'd from Walcot's Lodging in Goodman's Fields . Their Meetings being so generally in places of Publick Entertainment ; Therefore to prevent the Observation of Drawers and Servants , they often discours'd of their whole Bloody Business , in a Canting Language of their own making . The King was sometimes call'd the Church-Warden of Whitehall : The King and Duke the Black-Bird and the Gold-Finch ; the Captain and Lieutenant . Provisions of Arms , as Blunderbusses , Muskets , Pistols , were talk'd of , under the disguis'd Names of Swan-Quills , Goose-Quills , Crow-Quills . The Insurrection was styled the General Point , the Assassination the Lopping Point , and striking at the Head. And because several of the Conspirators were Lawyers , it was sometimes agreed , that their wicked intentions against the King and the Duke , should be veil'd under the terms of Disseising him in Possession , and barring him in Remainder : At other times the Killing of both pass'd for executing a Bargain and Sale , as being a short manner of conveyance ; and the Rising in Arms , as the longer , and more tedious way , for executing a Lease and Release . The Villains thus wantonly abusing the Innocent Terms of the excellent Profession of the common Laws of England , to cover their horrid Designs against his Majesties Person and Crown , whose Preservation and Prosperity is the great end , and sense of all those Laws . But for the most part , when they were free and amongst themselves , they discours'd of the whole contrivance in plain Language , and without reserve : their common Healths being such as these ; To the Man who first draws his Sword against Popery and Slavery , in defence of the Protestant Religion . Confusion to the two Brothers , Popery and Slavery ; explaining the same to be meant of the Royal Brothers of Whitehal . And when some of them , who were less harden'd in Cruelty , express'd some kind of consternation and dread of the Consequences of so dire a Stroak , and desir'd the Infamy of it might be thrown on the Papists ; others , particularly Ferguson , declared , They thought the Action too good to have the Papists carry away the Honour of it ; and often applauded it as a Glorious Work ; That it would be an Admonition to all Princes to take heed how they Oppressed their Subjects ; That he hoped to see the Fact rewarded by a Parliament , and the Actors in it have the Honour of Statues erected to them , and the Title of Preservers of their Country . So also when Nelthrop , Walcot and some few others readily declar'd themselves willing to joyn in the Insurrection , but shrunk a little at first at the horrour of the Assassination , R. Rumbald and R. Goodenough with monstrous impiety maintain'd the Kings and the Dukes Murder as the more pious Design of the two , and recommended it as keeping one of the Ten Commandments , and the best way to prevent shedding Christian Blood. In these their private Cabals , the Matters they promiscuously treated of , were either a general Insurrection , or the Assassination of the Kings and his Royal Highnesses Persons . Of the Assassination divers ways were consulted , till they fix'd on that of the Rye . The Insurrection was proposed to be made at the same time in England and Scotland . The adjusting that part of it , which related to Scotland , was chiefly under the care of the Council of Six , and manag'd by Commissioners of both Nations sitting in London : All which Particulars are so circumstantially set forth , so often repeated , and demonstrably confirm'd in the ensuing Evidences , that it will be sufficient here only to direct the Readers Observation , by giving a brief Summary of the whole . Towards an Insurrection throughout England , they laid the greatest stress on the City of London ; not doubting but if that were once secur'd to them , the rest of the Nation must of course fall in ; taking incouragement and example in this , as in many other things , from the cursed Methods of the Unnatural Rebellion in the late Kings time . The City of London therefore was carefully divided by them into Twenty parts ; and to that purpose one of the largest Maps of the City and Liberties was hung up in West's Chamber , the most usual place of their Rendezvouzes ; the making the several Partitions and Allotments of the whole , being committed to Richard Goodenough , who by reason of his universal acquaintance , as having been so often Under-Sheriff , was judg'd the fittest Man of the whole Party for that Work. The City being thus divided , it was agreed , that every Division should be assign'd to some one principal Man of greatest Trust , Courage and Conduct ; each of those Twenty was to chuse Nine or Ten , or more , in whom they could confide . These were to have the inspection of the several Under-walks , and from time to time to make returns of their Numbers and Strength ; and when the List was finish'd , it was to be communicated to the supreme Managers . By this means they made no question but they should have a select Body of at least Eight or Ten Thousand approved and well appointed Men to make the first Onset ; Goodenough alone having assur'd them , that out of seven Divisions only , there were 3000 Resolute Men prepar'd to be ready at an hours warning . For the increasing their Numbers , and drawing in new Converts , this one general Rule was carefully prescribed , That the bottom of the Design should in the beginning be warily conceal'd from all Persons with whom they treated . First their Inclinations were to be try'd by gradual Insinuations , and plausible Discourses at a distance , till they had gain'd a full assurance of their Fidelity . They were to be ask'd , What they would , or could do , in case of a Foreign Invasion ? When it was answer'd , They would readily assist against any Common Enemy : Then it was next to be demanded , Whether they would contribute the assistance of their Persons , or Purses , or both ? That being also determined , it was to be farther inquired , What Furniture of Arms , Horses , and Money they had in readiness ? What Friends they could engage ? And if these Questions were resolved according to their Minds , then the whole Mystery of the Villany was to be frankly disclosed . They were to be told in down-right terms , That there was already an Oppression and Force upon all they had ; That there was an actual Invasion on the English Liberties , Properties and Consciences : That the only Obligation the Subject has to the King , is a Mutual Covenant ; That this Covenant was manifestly broken on the Kings part ; That therefore the People were free from all Oaths , or other tyes of Fealty and Allegiance , and had the Natural Liberty restored to them of asserting their own Rights , and as justly at least against a Domestick , as against Foreign Invaders . The way being thus made to sound and prepare the Dispositions of ill Men for any Violent Enterprize ; the next thing that came under Deliberation was Mony. For that , several of the particular Conspirators declared , they had considerable Sums of their own , or deposited with them , which were ready , and might be call'd for on Occasion ; That great Subscriptions had been made of divers Thousands of Pounds , which when the time of Action drew neer , were to be distributed amongst the Chief of the Twenty Divisions ; That this would be enough to make provision for a sudden Push : But if the business succeeded , Half a Years Rent of the Chimney-Mony would be due , besides what the Excise-Office and the Custom-House might afford : That all the Mony and Plate in Lumbard-street , and what was in the possession of the Bankers , Goldsmiths , and other Wealthy Men in London , or the Suburbs , was either to be seiz'd on as a just Forfeiture , or Borrowed under the Name of the Old , and Antiquated Cheat of the Publick Faith. Particularly Ferguson , whose constant Custom it was , in all their Consults , to out-do all the rest by some peculiar Circumstance of Cruelty of his own Invention , added on this Head , That little or nothing was to be expected from the Old Rich Cititizens ; that therefore Five or Six of them were to be kill'd at first , and their Estates given to the Mobile , to terrifie the rest . The next necessary Provision they debated on was Arms. And it is notoriously known , the whole Party had for a long time before , been gathering great abundance of all Sorts : All probably with the same prospect , and in the same Proportion for their Parts in the Conspiracy , as the Lord Gray had done for his , though they happen'd not all to be so manifestly detected . For a good while before any Conspiracy was suspected by his Majesty , or his Ministers , the said Lord was found to have by him , hid under other Common Furniture in a dark Garret , above Fourscore Compleat Arms in his Private City-House , where no open Robbery or Assault could be fear'd ; and by consequence , there could not be the least shadow of pretence that they were laid in there for his own lawful use or defence . But besides these Stores , which they had every one made for themselves ; it was resolv'd at the very first to attempt the Publick Magazines in and about the City ; Particularly that in the Artillery-Ground , where a considerable Number of Excellent Arms were commonly kept without a Guard , for the frequent exercises of the Citizens . Many thoughts also were spent how to engage the Seamen to their Side . To this end several Riotous Meetings were made at Wapping , the greatest Men amongst them not disdaining there to Feast and Cajole the Rabble ; often styling that Scum of People they there met with , their honest Wapping Friends . Besides this , some Sea Captains were tamper'd with , and a Golden Ball was proposed to be hurl'd upon Black-Heath ; none questioning but the Seamen , assembled at that sport , would declare for them as one Man ; upon a groundless fancy , that they were of themselves highly discontented , and ready to Mutiny for want of Pay. Though it must be said , and his Majesty does hereby publickly own , that their Practises with the Seamen met with the least success of any . Nor is it imaginable , the brave Race of English Mariners should ever prove false to his Majesty , who has cherish'd , incourag'd , and promoted that Profession more than all the Kings of England have done since the Conquest ; his Majesty well understanding that the Safety , Riches and Honour of this Kingdom depend most on its Maritime Greatness . However , the Conspirators not in the least doubting but they should have sufficient Numbers to make a stand , and give time to others to come in , and declare ; their Rendezvouses were appointed in the chief Piazza's , and most of the convenient Posts of London and Westminster ; whence they might at once Attack the Bridge , the Exchanges , the Guards , the Savoy , Whitehal and the Tower ; and they had ready in Town about 100 of Cromwel's old Officers to Head and Govern the mixt Multitude as soon as they should appear in Arms. At the same time a Party of 500 Horse was to come out of the Country to scour the Streets ; and immediately Barricadoes were to be made : the Horses of Hackney-Coaches , and other Strangers were to be seiz'd on : the Horse-Guards not actually mounted to be surpriz'd in their several Stables : the Churches to be broken open , and used as St. Pauls was in the late times . Ferguson had also often assur'd them , he could promise for three hundred Scots to be ready at a day ; affirming , that such a Number , most of them Bothwel-Bridge Men , resided about Town , as Journey-men in divers Trades , and were to be commanded by Ten or Twelve Gentlemen of that Nation : Adding , that some hundreds more went about the Country with Packs , taking that way to get and carry Intelligence , as well as for a Livelyhood . Upon supposition of this Strength , Whitehal was to be assaulted at once by one Party from the Strand , by another on the back-side from Westminster , and on the River by Water-Men in Boats with Hand-Granadoes . And in confidence that his Majesty and the whole Court would speedily either be taken or fly , there were distinct Parties assign'd to way-lay them on the Road either to Windsor or Portsmouth . Their principal Aim being to surprize the Tower , as a place most able to annoy them , and where there lay great Magazines and Stores of Ammunition to furnish them , they had many Debates of Stratagems proposed on that subject . One was to be perform'd by Night , by firing a parcel of Fagots to burn down the Gates , whilst a strong Party without was to be ready to make a brisk Attack in the first Confusion of the Garison . Another to be Executed about Two in the Afternoon , thus ; One party privately Arm'd was to go see the Armory , another the Lions : The first to return into the Sutler's House by the Gate : At the same time , some were to come in Coaches on pretence of visiting the Lords then Prisoners : Those in the Sutler's House were to Issue out , and kill a Horse , or overthrow a Coach just in the passage . Then both parties to joyn , and seize on the Guards ; and by a sign given , upon the Coaches over-turning , Two or Three Hundred Men , lodg'd in Houses thereby , were to come in and Second the rest . Another was , that some of the Conspirators , as Constables , and Officers of Justice , should bring in others as Offendors , and that several should enter feined Actions one against the other in St. Catharines-Court , then held in the Tower : On the Court Day others were to come in as Plantiffs , Defendents , and Witnesses , who joyning with those that seem'd to come out of Curiosity , all these might be seconded by a like party prepar'd from without ; the over-turning a Coach being likewise made use of in this Case . Which soever of these ways should happen to be attempted : The Lord Dartmouth , Master-General of the Ordnance was immediately to be dispatch'd , as one whose Bravery and Courage they fear'd would prompt him to Blow up the Great Magazine of Powder there , and so Bury them with himself in the Ruine , if he found he could not otherways resist them . Besides securing to themselves by these means the Cities of London and Westminster , which was their greatest Care ; they had also under Consideration the Raising Commotions at the same time in divers others parts of England : Especially in those Counties of the West and North , which they believed the Duke of Monmouth's Progresses had most inclined to their Factious Interest . In every County some one Great Man was to put himself at the Head of the Rebellion , and divers of them had their proper Stations appointed . Particularly of Newcastle they made themselves sure ; and laid great stress upon it , by reason of its vicinity to Scotland , and the influence its Coal-Pits have on the City of London . In Cheshire they depended on a numerous assistance ; that being the County , in which the Earl of Shaftsbury had formerly advised the Insurrection should begin , and a Free Parliament be declar'd for , at the time of the Duke of Monmouth's going thither in one of his Mock-Triumphs . Portsmouth was to be attempted by some going into the Town on pretence of seeing the place ; at the same time another Party coming in on the Market-day , disguis'd like Country-Men , and both together were to fall on the Guards . From Taunton they expected great Numbers , remembring the old Disloyalty of the Inhabitants , which they had evidenc'd by a most remarkable insolence ; having presumed for some Years after his Majesties most happy Restoration , to keep solemnly a Day of Thanksgiving to God for raising the Siege which his Father had laid against the Parliaments Rebellious Forces in that Town . In Bristol they had secured a good Party , which they doubted not might easily Master the City ; as manifestly appears by the full Confession of Holloway Citizen of Bristol , which he freely made upon his very first Examination , and afterwards confirm'd at his Execution , when he could not have the least hope of Pardon to be obtain'd thereby . At the same time when they were making these Preparations for an Insurrection , the other design of Assassinating his Majesty and his Royal Highness kept equal pace with it . It is manifest that some of these very Men had often before devised the Kings and his Royal Brothers Murder divers ways . For besides what Hone confess'd of the Proposal to shoot them from Bow-Steeple ; and another Project of destroying them the next Lord Mayor's Day before , which was laid aside upon notice that his Majesty and his Brother intended not to be there ; and besides Richard Rumbald's Invention of blowing up the Play-House , when they should both be present ; the said Rumbald inform'd his Confederates , that he and some of his Friends had resolv'd to cut off the King and the Duke in their Journey to , or from Newmarket , above ten Years before ; and had layn sometime in ambush to that purpose , but without effect , because , as God would have it , his Majesty and his Royal Brother then unexpectedly went the other way through the Forest ; which , as the Wretch himself could not but observe , they have seldom or never done before or since . And now also , upon this occasion , divers ways of performing the Assassination were debated . One was to make the attempt on them in St. James's Park , as they were passing privately , and sometimes almost alone to St. James's . Another , when they should be going down the River for their Divertisement , either to sink the Barge by over-running it with an Hoy , or by bording it on a sudden , and Shooting out some Planks with Blunderbusses . Another , to plant Men in the Pit at the Play-House , who should be ready to Shoot at them unawares , with Pocket Blunderbusses , two of which Rumzey sent his to Majesty . Another , to do it in their return thence to Whitehal , under Bedford-Wall in Covent-Garden ; where one part of the Assassines might walk unsuspected in the Piazza , a Second within the Rails , a Third in the Church-Porch ; and all Issue forth in an Instant , to compass the Coaches , and dispatch the Business , or do the Trick , as they styl'd it . It was also proposed to be undertaken between Windsor and Hampton-Court , or in their going to Winchester , or if the Royal Brothers should happen to be present at the Bull-Feast in Red-Lyon-Fields . But all these other propositions , as subject to far more Casualties and Hazards , soon gave place to that of the Rye in Hartfordshire : A House then inhabited by the foresaid Richard Rumbald ; who proposed that to be the Seat of the Action , offering himself to Command the Party , that was to do the Work. Him therefore , as their most daring Captain , and by reason of a Blemish in one of his Eyes , they were afterwards wont , in Common Discourse , to call Hannibal : Often Drinking Healths to Hannibal and his Boys ; meaning Rumbald and his Hellish Crew . The commodiousness of the Rye for any such desperate Enterprize soon incourag'd them to fix it there : It s lonely and retir'd Situation , and the Inclosures about it being such as would afford all advantages imaginable to the Assailants , and give as great Inconveniences to the Persons attacked . The place being agreed on , it was first question'd , whether the stroke should be struck , upon his Majesties going to , or coming from Newmarket : But it was thought more expedient to defer it till his Majesties return . That point being over , they had several Meetings , to consult of all the Circumstances of the Parricide . The Number of the Men to be personally engaged were Forty at Least , to that end two or three Lists of Names were drawn up , out of which the choice was to be made , and the Roll was neer completed . The Arms to be used were Blunderbusses , Muskets , Pistols , Carabines . To get them down thither without suspicion , many ways were thought on . One , to put them up in Chests , and bring them by Land in Carts . Another , to hide them in a Boat , under Coals , or Oysters , or such common Lading , and so to convey them up the River of Ware. Another , that every one concern'd should go down privily Arm'd , and so all Travelling in small Parties , scatter'd , and at their leisure , they might easily meet unperceived about the Rye ; at the time prefixt . When the Fatal Hour should approach , the attempt was agreed to be made in this manner . Some one or two were to be sent forth on the Road towards Newmarket , to discover in which Coach the King came , and what Company attended him ; which they well knew was commonly no more than some six of the Guards ; and those also were supposed to have their Horses weak , and almost tired by that time they came thither , so near Hodsdon , one of the usual Stages where his Majesty was wont to change Coaches and Guards . Upon warning thus given of the Kings being near at hand , all were to be in readiness within the House and Yards to issue forth in a moment ; some on Horseback , some on Foot. Immediately upon the Coaches coming within the Gates and Hedges about the House , the Conspirators were to divide into several Parties : Some before in the habit of Labourers were to overthrow a Cart in the narrowest passage , so to prevent all possibility of escape : Others were to fight the Guards , Walcot chusing that part upon a Punctilio of Honour : Others were to shoot at the Coachman , Postilion and Horses : Others to aim only at his Majesties Coach , which party was to be under the particular direction of Rumbald himself ; the Villain declaring before-hand , That upon that occasion he would make use of a very good Blunderbuss , which was in West's possession , most blasphemously adding , that Ferguson should first consecrate it . It is indeed a thing prodigious to tell , and were it not for the undeniable proofs of it , very difficult to be believ'd , that not only one or two such Furies should rise up in a whole Age , but that so great a Number of Men should , in the same time and place , be found so void of all Humanity , as not only to imagine and contrive so horrid a Fact , but to discourse of it in so many Meetings , so sportfully and merrily as they did , as if the cruellest Tragedy which wicked Men or the Devil ever invented , had been only a matter of common pastime and loose raillery . Thus when at one of their Consults West invited Rumzey to be Godfather to his Child , he answered , He would , if he might be allow'd to call him Brutus . And when it was once proposed to Kill the King and the Duke at the Play-House , by blowing up the whole Audience with them , Ferguson approved the way , and impudently said , That then they would Die in their own Calling . And when some objected against it , That by this means the Innocent would perish with the Nocent ; another justified it , saying , What did the Jack-Daws do amongst the Rooks ? And when some proposed that to give a better colour to what they did , the King and Duke should not be killed , but only seiz'd and brought to Tryal , after that the People had got the better ; It was answer'd by Ferguson , That it was never thought Injustice to shoot , or set Traps for Wolves and Tygers . The execrable Deed being thus suppos'd by them to be feasible without much Opposition , they then farther consider'd the several ways of their escaping afterwards . Sometimes they thought of retreating towards Cambridgeshire , and scattering there ; sometimes of retiring into the Rye-House , which being guarded with a Moat , and Brick-Walls , they doubted not to defend it against the frighted Country People for some Hours till Night , when they might shift for themselves , and disperse . Another way that Rumbald himself proposed , was to lead them out of the great Road through the Meadows , which were to be gallop'd all along ; so that they might with ease come into London by Hackney-Marsh , before the News of what was done could possibly get thither . It was concluded at the same time , that divers Lords , and principal Men of their Party , should be invited to an Entertainment that very day in the City , that they might be upon the place to Head the Faction at the first arrival of the News . But whilst they were thus wholly intent on this barbarous Work , and proceeded securely in its Contrivance , without any the least doubt of a prosperous success ; Behold ! on a sudden God miraculously disappointed all their Hopes and Designs , by the terrible Conflagration , unexpectedly breaking out at Newmarket . In which extraordinary event , there was one most remarkable passage , that is not so generally taken notice of , as for the Glory of God , and the Confusion of his Majesties Enemies it ought to be . For after that the approaching fury of the Flames had driven the King out of his own Palace , his Majesty at first removed into another Quarter of the Town , remote from the Fire , and as yet free from any annoyance of Smoke and Ashes . There his Majesty finding he might be tolerably well accommodated , had resolved to stay , and continue his Recreations as before , till the Day first named for his Journey back to London . But his Majesty had no sooner made that resolution , when the Wind , as conducted by an invisible Power from above , presently chang'd about , and blew the Smoke and Cinders directly on his new Lodgings , making them in a moment as untenable as the other . Upon this , his Majesty being put to a new shift , and not finding the like Conveniency else-where , immediately declared he would speedily return to Whitehal ; as he did : which happening to be several days before the Assassines expected him , or their preparations for the Rye were in readiness , it may justly give occasion to all the World to acknowledge what one of the very Conspirators could not but do , That it was a Providential Fire . Now upon the first notice in Town of the Fire at Newmarket , and that by consequence the King would be necessitated to come home sooner than was imagin'd , the principal Assassines were summon'd by Ferguson to a Meeting that very Night . They at first receiv'd the News with various Apprehensions and Motions of Mind , looking on one another with much Astonishment and Confusion . Amongst the rest , Walcot acknowledg'd , He thought it an Expression of Gods disapproving the Undertaking : whilst Ferguson , without any sign of the least relenting , said , That he perceiv'd God had reserv'd his Majesty for his own Judgment . However that Evening they generally agreed , That since Arms , Horses and Men could not be provided in so short a space , because the King was daily expected , and the day of his coming uncertain , therefore all farther thoughts of the business should be laid aside for that time . Yet the next Morning , the Company being again assembled , upon Reports spread abroad that his Majesty purpos'd to retire to Cambridge , and stay there some days , Ferguson vehemently insisted , That the Design should instantly be reassum'd ; That what could be , should be done in so narrow a time . And particularly Armstrong offer'd himself to go down in person to the Rye in order to it , if a Sum of Money could be presently rais'd , and a competent number of Men got together . But the noise of the Cambridge Journey soon vanishing , put an end to those Deliberations ; though it was a constant expectation and whisper among the Party , that something extraordinary would be done on the very day of his Majesties coming home . In these uncertainties they remain'd till the King came ; and some days after R. Rumbald returning from the Rye , increas'd their rage for this defeat , by telling them , That he saw his Majesty and his Royal Highness pass by his House but very slenderly guarded , only with five or six Persons , and those tired , and ill appointed ; so that he doubted not but with the like number of stout and well-arm'd Men , he might easily have taken them both off . Upon this , presently after at their next Meetings it was agreed , That to prepare against any such disappointment for the future , a sufficient Number of Arms should be bought , and kept in readiness for any other opportunity , if such could be found during any of his Majesties Journies that Summer ; or at farthest in his next going to Newmarket . To this purpose West told them he was acquainted with a very good Gun-smith , and took upon himself to provide the Arms ; Ferguson engaging to pay the Money for them . Accordingly West bought Thirty Case of Pistols , Thirty Carabines , and Ten Blunderbusses of one Daft a Gun-smith in Shooe-Lane ; and Ferguson paid him for them about three weeks before the Discovery . West's pretence of buying so great a quantity of Arms , was to send them into America , where he had a Plantation ; and to disguise the business the better , he caus'd them to be sanguin'd , in shew to preserve them from Rust in so long a Voyage , and had them made up in Sea-Chests , as ready to be Transported . So they continu'd till after the noise of Keeling's having betray'd all . Then West to avoid suspicion sent them to a Sea-Captain , setting Sail for the West-Indies , but without any Bill of Lading or Consignment , as is usual ; in whose Custody the Arms were seiz'd , and delivered into his Majesties Stores , to be there kept for a better use . In these their several Consults many casual Discourses interven'd , relating indifferently either to the Insurrection or Assassination : As , What Commissions were at first requisite to be given out , and in what style they were to run . What Declaration was to be immediately publish'd to justifie the Fact. What Project of Government to be pitch'd on , and setled afterwards . It was agreed that the Commissions for this Nation should be issued forth in the Name of the Confederate Lords and Commons of England . For preparing a Declaration , divers of their Number were order'd to bring in their Conceptions apart , out of all which Collection , a compleat Remonstrance was to be gather'd by some of their ablest Heads . The main drift of the whole was to amuse the Peoples Fancies for a Time with new Chimera's of Freedom from Taxes , and Advantages for Trade , and Moderation of Law Expenses , and a Toleration of all Sects ; then to calumniate the Royal Family for divers Generations past ; to asperse his Majesty as a Tyrant and Oppressor , and to accuse all his Faithful Subjects , as servile Instruments of Arbitrary Power , and Betrayers of their Country : Whilst they and their Party were to be magnified , as the only Asserters and Restorers of Liberties , Properties , and the True Protestant Religion . Their design in all this being the same that has been constantly put in practise by all promoters of Sedition and Treason in all Ages ; Who have always thought they have done more than Half their business , if they can but once appropriate to themselves all the Good and pleasing Words of things plausible and popular ; and fasten on the Government the Names and Titles of things vulgarly odious , or contemptible . Touching the new Form of Government to be set up in stead of the old , they were not altogether so unanimous , that being also natural to all Schisms and Factions , that tho they may sometimes agree in what they would ruine , yet they never did , nor can long consent in what they shall settle . Some were still for retaining a shew of Monarchy , though with such Restrictions as would make the Prince little better than a Duke of Venice . Others were positively for a Common-Wealth , and the entire subversion of the present constitution , openly declaring , it was their purpose not only to change Names , but Things . Nay upon this point , some of them doubted not frequently to profess in plain Terms , That if their great Darling , the Duke of Monmouth , should be squeamish , as they worded it , in approving and Confirming what had been done in Heat of Blood , then he himself should fare no better than the rest , when their Swords were in their Hands . A sufficient Admonition to all Men of Quality and Estate , how hazardous their condition is , and how mean their Servitude , whilst they are heading popular Tumults ; tho for a little time perhaps they may seem to others , and fancy themselves , to have an absolute sway over them . But their particular Head of Discourse in which the Conspirators chiefly delighted , and were wont in their Meetings most amply to enlarge their inventions , was concerning their resolutions of several kinds of vengeance to be Executed on those Eminent Persons of all Professions , whom they thought most capable and willing to oppose their Bloody Enterprize . In that part indeed their Passion transported them beyond all bounds of common Prudence , even to the highest Degree of ridiculous Vanity , and extravagant Ostentation of their full assurance to succeed in the dire Attempt . Having first Gloried in the Imagination of imbruing their Hands in Royal Blood , they scrupled not to profess they would continue the Assassination on all the principal Officers of the Crown , and Ministers of Justice ; and spightfully projected all Circumstances imaginable which they thought might aggravate the Terrour or Ignominy of their Punishment . Sir John More , the Lord Mayor of the former Year , and Sir William Pritchard the Lord Mayor , and Mr. North and Mr. Rich the Sheriffs of that present Year , were concluded fit to be Murder'd , and their Skins stuff'd and hung up in Guild-Hall , for a dreadful Warning to Posterity . Alderman Cornish or Gould was to be declared Lord Mayor ; Papillion and Dubois Sheriffs : If they refused , they were to undergo as bad a fate . Some others also were doom'd to the like destiny , who might think they deserved well of the Faction by their Moderation . But they resolved that Neuters should be treated as ill as their most avow'd Enemies . Most of the Judges were to be kill'd for their pretended Illegal and Arbitrary Judgments , and their Skins in the same manner hung up in Westminster-Hall . Some of the principal Abhorrers , Addressers , and reputed Pensioners in the late Long Parliament , ( under which Titles in their Modern Opprobrious Language they had been us'd to comprehend the most steddy Adherents to the Crown , and True Sons of the Church of England ) were to be brought to Tryal , and Death : The Skins too of those they styled Pensioners were to be hung up in the House of Commons . The Church-men they hated , and despised in general , as Men whose Interest could never be divided from the Crown , and of course would fall with it . The Marquiss of Hallifax , the Duke of Beaufort , the Earl of Rochester , Sir Leolyn Jenkins , the Lord Keeper , and divers others who had been his Majesties most faithful Councellors in the time of extream hazard , were nam'd as Men whose Destruction was certain , and who could not possibly escape the first rage of the Massacre . Particularly it was determin'd the Lord Keeper should be sent to Oxford , and hang'd on the same Gallows on which the Infamous College had been Executed . In this furious manner they proceeded to lay about them in their common Discourses with all the Infernal Malice that is so agreeable to their Principles , and inseparable from them ; there never having yet been found , in all Records of Time , any pretended Conscientious Zeal , but it was always most certainly attended with a fierce Spirit of implacable Cruelty . During all this time , as it cannot be imagin'd that either of the Cabals was altogether unacquainted with what the other was doing ; so it is manifest , some of their great Men understood the dark Hints that were sometimes given them , of Striking at the Head , and Shortning the Work by removing two Persons : And also that these Inferiour Instruments proceeded on assurance , That when they came to Action , they should be Headed by Men of much higher Quality and Condition than as yet openly appear'd amongst them . Wherefore of the Debates and Resolutions of their great Council , thus much has been already testified upon Oath : That shortly after that the Earl of Shaftsbury fled , it was thought expedient , for the furtherance of the Design projected in his time , that a small Select Number of the most eminent Heads of the Party , in and about London and Westminster , should be united into a close Cabal , or secret Council ; who might have their frequent Assemblies , and be ready , on all occasions , to guide and direct the motions of the Lower Agents . The Persons , who undertook this Universal care and inspection , were the Duke of Monmouth , the Earl of Essex , the Lord Gray , the Lord Russel , the Lord Howard , Colonel Algernoon Sydney , and Mr. John Hambden Junior . Besides that , Romzey , Armstrong , Ferguson , Shepard and some others , were admitted , as occasion serv'd , on some particular Debates . Their first Meeting was in January of that Year at Mr. Hambden's House : Where some general Heads were propounded of things to be resolv'd on , in their more mature thoughts . As , Where the Insurrection should first be made , in City or Country , or in both at once : What Counties were most disposed for Action : What places would be most proper for their Rendezvouses : What Arms were necessary , how to be provided , where to be laid in : What Mony needful at first to be rais'd , and where to be deposited , so as to Administer no Ground of Jealousie : And by what means the discontented Party in Scotland might be brought into the Confederacy . This last was look'd on as the principal Point , and deserving their first Direction . Wherefore at their next Meeting about ten days after , at the Lord Russel's House , they began with considering a way of Setling an Intelligence with the Earl of Argyle beyond the Seas , and with his Complices in Scotland . Upon this a Messenger was Ordered to be sent into Scotland : It was committed to Colonel Sydney , to choose the Person , and to furnish him with Instructions . The Man chosen by Mr. Sydney , at the recommendation of Nelthrop , for his known merits towards the Cause , was Aaron Smith . The Sum given him to defray his Expenses , was Three , or Fourscore Guinea's . The substance of his Message was to invite up Sir John Cockran , the Cambells of Cessnock and some others , to treat in London . Here the Lord Howard's Information stops . For then the managers seem'd to agree amongst themselves to have no more constant Assemblies , till the return of the Messenger . Tho since it appears , the said Lord was thereafter excluded from their Consultations , for having been too lavish with his Tongue , in reporting abroad what had been there transacted . However it has been proved by unquestionable Evidence , that presently after this , Aaron Smith did set forth towards Scotland , arrived there the Spring of that Year ; and by some indiscretion had like to have spoil'd the whole business : Which to recover , and to remove all suspicions , Cockran was forc'd to present himself before the Council of Scotland . Afterwards he and his Companions came to Town , and the Negotiation was warmly set on Foot : In the mean time Cockran and the rest often attended at Windsor to make their Court , one day kissing the King 's and the Duke's Hands , the next consulting with the English Cabal ; all in shew to sollicit the Interest of Carolina , whilst they really intended a Business of far greater Importance , which was , in their own Language , To see what could be done for the delivery of the Nations . At the same time the late Earl of Argyle for his part had deputed some of his Confidents hither to attend the issue of those Debates , to represent his Proposals , and to transmit to him the Results of their Counsels ; the whole correspondence between them being veil'd under a style of Merchandize . The Treaty being thus begun , some general Things were easily agreed on by all sides . The Scots were to rise first ; the English to have notice of it with all possible speed , then to second them here : The Rebellion in both Kingdoms to be before Harvest : Arms and Ammunition to be transported out of Holland : Argyle to go with them and Head the Rising . These things being quickly pass'd over , some other Matters endured a longer contest ; and one unseasonable Dispute had like to have broken all . The English Commissioners requir'd , They should presently declare for a Commonwealth and the Extirpation of Monarchy ; which the Scots refused , protesting The generality of their People would never hearken to that at first . But the great Point on which the Conclusion of the whole depended , was the Sum of Money to be rais'd , and intrusted with the Scots to lay out : The Sum at first demanded was Thirty Thousand Pounds ; that sunk afterwards to Ten Thousand ; But for the raising of this , the English made several delays and scruples , being willing to trust their Scotch Brethren with any thing but Money . Upon this Contrast the Treaty was often on and off ; the Scots talking high , objecting to the English , That they were only good at Fire-side Plotting ; whereas for their part they were resolv'd to rise , though they had nothing but their Claws to fight with . At length they came to an Agreement , That the Ten Thousand Pounds should be rais'd , and put into the Hands of Shepard , who was to return the Bills for it by Ferguson or Baillie to Amsterdam . After this manner was the whole Conspiracy going on , when the Discovery overtook it . For now the happy Twelfth of June was come . Josiah Keeling had sworn to his first Deposition before Mr. Secretary Jenkins : But finding that his Majesty and his Ministers were exceeding diffident of his single intelligence in a business of so vast a Moment , he consider'd which way he might best strengthen his Evidence . To that end he prevail'd with Goodenough , who had an entire confidence in him , that his Brother John Keeling might be admitted into the next Meetings of the Conspirators , he himself promising to be answerable for his Secrecy . This was done , and thereupon both the Brothers gave in their joint Testimony upon Oath on the 14 of June , touching the progress of the Treason . So they continued to do for a day or two more , till John Keeling let fall some Expressions to his Relations , which they whisper'd about among their Fanatick Acquaintance , That , as they call'd it , something was working which might do mischief to honest People . That being rumour'd about , came quickly to the Knowledge of some of the Conspirators . Upon this they immediately assembled , and Rumbald declar'd his Fears of Keeling's Treachery , and that were he sure of it , he would instantly get him knock'd on the Head. But Keeling coming in amongst them somewhat cleer'd himself , and allay'd their Jealousie , by many asseverations of his fidelity to the common Cause . Soon after they met again , when it was suggested , that Keeling had been seen about Whitehal and on the Road to Windsor where his Majesty then resided : But Keeling still frequenting their Company , renew'd the Protestations of his Innocency ; pretended his going to Whitehal was upon other business ; complain'd he was in great want of Mony ; upon which one Hundred Pounds , the Sum he told them he stood in need of , was presently rais'd and lent him that Evening , lest his Want should be a Temptation to him . But their distrust increasing every Hour , it was mention'd to Keeling , that the best way for him to render himself unsuspected , would be to withdraw out of Town for some short time , Rumbald offering him his House to retire to . Keeling still endeavour'd by many imprecations to quiet their Suspicions of him ; but persisted that he could not go into the Country , by reason of urgent business of his Calling and Family . So for that time he got safe out of their Hands , which they afterwards extreamly regretted ; some of them owning that it was their purpose , if they could have got him abroad , to have kill'd and privately Buried him . But shortly after this , they heard that Warrants were out against divers of them , and therefore agreed to meet on Monday June 18th , at Walcot's Lodgings in Goodman's-Fields , to consult once for all what should be done for their common safety . Accordingly at that time there met Walcot , Norton , Wade , Romzey , the two Goodenoughs , Nelthrop , West , Ferguson . Their Opinions were very different what course was to be taken . West once proposed , that all should stand their ground , and by a bold Denial and their Personal Credit , out-face and baffle Keelings single Word . But the consciousness of their own Guilt would not let them harken to that advice . Wade and some others offer'd , as Armstrong had done to some of them just before , That things should still be put to a Push , that if a Thousand Men could be got together and the Duke of Monmouth in the Head of them , something might still be done : At the worst it were better for them to Dye like Men , than to be hang'd like Dogs . But that was also rejected as a wild and desperate course . Romzey and the rest alledging their Peoples Hearts were down , and accusing their great Men for want of Spirit and Resolution . Then they determin'd upon flying ; and had some thoughts of hiring a Vessel immediately to transport them into Holland : But finding , on Inquiry , that the Boat could not be clear'd at the Custom-House till next Morning , nor at Gravesend till the Afternoon , they concluded that would be too late ; and therefore every Man was left to shift for himself . So they separated in much Terrour and Confusion . Only Walcot , according to the constant sacrilegious way of the whole Party , to intitle the Almighty to their greatest Impieties , said at parting , God would yet deliver the Nation , though he did not approve of the present Instruments . And Ferguson , to keep up the same Character of remorseless Villany to the last , took his leave of them in these very words , That he perceived they were Strangers to this kind of Exercise , but he had been used to fly , and would never be out of a Plot as long as he liv'd ; and that he hoped yet to meet some of them at Dunbar before Michaelmas . Now a day or two before this their final separation , the King and his Council began to be convinc'd of the truth of Keeling's Evidence , by a full knowledge of the Witnesses Character , and by the firmness and consistency of his Testimony ; besides many other concurring Circumstances . VVherefore his Majesty order'd VVarrants should be issued out against the Persons accus'd , whereof some absconded , others were taken . Of these last , divers confirm'd what Keeling had sworn , and named others as Partakers in the Treason . Whereupon more and more appearing every day to have been engaged , Proclamations were Publish'd in England and Scotland for their speedy Apprehension . By this means , through the Providence of God , so many of them were either seiz'd , or deliver'd themselves up , as have irrefragably confirm'd every part of the foregoing Account . What became of the several Conspirators , will appear by the following List. Of the ENGLISH , SIR Thomas Armstrong presently after fled beyond the Seas , where he remain'd till the next Year , when he was surpriz'd at Leyden in Holland , brought into England , and received the deserv'd reward of his Horrid Ingratitude and Treasons . John Ayloff fled , and withdrew from Justice , and stands Outlaw'd upon that account . Andrew Barber was taken and freely confess'd . Robert Blaney came in , and confess'd what was done and said at the Trayterous Meeting at Colonel Romzey's House . James Burton fled , and is also Outlaw'd for Treason . William Blagg a Sea Captain , was taken , try'd and acquitted , there being but one positive Evidence against him . Zechary Bourn was seis'd on in Essex , as he was making his escape into Holland , and largely confess'd afterwards . Colonel Danvers of Newington , was taken and dismis'd upon Bail. He has since Publish'd a most Malicious and Scandalous Libel against his Majesty : For which he is fled . The Earl of Essex taken at his House in Hertfordshire and committed Prisoner to the Tower. Richard and Francis Goodenough , both fled , and since Outlaw'd . The Lord Gray of Wark was seiz'd on , examin'd before his Majesty , and order'd to be sent to the Tower. But in his going thither , by the negligence of the Serjeant at Arms , he made his escape , got beyond Sea from the Coast of Sussex ; and is now also Outlaw'd . John Hambden Junior taken , Tryed for High Crimes and Misdemeanors . Condemn'd in 40000 l. Fine , and Imprisonment . Major Holms taken in London ; he confess'd the Correspondence with the Earl of Argyle , whereof the Key was intrusted with him and some others . James Holloway fled , was taken at Mevis in the West-Indies , and sent back into England , confess'd and was Executed . William Hone in his flight was taken in Cambridgeshire . He made his first Confession at Cambridge , the substance of which he afterwards own'd upon all occasions to his Death . Joseph How was taken and confess'd . The Lord Howard of Escrick was taken in his House at Knightsbridge , hid behind the Hangings of his Chamber ; and at length confess'd . Thomas Lea the Dyer was taken , and confess'd . The Duke of Monmouth withdrew upon the first Proclamation wherein he was Named , and lay hid for divers Months , till he render'd himself , and confess'd . Edward Norton fled , and is Outlaw'd . John Nisbet fled , was taken in Essex ready to go beyond Sea. He was the Author of the Letter of Trade Written to Gourdon a Scotch-Man under the Name of Pringle . John Rouse taken , Try'd , Condemn'd , Executed , making at his Death a Penitent Confession . John Row once Sword-Bearer of Bristol , fled upon the first Discovery ; as did also both the Rumbalds : they are all three Outlaw'd . Colonel Romzey first absconded , then render'd himself , and confess'd . The Lord Russel taken at his House in Souththampton-Square , Try'd , Condem'd , Beheaded . He confess'd enough to shew his Crime , but not his Repentance . Thomas Shepard hid himself , but soon came in and frankly confess'd . Aaron Smith had kept secret some time before , because of a Sentence against him for high Misdemeanors : But was taken , and is still a Prisoner . Colonel Algernoon Sydney taken , Try'd , Condemn'd , Beheaded . William Wade , Joseph Tyley fled and are Outlaw'd . Colonel Thomas Walcot first retired , then sent a Letter to Mr. Secretary Jenkins , plainly acknowledging That the Plot was laid very deep and wide , promising to discover more , if he might have hopes of Pardon . But before he could receive an answer , the Conscience and fright of his own Guilt made him withdraw from the place where he had appointed to stay for it . He was soon after taken , Arraign'd , Condemn'd , Executed ; persevering to the last in the main of his Confession . Robert West withdrew for a time , but then gave himself up , and has amply confess'd . Besides these there were divers others at first secured , but afterwards dismiss'd by course of Law ; as the Lord Brandon , Mr. Booth , Major Wildman , Mr. John Trenchard , Major Breman , Mr. Charlton ; this last having been taken in disguise . Of the SCOTS , MR. James Steuart , Brother to the Laird of Cultness , had fled out of Scotland a short time after the Earl of Argyle , upon occasion of dangerous Papers taken in his keeping . Thereafter he transacted only by Letters and Negotiations , remaining out of danger beyond the Seas . Commissary Monroe and the two Campbells of Cessnock were taken . The Lord Melvin , Sir John Cockran and Ferguson escap'd divers ways ; though Ferguson stay'd some time in Town after the Discovery , in hopes still of obtaining Bills of the Money to be remitted into Holland . William Bayley of Jerviswood was seiz'd on in London , convey'd to Edenburgh , and there Try'd , and lately Executed . William Carstares , William Spence , Alexander Gourdon of Earlston taken , the two first in Town , the last at Newcastle . By the positive Confession of these three Scotchmen , together with that of Major Holms , who were the Earl of Argyle's chief Agents in this business , was the first greatest light given of the said Earls part in the Conspiracy . Of these , Alexander Gourdon Laird of Earlston was a Zealous Field-Conventicler , and had been a Bothwel-Bridge-Rebel : Where upon the rout of their Army , his Father was kill'd , and he taken Prisoner . Having afterwards got his Liberty , he became Sollicitor for the Faction , in England and Holland , under pretence of collecting Contributions for maintaining such of them as were denounc'd Fugitives ; for which purpose he had a formal Commission sign'd and seal'd in the Name of the General Assembly of their Party at Edenburgh . Before any Discovery , he was taken at Newcastle under a feigned Name , endeavouring to get a passage beyond the Seas . About him were seiz'd divers Original Papers , which as soon as he was made Prisoner , he try'd to make privately away , but the Kings Officers observing his design , secur'd them . Amongst these Papers , there was one very remarkable Letter Written to him under another Counterfeit Name of Pringle . The composer of it was John Nisbet , one of Argyle's Agents in London . It was dated March the 20th of that Year , when the Conspiracy was in the heigth . It gives a perfect account of their Condition at that time during the Transactions between the English and Scottish Traytors : Whilst they sometimes hoped the Treaty would take effect ; sometimes fear'd it would break off without coming to any Resolution . Amongst many other mysterious intimations of Treason , Nisbet tells him , That Trading being very low here , and many breaking daily , desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures : That while they had some Stock left , it would be better to venture out , than to keep Shop till all be gone ; for after this they should not be able to act , but must let all go : That he had been shew'd a Model of Affairs , in such order as he saw ; venture they must , and venture they would : That now they knew what Goods had been most prejudicial to the Trade : And therefore for the future , resolv'd to insist only on Negatives ; this being the best way to still some Criticks of the Trade : That they would first endeavour to dispatch the Old Stuff : That some Stock was to be got , to set the broken Merchants up again : That if all holds that is intended , it is almost time to set forward , if they had but their Factors and Emissaries home , who are gone forth to try how Countries will like their Goods : That they will return within a Week : Then matters will in instanti off or on , Break , or go through : That if any strange thing should fall out in the mean time , he would post it to him : That things were full as High as he had Written . These are some amongst divers others of the Covert Significations of the Conspiracy , contain'd in Nisbet's Letter ; which being taken about Gourdon , and sent with him into Scotland , after divers Examinations before the Council there , he plainly detected what was the true sense hidden under the Mystical Style of every Expression in the whole Letter . Particularly , That by the Merchants here being low , and often breaking , was meant the Prosecution of Dissenters by Excommunications , or other legal ways : That therefore they had resolved upon a desperate Cure , which was rising in Arms : That the Model of Affairs which would make them venture , was the Method then going on in order to a Rising : That by only insisting on Negatives , was intended the Conspirators agreeing what they should pull down , which was the whole Government , but not determining positively at first what they should set up : That by Criticks in the Trade , were design'd the old Scotch Fanaticks , who had so often rebell'd : That Excluding the old Rotten Stuff , was the Destruction of the entire Frame of the antient Constitution Civil and Ecclesiastical : That the Broken Merchants to be set up , were the baffled Scotch-Whigs to be spirited again with new assistance : That their being here at a point to set forward , was the English Conspirators being ready for a Rendezvous : That the Factors and Emissaries , were People sent forth through England and Scotland to try Mens Inclinations towards a general Insurrection : That by saying , That upon those Factors return , Matters would be soon on or off , was intended , that when their Agents were come back to give an account of their success , accordingly the Design would be either deferr'd longer , or they should instantly rise : That the strange thing mention'd , was a speedy Insurrection : That by things being full as high as he had written , was imply'd the Rebellion was almost ripe , and ready to break forth . This is the substance of the Interpretation of the Letter of Trade that Gourdon of Earlston gave in upon Oath at several Examinations . He moreover confess'd , That upon receipt of this Letter he presently came into England , where he had frequent Conferences with Nisbet touching the Contents of every Clause in it , who always understood it in this sense : That by him and divers others he was made fully acquainted with the Treaty then going on in London , and with the Earl of Argyle's Correspondence with the Persons treating for a speedy Rebellion in both Nations . Another Scotch-Man whose clear and undoubted Testimony has put this Confederacy between the English and Scotch Traytors out of all Question , is William Carstares , who had been a Zealous and Fierce Preacher to the Sectaries of both Kingdoms : And was formerly Prisoner in Edenburgh-Castle , being accus'd for Publishing a Treasonable Pamphlet call'd the Grievances of Scotland . At that time he was much employ'd in many Messages relating to this Conspiracy : Especially with Major Holms in dispersing the Earl of Argyle's Libellous Books , and carrying to and fro his Letters in which Carstares pass'd under the Name of Read. He was apprehended at Tenterden in Kent , seeking an opportunity of flying beyond Sea. He was taken under the Name of William Swan , then declar'd his true Name was Moor , but at last own'd it was Carstares . This Carstares being brought before the King , and refusing to confess any more than some general Hints ; alledging , That it was no place for him to answer in a Criminal Matter ; upon that he was sent into Scotland , where being Examined before the Lords of the Secret Committee , September 8th 1684 , he confess'd and afterwards renew'd and confirm'd the same Confession November 18th , and December 22th of the same Year . His Deposition having been already made Publick , it will be enough only to note some special Heads of what he deposed . He confess'd , That James Steuart , Brother to the Laird of Cultness , wrote to him out of Holland in November or December 1682 , the Letter importing , that if a considerable Sum of Money could be procur'd from England , something of Importance might be done in Scotland : That this Letter he Communicated to Shepard , and he to Colonel Sydney , Danvers being present : That Shepard return'd answer , Mr. Sydney was averse from medling with the Earl of Argyle , suspecting him to be too much inclin'd to the Royal Family , and the present Government : That the said Carstares still urg'd one might be sent to the Earl of Argyle : That not being able to obtain this , for the foresaid reason , he himself went into Holland , was introduced to the Earl , and there discours'd with him particularly about remitting the Money to him from England , and raising 1000 Horse and Dragoons , and surprizing Edenburgh-Castle . That the Earls answer was , The Castles would fall to them of course , after that the Work was done abroad : That without a Thousand Horse and Dragoons rais'd in England to be ready to assist them , nothing could be done : That if such a Number could be rais'd , he would come into Scotland with them ; whereby he guess'd he might get that Country without trouble , having such a standing Body for their Friends to Rendezvous to . That the said Earl of Argyle recommended the Deponent to Major Holms : That James Steuart contriv'd a way of Correspondence by Cyphers and false Names , and sent them over to Holms , and the Deponent for their use ; and still desir'd him to press for the 30000 l. and did not propose any less Sum , the said Earl saying he had particularly calculated the Expence for Arms and Ammunition , &c. though Steuart added , If something less could be had , the Earl would content himself . That when the Deponent was ready to ship for England , Steuart writ him word there was hope of the Mony : That the Day after he arrived here he acquainted Sir John Cockran with the said Earls demands of the Sum of Mony , and the Horse and Dragoons : That Sir John Cockran carried him to the Lord Russel , to whom the Deponent propos'd the Affair ; but being a stranger had no answer from him at that time : That afterwards having met the Lord Russel at Shepard's House , where Shepard told him the said Lord was come to speak with him about the Mony , the Deponent reiterated to the Lord Russel the former proposition for 30000 l. and the 1000 Horse and Dragoons ; the said Lord answering , They could not get such a Sum rais'd at the time ; but if they had 10000 l. to begin with , that would draw People in , and when they were once in , they would soon be brought to more ; but as for the Horse and Dragoons , he could say nothing at present , for that behoved to be concerted on the Borders . That the Deponent made the same proposal to Ferguson , who was much concerned and Zealous in promoting it ; and told him , he was doing what he could to get it effected ; always blaming Colonel Sydney , for driving on designs of his own . That the said Deponent met twice , or thrice with Melvil , Cockran , Jerviswood , Monroe , the two Cambells of Cessnock , Mongomery of Langshaw and Veatch , where they discours'd of Mony to be sent to Argyle : That Monroe , Melvin , and the Cessnocks were against medling with the English Conspirators , as Men that would talk , but would not do : That therefore it were better for the Scots to attempt something by themselves : That Veatch , Jerviswood , and this Deponent were for accepting the Mony. That at one of their Meetings it was agreed , one Martin , late Clerk of the Justice Court , should be sent into Scotland to hinder the Country from rising , till they saw how Matters went in England : That the said Martin did go at the Charge of the Gentlemen there met , and was ●●●cted to the Lairds of Polwart and Torwood●●●● who sent back word , It would not be so easie a matter to get the Gentry of Scotland to concur ; yet that afterwards Polwart writ to Monroe , That the Country was readier than they imagined . That the said Deponent had the Key of the Cypher agreed on in his keeping , when a Letter came from Argyle to Major Holmes , intimating that the said Earl would joyn with the Duke of Monmouth , follow his Measures , and obey his Directions : That for the Decyphering of this , he gave the Key to Veatch , who was to deliver the Letter to Ferguson , and he to the Duke of Monmouth . To all this Carstares added in his Deposition of Sept. 18. 1684. That he himself had communicated the Design on foot to three famous English Conventicle-Preachers , Griffith , Mede , and Dr. Owen , who , he affirm'd , did all concur in promoting it , and were desirous it should take effect ; which part of Carstares's Oath is the more remarkable , because the King solemnly affirms , that the Duke of Monmouth , in his Confession to his Majesty and his Royal Highness , did particularly name those very three Men , as conscious of the Plot , and withal declar'd in these very words , That all the considerable Nonconformist Ministers knew of the Conspiracy . An instance that alone , if there were not many more such , were a sufficient Instruction to all Separatists , of what tender Consciences the Men are , whom they chuse for the principal Guides of their Consciences : Since after all this , Mede deposed before his Majesty , That he never heard of any Disturbance intended against the Government ; but that on the contrary he himself had once advised Ferguson , upon discourse of some Libel of his then newly made publick , That it was not their part to do such things . Nay , their great Oracle Dr. Owen , being examin'd upon Oath before the Lord Chief Justice Jones , and being ask'd , Whether he had not heard of a horrid Plot against the Life of the King ? did , not long before his Death , take God to witness , and subscrib'd to it with his dying Hand , That indeed he had heard of such a Plot by the means of the Kings Proclamation , but no otherwise . But that which still farther undeniably confirms the Scotch part of the Conspiracy with the English , was the Confession of William Spence a Scotch-Man , and of Major Holmes an English-Man , the former being a Menial Servant to the Earl of Argyle , the other his long Dependent and Friend ; a Man active in the times of Cromwel , and always disaffected to his Majesties Government . Major Holmes being taken in London in the beginning of the Discovery with several of the Earl of Argyle's Original Letters about him , and being examin'd , confess'd He knew of the Earl of Argyle ' s proposing to some principal Men in England , That for 30000 Pounds he might be furnish'd for his Expedition into Scotland : That the English at last condescended to send him 10000 Pounds : That though he had not personally converst with the Great Men who were to raise the Money , yet he had often heard the Duke of Monmouth , the Lord Gray , the Lord Russel named : That he himself was appointed by the Earl of Argyle to convey Letters to and from his Countess and others his Correspondents : That he could not Decypher those taken about him , but that William Spence could : That this Spence went under the Name of Butler , and was just then come over in the Packet-Boat from Holland , to dispose of the Libel call'd The Earl of Argyle's Case . This Deposition was given by Major Holmes on June 29. 1683. the very day that Spence being arrived from Holland , was apprehended under the Name of Butler . Besides this Evidence of Holmes concerning Spence , it appears plainly by the Earl of Argyle's own words in several passages of his Letters , taken in Holmes's possession , especially in that part of the long Letter of the 21 of June , which was not written in Cypher , That the said Spence , alias B. as he afterwards own'd himself for the Man , knew his the said Earls Address , and how to write to him ; adding , That he could instruct Holmes in this Cypher , else he had lost six hours Work. Wherefore upon this assurance that Spence could Decypher the Letters , he was examined before the King ; but not confessing any thing material , and seeming resolv'd not to do it , he was sent into Scotland , where he was brought to discover the whole Intrigue ; acknowledg'd That he himself was the B. or Butler mention'd in the Letters : That those superscrib'd to West and Robert Thomson were directed to Major Holmes under those false Names : That he the said Spence could open the Letters , and explain the way of reading them ; which he did , and then justified upon Oath the Explanation he had made to be according to their true sense . It happen'd also at the same time , whilst Spence was under close Examination , that Mr. Gray of Crechie , a Scotch Gentleman skill'd in the Art of Cyphers , did , without any the least Communication with Spence , Decypher some of the principal of the said Earls Letters ; and when both Spence's and Mr. Gray's Copies were found to agree exactly , there could not possibly have been given a more certain Demonstration of the Truth of Spence's way of Decyphering , which he confess'd he was taught by Argyle himself . In this manner were these Letters proved Authentick , and the right meaning of them unfolded . And it is evident by the plain Tenour of them , that some of them were written by the said Earl just about the time that the Conspiracy was near ripening , and when he was inform'd of Ten Thousand Pounds only order'd to be sent him : Others were written after he had heard that the Plot was discover'd . In every one of those Papers it is easie to trace out manifest Footsteps of the whole Conspiracy . But particularly that of June 21st New Style , which is June 11th of the English , written the very day before Keeling made the first discovery , contains not only a vehement expostulation of the said Earl of Argyle's touching the delay of the Money from England , and the smallness of the Sum design'd ; but a plain Narration how the Insurrection was to be concerted in both Kingdoms . The Body of the Letter was written in Cypher , the Preface and Postscript in plain Hand ; in both there is reference made to Butler's , that is Spence's , being able to expound it ; and from the very same Spence was taken the Exposition of it upon Oath . Therein the said Earl tells his Correspondent in England , That he knew not the Grounds their Friends had gone upon to offer so little Money , nor did he understand what Assistance they would give : That till he knew both , and heard what Carstares , or any other they should send over , had to say ; he purpos'd neither to refuse his service , nor object against any thing resolv'd here . However that the said Earl had truly mention'd in his Proposition formerly made the very least Sum he thought could do the business effectually ; which was not half of what had been requisite in another Juncture of Affairs : That what Money he propos'd to be raiz'd , was so much within the power of the Persons concern'd , that if a little less could do the business , he had thought it would not be stood upon : That the said Earl reckon'd the Assistance of the Horse absolutely necessary for the first Brush : That as to the precise Number nam'd , he would not be peremptory , but he believ'd there would need that effectual Number : That 1000 might be as easily rais'd as 5 or 600 ; and it were hard if it stuck at the Odds. That they should consider , whether all ought to be hazarded upon so small a difference as to the Mony : That though 't is true , what was propounded is more by half than is requisite for the first Weeks Work , yet soon after , all or more will be necessary ; and then Arms cannot be sent like Mony by Bills . That there are above 1200 Horse and Dragoons , and 2000 Foot at least in Scotland ; all well appointed and tolerably well commanded : That it were hard to expect Country-People on Foot without Horse should beat them triple their Number : That if Multitudes could be got together , they would still need more Arms and more Provisions . That if some considerable thing be not suddenly done at the first appearing , it may fright a little , but will do no good . That the standing Forces will take up some station ; probably at Stirling : That they will have for aid not only the Militia of Twenty Thousand Foot , and 2000 Horse , but all the Heritors , to the Number it may be of 50000 Men : That though many should be unwilling to fight for the standing Forces , yet most will once join , and many will be as concern'd for them , as any can be against them . That though the said Earl's party should have at first all the success imaginable , yet it is impossible but some will keep together , and have assistance from all the three Kingdoms ; then it will not be time to call for more Arms , far less for more Mony to buy them ; and they should then prove like the Foolish Virgins . That it is next to be consider'd how the discontented English Lords could employ so much Mony , and so many Horse , better for their own Interest , though the Protestant Cause were not concern'd ; this being a little Sum , and small Fonds to raise so many Men , and by Gods Blessing to repress the whole Power of Scotland . That the Horse to be sent from England need stay but a little while to do a job , unless future events should make Scotland the Seat of the War ; which would be yet more to the advantage of England . That by the best Husbanding the total of the Mony proposed , it cannot purchase Arms and absolute Necessaries for one time , for an Army of the Number they were to deal with : That nothing out of the whole is design'd to be bestow'd on many things useful , and some necessary , as Tents , Waggons , Cloaths , Shooes , Horse , Horseshooes , &c. All which are not only once to be had , but daily recruited , much less was any of it apportion'd to provide for Meat or Drink , Intelligence , or other incident Charges . That some honest well-meaning good People may undertake for little , because they can do little , and know little what is to be done . That the said Earl had made the reckoning as low as if he had been to pay it all out of his own Purse : That he was resolv'd never to touch the Mony ; only to have it issued out according to Order : That he freely submits to any knowing Souldier for the Lists , and to any skilful Merchant for the prices he had calculated . That it will be a great incouragement for Persons of Estates and consideration to venture , when they shall know there is a project and prospect of the whole Affair , and Necessaries provided for such an attempt . That if after the said Earl shall have spoken with Carstares , he sees he is able to do any service , he will be very willing ; if he be not able , he will pray God some other may . That before it be given over , he wishes he might have such a conference as he had mentiotioned in another Letter a week before : wherein he had offer'd either to come over privately in Person , or to meet any to be sent from hence . That he expected not all the Horse from the discontented Lords , but some considerable part might be rais'd by particular Friends . That he had yet more to add , to inforce all he had said , but it could not be express'd at that distance : That something more was to be done to prevent the Designs of the Enemies , which he dares not now mention , lest it should put them on their Guard : That he has a considerable Direction in his Head , but all is in Gods Hands . This is a faithful and impartial Abstract of the Mystical Letter ; than which , how could there have been express'd by words a more compleat Deduction of the said Earl's part in the design'd Insurrection ? Immediately after the Cyphers , this follows in words at large , The Total Sum is 128 Guilders , and 8 Stivers , that will be paid you by Mr. B. Which last Clause was the Rule whereby Mr. Gray found out , and Spence discover'd the Decyphering of the whole Letter ; and it was accordingly done by each of them apart , by making eight Columns , and placing 128 words in each Column descending , as upon view of the Authentick Printed Copies will appear to any Man beyond all Contradiction . In short , this Letter of the late Earl of Argyle's was known by many of the Privy Council there to be his Hand ; and his own Lady upon Oath deposed , She knew it to be his , though she did not know the Contents of it . And such is the Account that is to be given of the said Earl of Argyle's Loyalty , which he had desir'd might be the only Standard in what sense he would take the Test. Hitherto he had been by Inheritance Lord High Admiral and Justice General of Argyle , Tarbat , and the Isles , and great Master of the Houshold . He was by his Majesty put into Places of great Dignity and Trust ; he was made extraordinary Lord of the Session , one of his Majesties Privy Council , and one of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury . And after his Fathers Condemnation for the highest Crimes , and his own Forfeiture of his Honour and Estate for Treasonable Expressions in a Letter of his , he was restor'd to all his Father possess'd , except the Title of Marquiss . But notwithstanding all these , and many more Obligations of the like nature which he had to his Majesty , his fondness of esteem with the Factious People , his aversion to Monarchy , and hatred of the Royal Family , particularly of the Duke of York , led him to this height of Ingratitude . This , and divers other Letters of the like traiterous importance , all written with Argyle's own Hand , being at one and the same time taken about Major Holmes , the Person chiefly intrusted by the said Earl to receive and convey all his Correspondences with England and Scotland , it cannot be doubted but very many more Papers of the same dangerous Tenor had been this way interchang'd between him and the English and Scotch Conspirators , during the whole progress of the Conspiracy . Especially considering , that in some of these , the Earl of Argyle refers to some Expressions and Propositions which he says he had made in others ; and there are no such Expressions to be met with in all these Letters that are taken : Besides that with the Letters themselves there were also seiz'd about Holmes several Alphabets , and a Key of Words ; whereas of one of the Alphabets there has been as yet no use found in Decyphering ; and though in the Key there are Eighty new-coyn'd Words , yet not above Six of them are made use of in all the parcel of the said Earl's Letters hitherto intercepted . However by the Light these Letters gave , so well agreeing with several other Intelligences receiv'd from many Hands , his Majesties Council of Scotland were abundantly convinc'd that the the Bloody Design had reach'd thither also ; and therefore immediately order'd the bottom of the Business to be search'd into by a Secret Committee . Whereupon Warrants were issued out there to apprehend Walter Earl of Tarras , Brother-in-Law to the Duke of Monmouth , Sir Patrick Hume Laird of Polwart , Pringle Laird of Torwoodlie , James Murray Laird of Philiphaugh , and Hugh Scot Laird of Gallowshiels ; all of them being Persons named by Carstares and others as Partakers with Argyle in this Treason , as they had been formerly most active with him , in endeavouring to disturb the Loyal Proceedings of the Parliament for enacting the Test. Of these the Laird of Polwart and Torwoodlie having been the most busie , and so conscious of their greater guilt , conceal'd themselves , and have hitherto escaped ; the other three were taken , and brought to Edenburg , where they freely confess'd upon Oath : As did also Commissary Monroe , who had been sent thither Prisoner out of England . All which Depositions and Confessions they again repeated and confirm'd in the same solemn manner at the Tryal of Mr. William Baillie of Jerviswood . The Earl of Tarras without either craving , or receiving any security for himself , did ingenuously confess , That about the time , when Sir John Cockran , and Commissary Monroe got their Commission from the Carolina Company for London , Mr. Baillie desir'd him to speak to Monroe , that he might be added to the Commission : Telling him that he was resolved to go to London however upon his own charges : For that his , and their going about the Carolina business was only a Pretence and a Blind ; but the true design was to push forward the People of England , who did nothing but talk , to go more effectually about their business . That thereupon the said Baillie did settle a correspondence with the Deponent , whereby the one was to give an account what past between the Country party in England , and the Scotch Men there ; the other to write back what occurr'd in Scotland . That the said Baillie told him , the only way to secure the Protestant Religion , was for the King to suffer the Parliament to sit , and pass the Bill of Exclusion : Which the King might be induc'd to do , if the Parliament would take sharp and brisk Measures with him . That after the said Baillie went to London , he did give the Deponent account by Letters , how things were in great disorder there ; but he hoped effectual courses were taking to remedy them . That Mr. Robert Martin did come to Mr. Pringles of Torwoodlie in May 1683 , and brought the Deponent a Letter from the said Baillie then at London . That Martin told the Deponent , things in England were in great disorder , and like to come to a height , but the Country Party were considering of Methods for securing the Protestant Religion . That the Scotch-Men at London had ask'd 30000 Pounds , but that Argyle was to have 10000 l. which Sum was to be sent by Baillie into Holland to buy Arms , and then Argyle was to Land with those Arms in the West-Highlands of Scotland . The Earl of Tarras deposed farther , That Philiphaugh and he went to Gallowshiels House , where they met with Polwart and Gallowshiels . That there it was discours'd among them , that in case the English should rise in Arms , it was necessary so many as could be got on the Borders , should be in readiness to deal with Straglers , and Seize on Horses , and thereafter joyn with those that were in Arms on the Borders of England : That then it would be convenient to surprize Berwick , Stirling , and some other strong places : That some Persons should be employ'd to inquire what Arms were in the Country : That it was resolv'd every one should speak to , and prepare such particular Persons as they could trust , not at first in plain terms , but indirectly , and upon supposition of a Rising in England : That there was a Word and Sign to be used among them , the sign was by loosing a Button on the Breast , the word was Harmony . That it was agreed among them all , that the best time for Argyle to Land , was when there should be a Stir in England . Stir being the word which these Scotch Traytors and the Lord Russel used to express what in plain English is call'd open Rebellion . In the like manner Commissary Alexander Monroe depos'd upon Oath , That the Earl of Tarras did propose to him , that Mr. Baillie might be made one of the Commissioners for the Affair of Carolina . That he did go along with Mr. Baillie to London , and heard him by the way regretting the hazard , their Laws , Liberties , and the Protestant Religion were in . That Mr. Baillie spoke to the Deponent more than once at London for getting Money from the English to be sent to Argyle , to bring home Arms for the said Argyle's use to raise an Insurrection in Scotland . That in Baillie's Chamber in London , William Veitch a Forefault , that is , a declared Traytor , being present , Sir John Cockran did expresly speak of Money to be sent to Argyle for the foresaid purpose . That on another occasion he heard some of them say , there would be 20000 Men in Scotland ready to assist the Rebellion . That Mr. Robert Martin was sent down from that Meeting in Baillie's Chamber to Scotland , to try what the Scots would do for their own Safety : That it was agreed the People of Scotland should rise , when there was a rising in England . That the Commission was granted to Martin by all the Persons present , who were the Lord Melvil , Sir John Cockran , the Cessnocks Elder and Younger , Mr. William Carstares , Mr. William Veitch , Jerviswood , and the Deponent , who did all contribute Money towards his Journey . That Martin at his return from Scotland meeting with the Deponent , told him , Matters were in such a Condition there , as a little would kindle the Fire in order to a Rebellion . Then also James Murray Laird of Philiphaugh confess'd , and deposed upon Oath , That in May 1683. upon a Letter from Mr. Pringle of Torwoodlie to invite him to his House , he came , where he found Mr. Martin lately come from London . That upon discourse Martin told them the City was much irritated through some Attempts upon their Privileges ; but that all honest Men were of good heart , and very brisk . That Torwoodlie then told the Deponent he expected the Earl of Tarras , having sent for him , because Martin had a Letter directed to him from Jerviswood : Torwoodlie adding , That there were great Matters in Agitation at London , that Martin was come down with a Commission to their Friends here ; but he was to Communicate his Instructions only to Polwart and himself , who were to pitch on such Persons as they thought fit to intrust with the Affair : That he had great confidence in the Deponent , and therefore had sent to acquaint him , that things were now come to a Crisis : That he had reason to think England would shortly be in Arms : That it was no Project of an inconsiderable Party , but a Design through the Kingdom : That many of the finest Men , and of greatest Interest and Credit were engaged in it there , and had agreed for the advancing Money to furnish Arms here : That Polwart would be at Gallowshiels that Night , and it would be necessary the Earl of Tarras and the Deponent should confer with him fully on the Business . That about this time the Earl of Tarras came , who retired a little to discourse with Martin . That then Torwoodlie told the Deponent , that although Martin would not Commune with them upon his Commission directly , yet it would be fit they conferr'd , and without taking notice of his Commission , discours'd of things as their own private Notions , abstracted from any prospect of a present Design . That accordingly after Dinner they four retired to a Chamber , and after some general talk of the Discontents of both Kingdoms , these Suppositions following were discours'd of , Martin starting all , or most of them . If the Country Party in England should have thoughts of going into Arms , what could be expected here in such a case ? Would it not be expedient to have a setled Correspondence between that Party there , and here ? Might it not be so adjusted , that both Kingdoms should draw out in one day ? Might not as many be expected in these Shires , and about Edenburgh , as would surprize the Rulers , and some to joyn with the English on the Borders , and seize on Berwick , others to attempt Stirling-Castle ? If Argyle should at the same time Land in the West , and raise that Country , would not these Measures contribute much to the Advancement and Interest of the Party ? Incourage all that had an Inclination to them , and scare many others from acting against them ? And so they might have leisure to joyn from all places . And then might it not be expected there would be as many in this Kingdom , as would be able to deal with the Forces here , at least divert them from troubling England ? These Queries being propos'd , it was answered , That as to setling a Correspondence , it was very convenient for those of a Common Interest , but none could be found here fit to manage it that would undertake it . That as to trysting , that is to say , rising at the same time , that could not be done without divulging the Design to all Ranks of People , which none would consent to , except those already in desperate Circumstances , and they would not generally have much Influence . That the thing was not at all adviseable for Scotland , because if those in England , especially in London , the Spring of their motions , should happen to have an Interruption near the time appointed , then the Scots not having timely notice , might rise alone , and so be expos'd as a Prey . That Argyle's coming was not much to be relied on , by reason of the uncertainty of Sea-Voyages : That he might himself be suspected of private Designs ; that despair might blind his usual prudence , and prompt him to indigested Methods ; so it was expected few of the Gentry , but such as were under very hard Circumstances , would embarque with him . That as to the surprizing their Rulers , it was inveigh'd against , as an Action not to be thought of amongst Protestants . That then Martin told the Company , if any had a mind for a suit of Armour , he could provide as many as pleas'd , of a new Fashion , very light , and of an easie rate , from one who had made a great many lately for honest Men in London . That then all the Company except Martin , went to Gallowshiels House , where they met him and Polwart . That after Supper , having given and received mutual assurance that they were free to commune with Gallowshiels , and he with them , touching matters of great Secrecy and Importance , they sate close together , Polwart beginning the discourse : And signifying to them , he was credibly inform'd that the Country Party in England would draw into the Fields shortly , and as he heard , before Lammas : That Gallowshiels seem'd visibly surpriz'd at it , saying he loved better to be walking in his own Parks than to be medling in such matters : However assuring them , if there came any troublesome work , he would joyn with them firmly . That the Earl of Tarras also disapproved of doing any thing during the Kings Life ; because that might strengthen the Dukes Interest : That therefore he suspected it was a project of the Common-Wealths-Men , with whom he believed few Scotch Gentlemen would joyn ; and that he was almost persuaded the Duke of Monmouth would not concur in any Rising during the Kings Life . That to all this Polwart answer'd , he heard the English had once agreed on that Principle , but it seem'd they found they must either do their business now , or lay aside all hopes of doing it hereafter . For if the Charter of London were let fall , they should not only lose all safe Opportunity of digesting Matters , but also a great part of their Strength : Adding that he heard all things were concerted mutually between Monmouth's Friends , and the Heads of the Common-Wealth Party ; and though Monmouth was shy on that account , yet he hoped he would engage , or he would be deserted by that Party . That then Polwart mentioned the former Queries , as overtures agreed on between other Friends in London , and the Principal Men of that Party there . That the Earl of Tarras and the Deponent repeated their former answers , Gallowshiels joyning forwardly with them . That Polwart replied , he was fully of their Opinion , if things were entire , but refer'd it to be consider'd , whether it were not better to comply with some of these Methods , though not so justifiable as could be wish'd , rather than disappoint the business totally . That there was another argument urg'd against rising with the English , because it was talk'd there had been a Day appointed in England in Shaftsbury's time , which did not hold ; so they were not to be relied on . That then it was proposed to be deliberated what Methods were most proper in the Companies Opinion for Scotland to follow , in case of of Englands Rising first . That it was said , All that could be expected or desired from Scotland was , that upon certain News of Englands being in the Field , those of the Southern Shires should presently rise , and as soon as so many could convene , as would be able to deal with stragling Parties , March to joyn the English on the Borders , that then it would be seasonable for Argyle to Land in the West ; and these Parties on the Borders might divert the Forces , till he had time to put himself into a posture . That it was left to Polwart to Commune with others to this purpose . That all the Company seem'd to agree , they should move nothing in the Affair , till they had a certain account what England propos'd , and who were to be their Heads ; that if they design'd any thing against the Kings Person , or for overturning Monarchy , they should not be clear to joyn . That it was recommended to all the Company , to be inquiring indirectly about the affections of their Neighbours , and what Arms were amongst them ; that so , if they should resolve to joyn with the English , they might know where to seek Men and Arms suddenly . That here it was said by one , ( by Polwart as the Deponent thinks ) That if the Earl of Tarras , Torwoodlie , Gallowshiels , and he took Horse , most part of Tiviot-Dale and Selkirk-Shire would soon come to them , especially when they heard that England was risen . That they all agreed to meet there again at Midsummer-Fair , when the account from England might be expected ; but in case it came to any of their hands sooner , each promis'd to advertise the rest . The Deponent farther added , he was told in private by Polwart or Torwoodlie , That Polwart kept Correspondence with their Friends at London , naming the Lord Melvil , Sir John Cockran , Jerviswood , and Commissary Monroe . That the Money to be advanc'd by the English Partie to Scotland , was ready when Martin left London . That it was expected within few days after , it would be dispatch'd with some Confident to Holland ; that it was 10000 l. and was to be employ'd by that Confident at Argyle's sight , for buying of Arms , and providing Shipping to transport them with Argyle . That as soon as the Scots at London got Notice of their Confidents arrival in Holland , and that all other things were concluded with the English , which might be about the middle of June , then they would come down into Scotland , and give them a particular Account of all Resolutions taken . That the Deponent was told all Letters were written by both Parties , as about the Carolina Business , or concerning some Houshold-Furniture : That there was a Sign and a Word agreed on , that they might know with whom to use freedom ; the Word was Harmony , and the Sign was the Opening of Buttons on the Breast-Coat , and shutting them presently . That the Deponent never saw it used , except when he visited Parkhay in Edenburgh about the end of June ; who asking whether he had the Word and Sign of the Carolina-Men , and the Deponent having given them , said , He was afraid the Carolina Business did not go well , for there had been some of the Managers expected there eight days past , but none were come : Nor could he learn any of their Friends had heard from them for several Posts . The said James Murray of Philiphaugh deposed farther , That at their Meeting at Gallowshiels it was resolv'd they should keep their Cess or Tax unpaid till their next Meeting at Midsummer , and should deal with all those they had influence upon to do the like , and that upon the Supposition mention'd in his former Oath . Next , Hugh Scot Laird of Gallowshiels confess'd and deposed , That the Earl of Tarras and Philiphaugh did come to his House in May 1683. That Polwart came likewise thither , where there were Discourses and Proposals , That if the English did rise in Arms , their Friends in the South-Shires should rise with them : That they should seize the Horses belonging to the Kings Troops where they grazed , and attempt the Town of Berwick , and the Castle of Stirling . That it was likewise there discour'd of the late Earl of Argyle ' s coming to invade Scotland ; but because of the uncertainty of Sea-Voyages , there was not much stress laid upon it . That it was also proposed , such of the South-Country whom they trusted should be acquainted with it : That Endeavours should be used to learn what Arms were in the Country : That the Earl of Tarras , Philiphaugh , Torwoodlie , Polwart , and some others should draw to Horse with the first , when the rising should be in a readiness ; and that it might be expected the South parts of Tiviot-Dale and Selkirk-Shire would joyn with them . The said Gallowshiels had also deposed before the Lords of the Secret Committee , That the Earl of Tarras and Philiphaugh being in his House in May , discours'd of an intended Rising in England and in London in particular , and of Proposals made to the Scots to rise with them : That Polwart was there present , and told them he was sure the English intended so ; That they discours'd it was fit to seize Berwick and Stirling : It was also talk'd of bringing the Duke of York to his Tryal . The said Gallowshiels deposed farther before the Lords of the Committee , That in the Month of May 1683. the Earl of Tarras , Hume of Polwart the Elder , and the Laird of Philiphaugh came to the Deponents House , where they spake of the security of the Protestant Religion , and of a Party in England who would secure or seize the King or Duke : That if any should rise in Arms to defend or rescue them , there was another Party who would rise against them . That it was proposed some Country-men should be spoken to , to try their Resolutions : That it was likewise proposed to seize the Officers of State. That it was there said , Sir John Cockran was to come to the West from England to advance the Design : That the Earl of Argyle was to Land in the West Highlands to raise that Country . That of these Matters all that were present discours'd , as of an Affair they were agitating , and wherein themselves were particularly concern'd . These several plain and full Proofs , together with the Depositions of Carstares before mentioned , being also strengthen'd by the Confessions of Thomas Shepard and Zechary Bourn , and all exhibited at the Trial of William Baillie of Jerviswood , were not only over-abundantly sufficient to convince the Person accused of his particular share in the Guilt ; but they also remain as so many standing and indubitable testimonies of the truth of the whole Conspiracy between the English , and Scotch Rebels . After all this , how is it possible that the most audacious of the Factious Party of both Nations , notwithstanding their being so expert in driving on the Trade of Lying and traducing their Governours , should ever have any tolerable colour of probability to invalidate or discredit the undoubted Evidence of so many Witnesses , most of them Men of high Quality , great Estates , potent Interests ; all of them Zealous and indefatigable assertors of the Rebellious Cause ; and this Evidence given in by them at first voluntarily , and often again reiterated , and adher'd to , against Baillie their Chief Companion in Iniquity , their near Kinsman and Friend ? As for Baillie of Jerviswood himself , the Persons who pass'd upon his Assize did with one Voice find the Crimes of Art and part in the Conspiracy , and of concealing and not revealing the same , clearly proved against him . Whereupon he was adjudg'd to suffer the Punishment of a Traytor : His Life and Death being such as might be expected from the Nephew and Son-in-Law of the Old Arch Traytor Warriston , in whose Family he was bred up , and tutor'd under his Discipline , according to his Principles . Such were the chief Steps the Scotch Conspirators had made in their part of the Treasonable Design , as far as through the Divine Favour it has been hitherto traced out by the Extraordinary Diligence , Wisdom and Integrity of his Majesties present Ministers in that Kingdom . For the Readers clearer comprehending the whole progress of the Villany , the King thought best to have it thus represented in one view , and put all together in an uninterrupted course of Narration : Though by this Method divers things have been already spoken of , which in the natural course of time happen'd after the several material passages , that remain yet unmention'd , relating to the English part of the Conspiracy . Wherefore , to return to the Year 1683 , and to what happen'd in England that Summer , shortly after the first Discovery . ; His Majesty having now received irresistible Proof of the certainty of the Wicked and unnatural Design , that the World might have the like conviction , resolv'd speedily to bring some of the most Notorious Malefactors to a fair and open Tryal . The first Person who was put upon justifying himself , was Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Walcot , on the Twelfth of July of that Year . Against him divers Witnesses were produced , who , in their Depositions , first gave some distinct account of the Plot in General , and then of the particular share the Prisoner at the Bar had in it . As to what concern'd Walcot himself , Colonel Romzey first deposed , That the said Walcot came out of Holland with Ferguson after Shaftsbury's Death : That he came to West's Chamber where he was present when a List was brought of the Assassines , and agreed to joyn with them , intending to Command a Party to charge the Guards : That he undertook to go and view Rumbald's House , and bought a Horse for that purpose : That he was present at the dividing of London into twenty parts in order to an Insurrection ; and at the Consult for buying of Arms after the disappointment at the Rye : That he was at the Meeting for carrying on the Conspiracy on Thursday before the Discovery : That after it they met at Captain Tracies , Walcot's own Lodgings , himself being present . Next Josiah Keeling swore that Walcot was at the Trayterous Assembly at the Salutation-Tavern , when the Deponent was called Gulick , and a Health drunk to the English Gulick ; West saying that Gulick in Dutch was Keeling in English ; adding , He hoped to see Keeling at the Head of as good an Army at Wapping , as it was reported one Gulick was then at Cologne . Then Zechary Bourn witnessed , That Walcot used to come to Ferguson when he lodg'd at his House : That Walcot and several others met at the Dragon on Snow-Hill , and often in other places , in order to raise Men , and divide the City into twenty parts for securing the King and the Duke : That almost every time they met , at least three times , the Prisoner at the Bar was there : That he was at the Meeting at Tracies , where they debated of standing to it with Swords in their Hands , and of killing Keeling for having made the Discovery . Robert West's Testimony concerning him went somewhat farther back . He deposed , That he became acquainted with Walcot the Summer before , when he told the Deponent the Carolina Business was only a Pretence ; That he ask'd the Deponent upon the Election of the Sheriffs , Will the People do nothing to secure themselves ? Thereupon acquainting him with an Insurrection then design'd within three weeks or a month : That Shaftsbury was in the Design , and had engaged him also : That he had an Expectation of being Colonel of Horse ; asking the said West , Whether he would have any Command under him ? That upon his refusal , he desired him to lend him a Suit of Silk Armour : That the said Walcot told him of several Designs to Attack the King and the Duke : That in the Business of the Rye , he undertook to Command the Party that was to set upon the Guards : That after the Disappointment , he met with the other Conspirators , where they discours'd of it , and complain'd they had not Arms in readiness : That he sometimes made one in the Trayterous Discourses at the Deponents , and at the Young-Devil-Tavern : That he was present at the Meeting at Tracies relating to their escape ; the Prisoner at the Bar himself then saying , God would still deliver the Nations . His Letter to Mr. Secretary Jenkins was also produced , which he was proved to have own'd before the Council to be his Hand . The substance of it being , That he was come to Town to lay himself at his Majesties Feet : That this was the first Crime he had been Guilty of since the Kings Return , and too soon by much now : That he was ready to discover to his Majesty all that he knew in England , Scotland and Ireland , which might be something more than the first discoverer could acquaint him with , especially as to Ireland : That his intimacy with a Scotch Minister , through whose Hands much of the business pass'd , occasioned his knowing very much ; and that it was laid very broad , or he was mis-inform'd ; concluding with a proposal that he would follow the Traytors who were fled , and give notice what Measures they should take ; with other the like expressions . There was likewise a Paper given in Evidence that was taken about him in Newgate ; wherein he desir'd Romzey and West to spare him , saying , They had ground enough to serve the King upon other Men. But as to his private Confession to the King upon his first Examination , that was not produc'd against him , though in that he had told divers new Particulars of the Conspiracy , and named the Men of Quality who had undertaken to raise the several Shires . Against all this Walcot's defence only consisted in his own denial of having had any Hand in the Assassination ; saying , He knew well enough , if he should have undertaken to charge the Guards whilst others kill'd the King , he was equally Guilty with those that kill'd him ; but that he was sick of the Gout during the Meetings whilst the King was at Newmarket : Moreover , that those Witnesses were sufficiently dipped themselves , and swore against him to save their own Lives : That Goodenough and Rumbald he never knew : That the last Meeting at his Lodgings was appointed by Romzey , he himself knowing nothing of it : That he came accidentally to the other Meetings only to hear News . He confessed he heard there was a Design amongst divers great Lords and Gentlemen for asserting Liberties and Properties ; but that he was not at their Consultations . The Sum was , that he had heard a great deal of an Insurrection , but had no hand in it , and therefore his fault could be only Misprision of Treason . And as to his Letter , he alledged he had only heard what he promised to discover from Ferguson . To the most material parts of this Defence , it was answer'd by his Majesties Learned Council at Law , That there is nothing more just than to make use of some Traytors to Convict others , else Treason might be hatch'd most securely : That because the Witnesses had been concern'd in the Plot , therefore they were to be believed ; for who should know it but those that were concern'd ? That better VVitnesses could not have been had , except the thing had succeeded : That the very being at Treasonable Consults , and keeping them private , is not only Misprision , but High Treason . And as to his having the Gout , West told him , he remember'd it very well by a good token , that Walcot himself said , He was afraid when the time came , he should not be able to draw on his Boot . But the whole Evidence against Walcot being clear and positive Testimony , and what he pleaded for himself being only his own single Affirmation and Negation , without any support of Witnesses , the Jury immediately brought him in guilty of High Treason . According to which Sentence he was Executed on the 20th of the said Month. At the time of his Execution he again acknowledg'd what he had told the King , and writ to the Secretary of State , That the Business was laid very deep ; he said , An Act of Indulgence would do well , because the King had a great many Men to take Judgment of : He persisted , he was to have had no hand in his Majesties Death , though he confess'd it was proposed when he was present : He declared he did not know that this Conspiracy was older than the August or September before : but so old he own'd it was . The next Offender that came under the Stroak of Justice , was William Hone a Joyner , who being brought to the Bar , would presently have confess'd himself guilty of great part of the Accusation . But refusing to confess all , he was requir'd to plead , and the next day was brought on his Tryal . Then again he desir'd he might retract his Plea , and offer'd to plead Guilty . But since he would not own the whole Indictment , for Satisfaction of the World the Evidence against him was produc'd . Josiah Keeling swore , That the Prisoner at the Bar was at the Dolphin-Tavern , when several sorts of Arms were agreed on to be provided under the borrow'd Names of Swan-Quills , Goose-Quills , Crow-Quills : That after that Meeting , Hone told the Deponent , He was to be one of them who were to go down to the Rye to Assassinate the King. That he since also told him , It would never be well till the Black-Bird and the Gold-Finch were knock'd on the Head ; explaining those terms to be meant of the King and the Duke . To which Witness Hone reply'd in open Court , That as to the Black-Bird he own'd it , but not as to the Gold-Finch . Then West deposed , That Goodenough having told him he would try Hone , whether he would attempt on the Duke without the King , the Deponent ask'd Hone , Whether he had seen Goodenough ? He answer'd , He had , and that he had spoken to him about a job for the Duke . That at another time also Hone ask'd the Deponent , Master , shall we do nothing ? Adding , That if the Duke of Monmouth would be true , and appear , he would bring 50 or 60 Men from the other side of the Water , to help to do the Business . And that the Deponent demanding what Business ? He answer'd , A brisk Push at the two Brothers . That being further question'd , What Brothers ? He said , The Captain and Lieutenant ; which were the counterfeit Names they sometimes used for the King and the Duke . Then Sir Nicholas Butler deposed , He had known Hone many years , and always knew him guilty of plotting , contriving , and ready for such Enterprises as this : particularly that he had proposed taking off the King and the Duke with Cross-Bows from Bow-Steeple , whilst they were standing in a House directly over against it on the Lord Mayors Day : That Hone confess'd this very thing when examined before his Majesty : That he had also acquainted divers Persons , that he was to make one to kill the King and the Duke . Then Captain Richardson swore , that the Prisoner confess'd to Sir Nicholas Butler , in his presence , that Goodenough came to him and told him , he wanted Labourers ; That Hone asking him for what ? Goodenough said it was to kill the King , and the Duke : That he did agree to be one of the Number : That Hone did say another time , he was for killing the King , and saving the Duke ; but that Goodenough was for both : That he told them of the business of the Rye , calling it the place where the King was to have been Murder'd . To all this Hone made no other answer , but that he was drawn in by Goodenough ; and as for killing the King from Bow-steeple , he was told of it by another . So the Jury found him Guilty without going out of the Court. At his Execution , he own'd himself Guilty of the Crime , for which he stood condemn'd . Only alledging again , that he was drawn in . He confess'd also , he did say he was for killing the King , and saving the Duke of York . On which last expression the Factious party immediately laid hold . And they have since most impudently made use of it , in their Libels both at home and abroad , to take the aspersion of this Conspiracy , off from themselves , insinuating that this saying of Hones ( a Notorious Fanatick ) must needs prove him to have been a conceal'd Papist . Whereas it is apparent , he said it upon a quite different account : Since it was a common opinion among them , that if they could but do the Kings business , their work against the Duke would be much easier : A Lesson first taught them by their great Master the Earl of Shaftsbury . For when in one of their Trayterous Cabals , among other Considerations of time and place , for killing the Royal Brothers , that between Hampton-Court and Windsor was proposed and some excepted against it , because his Majesty and his Royal Highness seldom went that way together ; the said Earl advised them not to stand upon that , and not to omit the opportunity of making the King away for any such Objection ; giving this wicked reason for his advice , That if the King were once dispatched , they should easily be able to deal with the Duke of York ; grounding his Judgment on a most false Supposition , that the People were generally averse from his Royal Highness . The next Criminal arraign'd was William Lord Russel , who was brought to his Tryal July the 13 th of that year . Against him Colonel Romzey deposed , That in the end of October , or the beginning of November 1683. there met at Mr. Shepard's House in Abchurch-Lane , the Duke of Monmouth , the Lord Gray , the Lord Russel , Sir Thomas Armstrong and Ferguson : That the Earl of Shaftsbury desired him to go to them thither , to know what resolution was taken about the Rising of Taunton : That he did go , Mr. Shepard carried him up where they were , and he deliver'd his Message : That the Answer was , Mr. Trenchard had fail'd them ; and there could be no more done in the matter at that time : That there was at the same time a discourse by all the Company about seeing what posture the Guards were in , that they might know how to surprize them ; That some of them undertook to go and see : That my Lord Russel in particular did speak about the Rising , and gave his consent to it . Then Mr. Shepard swore , That in October last , Ferguson requested of him , in the Duke of Monmouth's Name , the conveniency of his House , for some Persons of Quality to meet in ; That the same Day in the Evening the Duke of of Monmouth , the Lord Gray , the Lord Russel , Armstrong and Ferguson came : That they desir'd to be private , and none of his Servants to come up : That their discourse was , How to surprize the Guards : That the Duke of Monmouth , the Lord Gray and Armstrong went one Night to the Mues to view them : That the next time they came , Armstrong said , The Guards were remiss , and the thing was feasible : That they had two Meetings of this kind at his House ; That in one of them something was read by Ferguson in the nature of a Declaration , setting forth the Grievances of the Nation in order to a Rising : That he could not say positively the Lord Russel was there when it was read ; but the said Lord was there , when they talk'd of seizing the Guards . Then the Lord Howard of Escrick gave his Deposition , consisting of two parts , a general Declaration of what he knew of the whole Conspiracy , and his particular Evidence touching the Lord Russel's being engaged in it . In the general part , his Testimony was agreeable to what has been already cited out of his Confession to his Majesty ; only in some passages he was more particular as to Persons , especially concerning Lieutenant Colonel Walcot , the Earl of Shaftsbury , the Lord Gray , and the Duke of Monmouth , as appears by the Printed Tryal . But what peculiarly related to the Lord Russel was to this effect ; That after the Earl of Shaftsbury's Flight , the chief Persons concern'd in the Conspiracy in his time , began to consider they had gone so far it would be unsafe for them to make a retreat ; and that so great an Affair consisting of so many Particulars , which were to be manag'd with so much fineness , it would be necessary to have some General Council : That therefore they resolv'd to erect a Cabal among themselves , which was made up of six Persons , the Duke of Monmouth , the Earl of Essex , the Lord Russel , Colonel Algernoon Sydney , Mr. Hambden Junior , and the Deponent : That this was about the middle of the January before : That then they met at Mr. Hambden's House , where it was presently agreed , their proper Province was to take care of the whole : That the chief things they debated were , Whether the Insurrection should begin first in London or the Country ; the Duke of Monmouth insisting , it should be first in the Country ; then what Countries and Towns were fittest , and most ready for Action ; then , what Arms were to be got , and how to be disposed ; then that it was necessary to have a common Bank of 25 or 30000 l. to answer the occasions of such an Undertaking ; but that the greatest point was to order it so , as to draw Scotland into a consent with them ; because it was requisite all diversion should be given to the Kings Forces . That about Ten Days after every one of the same persons met again at the Lord Russel's House : That they then came to a resolution , of sending some Persons to the Earl of Argyle , to settle an Understanding with him , and that a Messenger should be dispatch'd into Scotland , to invite some Scoth-Men hither , who best understood the Estate of Scotland , to give an account of it : That the Persons agreed on to be sent for were Sir John Cockran , the Lord Melvil , and one of the Name of Cambel : That to this purpose it was order'd , a Person should be thought on that was to be sent : That Colonel Sydney was intrusted to take care of that business : That the said Colonel told the Deponent , he had sent Aaron Smith : That then they agreed not to meet again till the return of the Messenger ; who was gone about a Month before they heard any thing of him ; though the Letter he carried , could have done no great hurt , had it been taken , because it was Written in a kind of a Cant , under the disguise of a Plantation in Carolina : That all this Debate at the Lord Russel's went without contradiction , all there present giving their consent : That as for raising Money , every one was put to think of such a way , that Money might be collected without Administring Jealousie : That after this the Deponent met no more with them ; but when he return'd out of the Country , he was inform'd Aaron Smith was come back , and that Sir John Cockran was also come to Town . Then Attherbury the Kings Messenger deposed , that the foresaid Cambel and his Son were taken in London , making their escape out of a Window in a Woodmongers House , four Days after they had been in Town ; during which space , they confess'd they had chang'd their Lodgings three Times , and that they and Mr. Baillie of Jerviswood came to Town together . Against this Evidence the Lord Russel's defence ( besides some Objections in point of Law , wherein he was over-ruled by the Opinion of all the Judges there present ) was to this purpose : That the two times they met , was upon no form'd Design , only to talk of News , and of things in general : That the Lord Howard having a voluble Tongue , they delighted to hear him discourse : That he knew of no such Council of Six chosen , for who should chuse them ? That the Witnesses against him swore to save their own Lives , and therefore could not be credible : That Romzey was notoriously known to have been highly obliged by the King and the Duke ; and it was strange he should be capable of such a Design as to Murder the King ; that no Body then could wonder , if to save his own Life , he should endeavour to take away anothers : That the time by the 13th of the King was elapsed , since the Prosecution was not made in the six Months : That a Design of Levying War is no Treason , except it appear by some Overt Act : That there was but one Meeting at Shepard's House , nor was he ever there but once : That then he came late , staid not above a quarter of an hour , tasting Sherry with Shepard ; and that there ought to be two VVitnesses to one and the same thing at the same time . Then he produced VVitnesses to prove that the Lord Howard , before he was taken , declar'd He believ'd the Lord Russel innocent , and knew nothing against him . The rest of his Justification consisted of the Testimony of several Persons concerning the Virtue and Sobriety of his former Life . As to what concern'd the Lord Howard's saying , He believed the Lord Russel not to be guilty ; it was answer'd by the Lord Howard himself , That he confess'd he had said so , being then himself not a cused , so that he intended to out-face the thing both for himself and the Party ; but now his Duty to God , the King and his Country requir'd it , he must say the Truth ; and that though the Council of Six were not chosen by any Community , yet they did erect themselves by mutual Agreement one with another into that Society . The rest was answer'd by the Kings Learned Council at Law , That he was not Try'd upon the 13th of the King , but upon the 25th of Edward the Third : That to Raise a Conspiracy within the Kingdom is what is call'd Levying War by that Statute : That to design to seize on the King , or to depose him , or to raise the Subjects against him , hath been setled by several Resolutions of the Judges to be within that Statute , and Evidences of a Design to kill the King : That in Cases of Treason , it is not necessary there should be two VVitnesses to the same individual Fact , at the same time ; but if there be two VVitnesses of things tending to the same Fact , though at several times , and upon several occasions , it is sufficient : That if there be one Witness of one Act of Treason , another of a second , another of a third , they will be enough to Convict a Man of High Treason : That so it was determin'd by the Opinion of all the Judges in England , and by the Lords in Parliament in the Lord Stafford's Case . It was farther urged , That the VVitnesses against the Lord Russel were not profligate Persons , nor Men who wanted Faith and Credit before that time ; but such against whom there had been no legal Exceptions made by himself : That there was no Contradiction , no Correspondence or Contrivance at all between them ; and that it cannot be imagined such Men should Damn their own Souls to take away the Life of a Gentleman , against whom they had no Quarrel . As for Romzey's being much obliged to the King and the Duke , That it was apparent by many Instances , that no such , though the greatest Obligations , had hinder'd ill Men from Conspiring against his Majesty . For was not the Earl of Essex , were not divers others of the Conspirators in like manner obliged , and advanced in Estate and Honour by the King ? As to their coming only to Shepard's to taste VVine , it was said , That could not have been the end of their Meeting : VVhy did they then come so privately ? VVhy then did they order none of the Servants to come up ? It was plain the Design they met on , requir'd only such Persons to be present as had an Affection for the Cause . It was also urg'd , That it is not a good Objection against a Mans being Evidence in High Treason , that he himself was engaged in it ; but that such Men are the most proper Persons to be Evidence , none but they being able to detect such Counsels . As for the several Divines , and Men of Honour and Quality produced to testifie the Virtue and Sobriety of the Lord Russel's Conversation ; it was answer'd , That an Affectation of Popularity has often proved a Snare strong enough to tempt many Men , who have otherwise been of great Temperance and Virtue . Nor indeed can there be any more dangerous Enemies to a State or Kingdom , than such as come sober to endeavour its Destruction . VVhich old and true Observation was signally exemplified in this particular Case of the Lord Russel : For West deposed , That the Underacters in the Treason most depended on the said Lord , for this very reason , because they look'd on him as a Man of great Sobriety . Upon the whole Process he was found guilty of High Treason . But in stead of Drawing , Hanging and Quartering , the usual and legal Penalty of that Crime , the Execution was by his Majesties Clemency chang'd into that of Beheading . Though it is well known , this very Prerogative of the Kings having it in his Power to alter the Punishment of High Treason , had been vehemently disputed by the Party , and particularly by the Lord Russel himself in the Lord Stafford's Case . The said Lord Russel at the time of his Death , which was the 21st of that Month , deliver'd a Paper to the Sheriffs , and left other Copies of it with his Friends , whereby it was immediately dispers'd amongst the People ; the general drift of it being to make odious Insinuations against the Government , invidious Reflections on the Ministers of his Majesties Justice , and undue Extenuations of his own Fault . As to the whole Matter of it , Time , the best Discoverer , and Light of Truth , has since shewn it to be full of Enormous Falshoods : And for the manner of its Composure , it was such , as rather became the Subtilty , Artifice and Equivocation of some crafty hypocritical Confessor , or Presbyterian Casuist , than the Noble plainness and simplicity of a Gentleman ; especially of One who in this very Paper so much boasts of the Sincerity and Candour of his whole Life , and of his perpetual hatred of Tricks and Evasions . Among divers other notorious Shifts and Prevarications contain'd in it , this is observable , That in this Paper he declares solemnly he never was at Shepard's in that Company but once , as in his Tryal he had affirm'd absolutely he never was there but once : whereas , besides what Shepard positively swore , That he was more than once there , and in that very Company ; the said Lord Russel himself also , when he was Examin'd in the Tower by his Majesties Command June 28th , confess'd He had been at Shepard's House frequently ; which Confession after it was written down , read and repeated by himself , he in great Agitation of Mind desir'd he might alter it . And the Alteration he made was to put in divers times in stead of frequently . The Truth of which appears by the Original thus subscribed , and corrected by the the Lord Russel ; and by the known Integrity of Sir Leolyn Jenkins , Sir John Ernly , and his Majesties Atturney-General and Sollicitor-General , who receiv'd the Examination , and have attested the Alteration . The Lord Russel likewise in the Printed Speech affirms , His intention of going to Shepards was to taste Sherry ; and in his Tryal he said , He staid not above a quarter of an Hour there tasting of Sherry . Though presently after in the very same Paper , forgetting what he had said , he acknowledges , He was desir'd to go thither by the Duke of Monmouth , upon a business of greater consequence than the tasting of Sherry : Which was , That the Duke of Monmouth call'd upon him to tell him , that the Earl of Shaftsbury and some other hot Men would undo them all , if great care were not taken ; and therefore intreated him to go with him to Shepards . To this he adds , That when he came thither , there were things spoken by some with much more heat than Judgment ; Things of the same Nature , no doubt , with those he confess'd to have heard before in the Earl of Shaftsbury's Company , which made the Duke of Monmouth himself cry out , Did you ever hear so Horrid a thing ? However all these Treasonable Discourses about making some Stirs as he stiles them , the said Lord would fain have had pass only for Misprision of Treason . Though it is remarkable that in all those his last Words , there is no more sign of his asking Forgiveness of God or the King , for his confess'd Misprision , than for the High Treason . Moreover in the same printed Paper he solemnly avows , There was no undertaking at Shepards for seizing the Guards ; none appointed to view or examine them ; only that there was some discourse then , and at other times , about the feasibleness of it ; adding , That several times by accident he heard it mention'd , as a thing might easily be done . By which and other the like concessions in that Speech he well nigh grants himself Guilty of the Crime whereof he was accus'd ; since the Judges often assur'd him , that those discourses and consultations not reveald are High Treason . He farther says , it was by a strange fetch , that a design of seizing on the Guards was construed a design of killing the King. But that this construction was no such strange fetch , Colonel Walcot himself might have inform'd him ; who both at his Trial , and his Execution , did with far more Truth and Ingenuity allow , that it was the same thing for him to engage the Kings Guards , whilst another kill'd him , as to kill him with his own Hands . Though , to put this whole matter out of question , touching that Consultation at Shepards , for seizing the Guards , his Majesty declares on the Faith of a King , appealing also to the Memory of his Royal Highness to confirm the same , That the Duke of Monmouth did , in express Terms confess this very particular , and all the circumstances of it to his Majesty at the time of his rendring himself : Namely , That the foresaid debate of surprizing the Guards was at Shepards ; that the Lord Russel was one of the Persons debating it ; that the result was , the Duke of Monmouth , the Lord Gray and Sir Thomas Armstrong should go view the Guards in order to seize them ; that accordingly they three did go , and take a view of them to that end ; and that the report they made to the same Company at their next Meeting was , that the thing might be done , if they had any considerable strength . But what need any farther Proof of the insincerity of the Lord Russel's last Justification , than the foremention'd Deposition of Carstares ? An Evidence not only by Law unquestionable , but such as cannot but be esteem'd by the very Conspirators themselves of invincible strength and conviction : Since he was a Man eminent in their Party , and one of their principal seducing Teachers . And what the said Carstares deposed relating to the Lord Russel , his Majesty thinks fit to be repeated here again . It was , That when he return'd into England out of Holland , where he had been to concert matters with the Earl of Argyle , for promoting the General Conspiracy ; the next Day he met with Sir John Cockran , and having acquainted him with the Earl of Argyle ' s demands of 30000 l. Sterling , and the Thousand Horse and Dragoons , Sir John Cockran carried the said Carstares to the Lord Russel ; to whom he proposed the affair , but being then a perfect stranger , had no return from him at that time . That afterwards the Deponent met with the Lord Russel accidentally at Shepard ' s House , where as Shepard affirm'd the said Lord was come to speak with him about the Money before mention'd . That when the other two had done talking , Carstares himself desir'd to speak with the Lord Russel ; and that in his discourse with him , having reiterated the former proposition for the 30000 l. and the Thousand Horse , and Dragoons , the Lord Russel answer'd in these very Words ; They could not get so much Money rais'd at the time , but if they had 10000 l. to begin , that would draw People in , and when they were once in , they would soon be brought to more . But as for the 1000 Horse and Dragoons , he could say nothing at the present , for that behoved to be concerted on the Borders . By which plain Deposition , agreeing with so many other Witnesses , it is manifest that when they whom the Lord Russel trusted with Composing his last Speech , permitted him to affirm on the word of a Dying Man , He knew nothing of any Design against the King or Kingdom , either they did grosly prevaricate with him , or he with them . His Majesty has judg'd it convenient that the whole Proceeding with the Lord Russel should be thus particularly recollected , as well that one great Instance for all might be given of the Impartiality and fair course in which the publick Justice was administer'd against the Conspirators , as also that it might appear with what weak Cavils , Ambiguities and Tergiversations they defended themselves both living and dying . For the others who were afterwards brought to condign Punishment , it will not be so needful to descend into every minute part of their Tryals , Condemnations and Executions , which have been already faithfully published ; especially since those that followed made most of the same Objections in Law and Fact as were before most solidly answer'd . It will be enough only to make some few Observations , where any new Matter shall arise , for the fuller Demonstration of the wicked Design . On July the 13th of that Year , was John Rouse brought to Tryal . Against him there was ample Evidence given . First by Thomas Lea ; That the said Rouse undertook to provide 100 Arms for the City-Divisions : That he said , Nothing could be done unless the King were seiz'd ; adding , We remember Forty One , when the King went and set up his Standard ; therefore we will seize them that they shall not set up their Standard . That he farther said , It would be convenient to have a Ball plaid on Black-Heath ; to that end some Sea-Captains must be spoken to , he promising to speak to Ten : That when the Ball should be won , every Captain might take his Party , and tell them they had other VVork , and then go with long Boats and Arms to seize the Tower : That the said Rouse had several such Discourses , and went divers times to view the Tower to that end : That after the Discovery he said to Goodenough and Nelthrop , Be not discourag'd , but let the Business go on : That he said , Take off the King and the Duke , and then no Man can have Commission to fight for them : That he also affirm'd , He was under an Oath of Secrecy , never to trust but one at a time with the Design . Then by William Leigh , That the said Rouse farther endeavour'd to get Seamen to seize on , and Command some of the Kings Ships , lying as Guard-Ships at Woolwich and Deptford : That being ask'd , What he would do with Ships without Powder and Shot , with which they could not be provided except the Tower were surpriz'd ? He reply'd , We must secure the Tower and Whitehal both , or we can do nothing . And farther , to prove the said Rouse's former Trayterous Temper of Mind against his Majesties Government , it was sworn by Mr. Corbin , That upon some discourse concerning the Parliament at Oxford , Rouse said , He foresaw it would be a short Sessions , but that these frequent Prorogations an Dissolutions of Parliament would not avail him For whatever the King has , the Parliament gave him , and they may take it away when they please : That the King had forfeited his Crown , and had no more Right to it than he had . Against this all the Defence Rouse made was , That the words attested by Corbin , were spoken upon a Supposition of the Popes Power over Princes : That as for William Lea he had nothing to say against him , but hoped he was an honest Man ; and for Thomas Lea , that the said Lea himself first began those Treasonable Discourses , which Rouse intended to have revealed , had not the other got the start of him . But this being only supported by his single Yea and Nay , without the Credit of any one Witness to strengthen it , the Jury presently gave their Verdict that he was Guilty . For divers Years before he had been a most Notorious Boutefeu in the City of London ; and was one of the many scandalous Examples of the gross Corruption and Iniquity of the Ignoramus-Juries of that time ; he having been unjustly acquitted by them , when in the Year 1681. he was Indicted of high Crimes , particularly for those Trayterous VVords mentioned in Corbin's Evidence . But at last the Divine vengeance overtook him in this manner . At his Death among other things he ingenuously confess'd , he had deserved the Sentence pass'd against him ; that he had heard and understood too much in several kinds of Meetings , especially of some , who though they call'd themselves True Protestants , were Ten Thousand times worse than any others . On November the 7th of the said Year 1683 , was Colonel Algernoon Sydney arraign'd , having sued out his Habeas Corpus ; and on the 21st he was brought to his Tryal . He was Indicted for being one of their Great Council of Six ; for sending Aaron Smith into Scotland ; and for Writing a most Treasonable Libel against the Government , which was found in his Closet on the Table , when his Papers were seiz'd . As to the said Colonels having been one of their Council of Six , and present at , and consenting to all their Deliberations , at Mr. Hambden's and the Lord Russel's the Lord Howard deposed to the same sense as he had done at the Lord Russel's Tryal ; adding now one particular , which more especially affected Colonel Sydney ; That the said Colonel , the Duke of Monmouth , and the Deponent were the first Movers of erecting that Council , the Duke of Monmouth undertaking to incline the Lord Russel to it , and Mr. Sydney promising for the Earl of Essex and Mr. Hambden . Touching the Second Article , His sending Aaron Smith into Scotland to invite some Scotch-Men hither , the Lord Howard farther witness'd , That at their first Meeting at Mr. Hambden's , amongst other matters , it was chiefly debated how to make a coalition of Councils between them and Scotland ; That to this purpose it was propos'd some fit Person should be thought on to send thither to unite them and the English Conspirators into one sense and care : That this was discours'd of at the first Meeting . That at the next , which was at my Lord Russel's House , every one of the same Persons being present , they fell to Consult of what they had charg'd themselves with the time before , concerning sending into Scotland ; and also the setling a Correspondence with Argyle : That the Scotch Gentlemen Named to be sent to were Melvin , Cockran and the Cambels : That Colonel Sydney offer'd he would take care of the Person to be sent ; saying , he had one in his thought 's whom he judg'd a fit Man to be trusted , naming Aaron Smith for the Man : That as many of the Company as knew him , thought him a very proper Person for that employment : That the Duke of Monmouth undertook to invite Melvin hither ; and a Letter was to be sent to Cockran by Smith : That these Scotch-men were to be desired to come , and acquaint their Council here , how they found Scotland temper'd ; what opportunities or advantages there might be of putting that Kingdom into a Commotion ; and how they might there keep time and place with the English. That shortly after this , the Deponent went to Colonel Sydney's , and found him just going into London : That the said Colonel took out of a Cabinet several Guinea's , saying , They were to be given to Aaron Smith for his Expences : That he was sent accordingly ; and the Colonel told the Deponent afterwards , He was gone , and was upon the Road , and that he had heard from him when he was about Newcastle . It was next plainly prov'd , That those Scotch-men came up soon after Smith arrived there . This was sworn by Sir Andrew Foster , that Cockran , Monroe , and the two Cambels came to Town about the end of the Spring , or the beginning of Summer ; Cockran and Monroe pretending their Business was a Purchase in Carolina ; and that upon the very first rumour of a Plot , Cockran absconded , Monroe and the Cambels were taken . To this purpose Attherbury the Messenger also deposed , That about the end of June , or the beginning of July 1683. he was sent by his Majesties VVarrant into London , upon a discovery of some Scotch-men lodging in Black-Friers ; but the Common-Sergeant of the City and others having been there before him , found them making their escape in a Boat : That the Persons were Sir Hugh Cambel , Cockran , and another : That this was after they had been in Town but a little while . The next Head of the Accusation concern'd the Treasonable Pamphlet found in Colonel Sydney's Study , at the time of his Apprehension . To this , first Sir Philip Lloyd Clerk of his Majesties Council deposed , That having been sent by the King and Council to seize Colonel Sydney's Papers , he did go , and put up what he found in his Closet : That he found those Papers now given in Evidence lying upon his Table where he usually writ : That he seiz'd them towards the later end of June : That having put them up , he offer'd Colonel Sydney that he might Seal them with his own Seal , but he refusing , the Deponent set his Seal to them , and so deliver'd them to the Council . Next it was made out , by as firm Proof as such a matter will bear , That all the Sheets produced were of Colonel Sydney's own Hand-writing , which was evidenc'd by Mr. Shepard , Mr. Cook , and Mr. Cary , Men of known Repute and Credit , who had long dealt with Mr. Sydney in Matters of Money , and had paid divers Bills of Exchange for him , upon Notes written in the same Hand , and were never call'd to any account for Mis-payment . Then were the Papers read , containing rank Treason almost in every Line . For therein were broach'd and asserted many horrible Doctrines both against Monarchy in general , and the English Monarchy in particular : which according to the usual false Reasoning of all Republican Writers , he endeavour'd to justifie by divers Quotations and Examples of Sacred and Prophane History grosly perverted , and misapplied against the present Government of his Country . In short , the whole design of those Papers was to maintain , That Tyrants may be justly deposed by the People ; and that the People are the only Judges who are Tyrants ; And peculiarly concerning this Nation there are these Expressions : The Power originally in the People of England is delegated to the Parliament . He , the King , is subject to the Law of God , as he is a Man ; to the People that makes him a King , in as much as he is a King : The Law sets a Measure to that Subjection : The Parliament is Judge of the particular Cases thereupon arising : He must be content to submit his Interest to theirs , since he is no more than any one of them in any other respect , than that he is by consent of all rais'd above any other : If he doth not like this Condition , he may renounce the Crown : But if he receive it upon this Condition , ( as all Magistrates do the Power they receive ) and swear to perform it , he must expect the Performance will be exacted , or Revenge taken by those he hath betray'd . And in another place he says , We may therefore change or take away Kings without breaking any Yoak ; or that is made a Yoak , which ought not to be one . The Injury is in making , and imposing , and there can be none in breaking it . And in another , That the People must needs be the Judge of what happens between them , and the King , whom they did constitute . And in another , that as for the Peoples being Judges in their own Cases , it is plain they ought to be the only Judges . And in another , That the Power of calling and dissolving Parliaments is not in the King. And in another , That the general revolt of a Nation from its own Magistrates can never be call'd a Rebellion . These are some of the Treasonable Tenets contain'd in Mr. Sydney's Papers , amongst many other Assertions that are equally Criminal , but too long to be here inserted . Concerning all which Villanous Opinions this is certainly known , and confess'd by all good Men , That as they laid the Foundations of the late miserable War against his Majesties blessed Father ; and thereby occasion'd the spilling so much Blood , even of the Royal Blood it self ; so when-ever the Multitude shall be infected with the like Antimonarchical Doctrines , it will be impossible for the best Kings , or the most happy Kingdoms in the VVorld , to be free from perpetual Treasons , and Rebellious Plottings . To all this Colonel Sydney's Answer being only made up of most of the same Pleas in Law that had been over-ruled , and the same Objections against the Lord Howard which were satisfactorily repell'd in the former Tryals : besides that he only barely deny'd the sending of Aaron Smith , and his having any hand in , or knowledge of that Message : And as for his Treasonable Papers , he would not grant them to be his , or if they were found in his Study , he affirm'd That they might have been written many Years ago in answer to Sir R. Philmer ' s Book of Monarchy ; and written with no intention of publishing them , but only for private diversion , and the exercise of his Pen. In short , his Defence consisting rather in Nice Cavils at the known Forms of Law , or Discourses ridiculing the Design of a Council of Six , and the whole Conspiracy it self , than in any solid Arguments or Evidence to invalidate the VVitnesses , or to clear himself from the Crimes proved upon him , he was presently found Guilty . His Execution in respect of his Quality , his Majesty alter'd from the usual Punishment of High Treason , into that of Severing his Head from his Body . At the time of his Death on December the 7th he also deliver'd the Sheriffs a Written Paper : Wherein , after having excused his not speaking what he wrote , by alledging this reason among others , That this was an Age , which makes Truth pass for Treason ; he objects against the Lord Howard the Infamy of his former Life ; which Objection no Man in England had less cause to make than himself , the Lord Howard and he having been known to be entire Confidents , Familiars and Friends for many Years past of their Lives , and till the very time of the Discovery . Touching his Papers produced against him , he gives an account full of manifest Equivocations , and ambiguous Reservations . He sufficiently intimates they were his own ; but implies they were written long ago , against a Book of Controversie in Matters of Government . Thereupon he goes on , openly to justifie those Papers , by Positions dangerous enough to the Publick Peace , but quite different from what was laid to his charge at his Tryal , and was quoted word by word out of those Papers . For in stead of being a general Discourse for the Peoples Rights against Kings , without any particular Applications to Time or Place , as in this his last Paper he insinuates them to have been ; it is apparent to any Man that can but read , that those Sheets of his VVriting , which were given in Evidence , strook at the very Root of the English Monarchy , and that therein he studied to do his part to bring the Ax very near the Kings Neck once again . He farther , in that printed Speech , most injuriously reviles his Judges , affirming with notorious falshood and petulancy , That lest the Means of destroying the best Protestants in England should fail , the Bench was fill'd with such as had been Blemishes to the Bar. He goes on to make divers the like frivolous and groundless Reflections on the legal and regular Proceedings against him ; concluding with a Prayer that could be dictated by none but a fierce Republican , and a furious Enthusiastical Spirit met together . It was in truth a Prayer more proper for their Treasonable Meetings at Mr. Hambden's or the Lord Russel's , than to be used as the last words of a Gentleman dying in the profession of his Innocency . For after having fondly declar'd , That he fell a Sacrifice to Idols , he thus addresses his Speech to the great God of Heaven : Bless thy People , and save them . Defend thy own Cause ; Defend those that defend it . Stir up such as are faint . Direct those that are willing . Confirm those that waver . Give Wisdom and Integrity unto all . Grant that I may die glorifying thee for all thy Mercies ; and that at the last thou hast permitted me to be singled out as a Witness of thy Truth ; and even by the Confession of my Opposers , for that Old Cause in which I was from my Youth engaged , and for which thou hast often wonderfully declar'd thy self . He makes it his last Glory , That he was engag'd in that Old Cause from his Youth ; and he was so . Being yet very Young he took up Rebellious Arms against his Majesties Blessed Father , and merited so well of that Old Cause , that he was thought rightly qualifi'd to be Named , though he did not actually sit , amongst the black Number of the Regicides . Upon his Majesties most happy Return , his fixt aversion to the restor'd Government was such , that he would not personally accept of the Oblivion and Indempnity then generally granted to the whole Nation . But he voluntarily banish'd himself for many Years ; till about the Year 1677 , he came into England again and by his Majesties special Grace , obtain'd a particular Pardon , upon repeated promises of constant quiet , and Obedience for the time to come : Which how he made good , the World may Judge . In fine , he fell a memorable warning , and fatal Example to the English Nobility and Gentry of this , and all future Ages ; that they should take heed of being so far infatuated with the fancie and Chimerical Felicities of Antient or Modern Commonwealths , as to despise and attempt the ruine of the far more solid Liberty and happiness to be injoy'd under the English Monarchy . On the 28th Day of November 1683 , Mr. John Hambden Junior , having also sued out his Habeas Corpus , was arraign'd for High Misdeameanor , and brought to his Tryal the 6th of February following . In this Tryal , the Lord Howard positively deposed to the same sense as before touching the general Transactions of the Conspiracy till the Earl of Shaftsbury's Death ; and particularly afterwards of the Meeting of the Council of Six at Mr. Hambden's own House , where Mr. Hambden made an Introductory Speech to open the Assembly ; and the subject of their Debates was concerning the Time , Place , Men , Arms and Money to be provided towards a Rising ; and also that then the sending a Messenger into Scotland was proposed , and referred to be debated the next Meeting . Farther , That Mr. Hambden was present at that next Meeting at the Lord Russel's House ; and amongst the rest deliberated of sending the Messenger into Scotland ; when Aaron Smith was named , and approved to be the Man. But the substance of the Lord Howard's Evidence having been before sufficiently set down , it will be needless now to follow exactly every Circumstance of it . It is enough only to note , That most of the same Objections being again repeated by the Defendents Council , had the same or like Answers return'd them by the Kings . There was indeed one new and very material thing then first particularly and unquestionably made out in this Tryal , which was the certainty of Aaron Smith's carrying the Treasonable Message into Scotland . This was now demonstrably proved by Sheriff and Bell , both Inhabitants of Newcastle ; Sheriff being the Man at whose House Smith lay in his passage to and fro , and Bell the very Guide that went thence to conduct him into Scotland . Touching this Matter ; First , Attherbury one of the Kings Messengers testified , That Sheriff and Bell had a full view of Aaron Smith , who was brought for that purpose from the Kings-Bench before the King : That Sheriff and Bell did then own Aaron Smith to be the Man who had pass'd under the Name of Clerk : That Sheriff declar'd the said Clerk lay at his House ; and Bell said that he travell'd towards Scotland with him , being hired to shew him the way : That to all this Aaron Smith would not answer one word . Then Sheriff himself deposed , That he keeping the Black-Spread-Eagle in Newcastle , Aaron Smith came to his House about the middle of February 1683 : That he staid there one Night , went away , and return'd again in twelve days , or thereabout : That he travell'd from his House Northward towards Scotland , but first desir'd one might be got to shew him the way : That to that purpose the Deponent sent for Bell , whom Smith presently hired to go with him : That when Smith came back , he lay another Night at his House , and so return'd into the South towards London : That Smith went all the while by the Name of Clerk : That the Deponent directed him to a Gentleman at Jadburgh , which is Forty Miles from Newcastle , and within Six Miles of Scotland . Then Bell swore , That Aaron Smith was the very Man who went by the Name of Clerk. That the Deponent living at Newcastle , and getting his Livelyhood by letting out Horses and guiding of Travellers ; Sheriff sent for him , told him the said Clerk wanted a Guide into Scotland : That this happen'd on the Thursday before Shrove Tuesday : That the next Morning being Friday , he conducted Smith towards Jadburgh ; that on the Saturday the Deponents Horse was tyr'd ; so Smith left him taking another Guide ; appointing him to come after as fast as he could to Jadburgh : That the Deponent overtook him there on Sunday ; and on Monday Morning saw him take Horse with another Guide for Scotland , saying he was going towards Douglas : That Bell presently went back to Newcastle : where he saw Smith and discours'd with him , upon his return out of Scotland . Then it was also proved by Sir Andrew Foster and Attherbury , That the Scotch-Men sent for by Smiths Message , did come , and staid in Town , till upon the Discovery of the Plot , they were either taken or absconded . By this plain Evidence of the several Stages of Smith's Journy , that Treasonable intercourse with Scotland was made out beyond all possibility of Confutation . So that from the very time of the Consultations at Mr. Hambdens , and the Lord Russel's about sending a Messenger ; the Truth of Colonel Sydneys undertaking to send one ; of his naming Aaron Smith for the Messenger ; of Smith's going to Scotland ; of the Scotch Mens coming up that were sent for ; and of their being surprized , endeavouring to hide themselves , upon the first breaking forth of the Plot ; all this appears to be indisputably confirm'd , and trac'd step by step , almost from Day to Day , especially if these Newcastle Mens Depositions shall be compar'd with the Testimony that is subjoin'd of two Scotch-Men Thomas Steil , and Oliver , concerning Aaron Smith's actual arrival in Scotland , and what he did whilst he was there at that time . The issue was , Mr. Hambden was immediately found Guilty of the High Trespass and Misdeameanor , and thereupon fined 40000 l. to the King , and order'd to give Sureties for his Good Behavior during Life . A Punishment that cannot but be esteem'd very moderate , considering the Nature of his Crime , which nothing but the want of another positive Witness could have made less than High Treason . And the King cannot but here take this occasion once for all , to give the World Notice of this Infallible Instance of his mild and merciful Proceedings towards the Conspirators . For his Majesty does solemnly declare , That if he had not granted the Duke of Monmouth's Request , That he would not make him a Witness , neither Mr. Hambden , nor scarce any one Man of all those that were freed upon Bail , had escaped Death . Not to mention divers others , whom the said Duke of Monmouth named as Parties in the Conspiracy , that were never yet question'd . On the 14th of June 1684. Sir Thomas Armstrong having been taken in Holland , was brought to the Kings-Bench-Bar , upon an Outlawry against him for High Treason . Whereupon the Kings Atturney demanded An Award of Execution : Since upon his not appearing , when formerly Indicted of High Treason , he was now by the course of Law attainted for the same . Armstrong being ask'd , What he could say for himself ? alledg'd , He was beyond Sea at the time of the Outlawry , and beg'd he might be Try'd . It was answer'd , That after a Record of Outlawry , the Judges had nothing to do but to appoint Execution . Against this Armstrong urg'd , That by the Statute of the 6th of Edward the Sixth , the Person Outlaw'd had a Years time to Reverse the Outlawry , if he were beyond Sea. The Bench reply'd , That by the plain words of that Statute , none could have the benefit of it , but such as within one Year should yield themselves to the Chief Justice of England , and offer to Traverse the Indictment upon which the Outlawry was Pronounc'd . To this Armstrong pleaded , That the Year not being yet out , he did now render himself to the Chief Justice . But that Plea not being admitted , because he did not yield himself according to the sense of the Act , but was brought a Prisoner , and so could have no Advantage of the Proviso in the Statute ; Armstrong alledg'd , That the same Favour had been lately granted to another , meaning Holloway , who though he was in the same Condition of Outlawry , yet was offer'd to take his Tryal if he pleas'd . It was answer'd , That was done out of the meer Grace and Favour of the King , who if his Majesty thought good might extend the like Favour to him also . But that was not the business of a Court of Justice ; they were only to take care to satisfie the Law. Moreover , the Kings Atturney acquainted the Court , That the Prisoner at the Bar deserv'd no sort of Indulgence or Mercy from the King ; not only for that when he was seiz'd beyond Sea , Letters of fresh Communication with Foreign Ministers and other People were taken about him , but also because it appear'd to his Majesty by full Evidence positively given , That after the Disappointment of the Meeting at the Rye by Gods Providence in the Fire at Newmarket , Armstrong was one of the Persons that actually engag'd to go upon the Kings hasty coming to Town , and to destroy him by the way as he came . Then was he order'd to be Executed June the 20th . At the place of Execution he likewise deliver'd the Sheriffs a Paper , wherein he continued to Object against the legal Course of the Proceedings upon him , complaining , That with an unordinary roughness he had been condemn'd , and made a President , though Holloway , being also Outlaw'd , had his Tryal offer'd him a little before . As to the new Evidence against him , which the Kings Atturney mention'd at the Kings-Bench , he only answer'd it by a bold and flat denial ; affirming upon his Death , He never had any Design against the Kings Life , nor the Life of any Man ; both which may be easily allow'd to be equally true . But to evince the contrary as to the Kings Life , it will be sufficient to set down the very words of the Lord Howard's Deposition , together with the Testimony of Colonel Romzey , which the Kings Atturney had then ready to produce , amongst many other old and clear Proofs to convince him of designing the Kings Destruction . The Lord Howard having first confess'd some Discourse between the Duke of Monmouth and himself , in October of 1683 , wherein the said Duke had proposed the falling on the King at Newmarket , goes on in these words : Upon Reflection I am apt to think , that from this time and not before , the Design of way-laying the King in his return to London , was first meditated . And I am the more confirm'd in this Opinion from the Consideration of the Behaviour of the Duke of Monmouth and the Lord Gray ; who seem'd to be very big of expectation of some great thing to be attempted upon the Day of the Kings coming from Newmarket ; upon which Day ( as I have before observ'd ) Sir Thomas Armstrong was not be found till the Kings Coaches were come into Town : And I do verily believe he was to have Headed the Party . This very Particular the Lord Howard gave in upon Oath among his first Confessions to his Majesty . Nor can any Man think it sufficient to invalidate the Truth of this , that Armstrong in his last Paper calls it a base Reflection , affirming He could have prov'd it to be a manifest Falshood ; considering that Colonel Romzey also upon notice of Armstrong's being taken , made Oath in these very words : Sir Thomas Armstrong did come to me the Sunday-Night after the Fire at Newmarket , and told me , That he just came from Ferguson , and that notwithstanding the King and Duke were to return so soon , yet Ferguson did not doubt to have Men ready by that time to do the Business ; and desired me to go with him to Ferguson's Lodging in his Coach , which I did . When I came there , Ferguson told me the same , but that they wanted Money . Upon which Sir Thomas desired me to Lend some , and he would see me Repaid ; and added , That if he had been in Stock , he would have done it himself . After this , the King could not think himself in the least bound to go out of the way of the Law , for shewing any distinguishing Act of Grace to Sir Thomas Armstrong ; especially when it is manifest there was scarce a Man living , who had more Personal obligations to his Majesty than he had ; and yet no Man had made more ungrateful returns for them , than he had done . Nor could his Majesty forget , how many other Persons , and some very near his Majesty , Sir Thomas Armstrong had been the Chief Instrument of perverting . Upon which account his Majesty had reason to look on him , as the Author of many more Treasons besides his own . There is now scarce any thing material left unmention'd relating to the Proof either of the Assassination or Insurrection , but what may be readily supplied , by any intelligent Reader , out of the Original Records of Informations and Confessions , whereof by his Majesties Command , there are Copies annext to this Narration for an Authentick Confirmation of its Truth . Only the King is pleas'd that a more particular account should be given than has been hitherto made Publick , of the Duke of Monmouth's rendring himself , of the Reasons then moving his Majesty to grant him his Pardon , and of what happen'd immediately upon it , which occasion'd the said Dukes final Disgrace and Banishment from his Majesties presence . As to the late Earl of Essex's Murdering himself in the Tower some few Days after his Imprisonment there , His Majesty cannot think it becomes him to descend to any particular Justification of his own , or his Ministers Innocency in that Calamitous Accident . Though his Majesty is not Ignorant , that divers most Malicious Pamphlets have been lately spread abroad in English , and other Languages , which with an unparellell'd Impudence have accus'd several Persons of eminent Virtue and Honour about his Majesty , not sparing even his Royal Highness ; nay scarce freeing the King himself , from being Personally Conscious of so Base and Barbarous an Action . But after the Truth of the whole matter has been carefully examin'd and asserted by the Coroners Inquest , whose proper Business it was ; and after Braddon has suffer'd the Punishment of the Law , for Suborning even Children to bear false Witness in the Case ; and after the Notoriety of the Fact , and all the Circumstances of it , have been so clearly made out , that there is not a Man in all England , of an honest Mind , or sound Sense , who does in the least doubt it ; his Majesty disdains to enter into dispute with every Petulant Scribler , or to answer the villanous Suggestions and horrid Calumnies contain'd particularly in the Libel call'd The Detection , and in the Epitome of it ; the one written by Ferguson , the other by Danvers ; both infamous Men , and mortal Enemies to his Majesties Government and Person . Yet his Majesty cannot but think it deserves Observation , That when the late Earl of Essex had so many considerable Relations and Alliances with divers the greatest Families in the Kingdom ; and when neither his Lady , nor Brother , nor any one of all his Numerous Friends and Noble Kindred , who were most nearly concern'd , did ever express the least Jealousie of foul dealing or ill practise upon the said unfortunate Earl ; and when all Mens Eyes are open'd , and scarce a Man of their own Party has any scruple in his Thoughts about that Business ; yet that now at last their old Advocate of Treason Ferguson should come forth in Print , to out-face so clear a Demonstration of Truth , and should try still to turn the Envy of that unhappy Stroak on the Court , and the King , and his dearest Brother . It cannot but seem a prodigious Confidence and Presumption , that Ferguson should be their chosen Champion in this Cause ! The Man , who by so many Depositions stands Outlaw'd and Convict of having had the greatest share in the blackest part of the Conspiracy ! The Man , in accusing whom almost every Witness both Scotch and English consented , so that his Crimes have been proved by more than Twenty plain Evidences ; particularly the Duke of Monmouth himself having confess'd to his Majesty , That in all their Debates , Ferguson was always for Cutting of Throats ; saying , That was the most Compendious Way . That this very Ferguson should so far make good his own words at parting , when he vow'd He would never be out of a Plot as long as he liv'd ! That now in his Banishment under the load of so many undeniable Treasons , he should still appear as the great Patron of the Old Cause , and should presume he can impose on the World in a matter of Fact so fully try'd , so clearly prov'd and determined ! What can be a greater Impudence , than that Ferguson should still expect that he could make any Man living believe , the King himself , or the Duke of York could ever be induced to practise his Compendious Way on the Earl of Essex ? However from this one instance the King hopes the World will judge , how most Injuriously and Barbarously he has been used by his Adversaries in their other Libels against him ; in most of which it is well known the same venemous Pen was employ'd . As for the deplorable end of the said Earl , his Majesty freely owns , there was no Man in his Dominions more deeply afflicted with it than himself : His Majesty having been thereby deprived of an extraordinary Opportunity to exercise his Royal Clemency ; and to testifie to all his Loyal Subjects and Old Friends , how highly he valued the Memory and Sufferings of the Lord Capel . Next himself , his Majesty thinks he is also bound in common Justice to declare , That his entirely beloved Brother was most tenderly concern'd and griev'd at that lamentable Effect of the Earl of Essex's Despair : His Majesty being best able , upon his own knowledge to vouch for the Duke of York , That he never deserv'd ill of the said Earl , and was always most readily inclined , for both their Fathers sakes , to have forgiven whatever ill the Earl of Essex had done to him . Now touching his Majesties Pardoning the Duke of Monmouth , and what followed upon it , the King is pleased this Account shall be given . The World needs not be told with what extraordinary regret to his Majesty , the said Duke was of late Years perverted from that sense of his Duty and Allegiance , his Majesty might justly claim from him , upon many more Obligations besides that of being his Subject . But it was one of the first and principal Artifices of the Earl of Shaftsbury's Malice , after his own disgrace at Court , to be reveng'd on the King , by afflicting him in so tender a part , and by fly Insinuations , to wrest from his Bosom a Person , who he knew , had so great a share in his Majesties Affections . This was indeed a Talent peculiar to the Earl of Shaftsbury , That of all Men living he could most easily turn himself into all shapes , and comply with all Dispositions ; having by long practise , got the skill to cover his Hooks with Baits fitting every Humour . The Covetous , who are no small Number of the pretended Godly Party , those he was wont to feed , and deceive with hopes of Wealth and new Sequestrations : The Ambitious with Praise and Vain-Glory : The Nonconformist Zealots , with Promises of Liberty in Religion ; sometimes not refusing to stoop lower , and even to serve and assist the Pleasures and Debauches of Men that way inclin'd , if he found them any way useful for his purpose . Wherefore the said Earl observing in the Duke of Monmouth a Mind rash , unsteady and ambitious , soon made him an easie Prey to his wicked Subtilty , disguised under fair and plausible Colours : On the one side , puffing up his Youthful Thoughts with a vain Ostentation of Honour , and the Temptation of Fame to be gotten by Asserting and Defending his Countries Liberties and Religion , always pretended by him to be in imminent danger , whilst He was out of place : On the other , inflaming him with imaginary Suspicions of the Duke of York's irreconcileable Hatred to his Person . Which was so far from having any real Foundation , that on the contrary , his Majesty , who best knows , does freely here testifie for his dearest Brother in this particular , That the Duke of Monmouth , till he made himself uncapable of his Friendship , never had a more entire , or fast Friend about his Majesty ; and there was scarce ever any Honour or Benefit conferr'd on him , but it was obtain'd of his Majesty by his Royal Highnesses Intercession . However by such groundless Jealousies and empty Conceits , was the Duke of Monmouth insensibly drawn to desert his only true Interest ; and to give himself over to the Delusions of his Majesties mortal Enemies . This the King apparently perceiving , and foreseeing how in the event it would tend to the said Dukes inevitable Ruine , his Majesty tryed by all imaginable ways of Kindness to cast forth the Evil Spirit in him , and to rescue him out of their Hands . At length , when no milder course would serve , his Majesty required him on his Allegiance , to go beyond the Seas , and there to remain till his farther pleasure was signified . His Majesty still hopeing , that at so great a distance the Poyson would be less effectual , and that by his absence the said Duke would be kept Innocent of the Treasonable designs which his New Associates were furiously carrying on against the Government . But in that expectation his Majesty was unfortunately disappointed . The Duke of Monmouth presently shew'd , how much his false Friends and Treacherous Flatterers had prevailed over his unwary Youth ; and how different they had taught him to be from the Obedience , which at the same time was practised by his Royal Highness . For the said Duke of Monmouth soon return'd into England contrary to his Majesties express Command . The discontented Party having thus got him again , and made him surer to themselves by this new Affront to his Majesty , began now to take new Life and Vigour by his presence : With insufferable Boldness and Contempt of Authority , shewed him every where to the Rabble ; Leading him about with insolent Pomp , through many Countries ; openly owning and crying him up as the Head of their Cause ; the unhappy Young-Man all the while not understanding that he was only a Property . By these fatal steps he was at last brought into the most pernicious Counsels and undertakings . And whilst nothing less was intended by his Tempters but the subversion of all that is well-setled and sacred in Church and State ; they deluded him into the very same Designs , by popular shews and empty Names of the Protestant Duke , the great Champion and Protector of the Privileges of the Subject and the Reformed Religion : Which under his Majesty , can never want any other Protector ; nor can ever stand in need of such Champions as many of late have vaunted themselves to be , of whose Religion there can be given no better Account than of their Loyalty . Such then was the state of things , when upon the first breaking forth of this Horrid Conspiracy , his Majesty with inexpressible surprize and Grief , Found by undoubted Evidence the Duke of Monmouth very deeply engaged ; and therefore had but too just reason to put him into a Proclamation among the other Conspirators : After that the said Duke had withdrawn himself from his Majesties Justice , and so long was become incapable of his Forgiveness . In this obstinate defiance the Duke of Monmouth continued , till the Outlawry against him , and other his Complices began to draw to an Issue . Then his Majesty receiv'd from him the first Letter : In which his Majesty fancy'd he saw a greater Spirit of Ingenuity than afterwards proved . However finding in it so clear and full expressions of the said Dukes remorse for his former Disloyalty to his Majesty and Ingratitude to the Duke of York , and so frank professions of his Resolutions to amend for the future , joyn'd with the greatest Imprecations on himself ; if he should wilfully violate his promises therein made : his Majesty did thereupon immediately return this Answer written with his own Hand , ( that his Majesty might not be wanting on his part to lay hold on any good and probable Opportunity of reducing him to Reason , and saving him from utter Ruine : ) If the Duke of Monmouth desires to make himself capable of my Mercy , he must render himself to the Secretary , and resolve to tell me all he knows , resigning himself entirely to my Pleasure . This determinate Declaration of his Majesties Will , drew from the Duke of Monmouth a second Letter ; wherein with vehement and pathetick Words he aggravates his Distraction and Torment for having offended his Majesty . Confesses Himself in fault , betray'd into fatal Mistakes , misled into Mischiefs , whereof he did not at first in the least suspect the Consequences : declares , That his Crime appear'd to him in so terrifying a shape , that he preferr'd even Death before his present sense of it : implores His Majesties Pardon no otherwise , but if he may receive it by his Royal Highnesses Mediation : professes To speak this not only in outward Form , but with the greatest Sincerity in the World : resigns Himself to his Majesties Disposal , not only now , but for the remainder of his Life : engages Absolutely to put his very Will into his Majesties Hands for the future , which he acknowledges had been so ill a Guide to him in times past : concluding , That till he could receive some comfortable Return to this his unfeigned Submission , he was the most miserable , disconsolate Creature living . Upon the receipt of this second Letter , the King being perswaded there could be no room left to question the Sincerity of a real Change in the Duke of Monmouth , and knowing he had now enough in his Hands to overwhelm him with Confusion , if it should prove otherwise , his Majesty did thereupon without any more reserve , immediately admit him into his Presence , being introduced by Mr. Secretary Jenkins . When the Secretary was withdrawn , there being none else present but his Royal Highness , his Majesty can have no other Testimony besides of what past between them but God , who knows all things ; And to the same God his Majesty appeals , as well as to his dearest Brother : Nothing doubting but if the Duke of Monmouth shall ever return to any sense of his Duty to God and his King , he himself will be a third Witness of the Truth of what his Majesty now declares ; That the Duke of Monmouth , with Signs of the most humble Contrition and sincere Sorrow for his past Miscarriages , did then fully and freely acknowledge his having been Conscious of the Conspiracy ; and gave his Majesty much greater Light into many Particulars of it than he could possibly else have obtain'd . 'T is true , his Majesty does not deny the said Duke persisted to the last in renouncing any the least knowledge or thought of the Assassinating part . Nor did his Majesty much press him on that side ; his Royal Indulgence easily inclining him to wish and to believe , That One who had the Honour to be taken so near to him , could not be guilty of so vile a Parricide . But of the other part , the Trayterous Design to seize on his Majesties Person , and subvert the present Government by an Insurrection ; of that his Majesty must own and profess on the Word of a King , The Duke of Monmouth made no scruple to confess his share ; and so largely to set it forth , that there was little of the Conspiracy before known , which the said Duke did not confirm ; and many Passages of it were before unknown , which he reveal'd . After this his Majesty made no delay to give him many certain Proofs of his entire Forgiveness of all past Offences , and of his renew'd Affections and Royal Bounty to him for the future ; presently cherishing him near his own Person with his wonted Tenderness ; declaring in Council the perfect Contentment he had receiv'd by his Submission , and ordering his Pardon to be dispatch'd with all expedition ; promising him withal at his earnest Intreaty , That he should not be a Witness ; a Favour refused to the late Duke of Orleans in France upon the like occasion . Yet no sooner was the Pardon compleated in due Form of Law , but his Majesty and the whole Court was afresh Alarm'd with the continual resort to him of divers Persons , whom his Majesty knew to be engag'd , and had Proof sufficient to Convict them in course of Law , if he would have produced it all . To this at the same time were added many arrogant and impudent Speeches of his late Complices and Dependants , saying , That the said Duke had made no Confession , but had asserted the Innocency of some that had suffer'd . Which manifestly tended to vilifie the Truth of the whole Discovery , and to bring a Scandal on all the Proceedings of his Majesties Justice . Wherefore at last his Majesty was awaken'd , and thought fit to put him gently in mind by what was so lately past , of his danger of relapsing into the same Precipice , out of which nothing but his Royal Goodness had recover'd him . And for the better Security of the said Duke himself , as well as of the Kingdom for the time to come , his Majesty instantly demanded of him to give some such Satisfaction to the whole Nation in publick , as he had but just before given to his Majesty and his Royal Highness in private . The Duke of Monmouth seeming willing to comply with his Majesties most Gracious Desires , all that his Majesty obliged him to do , was to Write over , and Subscribe a Letter , which his Majesty himself was pleas'd so to word , as not only to consult the Duke of Monmouth's Safety , but also his Credit , as much as could possibly stand with his Majesties own Safety or Credit . For his Majesty permitted him in that Letter wholly to acquit himself of the Bloody Assassination , and only required him to own again his part in the Insurrection . And his Majesty leaves it to all the World to Judge , whether in this Letter , of his Majesties own prescribing , he did not express the Duke of Monmouth's Guilt far more tenderly , than the said Duke himself had done in his own Letters to his Majesty , before his Pardon was Sealed . This Letter the Duke of Monmouth readily Subscribed , and Presented to his Majesty . But his former ill Adherents and Corrupters still Flocking about him in great Numbers , and Animating him to continue Faithful to his Old Friends of the Party ; assuring him , he could not fail in little time to overbear all that should stand in his way , by the Power of his recover'd and increas'd Favour ; by these and such like Mischievous Instigations , they soon got so much the better of his unstable Mind , as to overthrow all his new-made Vows of Loyalty . Insomuch that presently after he came rashly to the King , and earnestly intreated the foresaid Letter might be return'd him again ; having been instructed to pretend a Fear , that some opportunity might be taken from it by his Enemies to blast his Reputation , and perhaps to bring him in to give Evidence against others his Companions in the Conspiracy . His Majesty had often before said and promised enough to him to free the Mind of any reasonable Man from such Jealousies . But when all Protestations of that kind , on his Majesties Part , could have no effect ; and the said Duke still vehemently insisted , That the Paper he had sign'd might be delivered him back , his Majesty once for all told him , he would never keep it against his will , that he might not have the least occasion to say he was forced to write what he did : But withal seriously warn'd him to consider what irreparable ill consequences on his part , were likely to follow upon his obstinacy : And therefore gave him time till the next Morning to deliberate calmly with himself , what was to be his final Resolution . The next Day the Duke of Monmouth appearing still more fixt in his perverse Demand , his Majesty freely put the Letter again into his Hands ; but withal from that moment banish'd him his Presence and the Court. Nor can his Majesty reflect on the said Duke's undutiful Behaviour in the issue of this whole Affair , without an extream Indignation , to find , that after so submissive and ample a Confession of his Crime , both by VVriting and Speech , he should not only give no other sign of his Repentance , but that the very first use he should make of his Majesties Gracious Pardon for it , was to take by it the advantage of entring more securely on a new course of Disobedience . The King has thus condescended to set forth an Impartial Relation of the Beginning , Proceeding and Defeat of that whole detestable Conspiracy . His Majesty has so long delay'd the Publication of it , chiefly in Consideration of many of the Criminals themselves , how ill soever they may have deserv'd of him . For the Law allowing them the space of a whole Year , after the Outlawry , to render themselves before they were to be look'd on as Men absolutely condemn'd , his Majesty was willing to stay till the full time was expired ; still hoping , that some of them would come voluntarily in , and stand a Legal Tryal , and , if possible , prove themselves Innocent . But since not one of the Persons Outlaw'd has all this while ventured himself on the Laws of his Country , his Majesty has now thought it not fit any longer to suppress the Evidence against them . And what is here publish'd , though it be not near the whole of the Informations given in upon Oath , yet will be found abundantly sufficient to Convict every Man of them , either of the intended Insurrection or Assassination ; Both which his Majesty knows are made out with as much clearness of Testimony , and strength of indubitable Records , as any Humane Affair is capable of . VVhat now remains ? But that his Majesty should engage himself before God and the whole World , to make a right use of so great a Blessing as his Deliverance from these desperate Treasons ; and should with the Authority of a King , and with the tender Affection of a true Father of his Country , require and admonish all his Subjects of all Parties and Opinions , to do the like . For himself , his Majesty cannot but be deeply sensible he has been now once more preserv'd by the immediate Hand of God ; and therefore looks on himself as afresh obliged to manifest his Gratitude to Heaven , by promoting the Glory of his Preserver , in continuing to consult above all things the VVelfare of his Church , and the Peace and Happiness of this great People committed to his Charge . And his Majesty declares he will improve this new Advantage the Divine Favour has so marvellously put into his Hands , not in Acts of Severity and Revenge , which his Nature utterly abhors ; but by imitating the Divine Goodness , as in a regular Course of strict Justice to all obdurate Impenitents , so , which he much rather desires , in his usual method of Mercy and Kindness to as many as shall give sincere Proofs of Penitence , and Reformation of their past Crimes ; Virtues which his Majesty has too much Reason to believe his and his Fathers Enemies have hitherto been very little acquainted with . As for those his Majesties misguided Subjects , who after all this persevere to be disaffected to his Government , his Majesty has reason to expect that now at length they would be convinc'd by that very Providence which used to be their own principal and best-beloved Argument , whenever it seem'd to be never so little on their side ; and that henceforth they would quietly submit to , and follow the same Providence ; since it has so signally appear'd against them , and much more Wonderfully declar'd it self for , than ever Mr. Sydney had reason to say , it had declar'd against his Majesty . If there can possibly still remain any well meaning Men in their Party , led away by the specious Delusions of good Words abused to the worst things ; if any such have really thought their Lives and Fortunes , Laws and Consciences at any time in Danger , under his Majesties Government ; let them but Remember and consider sadly what was the Issue of the very same Jealousies , Murmurs and Tumults against his Royal Father of Blessed Memory ; whether the first and most eminent Instruments of subverting , for a time , this renown'd , and antient Monarchy , were not themselves beguil'd by the same Methods into the meanest Slavery , both Spiritual and Temporal : Out of which , they were compell'd at last to confess , they could be no otherwise redeem'd , but by returning again into the very same constitution of things , they had so unwisely overthrown ? Or if the Experience of time past , so dearly bought , can prevail nothing on them , let them but seriously reflect on their present Condition . In stead of harkening to what wicked and designing Men , under the most deceitful Colours suggest to them for Sinister Ends , let them guide their Opinions by their own plain and sensible Observation . Let them but fairly and indifferently compare the present State of all Nations round about them with their own : And then let them refufe , if they can , to bless God and the King , for their inexpressible advantages above all others . Whilst all his Majesties Subjects find they may if they will securely injoy Peace , Plenty , Liberty and the best Religion ; why should any Torment themselves , or disquiet others with wild imaginations and Fears of future Evils ? Which nothing can be so ready a way to bring upon them as their own Fears . Henceforth therefore let no vain pretence of Liberty and Property once more push them on to the same desperate Designs , wherein when they had formerly success ( which they cannot always promise themselves ) yet even then it turn'd within a few Years to the Ruine of their own Pretences . Let no mistaken Zeal of Conscience seduce them again to Disobedience , since the only Obligations of a True Christian Conscience lead all to Obedience , none to Rebellion . Let them no longer be infatuated by the false Shews and Insinuations of Popularity : Rather let them learn once for all , who is the only true Patriot , what is truly Popular , what not . Let them know , That whoever complies with the common Peoples sudden Humours , and changeable Passions , against their solid Interest ; Whoever labours to make the whole Government obnoxious to any single Sect or Party ; VVhoever strives to divide the Country or City from the Court ; VVhoever endeavours to enlarge disputable Priviledges , to the hazard of known Prerogatives ; In fine , whoever would pervert Liberty into Licentiousness , that Man can never be a True Patriot ; all That is false Popularity : It is indeed equally as Destructive to the People as to the Prince . Those Counsels only are and ought to be esteem'd really Popular , which proceed on sure and legal Foundations , to confirm the Monarchy where it is strong , to strengthen and support those parts of it , which by length of time may have been somewhat weaken'd and decay'd . Those Persons only are the True Patriots , and design their Countries Good the best and only sure way , who make it their Business to keep the King in a condition to protect his People . There is no true , commendable English Popularity , but true English Loyalty . Thus much his Majesty vouchsafes to advise all his Enemies , and discontented Subjects ; though even to them he has done all the Good in this World to oblige them not to be so . There is one sort of these , whom the King acknowledges he once thought he should never have had just Reason to rank among his Enemies . Those Persons his Majesty means , who after having well approved their Loyalty to his Glorious Father in the last Age of Rebellion , have yet since been either wholly perverted , or have very much stagger'd in their due Obedience and Love to himself . For them his Majesty declares he would fain still retain his wonted Kindness . And if either private Envy , or a too Presumptuous Value of their old Merits , shall have made them entirely to forget the many vast Benefits and Favours that He , or his Father have so liberally conferr'd on them ; or if the late groundless Rumours of Popery , Slavery and Arbitrary Power shall have so far prevail'd , as to sour and corrupt Them also ; yet they might remember , that their Generous Loyalty did once before remain untainted , and bravely stood the Shock amidst the very same Rumours and Slanders , as popularly , but as falsly urg'd then against the Government , as they have been of late . So that either then they were in the wrong , or are now ; and cannot possibly have been both times on the right side . Wherefore his Majesty conjures them to look back on the Actions of their former Lives ; and to make the Honour gotten by them in their Youth for their Courage and Fidelity to the Crown , first a reproof , then an example to their Old Age. Once for all , let them seriously observe that they are come at last to be unfortunately deluded , not only by many the very same ill Principles , but also by many the very same ill Parties of Men , which they once esteemed it their Glory and Conscience to fight against . But as for all who still continue the Kings Faithful Friends and Dutiful Subjects , his Majesty most willingly takes this occasion to speak to them in another style . His Majesty cannot but testifie to all the VVorld the delightful sense he retains of their unmoveable steddiness and renew'd Fidelity to him , in these late times of extreme difficulty and distraction . He cannot suppress within his own Royal Breast his Joy , to find the same unshaken Principles and Practices of Loyalty to his Blessed Father , still surviving and flourishing in them , and inherited by himself with increase . And after the unvaluable Mercy of God to him and his Subjects in his most happy Restoration , his Majesty cannot but esteem This to have been equall'd by none but That ; that , in so dangerous a Juncture of Publick Affairs , he has met with so many unfeign'd Testimonies of Love to his Person and Zeal for his Government , from all Degrees of Men in the Nation . And if some have swerv'd from their Duty , yet his Majesties Indignation and Resentments against them are overwhelm'd by the comfortable remembrance of the far greater and better Number of those who stood by him in the severest Trials . So his Majesty has just reason to acknowledge , the main Body of the Nobility and Gentry has done : So has the whole sound and honest Part of the Commonalty : So the great Fountains of Knowledge and Civility , the Two Universities : So the wisest , and most Learned in the Laws : So the whole Clergy , and all the Genuine Sons of the Church of England : A Church whose Glory it is , to have been never tainted with the least Blemish of Disloyalty . His Majesty cannot here forbear to let the World know , what entire Satisfaction he has taken in one special Testimony of his Subjects Affections ; whence through Gods Gracious Providence the Monarchy has gain'd a most considerable Advantage , by means of this very Conspiracy ; And it is , that so great a Number of the Cities and Corporations of this Kingdom , have since so freely resign'd their Local Immunities and Charters into his Majesties Hands ; lest the abuse of any of them should again hereafter prove hazardous to the just Prerogatives of the Crown . This his Majesty declares he esteems as the peculiar Honour of his Reign ; being such , as none of the most popular of all his late Royal Predecessors could have promis'd to themselves , or hoped for . Wherefore his Majesty thinks himfelf more than ordinarily oblig'd to continue , as he has hitherto begun , to shew the greatest Moderation and Benignity , in the exercise of so great a Trust : Resolving upon this occasion , to convince the highest pretenders to the Commonweal ; that as the Crown was the first Original , so it is still the surest Guardian of all the Peoples Lawful Rights , and Privileges . In Conclusion his Majesty makes this solemn Declaration to all his Loving Subjects : That as by former and late Experience , he has found , next under God , the firmness of his Friends to him has saved his Authority and Life ; So he is resolved to secure both , by his Constancy to his Friends . Such as was the Old Loyal Party , and as many as have been bred up , and succeeded in their Principles ; Whom his Majesty looks on as the great Pillars , and Supporters of his Throne . By them therefore his Majesty declares , he will always stand , and then he is sure by Gods Grace he can never fall . His Majesty also here Publickly resolves , that he himself will take care to keep his Ministers and Servants , from the Lowest to the Highest , within the Lawful Bounds of their Duty ; But will never suffer them to be cryed down by Noise , and Tumults . As to his Dearest and most Loyal Brothers Safety and just Rights , his Majesty assures all the World , he will inviolably Cherish them as his own . And as the Danger in this Hellish Conspiracy was Common to them both , so their Interests and Affections shall be always inseparable . Nor can his Majesty forbear to recommend to the Imitation of all his other Subjects , the profound Respect , entire Resignation , and Obedience , which his Royal Highness continues to Practise to his Majesties Person and Government . His Majesty expects from his Subjects all just submission to his Laws : And promises them a proportionable Favour and Incouragement . His Majesty lets them all know that the Rewards of the Crown shall be distributed , according as Men deserve of the Crown , and no otherwise . And as God has given his Majesty the Heart , not to desire to abuse ; So he will never , as long as he Lives , part with the just Prerogatives and Powers , with which God alone has intrusted him . FINIS . 
A61158	----	The history of the Royal-Society of London for the improving of natural knowledge by Tho. Sprat. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. 1667 Approx. 827 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 230 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61158 Wing S5032 ESTC R16577 13362760 ocm 13362760 99266 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61158) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99266) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 477:2) The history of the Royal-Society of London for the improving of natural knowledge by Tho. Sprat. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. Cowley, Abraham, 1618-1667. To the Royal Society. [14], 438, [1] p. Printed by T. R. for J. Martyn ..., and J. Allestry ..., London : 1667. "To the Royal society", a poem by Abraham Cowley: 4th-6th prelim. leaves. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Royal Society (Great Britain) 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Let this Book , Intit'led , The History of the Royal Society of London , for the Improving of Natural Knowledge , be Printed . WILL. MORRICE . THE HISTORY OF THE Royal-Society OF LONDON , For the Improving of NATURAL KNOWLEDGE . BY THO. SPRAT . LONDON , Printed by T. R. for I. Martyn at the Bell without Temple-bar , and I. Allestry at the Rose and Crown in Duck-lane , Printers to the Royal Society . MDCLXVII . TO THE KING . SIR , OF all the Kings of Europe , Your Majesty was the first , who confirm'd this Noble Design of Experiments , by Your own Example , and by a Public Establishment . An Enterprize equal to the most renoun'd Actions of the best Princes . For , to increase the Powers of all Mankind , and to free them from the bondage of Errors , is greater Glory than to enlarge Empire , or to put Chains on the necks of Conquer'd Nations . What Reverence all Antiquity had for the Authors of Natural Discoveries , is evident by the Diviner sort of Honor they conferr'd on them . Their Founders of Philosophical Opinions were only admir'd by their own Sects . Their Valiant Men and Generals did seldome rise higher than to Demy-Gods and Heros . But the Gods they Worshipp'd with Temples and Altars , were those who instructed the World to Plow , to Sow , to Plant , to Spin , to build Houses , and to find out New Countries . This Zeal indeed , by which they express'd their Gratitude to such Benefactors , degenerated into Superstition : yet has it taught us , That a higher degree of Reputation is due to Discoverers , than to the Teachers of Speculative Doctrines , nay even to Conquerors themselves . Nor has the True God himself omitted to shew his value of Vulgar Arts. In the whole History of the first Monarchs of the World , from Adam to Noah , there is no mention of their Wars , or their Victories : All that is Recorded is this , They liv'd so many years , and taught their Posterity to keep Sheep , to till the Ground , to plant Vineyards , to dwell in Tents , to build Cities , to play on the Harp and Organs , and to work in Brass and Iron . And if they deserv'd a Sacred Remembrance , for one Natural or Mechanical Invention , Your Majesty will certainly obtain Immortal Fame , for having establish'd a perpetual Succession of Inventors . I am ( May it please Your Majesty ) Your Majesties most humble , and most obedient Subject , and Servant , THO. SPRAT . To the Royal Society . I. PHILOSOPHY the great and only Heir Of all that Human Knowledge which has bin Vnforfeited by Mans rebellious Sin , Though full of years He do appear , ( Philosophy , I say , and call it , He , For whatsoe're the Painters Fancy be , It a Male Virtu seems to me ) Has still bin kept in Nonage till of late , Nor manag'd or enjoy'd his vast Estate : Three or four thousand years one would have thought , To ripeness and perfection might have brought A Science so well bred and nurst , And of such hopeful parts too at the first . But , oh , the Guardians and the Tutors then , ( Some negligent , and some ambitious men ) Would ne're consent to set him Free , Or his own Natural Powers to let him see , Lest that should put an end to their Autoritie . II. That his own busines he might quite forgit , They amusd him with the sports of wanton Wit , With the Desserts of Poetry they fed him , Instead of solid meats t' encreas his force ; Instead of vigorous exercise , they led him Into the pleasant Labyrinths of ever-fresh Discours : Instead of carrying him to see The Riches which doe hoorded for him lye In Natures endless Treasurie , They chose his Eye to entertain ( His curious but not covetous Eye ) With painted Scenes , and Pageants of the Brain . Some few exalted Spirits this latter Age has shown , That labour'd to assert the Liberty ( From Guardians , who were now Vsurpers grown ) Of this Old Minor still , Captiv'd Philosophy ; But 't was Rebellion call'd to fight For such a long oppressed Right . Bacon at last , a mighty Man arose , Whom a wise King and Nature chose Lord Chancellour of both their Laws , And boldly undertook the injur'd Pupils caus . III. Autority , which did a Body boast , Though 't was but Air condens'd and stalk'd about , Like some old Giants more Gigantic Ghost , To terrifie the Learned Rout With the plain Magique of tru Reasons Light , He chac'd out of our sight , Nor suffer'd Living Men to be misled By the vain shadows of the Dead : To Graves , from whence it rose , the conquer'd Phantome fled ; He broke that Monstrous God which stood In midst of th' Orchard , and the whole did claim , Which with a useless Sith of Wood , And something else not worth a name , ( Both vast for shew , yet neither fit Or to Defend , or to Beget ; Ridiculous and senceless Terrors ! ) made Children and superstitious Men afraid . The Orchards open now , and free ; Bacon has broke that Scar-crow Deitie ; Come , enter , all that will , Behold the rip'ned Fruit , come gather now your Fill. Yet still , methinks , we fain would be Catching at the Forbidden Tree , We would be like the Deitie , When Truth and Falshood , Good and Evil , we Without the Sences aid within our selves would see ; For 't is God only who can find All Nature in his Mind . IV. From Words , which are but Pictures of the Thought , ( Though we our Thoughts from them perversly drew ) To Things , the Minds right Object , he it brought , Like foolish Birds to painted Grapes we flew ; He sought and gather'd for our use the Tru ; And when on heaps the chosen Bunches lay , He prest them wisely the Mechanic way , Till all their juyce did in one Vessel joyn , Ferment into a Nourishment Divine , The thirsty Souls refreshing Wine . Who to the life an exact Piece would make , Must not from others Work a Copy take ; No , not from Rubens or Vandike ; Much less content himself to make it like Th' Idaeas and the Images which ly In his own Fancy , or his Memory . No , he before his sight must place The Natural and Living Face ; The real Object must command Each Iudgment of his Eye , and Motion of his Hand . V. From these and all long Errors of the way , In which our wandring Praedecessors went , And like th' old Hebrews many years did stray In Desarts but of small extent , Bacon , like Moses , led us forth at last , The barren Wilderness he past , Did on the very Border stand Of the blest promis'd Land , And from the Mountains Top of his Exalted Wit , Saw it himself , and shew'd us it . But Life did never to one Man allow Time to Discover Worlds , and Conquer too ; Nor can so short a Line sufficient be To fadome the vast depths of Natures Sea : The work he did we ought t' admire , And were unjust if we should more require From his few years , divided 'twixt th' Excess Of low Affliction , and high Happiness : For who on things remote can fix his sight , That 's always in a Triumph , or a Fight ? VI. From you , great Champions , we expect to get These spacious Countries but discover'd yet ; Countries where yet instead of Nature , we Her Images and Idols worship'd see : These large and wealthy Regions to subdu , Though Learning has whole Armies at command , Quarter'd about in every Land , A better Troop she ne're together drew . Methinks , like Gideon's little Band , God with Design has pickt out you , To do these noble Wonders by a Few : When the whole Host he saw , They are ( said he ) Too many to O'recome for Me ; And now he chuses out his Men , Much in the way that he did then : Not those many whom he found Idely extended on the ground , To drink with their dejected head The Stream just so as by their Mouths it fled : No , but those Few who took the Waters up , And made of their laborious Hands the Cup. VII . Thus you prepar'd ; and in the glorious Fight Their wondrous pattern too you take : Their old and empty Pitchers first they brake , And with their Hands then lifted up the Light. Iö ! Sound too the Trumpets here ! Already your victorious Lights appear ; New Scenes of Heven already we espy , And Crowds of golden Worlds on high ; Which from the spacious Plains of Earth and Sea , Could never yet discover'd be By Sailers or Chaldaeans watchful Eye . Natures great Works no distance can obscure , No smalness her near Objects can secure . Y' have taught the curious Sight to press Into the privatest recess Of her imperceptible Littleness . She with much stranger Art than his who put All th' Iliads in a Nut , The numerous work of Life does into Atomes shut . Y' have learn'd to Read her smallest Hand , And well begun her deepest Sense to Vnderstand . VIII . Mischief and tru Dishonour fall on those Who would to laughter or to scorn expose So Virtuous and so Noble a Design , So Human for its Vse , for Knowledge so Divine . The things which these proud men despise , and call Impertinent , and vain , and small , Those smallest things of Nature let me know , Rather than all their greatest Actions Doe . Whoever would Deposed Truth advance Into the Throne usurp'd from it , Must feel at first the Blows of Ignorance , And the sharp Points of Envious Wit. So when by various turns of the Celestial Dance , In many thousand years A Star , so long unknown , appears , Though Heven it self more beauteous by it grow , It troubles and alarms the World below , Does to the Wise a Star , to Fools a Meteor show . IX . With Courage and Success you the bold work begin Your Cradle has not Idle bin : None e're but Hercules and you could be At five years Age worthy a History . And nere did Fortune better yet Th' Historian to the Story fit : As you from all Old Errors free And purge the Body of Philosophy ; So from all Modern Folies He Has vindicated Eloquence and Wit. His candid Stile like a clean Stream does slide , And his bright Fancy all the way Does like the Sun-shine in it play ; It does like Thames , the best of Rivers , glide , Where the God does not rudely overturn , But gently pour the Crystal Vrn , And with judicious hand does the whole Current guide . T' has all the Beauties Nature can impart , And all the comely Dress without the paint of Art. A. COWLEY . AN Advertisement to the Reader . THe Reader is intreated to take notice . That much of this Discours was Written and Printed above two years before the rest : For this cause , in the First and Second Books , he may chance to find some Expressions that by reason of the difference of time may seem not well to agree with the last : But those having pass'd the Press so long ago , were out of my power of changing them ; and therefore I will refer it to his kindness , to do it for me . I must also acquaint him , That in the Title of my Book I have taken a liberty , which may be liable to exception : I have call'd it a History of the Royal Society ; whereas the First Part wholly Treats of the state of the Ancient Philosophy ; and the Third chiefly contains a Defence and Recommendation of Experimental Knowledge in General : So that it is only the Second Book that peculiarly describes their Vndertaking . But for my excuse I may allege the Example of many of the Ancients , who have often from the Principal Part of their Works given Title to all the rest : In their imitation , though this Book does Treat of many Subjects that are not Historical , yet I have presum'd to name the whole a History , because that was the main end of my Design . The Style perhaps in which it is written , is larger and more contentious than becomes that purity and shortness which are the chief beauties of Historical Writings : But the blame of this ought not so much to be laid upon me , as upon the Detractors of so noble an Institution : For their Objections and Cavils against it , did make it necessary for me to write of it , not altogether in the way of a plain History , but somtimes of an Apology . THE HISTORY OF THE Institution , Design , and Progress , OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF LONDON . For the Advancement of Experimental Philosophy . The FIRST PART . I Shall here present to the World , an Account of the First Institution of the Royal Society ; and of the Progress , which they have already made : in hope , that this Learned and Inquisitive Age , will either think their Indeavours , worthy of its Assistance ; or else will be thereby provok'd , to attempt some greater Enterprise ( if any such can be found out ) for the Benefit of humane life , by the Advancement of Real Knowledge . Perhaps this Task , which I have propos'd to my self , will incurr the Censure of many Judicious Men , who may think it an over-hasty , and presumptuous Attempt : and may object to me , that the History of an Assembly which begins with so great expectations , ought not to have been made publique so soon ; till We could have produced very many considerable Experiments , which they had try'd , and so have given undenyable Proofs , of the usefulness of their undertaking . In answer to this , I can plead for my self , that what I am here to say , will be far from preventing the labours of others in adorning so worthy a Subject : and is premis'd upon no other account , then as the noblest Buidings are first wont to be represented in a few Shadows , or small Models : which are not intended to be equal to the Chief Structure it self , but onely to shew in little , by what Materials , with what Charge , and by how many Hands , that is afterwards to be rais'd . Although therefore , I come to the performance of this work , with much less deliberation , and ability , then the weightiness of it requires : yet , I trust , that the Greatness of the Design it self , on which I am to speak , and the zeal which I have for the Honour of our Nation , which have been the chief reasons , that have mov'd me to this confidence of writing , will serve to make something for my Excuse . For what greater matter can any man desire , about which to employ his thoughts , then the Beginnings of an Illustrious Company , which has already laid such excellent Foundations of so much good to Mankind ? Or , what can be more delightful for an Englishman to consider , then that notwithstandng all the late miseries of his Country ; it has been able in a short time so well to recover it self : as not onely to attain to the perfection of its former Civility , and Learning , but also to set on foot , a new way of improvement of Arts , as Great and as Beneficial ( to say no more ) as any the wittiest or the happiest Age has ever invented ? But besides this , I can also add , in my Defence , that though the Society , of which I am to write , is not yet four years old , and has been of necessity hitherto chiefly taken up , about Preparatory Affairs : yet even in this time , they have not wholly neglected their principal End ; but have had Success , in the tryal of many remarkable things ; of which I doubt not , but I shall be able , as I pass along , to give instances enough to satisfie the curiosity of all sober Inquirers into Truth . And in short , if for no other end , yet certainly for this , A Relation of their First Original ought to be expos'd to the view of Men : that by laying down , on what course of Discovery they intend to proceed , the Gentlemen of the Society , may be more solemnly engag'd , to prosecute the same . For now they will not be able , handsomely to draw back , and to forsake such honourable Intentions : when the World shall have taken notice , that so many prudent men have gone so farr , in a business of this Universal Importance , and have given such undoubted Pledges , of many admirable Inventions to follow . I shall therefore divide my Discourse into these three general Heads . The First shall give a short view of the Antient , and Modern Philosophy ; and of the most Famous Attempts , that have been made for its Advancement : that by observing wherein others have excell'd , and wherein they have been thought to fail , we may the better shew , what is to be expected , from these new Undertakers ; and what mov'd them , to enter upon a way of Inquiry , different from that , on which the former have proceeded . The Second shall consist of the Narrative it self : and out of their Registers , and Iournals , which I have been permitted to peruse , shall relate the first Occasions of their Meetings , the Incouragement , and Patronage , which they have receiv'd ; their Patent , their Statutes , the whole Order and Scheme of their Design , and the Manner of their Proceedings . The Third shall try , to assert the Advantage and Innocence of this work , in respect of all Professions , and especially of Religion ; and how proper , above others , it is , for the present temper of the Age wherein we live . On the First and Last of these Particulars , it is not needfull that I should long insist : because several Great Men have already so much prevented me about them ; that there is hardly any thing can be spoken , in which I shall not almost tread in their very Footsteps . But yet it is requisite , that something be here said to that purpose , though it be onely in Repetition : because I perceive , that there is still much prejudice remaining on many mens minds , towards any now Discoveries in Natura Things . This I shall try to remove , not that I imagine , that those Reasons can have any great effect in my weak hands , which were not able fully to prevail , when they were inforc'd by the Eloquence of those Excellent Men , who have gone before me in this Argument : But I rather trust to the inclination of the Age it self , wherein I write ; which ( if I mistake not ) is farr more prepar'd to be perswaded to promote such Studies , then any other time that has gone before us . And first , let us observe the Practice of the best , and the civilest Nations , amongst the Antients ; and a little trace out the course which they followed , to inrich their Countries , by the introducing of Forein Arts , or a searching into New. It is evident , from the universal Testimony of History , that all Learning and Civility were deriv'd down to us , from the Eastern parts of the World. There it was , that Mankind arose : and there they first discovered the wayes of living , with safety , convenience , and delight . It is but just , that we should attribute the original of Astronomy , Geometry , Government , and many sorts of Manufactures , which we now enjoy , to the Assyrians , the Chaldeans , and Egyptians . And as to them we owe the Invention ; so from them proceeded the first Corruption of knowledge . It was the custom of their Wise men , to wrap up their Observations on Nature , and the Manners of Men , in the dark Shadows of Hieroglyphicks ; and to conceal them , as sacred Mysteries , from the apprehensions of the vulgar . This was a sure way to beget a Reverence in the Peoples Hearts towards themselves : but not to advance the true Philosophy of Nature . That stands not in need of such Artifices to uphold its credit : but is then most likely to thrive , when the minds , and labours of men of all Conditions , are join'd to promote it , and when it becomes the care of united Nations . Into the East , the first Inquisitive Men amongst the Grecians traveled : By what they observed there , they ripened their own imperfect Conceptions , and so return'd to teach them at home . And that they might the better insinuate their opinions into their hearers minds , they set them off with the mixture of Fables , and the ornaments of Fancy . Hence it came to pass , that the first Masters of knowledge amongst them , were as well Poets , as Philosophers : For Orpheus , Linus , Musaeus , and Homer , first softned mens natural rudeness , and by the charms of their Numbers , allur'd them to be instructed by the severer Doctrines , of Solon , Thales , and Pythagoras . This was a course , that was useful at first , when men were to be delightfully deceiv'd to their own good : But perhaps it left some ill influence , on the whole Philosopy of their Successors ; and gave the Grecians occasion ever after of exercising their wit , and their imagination , about the works of Nature , more then was consistent with a sincere Inquiry into them . When the fabulous Age was past : Philosophy took a little more courage ; and ventured more to relye upon its own strength , without the Assistance of Poetry . Now they began to gather into Assemblies , and to increase their interest : and , according to the different temper of the Grecians , from the Eastern Nations ; so were their Arts propagated in a different way from theirs . The Greeks , being of a vigorous , and active humour , establish't their Philosophy , in the Walks , and Porches , and Gardens , and such publick places about their Cities : whereas the Graver , and more reserv'd Aegyptians , had confin'd it to their Temples . In Greece , the most considerable ( and indeed almost the onely successful ) Tryals , that were made in this way , were at Athens . The wit of whose Inhabitants , was ( 't is true ) admirably fit , for the reducing of Philosophy into Method , and for the adorning of it with the noblest words ; when once it had been before compleated in its substance : But yet their Genius was not so well made , for the undergoing of the first drudgery and burden of Observation , which is needful for the Beginning of so difficult a work . This will appear , if we remember , that they were the Masters of the Arts of Speaking , to all their Neighbours : and so might well be inclin'd , rather to choose such opinions of Nature , which they might most elegantly express ; then such , which were more useful , but could not so well be illustrated by the ornaments of Speech . Besides this , their City was the General Schole , and Seat of Education : and therefore the Epitome's of knowledge best served their turn , to make their Scholars , in a short time , finish the course of their Studies , and go home satisfied with a belief of their own Proficience , and their Teachers Wisdom . They were also commonly ( as most of the other Grecians ) men of hot , earnest , and hasty minds : and so lov'd rather to make sudden Conclusions , and to convince their hearers by argument ; then to delay long , before they fixt their judgments ; or to attend with sufficient patience the labour of Experiments . But to say no more , they had but a narrow Territory ; and the condition of those times , would not allow a very large commerce , with forein Nations : they were much exercis'd in the civil Affairs of their Country : they had almost a perpetual Warr , at home , or abroad : which kinds of busie , and active life , breed men up indeed for great Employments : but not so well for the diligent , private , and severe examination of those little and almost infinite Curiosities , on which the true Philosophy must be founded . In that City therefore , the knowledge of Nature had its Original , before either that of Discourse , or of humane Actions : but it was quickly forc'd to give way to them Both. For it was not yet come to a sufficient ripeness , in the time of Socrates . And he , by the authority of his admirable wit , made all parts of Philosophy to be taken off from a condition of encreasing much farther , that they might be immediately serviceable to the affairs of men , and the uses of life . He was one of the first men , that began to draw into some order , the confus'd , and obscure imaginations , of those that went before him : and to make way for the composing of Arts , out of their scattered Observations . All these various Subjects , the vastness of his Soul comprehended in his casual Disputations : but after his death they were divided amongst his Followers , according to their several inclinations . From him most of the succeeding Sects descended : and though every one of them had its different principles , and rendezvouses : yet they all laid claim to this one common title of being his Disciples . By this means , there was a most specious appearance of the increase of Learning : all places were fill'd with Philosophical disputes : controversies were rais'd : Factions were made : many subtilties of confuting , and defending , were invented : but so insteed of joyning all their strength to overcome the Secrets of Nature ( all which would have been little enough , though never so wisely manag'd ) they onely did that , which has undone many such great attempts , before they had yet fully conquer'd her ; they fell into an open dissension , to which of them , her spoyls did belong . 'T is true , at the same time , some few men did continue an earnest , and laborious pursuit , after Natural causes , and effects : and took that course , which , if it had met with us much incouragement , as the others had , would without question have produc'd extraordinary things . But these Philosophers , digging deap , out of the sight of men ; and studying more , how to conceive things aright , then how to set off , and persuade their conceptions , to others ; were quickly almost quite overwhelm'd , by the more plausible and Talkative Sects . This was the success of that Famous Age of the Grecian Learning , in respect of Natural knowledge . They stay'd not for an information sufficient for such a noble Enterprise : They would not suffer their posterity , to have any share with them , in the honor of performing it : But too suddenly , for present use , they clap'd up an entire Building of Sciences : and therefore it is not to be wonder'd , if the hasty Fabrick , which they rais'd , did not consist of the best materialls . But at last with their Empire , their Arts also were transported to Rome : the great spirit of their Law-givers , and Philosophers , in course of time , degenerating into Rhetoricians , and wandring Teachers of the opinions , of their private Sects . Amongst the Romans , the studies of Nature met with little , or no entertainment . They scarce ever dream't of any other way of Philosophy , then only just reducing into New Method , and eloquently translating into their own Language , the Doctrines , which they had receiv'd from the Greeks . And it was a long time too , before even that could obtain any countenance amongst them . For , in the first warlick and busie Ages of that State , they onely apply'd themselves to a severity of Moral vertue ; indeavor'd after no other skill , then that of the Customes , and Laws of their Country , the Ceremonies of their Religion , and the Arts of Government : esteeming every thing that came out of Greece , as an outlandish fashion , which would corrupt the manners of their Youth ; and allure them , from that strictness of Discipline , and Integrity of Life , by which they had inlarg'd the Bounds of their Common-wealth . Till at length their power being increas'd , and their minds a little softned by the Greatness of their commands , and having tasted of the pleasures of the East ; they were content too , by degrees , to admit their Philosophy . And yet all the use , that they made of it at last , was onely , either that they might thereby make their speech more plentiful ; or else , that when they were at leisure from Civil affairs , they might have that as a companion , and comfort of their Retirements . This was the condition of Philosophy , when the Christian Religion came into the World. That maintain'd it self in its first Age , by the innocence , and miracles , and suff'rings of its Founder , and his Apostles . But after their Deaths , when Christianity began to spread into the farthest Nations , and when the power of working wonders had ceas'd : it was thought necessary , for its increase , that its professors should be able to defend it , against the subtilties of the Hethens ; by those same ways of arguing , which were then in use , among the Hethen Philosophers . It was therefore on this account , that the Fathers , and chief Doctors of our Church , apply'd themselves to the Peripatetick , and Platonick Sects : But chiefly to the Platonick : Because that seem'd to speak plainer about the Divine Nature ; and also , because the sweetness , and powerfulness of Plato's Writings , did serve as well to make them popular speakers , as disputers . Having thus provided themselves against their adversaries , they easily got the victory over them : and though the Idolatrous Gentiles had kept the instruments of disputing , in their own hands , so many hundred years ; yet they soon convinc'd them , of the ridiculousness of their worships , and the purity , and reasonableness of ours . But now the Christians having had so good success , against the Religions of the Heathens , by their own weapons ; instead of laying them down when they had done , unfortunately fell to manage them one against another . So many subtile brains having been set on work , and warm'd against a Forein enemy : When that was over , and they had nothing else to do ( like an Army that returns victorious , and is not presently disbanded ) they began to spoyl , and quarrel amongst themselves . Hence that Religion , which at first appear'd so innocent , and peaceable , and fitted for the benefit of humane Society ; which consisted in the plain , and direct Rules , of good Life , and Charity , and the Belief in a redemption by one Savior , was miserably divided into a thousand intricate questions , which neither advance true Piety , nor good manners . Hence arose all the Heresies of those times Against these , besides the force of Disputation , the Church obtain'd the Arm of the Civil Magistrate : and so at last by the help of many General Councils , got them extinguish'd , ( if I may say they were extinguish'd , seeing in this age wherein we live , we have seen most of them unhappily reviv'd ) . But still by his means , there was no knowledge in request , but the Disputative Philosophy . For while things were in this posture , and so many great Wits ingag'd in the heats of controversie : it was not to be expected , that they should look out for further assistance , then the Arts , which were already prepar'd ; or that they should make any considerable indeavors , about new inventions , and the tedious tryal of Experiments . Nor can we much blame them for it : seeing in a time of War , every man will rather snatch up that armor which he finds ready made , then stay till men go to the Mine , and digge out new Ore , and refine , and harden it a better way ; in hope to have his weapons of a stronster , and nobler Metal at last . Nor was that Age unfit for such an enterprise , only on the account of these Warrs of the Tongue : But also by reason of the miserable distempers of the civill affairs of the World , about that time : which were chiefly occasion'd by the Roman Armies usurping the Right of choosing Emperors , and by the invasions of Barbarous Nations , which overwhelm'd the greatest part of Europe . Amidst these distractions , it was impossible for any thing of this Nature to have prosper'd : and in so vast in inundation of ignorance , which carri'd away with it the very grown and aged Trees themselves ( those parts of Learning which had taken root , so many generations past ) it would have been in vain , to have committed any new plants to the ground . Such studies as these , as they must receive incouragement from the Sovereign Authority , so they must come up in a peacefull time , when mens minds are at ease , and their imaginations not disturb'd , with the cares of preserving their Lives , and Fortunes . To go on therefore with the matter of Fact : Having left that dismall Bloody Age , we come into a Course of Time , which was indeed farr quieter : But it was like the quiet of the night , which is dark withall . The Bishops of Rome taking the opportunity of the decay of the Roman Empire , had wrested from it so many privileges , as did at last wholly destroy it : and while it was gasping for life , forc'd it to make what Will , and Testament they pleas'd . Being thus establish'd , and making Rome , whose name was still venerable , the Seat of their Dominion , they soon obtain'd a Supremacy over the Western World. Under them for a long space together men lay in a profound sleep . Of the Universal ignorance of those times ; let it suffice to take the Testimony of William of Malmsbury , one of our antient English Historians , who says , That even amongst the Priests themselves , he was a Miracle that could understand Latine . Thus they continued ; till at last , that Church adopted , and cherish'd , some of the Peripatetick opinions , which the most ingenious of the Moncks , in their solitary , and idle course of life , had lighted upon . This Sect was excellently well made for their turn . For by hovering so much , in geneall Terms , and Notions , it amusd mens minds , in things that had not much difficulty : and so the Laity being kept blind , were forc'd in all things to depend on the Lips of the Roman Clergy . From that time , even down to the Reformation , the Gentlemen of all these Countries , imploying themselves , chiefly in arms , and adventures abroad : and the Books of the antients , being either destroy'd by the Goths , and Vandalls ; or those which escap'd their fury , lying cover'd with dust in the Libraries of Monasteries : few or none regarded any of the Arts of Wit , and Reason , besides the Church-men . This , I will take the boldness to say , must needs be very injurious to the increase of Generall Learning . For though I shall justly affirm , to the honor of that sacred profession , that all knowledge has been more search'd into , and promoted by them , then by any other order of men , even from the Egyptians times , ( whose Priests in good part invented , or at least preserv'd , the Learning of the East ) down to our present Age : yet I must also adde , that whenever all the studious spirits of a Nation , have been reduc'd within the Temples walls , that time is naturally lyable to this danger , of having its Genius more intent , on the different opinions in Religion , and the Rites of Worship , then on the increase of any other Science . Of this I shall give two instances : one , from the Antients : the other , from our selves . It is manifest , that amongst the Iews , all the men of Letters still appli'd themselves to the understanding of their Law : that being the publick way of preferment , to the highest places of Judicature and Authority in the State. For that many Fraternities were erected , and ( as I may call them ) Iudaical Monast'ries constituted . Hence came all the interpretations on the Writings of their Great Lawgiver : which at last grew so numerous , and various amongst themselves , that Christ , when he came , could hardly find any thing of Moses his mind , in all they had writ : But perform'd more himself towards the explanation of the Law , in two Chapters , then they had done in all their infinite Volumes . But while they were so excessively busie , about such sorts of contemplations , the other parts of Learning were neglected : Little or no footsteps of Philosophy remaining amonst them , except onely the memory of that History of Plants , which was not written by any of Aarons family , but by their wisest King. But my other instance comes neerer home , and it is of the Schole-men . Whose works when I consider , it puts into my thoughts , how farre more importantly a good Method of thinking , and a right course of apprehending things , does contribute towards the attaining of perfection in true knowledge , then the strongest , and most vigorous wit in the World , can do without them . It cannot without injustice be deny'd , that they were men of extraordinary strength of mind : they had a great quickness of imagination , and subtilty of distinguishing : they very well understood the consequence of propositions : their natural endowments were excellent : their industry commendable : But they lighted on a wrong path at first , and wanted matter to contrive : and so , like the Indians , onely express'd a wonderful Artifice , in the ordering of the same Feathers in a thousand varities of Figures . I will not insist long on the Barbarousness of their style : though that too might justly be censur'd : for all the antient Philosophers , though they labor'd not to be full , and adorn'd in their Speech : yet they always strove to be easie , naturall , and unaffected . Plato was allow'd by all to be the chief Master of speaking , as well as of thinking . And even Aristotle himself , whom alone these men ador'd , however he has been since us'd by his Commentators , was so carefull about his words , that he was esteem'd one of the purest , and most polite Writers of his time . But the want of good Language , not being the Schole-mens worst defect , I shall pass it over : and rather stop a little , to examine the the matter itself , and order in which they proceeded . The Subjects about which they were most conversant , were either some of those Arts , which Aristostle had drawn into Method , or the more speculative parts of our Divinity . These they commonly handled after this fashion . They began with some generall Definitions of the things themselves , according to their universal Natures : Then divided them into their parts , and drew them out into severall propositions , which they layd down as Problems : these they controverted on both sides : and by many nicities of Arguments , and citations of Authorities , confuted their adversaries , and strengthned their own dictates . But though this Notional Warr had been carry'd on with farr more care , and calmness amongst them , then it was : yet it was never able to do any great good towards the enlargement of knowledge : Because it rely'd on generall Terms , which had not much foundation in Nature ; and also because they took no other course , but that of disputing . That this insisting altogether on establish'd Axioms , is not the most usefull way , is not only cleer in such airy conceptions , which they manag'd : but also in those things , which lye before every mans observation , which belong to the life , and passions , and manners of men ; which , one would think , might be sooner reduc'd into standing Rules . As for example : To make a prudent man in the affairs of State , It is not enough , to be well vers'd in all the conclusions , which all the Politicians in the World have devis'd , or to be expert in the Nature of Government , and Laws , Obedience , and Rebellion , Peace , and War : Nay rather a man that relyes altogether on such universal precepts , is almost certain to miscarry . But there must be a sagacity of judgement in particular things : a dexterity in discerning the advantages of occasions : a study of the humour , and interest of the people he is to govern : The same is to be found in Philosophy ; a thousand fine Argumentations , and Fabricks in the mind , concerning the Nature of Body , Quantity , Motion , and the like , if they only hover a-loof , and are not squar'd to particular matters , they may give an empty satisfaction , but no benefit , and rather serve to swell , then fill the Soul. But besides this , the very way of disputing itself , and inferring one thing from another alone , is not at all proper for the spreading of knowledge . It serves admirably well indeed , in those Arts , where the connexion between the propositions is necessary , as in the Mathematicks , in which a long train of Demonstrations , may be truly collected , from the certainty of the first foundation : But in things of probability onely , it seldom or never happens , that after some little progress , the main subject is not left , and the contenders fall not into other matters , that are nothing to the purpose : For if but one link in the whole chain be loose , they wander farr away , and seldom , or never recover their first ground again . In brief , disputing is a very good instrument , to sharpen mens wits , and to make them versatil , and wary defenders of the Principles , which they already know : but it can never much augment the solid substance of Science itself : And me thinks compar'd to Experimenting , it is like Exercise to the Body in comparison of Meat : For running , walking , wrestling , shooting , and other such active sports , will keep men in health , and breath , and a vigorous temper : but it must be a supply of new food that must make them grow : so it is in this case ; much contention , and strife of argument , will serve well to explain obscure things , and strengthen the weak , and give a good , sound , masculine colour , to the whole masse of knowledge : But it must be a continued addition of observations , which must nourish , and increase , and give new Blood , and flesh , to the Arts themselves . But this has been only hitherto spoken , against the Method of the Schole-men in General ; on supposition , that they took the best course , that could be in that kind . I shall now come , to weigh that too . For it may easily be prov'd , that those very Theories , on which they built all their subtle webs , were not at all Collected , by a sufficient information from the things themselves . Which if it can be made out , I hope , it will be granted , that the force and vigour of their Wit did more hurt , then good : and onely serv'd to carry them the faster out of the right way , when they were once going . The Peripateticks themselves do all grant , that the first rise of knowledge must be from the Senses , and from an induction of their reports : Well then ; how could the Schole-men be proper for such a business , who were ty'd by their Cloysterall life , to such a strictness of hours , and had seldom any larger prospects of Nature , then the Gardens of their Monasteries ? It is a common observation , that mens studies are various , according to the different courses of life , to which they apply themselves ; or the tempers of the places , wherein they live . They who are bred up in Commonwealths , where the greatest affairs are manag'd by the violence of popular assemblies , and those govern'd by the most plausible speakers : busie themselves chiefly about Eloquence ; they who follow a Court , especially intend the ornament of Language , and Poetry , and such more delicate Arts , which are usually there in most request : they who retire from humane things , and shut themselves up in a narrow compass , keeping company with a very few , and that too in a solemne way , addict themselves , for the most part , to some melancholy contemplations , or to devotion , and the thoughts of another world . That therefore which was fittest for the Schole-mens way of life , we will allow them . But what sorry kinds of Philosophy must they needs produce , when it was a part of their Religion , to separate themselves , as much as they could , from the converse of mankind ? when they were so farr from being able to discover the secrets of Nature , that they had scarce opportunity , to behold enough of its common works ? If any shall be inclinable to follow the directions of such men in Natural things , rather then of those , who make it their employment : I shall believe , they will be irrational enough , to think , that a man may draw an exacter Description of England , who has never been here , then the most industrious Mr. Cambden , who had travell'd over every part of this Country , for that very purpose . Whoever shall soberly profess , to be willing to put their shoulders , under the burthen of so great an enterprise , as to represent to mankind , the whole Fabrick , the parts , the causes , the effects of Nature : ought to have their eyes in all parts , and to receive information from every quarter of the earth : they ought to have a constant universall intelligence : all discoveries should be brought to them : the Treasuries of all former times should be laid open before them : the assistance of the present should be allow'd them : so farr are the narrow conceptions of a few private Writers , in a dark Age , from being equall to so vast a design . There are indeed some operations of the mind , which may be best perform'd by the simple strength of mens own particular thoughts ; such are invention , and judgement , and disposition : For in them a security from noise , leaves the Soul at more liberty , to bring forth , order , and fashion the heap of matter , which had been before supply'd to its use . But there are other works also , which require as much aid , and as many hands , as can be found . And such is this of observation : Which is the great Foundation of Knowledge : Some must gather , some must bring , some separate , some examine : and ( to use a Similitude , which the present time of the year , and the ripe fields , that lye before my eyes , suggest to me ) it is in Philosophy , as in Husbandry : Wherein we see , that a few hands will serve to measure out , and fill into sacks , that Corn , which requires very many more laborers , to sow , and reap , and bind , and bring it into the Barn. But now it is time for me to dismiss this subtle generation of Writers : whom I would not have prosecuted so farr , but that they are still esteem'd by some men , the onely Masters of Reason . If they would be content , with any thing less then an Empire in Learning , we would grant them very much . We would permit them to be great , and profound Wits , as Angelicall , and Seraphical , as they pleas'd : We would commend them , as we are wont to do Chaucer ; we would confess , that they are admirable in comparison of the ignorance of their own Age : And , as Sir Philip Sidney of him , we would say of them ; that it is to be wonder'd , how they could see so cleerly then , and we can see no cleerer now : But that they should still be set before us , as the great Oracles of all Wit , we can never allow . Suppose , that I should grant , that they are most usefull in the controversies of our Church , to defend us against the Heresies , and Schisms of our times : what will thence follow , but that they ought to be confin'd , within their own Bounds , and not be suffer'd to hinder the enlargement of the territories of other Sciences ? Let them still prevail in the Scholes , and let them govern in disputations : But let them not over-spread all sorts of knowledge . That would be as ridiculous , as if , because we see , that Thorns , and Briers , by reason of their sharpness , are fit to stop a gap , and keep out wild Beasts ; we should therefore think , they deserv'd to be planted all over every Field . And yet I should not doubt , ( if it were not somewhat improper to the present discourse ) to prove , that even in Divinity itself , they are not so necessary , as they are reputed to be : and that all , or most of our Religious controversies , may be as well decided , by plain reason , and by considerations , which may be fetch'd from the Religion of mankind , the Nature of Government , and humane Society , and Scripture itself , as by the multitudes of Authorities , and subtleties of disputes , which have been heretofore in use . And now I am come to the time within our view , and to the third great Age of the flourishing of Learning . Whether this recovery of knowledge did happen by the benefit of Printing , invented about that time , which shew'd a very easie way of communicating mens thoughts one to another ? or whether it came from the hatred , which was then generally conceiv'd against the blindness , and stupidity , of the Roman Fryers ? or from the Reformation , which put men upon a stricter inquiry into the Truth of things ? whatever the cause was , I will not take much pains to determine : But I will rather observe , what kinds of knowledge have most flourish'd upon it . If we compare this Age of Learning , with the two former ; we shall find , that this does far exceed both the other in its extent : there being a much larger plot of ground , sown with Arts , and civility at this time , then either when the Grecian , or Roman Empires prevail'd . For then ( especially under the Romans ) so many Nations being united under one Dominion , and reduc'd into the Form of Provinces : that knowledge which they had was chiefly confin'd to the walls of the Imperial Cities themselves . But now ( not to insist on the Learning of farr remote Countries , of which we have onely imperfect Relations ; but to contract our observation to Christendom alone ) there being so many different States , and Governments in Europe , every Country sets up for itself : almost in every place , the liberal Arts ( as they are call'd ) are cherish'd , and publick allowance is made for their support . And in this compass , the infinit numbers of Wits , which have appear'd so thick for these many years , have been chiefly taken up about some of these three studies : either the Writings of the Antients : or Controversies of Religion : or Affairs of State. The First thing that was undertaken , was to rescue the excellent works of former Writers from obscurity . To the better performing of this , many things contributed about that time . Amongst which , as to us in England , I may reckon ( and that too , it may be , not the least , whatever the action was in itself , ) the dissolution of Abbyes : whereby their Libraries came forth into the light , and fell into industrious Mens hands , who understood how to make more use of them , then their slothfull possessors had done . So that now the Greek , and Latine Tongues began to be in request ; and all the ancient Authors , the Hethen Philosophers , Mathematicians , Orators , Historians , Poets , the various Copies , and Translations of the Bible , and the Primitive Fathers were produc'd . All these , by the severall Transcriptions , and the ignorance of the Transcribers had very many different readings , and many parts wholly lost ; and by the distance of times , and change of customs , were grown obscure . About the interpreting , explaining , supplying , commenting on these , almost all the first Wits were employed . A work of great use , and for which we ought to esteem our selves much beholding to them . For indeed , if they had not compleated that business , to our hands , we of this age , had not been so much at leisure , as now I hope we are , to prosecute new inventions . If they had not done it , we should : of which we ought not to doubt , seeing we behold , that even now , when the soyl of Criticism is almost quite Barren , and hardly another Crop will come , yet many Learned men cannot forbear spending their whole labour in toyling about it : what then should we have done , if all those Books had come down untouch'd to our hands ? We cannot then , with any sobriety , detract from the Criticks , and Philologists , whose labors we injoy . But we ought rather to give them this Testimony , that they were men of admirable Diligence : and that the Collections , which they have made , out of the Monuments of the Antients , will be wonderfully advantageous to us , if the right use be made of them : if they be not set before us , onely that we may spend our whole Lives , in their consideration , and to make the course of Learning more difficult : But if they be imploy'd , to direct us in the ways , that we ought to proceed , in knowledge for the future ; if by shewing us what has been already finish'd , they point out to us , the most probable means , to accomplish what is behind . For methinks , that wisdom , which they fetch'd from the ashes of the dead , is something of the same nature , with Ashes themselves : which , if they are kept up in heaps together , will be useless : But if they are scattred upon Living ground , they will make it more fertile , in the bringing forth of various sorts of Fruits . To these men then we are beholding , that we have a fairer prospect about us : to them we owe , that we are not ignorant of the times that are gone before us : which to be , is ( as Tully says ) to be always Children . All this , and much more , is to be acknowledg'd : But then we shall also desire of them , that they would content themselves , with what is their due : that by what they have discover'd , amongst the rubbish of the Antients , they would not contemn the Treasures , either lately found out , or still unknown : and that they would not prefer the Gold of Ophir , of which now there is no mention , but in Books , before the present Mountains of the West-Indies . Thus I pass over this sort of reviv'd Learning . And now there comes into our view another remarkable occasion , of the hinderance of the growth of Experimentall Philosophy , within the compass of this bright Age ; and that is the great a-do which has been made , in raising , and confirming , and refuting so many different Sects , and opinions of the Christian Faith. For whatever other hurt or good comes , by such holy speculative Warrs ( of which whether the benefit or mischief over-weighs , I will not now examine ) yet certainly by this means , the knowledge of Nature has been very much retarded . And ( to use that Metaphor , which an excellent Poet of our Nation , turns to another purpose ) that showre has done very much injury by falling on the Sea , for which the Shepherd , and the Plough-man , call'd in vain : The Wit of men has been profusely powr'd out on Religion , which needed not its help , and which was onely thereby made more tempestuous : while it might have been more fruitfully spent , on some parts of Philosophy , which have been hitherto barren , and might soon have been made fertil . But besides this , there have been also several other professions , which have drawn away the Inclinations of Men , from prosecuting the naked , and uninteressed Truth . And of these I shall chiefly name the affairs of State , the administration of Civil Government , and the execution of Laws . These by their fair dowry of gain , and honor , have always allur'd the greatest part of the men of Art , and reason , to addict themselves to them : while the search into severer knowledge has been lookt on , as a study out of the way , fitter for a melancholy humorist , or a retir'd weak spirit , then to make men equal to business , or serviceable to their Country . And in this , methinks the Experimental Philosophy has met with very hard usage : For it has commonly in Mens Censures , undergone the imputation of those very faults , which it indeavors to correct in the Verbal . That indeed may be justly condemn'd for filling mens thoughts , with imaginary Ideas of conceptions , that are no way answerable to the practical ends of Life : But this on the other side ( as I shall shortly make out ) is the surest guide , against such Notional wandrings : opens our eyes to perceive all the realities of things : and cleers the brain , not onely from darkness , but false , or useless Light. This is certainly so , in the thing it self . But the greatest part of men , have still apprehended the contrary . If they can bring such Inquirers under the scornfull Titles of Philosophers , or Schollars , or Virtuosi , it is enough : They presently conclude them , to be men of another World , onely fit companions for the shadow , and their own melancholy whimsies : looking on those who dig in the Mine of Nature , to be in as bad a condition , as the King of Spains slaves in Peru , condemn'd for ever to that drudgery , and never to be redeem'd to any other imployment . And is not this a very unequal proceeding ? While some over-zealous Divines do reprobate Natural Philosophy , as a carnal knowledge , and a too much minding worldly things : the men of the World , and business on the other side , esteem it meerly as an idle matter of Fancy , and as that which disables us , from taking right measures in humane affairs . Thus by the one party , it is censur'd , for stooping too low ; by the other , for soaring too high : so that methinks , it is a good ground to conclude , that it is guilty of neither of these faults , seeing it is alike condemn'd by both the extreams . But I shall have a fitter occasion , to examine this hereafter . However it be , it is not to be wonder'd , if men have not been very zealous about those studies , which have been so farr remov'd , from present benefit , and from the applause of men . For what should incite them , to bestow their time , and Art , in revealing to mankind , those Mysteries ; for which , it may be , they would be onely despis'd at last ? How few must there needs be , who will be willing , to be impoverish'd for the common good ? which they shall see , all the rewards , which might give life to their Industry , passing by them , and bestow'd on the deserts of easier studies ? and while they for all their pains , and publick spirit , shall only perhaps be serv'd as the poor man was in the Fable : who , while he went down into the well , in assurance , that he should find a mighty Treasure there , was in the mean time robb'd by his companions , that stay'd above , of his Cloak , and all the Booty that he had before gotten ? And yet , notwithstanding all these unfortunate hinderances , there have been many commendable attempts in this way , in the compass of our Memories , and the Age before us . And though they have been for the most part carry'd on , by the private Diligence of some few Men , in the mid'st of a thousand difficulties , yet it will not be unprofitable to recount some of them : if it were onely to give a fair ground of hope , how much progress may be made by a form'd and Regular Assembly , seeing some single hands , with so small incouragement , could dispatch so much of the work . There are Five new ways of Philosophy , that come into my observation . The First is , of those , who , out of a just disdain , that the Antients should still possess a Tyranny over our Judgements , began first to put off the reverence , that men had born to their memories ; and handling them more familiarly , made an exact survey of their imperfections : But then having rejected them , they pursued their success too far , and straight fell to form and impose new Theories on Mens Reason , with an usurpation , as great as that of the others : An action , which we that live in this Age , may resemble to some things that we have seen acted on the Stage of the World : For we also have beheld the Pretenders to publick Liberty , turn the greatest Tyrants themselves . The first part of these mens performance is very much to the prais'd : They have made the ground open , and cleer , for us : they have remov'd the rubbish ; which , when one great Fabrick is to be pull'd down , and another to be erected in its stead , is always esteem'd well nigh half the whole work : Their adventure was bold , and hazardous : They touch'd mens minds in their tenderest part , when they strove to pluck off those opinions , which had , by long custom , been so closely twin'd about them : They freed our understandings from the Charms of vain apparitions , and a slavery to dead Mens names . And we may well ghess , that the absolute perfection of the True Philosophy , is not now far off , seeing this first great and necessary prepation for its coming , is already taken off our hands . For methinks there is an agreement , between the growth of Learning , and of Civil Government . The Method of the rise and increase of that , was , this . At first in every Country , there prevail'd nothing , but Barbarism , and Rudeness : All places were terrible with Gyants , and enchantments , and insolent Usurpers : Against these there first arose some mighty Heroes , as Hercules , Theseus , and Iason : These scowr'd the World , redress'd injuries , destroy'd Monsters : and for this they were made Demi-gods . But then they gave over , and it was left to the great Men , who succeeded them , as Solon , and Lycurgus , to accomplish the Work , to found Common-wealths , to give Laws , to put Justice in its course : And why may I not now presume ( as many others have done before me ) to reduce these stories to a Philosophical sence ? First then , the Phantasms , and Fairies , and venerable Images of Antiquity , did long haunt the World : against these we have had our Champions ; and without all question , they had the better of the cause : and now we have good ground to trust , that these Illusions being well over , the last finishing of this great Work , is nigh at hand , and is reserv'd for this undertaking . So then , thus farr they did well . But in the second part of their Enterprize , they themselves seem to me to have run into the same mistake , for which we chiefly complain'd against those Antients , whose Authority they destroy'd . The greatest occasion of our dissenting from the Greek Philosophers , and especially from Aristotle , was , that they made too much hast to seise on the prize , before they were at the end of the Race : that they fix'd , and determin'd their judgements , on general conclusions too soon , and so could not afterwards alter them , by any new appearances , which might represent themselves . And may we not suppose , that posterity will have the same quarrel at these mens labors ? We do not fall foul upon Antiquity , out of any singularity of opinion , or a presumptuous confidence of the strength of our Wits above theirs . We admire the men , but onely dislike the Method of their proceedings . And can we forbear murmuring , if we see our contemporaries disdain them , and yet imitate their failings ? If we must constitute a Sovereignty over our Reasons ; I know not , why we should not allow this Dominion to the Antients , rather then to any one of the Moderns . They are all dead long since : and though we should be over-reach'd by them in some few falsehoods , yet there is no danger , lest they should increase them upon us : whereas , if we once hang on the lips , of the wisest men now Living ; we are still in their Power , and under their Discipline , and subject to be led by all their Dictates for the future . It is true indeed , a diligent Inquirer of these times , may gather as much experience , and in probability , conclude as rightly , as a whole Academy , or Sect of theirs could : yet I shall still deny , that any one Man , though he has the nimblest , and most universal observation , can ever , in the compass of his life , lay up enough knowledge , to suffice all that shall come after him to rest upon , without the help of any new Inquiries . And if we suppose the best , that some one Man , by wonderful sagacity , or extraordinary chance , shall light upon the True Principles of Natural Philosophy : yet what will be the profit , of such universal Demonstrations , if they are onely fitted for talk , and the solving of appearances ? Will there be any great matter , whether they are certain , or doubtful ; old , or new ; if they must be onely bounded to a systeme , and confin'd to discourse ? The True Philosophy must be first of all begun , on a scrupulous , and severe examination of particulars : from them , there may be some general Rules , with great caution drawn : But it must not rest there , nor is that the most difficult part of its course : It must advance those Principles , to the finding out of new effects , through all the varieties of Matter : and so both the courses must proceed orderly together ; from experimenting , to Demonstrating , and from demonstrating , to Experimenting again . I hope I shall content my Reader , if I onely give one instance in this case . It is probable , that he , who first discover'd , that all things were order'd in Nature by Motion ; went upon a better ground , then any before him . But now if he will onely manage this , by nicely disputing about the Nature , and Causes of Motion in general ; and not prosecute it through all particular Bodies : to what will he at last arrive , but onely to a better sort of Metaphysicks ? And it may be , his Followers , some Ages hence , will divide his Doctrine into as many distinctions , as the Schole-men did that of Matter , and Form : and so the whole life of it , will also vanish away , into air , and words , as that of theirs has already done . But it is time for me to give over this Argument ; in which I fear , that what I have already said , will alarm some excellent men , whose abilities I admire : who may perhaps suspect , that it has bin with a particular reflexion . I might say for my self , That first they must pass sentence on themselves , before they can think so , seeing I have nam'd no man. But I will rather sincerely profess , that I had no satyrical Sence , but onely declar'd against Dogmatists in general . And I cannot repent my having done it , while I perceive , there are two very dangerous mischiefs , which are caus'd by that way of Philosophy . The one is , that it makes men give over , and believe that they are satisfi'd , too soon . This is of very ill consequence : For thereby mens industry will be slackned , and all the motives to any farther pursuit taken away . And indeed this is an error , which is very natural to mens minds : they love not a long and a tedious doubting , though it brings them at last to a real certainty : but they choose rather to conclude presently , then to be long in suspence , though to better purpose . And it is with most mens understandings , as with their eyes ; to which those seem the most delightful prospects , where varieties of Hills , and Woods , do soon bound their wandrings ; then where there is one large smooth campagne , over which they may see much farther , but where there is nothing to delay , and stop , and divert the sight . But the other ill effect of which I shall take notice , is , that it commonly inclines such men , who think themselves already resolv'd , and immoveable in their opinions , to be more imperious , and impatient of contradiction , then becomes the calmness , and unpassionate evenness of the true Philosophical Spirit . It makes them prone to undervalue other mens labours , and to neglect the real advantage , that may be gotten by their assistance ; least they should seem to darken their own glory . This is a Temper of mind , of all others the most pernicious ; to which I may chiefly attribute the slowness of the increase of knowledge amongst men . For what great things can be expected , if mens understandings shall be ( as it were ) always in the warlike State of Nature , one against another ? if every one be jealous of anothers inventions , and still ready to put a stop to his conquests ? Will there not be the same wild condition in Learning , which had been amongst men , if they had always been dispers'd , still preying upon , and spoiling their neighbors ? If that had still continued , no Cities had been built , no Trades found out , no Civility taught : For all these noble productions came from mens joyning in compacts , and entring into Society . It is a usual saying , that Where the Natural Philosopher ends , the Physitian must begin : and I will also add , that The Natural Philosopher is to begin , where the Moral ends . It is requisite , that he who goes about such an undertaking , should first know himself , should be well-practis'd in all the modest , humble , friendly Vertues : should be willing to be taught , and to give way to the Judgement of others . And I dare boldly say , that a plain , industrious Man , so prepar'd , is more likely to make a good Philosopher , then all the high , earnest , insulting Wits , who can neither bear partnership , nor opposition . The Chymists lay it down , as a necessary qualification of their happy Man , to whom God will reveal their ador'd Elixir , that he must be rather innocent , and vertuous , then knowing . And if I were to form the Character of a True Philosopher , I would be sure to make that the Foundation : Not that I believe , God will bestow any extraordinary Light in Nature , on such men more then others : But upon a bare , rational account : For certainly , such men , whose minds are so soft , so yielding , so complying , so large , are in a far better way , then the Bold , and haughty Assertors : they will pass by nothing , by which they may learn : they will be always ready to receive , and communicate Observations : they will not contemn the Fruits of others diligence : they will rejoyce , to see mankind benefited , whether it be by themselves , or others . The second indeavors , have been of those , who renounc'd the Authority of Aristotle : But then restor'd some one or other of the Antient Sects in his stead . If such mens intentions were onely , that we might have before us , the conceptions of several men , of different Ages , upon the works of Nature , without obliging us to an implicit consent to all that they affirm ; then their labors ought to be receiv'd with great acknowledgements : For such a general prospect will very much inlarge , and guide our inquiry : and perhaps also will help to hinder the Age from ever falling back again into a subjection to one usurping Philosopher . But if their purpose was , to erect those Scholes which they reviv'd , into as absolute a power , as the Peripateticks had heretofore : if they strive to make a competition between Aristotle , and Epicurus , or Democritus , or Philolaus : they do not contribute very much , towards the main design . For towards that , it is not enough , that the Tyrant be chang'd ; but the Tyranny it self must be wholy taken away . The Third sort of new Philosophers , have been those , who have not onely disagreed from the Antients , but have also propos'd to themselves the right course of slow , and sure Experimenting : and have prosecuted it as far , as the shortness of their own Lives , or the multiplicity of their other affairs , or the narrowness of their Fortunes , have given them leave . Such as these , we are to expect to be but few : for they must devest themselves of many vain conceptions , and overcome a thousand false Images , which lye like Monsters in their way , before they can get as far as this . And of these , I shall onely mention one great Man , who had the true Imagination of the whole extent of this Enterprize , as it is now set on foot ; and that is , the Lord Bacon . In whose Books there are every where scattered the best arguments , that can be produc'd for the defence of Experimental Philosophy ; and the best directions , that are needful to promote it . All which he has already adorn'd with so much Art ; that if my desires could have prevail'd with some excellent Friends of mine , who engag'd me to this Work : there should have been no other Preface to the History of the Royal Society , but some of his Writings . But methinks , in this one Man , I do at once find enough occasion , to admire the strength of humane Wit , and to bewail the weakness of a Mortal condition . For is it not wonderful , that he , who had run through all the degrees of that profession , which usually takes up mens whole time ; who had studied , and practis'd , and govern'd the Common Law : who had always liv'd in the crowd , and born the greatest Burden of Civil business : should yet find leisure enough for these retir'd Studies , to excel all those men , who separate themselves for this very purpose ? He was a Man of strong ▪ cleer , and powerful Imaginations : his Genius was searching , and inimitable : and of this I need give no other proof , then his Style it self ; which as , for the most part , it describes mens minds , as well as Pictures do their Bodies ; so it did his above all men living . The course of it vigorous , and majestical : The Wit Bold , and Familiar : The comparisons fetch'd out of the way , and yet the most easie : in all , expressing a soul , equally skill'd in Men , and Nature . All this , and much more is true of him : But yet his Philosophical Works do shew , that a single , and busie hand can never grasp all this whole Design , of which we treat . His Rules were admirable : yet his History not so faithful , as might have been wish'd in many places , he seems rather to take all that comes , then to choose ; and to heap , rather , then to register . But I hope this accusation of mine can be no great injury to his Memory ; seeing , at the same time , that I say he had not the strength of a thousand men ; I do also allow him to have had as much as twenty . The next Philosophers , whom I shall touch upon , are the Chymists , who have been more numerous , in this later Age , then ever before . And without question , they have lighted upon the right Instrument of great productions , and alterations : which must for the most part be perform'd by Fire . They may be divided into three rancks : Such , as look after the knowledge of Nature in general : Such , as seek out , and prepare Medicines : and such , as search after riches , by Transmutations , and the great Elixir . The two first , have been very successful , in separating , compounding , and changing the parts of things : and in shewing the admirable powers of Nature , in the raising of new consistencies , figures , colors , and vertues of Bodies . And from their labors , the true Philosophy is like to receive the noblest Improvements . But the pretensions of the Third kind , are not onely to indow us , with all the benefits of this life , but with Immortality it self . And their success has been as small , as their design was extravagant . Their Writers involve them in such darkness ; that I scarce know , which was the greatest task , to understand their meaning , or to effect it . And in the chase of the Philosopher's Stone , they are so earnest , that they are scarce capable of any other thoughts : so that if an Experiment lye never so little out of their rode , it is free from their discovery : as I have heard of some creatures in Africk , which still going a violent pace straight on , and not being able to turn themselves , can never get any prey , but what they meet just in their way . This secret they prosecute so impetuously , that they believe they see some footsteps of it , in every line of Moses , Solomon , or Virgil. The truth is , they are downright Enthusiasts about it . And seeing we cast Enthusiasm out of Divinity it self , we shall hardly sure be perswaded , to admit it into Philosophy . It were perhaps a vain attempt , to try to cure such Men of their groundless hopes . It may be they are happier now , as they are . And they would onely cry out with the Man in Horace , that their Friends , who had restor'd them to a perfect sense , had murder'd them . But certainly , if they could be brought to content themselves with moderate things , to grow rich by degrees , and not to imagine , they shall gain the Indies , out of every Crucible : there might be wonderful things expected from them . And of this we have good assurance , by what is come abroad from divers eminent Persons : amongst whom some are members of the Royal Society . And , if it were not already excellently perform'd by others , I might here speak largely , of the advantages that accrue to Physick , by the industrious labors of such Chymists , as have onely the discreet , and sober flame , and not the wild lightning of the others Brains . But the last kind , that I shall name , has been of those , who , conscious of humane frailty , and of the vastness of the Design of an universal Philosophy ; have separated , and chosen out for themselves , some particular Subjects , about which to bestow their diligence . In these , there was less hazard of failing : these by one mans Industry , and constant indeavors , might probably at last be overcome . And indeed they have generally reap'd the fruits of their modesty . I have but one thing to except against some few of them : that they have been sometimes a little too forward to conclude upon Axioms , from what they have found out , in some particular Body . But that is a fault , which ought to be overwhelm'd by their other praises . And I shall boldly affirm , that if all other Philosophical Matters had been as well , and as throughly sifted , as some admirable Men of this Age have manag'd some parts of Astronomy , Geometry , Anatomy , &c. there would scarce any burden have remain'd , on the shoulders of our Posterity : But they might have sate quietly down , and injoy'd the pleasure of the true Speculative Philosophy , and the profit of the Practical . To all these proceedings , that I have mention'd , there is as much honor to be payd , as can be due to any one single humane Wit : But they must pardon us , if we still prefer the joynt force of many men . And now it is much to be wonder'd , that there was never yet such an Assembly erected , which might proceed , on some standing constitutions of Experimenting . There have , 't is true , of late , in many parts of Europe , some Gentlemen met together , submitted to Common Laws , and form'd themselves into Academies . But it has been , for the most part , to a far different purpose : and most of them only aim'd at the smoothing of their Style , and the Language of their Country . Of these , the first arose in Italy ; where they have since so much abounded , that there was scarce any one great City without one of these combinations . But that , which excell'd all the other , and kept it self longer untainted from the corruptions of speech , was the French Academy at Paris . This was compos'd of the noblest Authors of that Nation : and had for its Founder , the Great Cardinal de Richelieu : who , amongst all his cares , whereby he establish'd , and enlarg'd that Monarchy so much , did often refresh himself by directing , and taking an account of their progress . And indeed in his own life , he found so great success of this Institution , that he saw the French Tongue abundantly purifi'd , and beginning to take place in the Western World , almost as much , as the Greek did of old , when it was the Language of Merchants , Souldiers , Courtiers , and Travellers . But I shall say no more of this Academy ; that I may not deprive my Reader of the delight of perusing their own History , written by Monsieur de Pelisson : which is so masculinely , so chastly , and so unaffectedly done , that I can hardly forbear envying the French Nation this honor : that while the English Royal Society has so much out-gone their Illustrious Academy , in the greatness of its undertaking , it should be so far short of them in the abilities of its Historian . I have onely this to allege in my excuse ; that as they undertook the advancement of the Elegance of Speech , so it became their History , to have some resemblance to their enterprize : Whereas the intention of ours , being not the Artifice of Words , but a bare knowledge of things ; my fault may be esteem'd the less , that I have written of Philosophers , without any ornament of Eloquence . I hope now , it will not be thought a vain digression , if I step a little aside , to recommend the forming of such an Assembly , to the Gentlemen of our Nation . I know indeed , that the English Genius is not so airy , and discoursive , as that of some of our neighbors , but that we generally love to have Reason set out in plain , undeceiving expressions ; as much , as they to have it deliver'd with colour , and beauty . And besides this , I understand well enough , that they have one great assistance , to the growth of Oratory , which to us is wanting : that is , that their Nobility live commonly close together in their Cities , and our for the most part scattered in their Country Houses . For the same reason , why our streets are not so well built as theirs , will hold also , for their exceeding us in the Arts of Speech : They prefer the Pleasures of the Town ; we , those of the Field : whereas it is from the frequent conversations in Cities , that the Humour , and Wit , and Variety , and Elegance of Language , are chiefly to be fetch'd . But yet , notwithstanding these discouragements , I shall not stick to say : that such a project is now seasonable to be set on foot , and may make a great Reformation in the manner of our Speaking , and Writing . First , the thing itself is no way contemptible . For the purity of Speech , and greatness of Empire have in all Countries , still met together . The Greeks spoke best , when they were in their glory of conquest : The Romans made those times the Standard of their Wit , when they subdu'd , and gave Laws to to the World : And from thence , by degrees , they declin'd to corruption ; as their valour , their prudence , and the honor of their Arms did decay : and at last , did even meet the Northern Nations half way in Barbarism , a little before they were over-run by their Armies . But besides , if we observe well the English Language ; we shall find , that it seems at this time more then others , to require some such aid , to bring it to its last perfection . The Truth is , it has been hitherto a little too carelessly hand led ; and I think , has had less labor spent about its polishing , then it deserves . Till the time of King Henry the Eighth , there was scarce any man regarded it , but Chaucer ; and nothing was written in it , which one would be willing to read twice , but some of his Poetry . But then it began to raise it self a little , and to sound tolerably well . From that Age , down to the beginning of our late Civil Wars , it was still fashioning , and beautifying it self . In the Wars themselves ( which is a time , wherein all Languages use , if ever , to increase by extraordinary degrees ; for in such busie , and active times , there arise more new thoughts of men , which must be signifi'd , and varied by new expressions ) then I say , it receiv'd many fantastical terms , which were introduc'd by our Religious Sects ; and many outlandish phrases , which several Writers , and Translators , in that great hurry , brought in , and made free as they pleas'd , and with all it was inlarg'd by many sound , and necessary Forms , and Idioms , which it before wanted . And now , when mens minds are somewhat settled , their Passions allai'd , and the peace of our Country gives us the opportunity of such diversions : if some sober and judicious Men , would take the whole Mass of our Language into their hands , as they find it , and would set a mark on the ill Words ; correct those , which are to be retain'd ; admit , and establish the good ; and make some emendations in the Accent , and Grammar : I dare pronounce , that our Speech would quickly arrive at as much plenty , as it is capable to receive ; and at the greatest smoothness , which its derivation from the rough German will allow it . Nor would I have this new English Acamedy , confin'd only to the weighing Words , and Letters : But there may be also greater Works found out for it . By many signs we may ghess , that the Wits of our Nation , are not inferior to any other ; and that they have an excellent mixture of the Spirit of the French , and the Spaniard : and I am confident , that we only want a few more standing Examples , and a little more familiarity with the Antients , to excel all the Moderns . Now the best means , that can be devis'd to bring that about , is to settle a fixt , and Impartial Court of Eloquence ; according to whose Censure , all Books , or Authors should either stand or fall . And above all , there might be recommended to them one Principal Work , in which we are yet defective ; and that is , the compiling of a History of our late Civil Wars . Of all the labors of mens Wit , and Industry , I scarce know any , that can be more useful to the World , then Civil History : if it were written , with that sincerity , and majesty , as it ought to be , as a faithful Idea of humane Actions . And it is observable , that almost in all civiliz'd Countries , it has been the last thing , that has come to perfection . I may now say , that the English can already shew many industrious , and worthy Pieces in this kind : But yet , I have some Prophetical imagination in my thoughts , that there is still behind , something Greater , then any we have yet seen , reserv'd for the Glory of this Age. One Reason of this my strong persuasion , is a comparison , that I make , between the condition of our State , and that of the Romans . They at first writ , in this way , not much better then our Moncks : onely Registring in an undigested manner , some few naked Breviaries of their Wars , and Leagues , and Acts , of their City Magistrates . And indeed they advanc'd forward by very slow degrees : For I remember , that Tully somewhere complains , in these Words : Historia nonclum latinis literis illustrata . But it was in the peaceful reign of Augustus , after the conclusion of their long Civil Wars , that most of their perfect Historians appear'd . And it seems to me , that we may expect the same progress amongst us . There lye now ready in Bank , the most memorable Actions of Twenty years : a Subject of as great Dignity , and Variety , as ever pass'd under any Mans hands : the peace which we injoy , gives leisure and incouragement enough : The effects of such a Work would be wonderfully advantageous , to the safety of our Country , and to His Majesties Interest : for there can be no better means to preserve his Subjects in obedience for the future , than to give them a full view of the miseries , that attended rebellion . There are onely therefore wanting , for the finishing of so brave an undertaking , the united indeavors of some publick minds , who are conversant both in Letters and business : and if it were appointed to be the labor of one or two men to compose it , and of such an Assembly , to revise and correct it , it might certainly challenge all the Writings of past , or present Times . But I see , I have already transgress'd : For I know it will be thought unadvisedly done , while I was inforcing a weightier Design , to start , and to follow another of less moment . I shall therefore let it pass as an extravagant conceit : only I shall affirm , that the Royal Society is so far from being like to put a stop to such a business , that I know many of its Members , who are as able as any others , to assist in the bringing it into practice . Thus I have dispatch'd my first general Head ; in which , it may be , it was not needful to have stay'd so long : seeing , I am confident , I have said nothing , but what was before very well known , and what passes about in common discourse . I did on purpose omit the Learned Age of the Arabians , in its proper place : because I was resolv'd , as I came down , to keep my self as neer as I could , within the Bounds of Christendom . But I shall now add , concerning them , that their Studies also were principally bent , upon expounding Aristotle , and the Greek Physitians . They were , without question , men of a deep , and subtile Wit : which is a Character that it may be in all Ages has belong'd more justly to the Tempers of the Southern , then of the Northern Countries : of this they have left many noble Testimonies behind them ; so many , that ( if we believe some worthy and industrious Men of our own Nation , who have search'd into their Monuments ) they might even almost be compar'd to Rome , and Athens themselves . But they injoy'd not the light long enough . It brake forth upon the point of their greatest conquests : It mainly consisted , in understanding the Antients : and what they would have done , when they had been weary of them , we cannot tell : For that Work was not fully over , before they were darkned by that , which made even Greece it self Barbarous , the Turkish Monarchy . However , that knowledge , which they had , is the more remarkable , because it sprung up , in that part of the World , which has been almost always perversly unlearned . For methinks , that small Spot of Civil Arts , compar'd to their long course of ignorance , before , and after , bears some resemblance with that Country it self ; where there are some few little Vallies , and Wells , and pleasant Shades of Palm-Trees ; But those lying in the midst of Deserts , and unpassable Tracts of Sands . But now it being a fit time to stop , and breathe a while , and to take a review of the ground , that we have pass'd . It will be here needful for me , to make an Apology for my self , in a matter , which , if it be not before hand remov'd , may chance to be very prejudicial to mens good opinion of the Royal Society it self , as well as of its Historian . I fear , that this Assembly will receive disadvantage enough , from my weak management of their cause , in many other particulars : so that I must not leave them , and my self unjustify'd , in this , wherein we have so much right on our sides . I doubt not then , but it will come into the thoughts of many Criticks , ( of whom the World is now full ) to urge against us , that I have spoken a little too sparingly of the Merits of former Ages ; and that this Design seems to be promoted , with a malicious intention of disgracing the Merits of the Antients . But First , I shall beseech them , calmly to consider ; whether they themselves do not more injure those great Men , whom they would make the Masters of our Judgments , by attributing all things to them so absolutely ; then we , who do them all the Justice we can , without adoring them ? It is always esteemd the greatest mischief , a man can do those whom he loves , to raise mens expectations of them too high , by undue , and impertinent commendations . For thereby not only their enemies , but indifferent men , will be secretly inclin'd to be more watchful over their failings , and to conspire in beating down their Fame . What then can be more dangerous to the honor of Antiquity ; then to set its value at such a rate , and to extol it so extravagantly , that it can never be able to bear the tryal , not onely of envious , but even of impartial Judges ? It is natural to Mens mind , when they perceive others to arrogate more to themselves , then is their share ; to deny them even that , which else they would confess to be their Right . And of the Truth of this , we have an instance of far greater concernment , then that which is before us . And that is , in Religion it self . For while the Bishops of Rome did assume an infallibility , and a sovereign Dominion over our Faith : the reformed Churches did not onely justly refuse to grant them that , but some of them thought themselves oblig'd to forbear all communion with them , and would not give them that respect , which possibly might belong to so antient , and so famous a Church ; and which might still have been allowed it , without any danger of Superstition . But to carry this Dispute a little farther : What is this , of which they accuse us ? They charge us with immodesty in neglecting the guidance of wiser , and more discerning Men , then our selves . But is not this rather the greatest sign of Modesty , to confess , that we our selves may err , and all mankind besides ? To acknowledge the difficulties of Science ? and to submit our minds , to all the least Works of Nature ? What kind of behavior do they exact from us in this case ? That we should reverence the Footsteps of Antiquity ? We do it most unanimously . That we should subscribe to their sense , before our own ? We are willing , in probabilities ; but we cannot , in matters of Fact : for in them we follow the most antient Author of all others , even Nature it self . Would they have us make our eies behold things , at no farther distance , than they saw ? That is impossible ; seeing we have the advantage of standing upon their shoulders . They say , it is insolence , to prefer our own inventions before those of our Ancestors . But do not even they the very same thing themselves , in all the petty matters of life ? In the Arts of War , and Government ; In the making , and abolishing of Laws ; nay even in the fashion of their Cloaths , they differ from them , as their humour , or Fancy leads them . We approach the Antients , as we behold their Tombs , with veneration : but we would not therefore be confin'd to live in them altogether : nor would ( I believe ) any of those , who profess to be most addicted to their Memories . They tell us , that in this corruption of Manners , and sloth of Mens Minds , we cannot go beyond those , who search'd so diligently , and concluded so warily before us . But in this they are confuted by every days experience . They object to us Tradition , and the consent of all Ages . But do we not yet know the deceitfulness of such Words ? Is any man , that is acquainted with the craft of founding Sects , or of managing Votes in popular Assemblies , ignorant , how easie it is to carry things in a violent stream ? And when an opinion has once master'd its first opposers , and setled it self in Mens Passions , or Interests : how few there be , that coldly consider , what they admit for a long time after ? So that when they say , that all Antiquity is against us ; 't is true , in shew , they object to us , the Wisdom of many Ages ; but in reality , they onely confront us , with the Authority of a few leading Men. Nay , what if I should say , that this honor for the dead , which such men pretend to , is rather a worshiping of themselves , than of the Antients ? It may be well prov'd , that they are more in love with their own Commentaries , then with the Texts of those , whom they seem to make their Oracles : and that they chiefly doat on those Theories , which they themselves have drawn from them : which , it is likely , are almost as far distant from the Original meaning of their Authors , as the Positions of the New Philosophers themselves . But to conclude this Argument ( for I am weary of walking in a rode so trodden ) I think I am able to confute such men by the practice of those very Antients , to whom they stoop so low . Did not they trust themselves , and their own Reasons ? Did not they busie themselves in inquiry , make new Arts , establish new Tenents , overthrow the old , and order all things as they pleas'd , without any servile Regard to their Predecessors ? The Grecians all , or the greatest part of them , fetch'd their Learning from Egypt . And did they blindly assent to all , that was taught them by the Priests of Isis , and Osiris ? If so ; then why did they not , together with their Arts , receive all the infinit Idolatries , which their Masters embrac'd ? seeing it is not to be question'd , but the Egyptians deliver'd the rites of their Religion to strangers , with as much Solemnity at least , as they did the Mysteries of their Hieroglyphicks or Philosophy . Now then , let Pythagoras , Plato , and Aristotle , and the rest of their wise Men , be our examples , and we are safe . When they travell'd into the East , they collected what was fit for their purpose , and suitable to the Genius of their Country ; and left the superfluities behind them : They brought home some of their useful Secrets : but still counted their worshiping a Dog , or an Onion , a Cat , or a Crocodile , ridiculous . And why shall not we be allow'd the same liberty , to distinguish , and choose , what we will follow ? Especially , seeing in this , they had a more certain way of being instructed by their Teachers , then we have by them : They were present on the place : They learn'd from the Men themselves , by word of mouth ; and so were in a likely course to apprehend all their Precepts aright : whereas we are to take their Doctrines , so many hundred years after their death , from their Books only , where they are for the most part so obscurely express'd , that they are scarce sufficiently understood by the Grammarians , and Linguists themselves , much less by the Philosophers . In few words therefore , let such men believe , that we have no thought of detracting from what was good in former times : But , on the contrary , we have a mind to bestow on them , a solid praise , insteed of a great , and an empty . While we are raising new Observations upon Nature , we mean not to abolish the Old , which were well , and judiciously establish'd by them : No more , then a King , when he makes a new Coyn of his own , does presently call in that , which bears the Image of his Father : he onely intends thereby to increase the current Money of his Kingdom , and still permits the one to pass , as well as the other . It is probable enough , that upon a fresh survey , we may find many things true , which they have before asserted : and then will not they receive a greater confirmation , from this our new and severe approbation , then from those men , who resign up their opinions to their Words only ? It is the best way of honoring them , to separate the certain things in them , from the doubtful : For that shews , we are not so much carri'd towards them , by rash affection , as by an unbyass'd Judgement . If we would do them the most right ; it is not necessary we should be perfectly like them in all things . There are two principal Ways of preserving the Names of those , that are pass'd : The one , by Pictures ; the other , by Children : The Pictures may be so made , that they may far neerer resemble the Original , then Children do their Parents : and yet all Mankind choose rather to keep themselves alive by Children , then by the other . It is best for the Philosophers of this Age to imitate the Antients as their Children : to have their blood deriv'd down to them ; but to add a new Complexion , and Life of their own : While those , that indeavor to come neer them in every Line , and Feature , may rather be call'd their dead Pictures , or Statues , then their Genuine Off-spring . The End of the First Part. THE HISTORY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY . The SECOND PART . THus I am , at length , arriv'd at the second Part of my Method , The Narration it self . This I shall divide into three Periods of Time , according to the several Degrees of the preparation , growth , and compleat Constitution of the Royal Society . The First shall consist of the first occasions of this Model , and the Men , who first devis'd to put it in execution : and shall end , where they began to make it a form'd , and Regular Assembly . The Second shall trace out their first attempts , till they receiv'd the publick assistance of Royal Authority . The Third shall deliver , what they have done , since they were made a Royal Corporation . It may seem perhaps , that in passing through the first of these , I go too far back , and treat of things , that may appear to be of too private , and Domestick concernment , to be spoken in this publick way . But if this Enterprise , which is now so well establish'd , shall be hereafter advantageous to Mankind ( as I make no scruple to foretel , that it will ) it is but just , that future times should hear the names , of its first Promoters : That they may be able to render particular thanks to them , who first conceiv'd it in their minds , and practis'd some little draught of it long ago . And besides , I never yet saw an Historian that was cleer from all Affections : that , it may be , were not so much to be call'd Integrity , as a stoical insensibility : Nor can I , more then others , resist my inclinations , which strongly force me to mention that , which will be for the honor of that place , where I receiv'd a great part of my Education . It was therefore , some space after the end of the Civil Wars at Oxford , in Dr. Wilkins his Lodgings , in Wadham College , which was then the place of Resort for Vertuous , and Learned Men , that the first meetings were made , which laid the foundation of all this that follow'd . The Vniversity had , at that time , many Members of its own , who had begun a free way of reasoning ; and was also frequented by some Gentlemen , of Philosophical Minds , whom the misfortunes of the Kingdom , and the security and ease of a retirement amongst Gown-men , had drawn thither . Their first purpose was no more , then onely the satisfaction of breathing a freer air , and of conversing in quiet one with another , without being ingag'd in the passions , and madness of that dismal Age. And from the Institution of that Assembly , it had been enough , if no other advantage had come , but this : That by this means there was a race of yong Men provided , against the next Age , whose minds receiving from them , their first Impressions of sober and generous knowledge , were invincibly arm'd against all the inchantments of Enthusiasm . But what is more , I may venture to affirm , that it was in good measure , by the influence , which these Gentlemen had over the rest , that the Vniversity it self , or at least , any part of its Discipline , and Order , was sav'd from ruine . And from hence we may conclude , that the same Men have now no intention , of sweeping away all the honor of Antiquity in this their new Design : seeing they imploy'd so much of their labor , and prudence , in preserving that most venerable Seat of antient Learning , when their shrinking from its defence , would have been the speediest way to have destroy'd it . For the Truth of this , I dare appeal to all uninteressed men , who knew the Temper of that place ; and especially to those who were my own contemporaries there : of whom I can name very many , whom the happy restoration of the Kingdom 's peace , found as well inclin'd , to serve their Prince , and the Church , as if they had been bred up in the most prosperous condition of their Country . This was undoubtedly so . Nor indeed could it be otherwise : for such spiritual Frensies , which did then bear Rule , can never stand long , before a cleer , and a deep skill in Nature . It is almost impossible , that they , who converse much with the subtilty of things , should be deluded by such thick deceits . There is but one better charm in the world , then Real Philosophy , to allay the impulses of the false spirit : and that is , the blessed presence , and assistance of the True. Nor were the good effects of this conversation , onely confin'd to Oxford : But they have made themselves known in their printed Works , both in our own , and in the learned Language : which have much conduc'd to the Fame of our Nation abroad , and to the spreading of profitable Light , at home . This I trust , will be universally acknowledg'd , when I shall have nam'd the Men. The principal , and most constant of them , were Doctor Seth Ward , the present Lord Bishop of Exeter , Mr. Boyl , Dr. Wilkins , Sir William Petty , Mr. Mathew Wren , Dr. Wallis , Dr. Goddard , Dr. Willis , Dr. Bathurst , Dr. Christopher Wren , Mr. Rook : besides several others , who joyn'd themselves to them , upon occasions . Now I have produc'd their Names , I am a little at a stand , how to deal with them . For , if I should say what they deserve ; I fear it would be intepreted flatt'ry , insteed of justice . And yet I have now lying in my sight , the example of an Elegant Book , which I have profess'd to admire : whose Author sticks not , to make large Panegyricks , on the Members of that Assembly , whose Relation he Writes . But this President is not to be follow'd by a yong Man ; who ought to be more jealous of publick censure , and is not enough confirm'd in the good liking of the world ; to think , that he has such a weighty , and difficult work , as the making of Characters , committed to him . I will therefore pass by their praises in silence ; though I believe , that what I might say of them , would be generally confess'd : and that if any ingenuous man , who knows them , or their writings , should contradict me , he would also go neer to gainsay himself , and to retract the applauses , which he had sometime , or other , bestow'd upon them . For such a candid , and unpassionate company , as that was , and for such a gloomy season , what could have been a fitter Subject to pitch upon , then Natural Philosophy ? To have been always tossing about some Theological question , would have been , to have made that their private diversion , the excess of which they themselves dislik'd in the publick : To have been eternally musing on Civil business , and the distresses of their Country , was too melancholy a reflexion : It was Nature alone , which could pleasantly entertain them , in that estate . The contemplation of that , draws our minds off from past , or present misfortunes , and makes them conquerers over things , in the greatest publick unhappiness : while the consideration of Men , and humane affairs , may affect us , with a thousand various disquiets ; that never separates us into mortal Factions ; that gives us room to differ , without animosity ; and permits us , to raise contrary imaginations upon it , without any danger of a Civil War. Their meetings were as frequent , as their affairs permitted : their proceedings rather by action , then discourse ; cheifly attending some particular Trials , in Chymistry , or Mechanicks : they had no Rules nor Method fix'd : their intention was more , to communicate to each other , their discoveries , which they could make in so narrow a compass , than an united , constant , or regular inquisition . And me thinks , their constitution did bear some resemblance , to the Academy lately begun at Paris : where they have at last turn'd their thoughts , from Words , to experimental Philosophy , and perhaps in imitation of the Royal Society . Their manner likewise , is to assemble in a private house , to reason freely upon the works of Nature ; to pass Conjectures , and propose Problems , on any Mathematical , or Philosophical Matter , which comes in their way . And this is an Omen , on which I will build some hope , that as they agree with us in what was done at Oxford , so they will go on farther , and come by the same degrees , to erect another Royal Society in France . I promise for these Gentlemen here ( so well I know the generosity of their Design ) that they will be most ready to accept their assistance . To them , and to all the Learned World besides , they call for aid . No difference of Country , Interest , or profession of Religion , will make them backward from taking , or affording help in this enterprize . And indeed all Europe at this time , have two general Wars , which they ought in honor to make : The one a holy , the other a Philosophical : The one against the common Enemy of Christendom , the other also against powerful , and barbarous Foes , that have not been fully subdu'd almost these six thousand years , Ignorance , and False Opinions . Against these , it becomes us , to go forth in one common expedition : All civil Nations joyning their Armies against the one , and their Reason against the other ; without any petty contentions , about privileges , or precedence . Thus they continued without any great Intermissions , till about the year 1658. But then being call'd away to several parts of the Nation , and the greatest number of them coming to London , they usually met at Gresham College , at the Wednesdays , and Thursdays Lectures of Dr. Wren , and Mr. Rook : where there joyn'd with them several eminent persons of their common acquaintance : The Lord Viscount Brouncker , the now Lord Brereton , Sir Paul Neil , Mr. Iohn Evelyn , Mr. Henshaw , Mr. Slingsby , Dr. Timothy Clark , Dr. Ent , Mr. Ball , Mr. Hill , Dr. Crone : and divers other Gentlemen , whose inclinations lay the same way . This Custom was observ'd once , if not twice a week , in Term time ; till they were scatt'red by the miserable distractions of that Fatal year ; till the continuance of their meetings there might have made them run the hazard of the fate of Archimedes : For then the place of their meeting was made a Quarter for Soldiers . But , ( to make hast through those dreadful revolutions , which cannot be beheld upon Paper , without horror ; unless we remember , that they had this one happy effect , to open mens eies to look out for the true Remedy ) upon this follow'd the King's Return ; and that , wrought by such an admirable chain of events , that if we either regard the easiness , or speed , or blessed issue of the Work ; it seems of it self to contain variety , and pleasure enough , to make recompence , for the whole Twenty years Melancholy , that had gone before . This I leave to another kind of History to be describ'd . It shall suffice my purpose , that Philosophy had its share , in the benefits of that glorious Action : For the Royal Society had its beginning in the wonderful pacifick year , 1660. So that , if any conjectures of good Fortune , from extraordinary Nativities , hold true ; we may presage all happiness to this undertaking . And I shall here joyn my solemn wishes , that as it began in that time , when our Country was freed from confusion , and slavery : So it may , in its progress , redeem the minds of Men , from obscurity , uncertainty , and bondage . These Gentlemen therefore , finding the hearts of their Countrymen inlarg'd by their Joys , and fitted for any noble Proposition : and meeting with the concurrence of many Worthy Men , who , to their immortal Honor , had follow'd the King in his banishment , Mr. Erskins , Sir Robert Moray , Sir Gilbert Talbot , &c. began now to imagine some greater thing ; and to bring out experimental knowledge , from the retreats , in which it had long hid it self , to take its part in the Triumphs of that universal Jubilee . And indeed Philosophy did very well deserve that Reward : having been always Loyal in the worst of times : For though the Kings enemies had gain'd all other advantages ; though they had all the Garrisons , and Fleets , and Ammunitions , and Treasures , and Armies on their side : yet they could never , by all their Victories , bring over the Reason of Men to their Party . While they were thus ord'ring their platform ; there came forth a Treatise , which very much hasten'd its contrivance : and that was a Proposal by Master Cowley , of erecting a Philosophical College . The intent of it was , that in some place neer London , there should liberal Salaries be bestow'd , on a competent number of Learned Men , to whom should be committed the operations of Natural Experiments . This Model was every way practicable : unless perhaps , in two things , he did more consult the generosity of his own mind , than of other mens : the one was the largeness of the Revenue , with which he would have his College at first indow'd : the other , that he impos'd on his Operators , a Second task of great pains , the Education of youth . The last of these is indeed a matter of great weight : The Reformation of which ought to be seriously examin'd by prudent Men. For it is an undeniable Truth , which is commonly said ; that there would be need of fewer Laws , and less force to govern Men , if their Minds were rightly inform'd , and set strait , while they were yong , and pliable . But perhaps this labor is not so proper , for Experimenters to undergo : For it would not only devour too much of their Time : but it would go neer , to make them a little more magisterial in Philosophy , then became them ; by being long accustom'd to command the opinions , and direct the manners , of their Scholars . And as to the other particular , the large estate , which he requir'd to the maintenance of his College : It is evident , that it is so difficult a thing , to draw men in to be willing to divert an antient Revenue , which had long run in another stream , or to contribute out of their own purses , to the supporting of any new Design , while it shews nothing but promises , and hopes : that , in such cases , it were ( it may be ) more advisable , to begin upon a small stock , and so to rise by degrees ; then to profess great things at first , and to exact too much benevolence , all in one lump together . However , it was not the excellent Author's fault , that he thought better of the Age , then it did deserve . His purpose in it was like himself , full of honor , and goodness : most of the other particulars of his draught , the Royal Society is now putting in practice . I come now to the Second Period of my Narration : wherein I promis'd , to give an account of what they did , till they were publickly own'd , incourag'd , and confirm'd by Royal Favor . And I trust , that I shall here produce many things , which will prove their attempts to be worthy of all Mens incouragement : though what was perform'd in this interval , may be rather styl'd the Temporary Scaffold about the building , then the Frame it self . But in my entrance upon this Part ▪ being come to the top of the Hill , I begin to tremble , and to apprehend the greatness of my Subject . For I perceive that I have led my Readers Minds on , by so long , and so confident a Speech , to expect some wonderful Model , which shall far exceed all the former , that I have acknowledg'd to have been imperfect . Now , though this were really so , as I believe it is ; yet I question , how it will look , after it has been disfigur'd by my unskilful hands . But the danger of this ought to have deterr'd me in the beginning . It is now too late to look back ; and I can only apply my self to that good Nature , which a Great Man has observ'd to be so peculiar to our Nation , that there is scarce an expression to signifie it , in any other Language . To this I must flye for succor , and most affectionately intreat my Countrymen , that they would interpret my failings to be onely errors of obedience to some , whose commands , or desires , I could not resist : and that they would take the measure of the Royal Society , not so much from my lame description of it ; as from the honor , and reputation , of many of those Men , of whom it is compos'd . I will here , in the first place , contract into few Words , the whole summe of their Resolutions ; which I shall often have occasion , to touch upon in parcels . Their purpose is , in short , to make faithful Records , of all the Works of Nature , or Art , which can come within their reach : that so the present Age , and posterity , may be able to put a mark on the Errors , which have been strengthned by long prescription : to restore the Truths , that have lain neglected : to push on those , which are already known , to more various uses : and to make the way more passable , to what remains unreveal'd . This is the compass of their Design . And to accomplish this , they have indeavor'd , to separate the knowledge of Nature , from the colours of Rhetorick , the devices of Fancy , or the delightful deceit of Fables . They have labor'd to inlarge it , from being confin'd to the custody of a few ; or from servitude to private interests . They have striven to preserve it from being over-press'd by a confus'd heap of vain , and useless particulars ; or from being straitned and bounded too much up by General Doctrines . They have try'd , to put it into a condition of perpetual increasing ; by settling an inviolable correspondence between the hand , and the brain . They have studi'd , to make it , not onely an Enterprise of one season , or of some lucky opportunity ; but a business of time ; a steddy , a lasting , a popular , an uninterrupted Work. They have attempted , to free it from the Artifice , and Humors , and Passions of Sects ; to render it an Instrument , whereby Mankind may obtain a Dominion over Things , and not onely over one anothers Iudgements . And lastly , they have begun to establish these Reformations in Philosophy , not so much , by any solemnity of Laws , or ostentation of Ceremonies , as by solid Practice , and examples : not , by a glorious pomp of Words ; but by the silent , effectual , and unanswerable Arguments of real Productions . This will more fully appear , by what I am to say on these four particulars , which shall make up this part of my Relation , the Qualifications of their Members : the manner of their Inquiry : their weekly Assemblies : and their way of Registring . As for what belongs to the Members themselves , that are to constitute the Society : It is to be noted , that they have freely admitted Men of different Religions , Countries , and Professions of Life . This they were oblig'd to do , or else they would come far short of the the largeness of their own Declarations . For they openly profess , not to lay the Foundation of an English , Scotch , Irish , Popish , or Protestant Philosophy ; but a Philosophy of Mankind . That the Church of England ought not to be apprehensive , of this free converse of various Judgments , I shall afterwards manifest at large . For the present , I shall franckly assert ; that our Doctrine , and Discipline , will be so far from receiving damage by it ; that it were the best way to make them universally embrac'd , if they were oftner brought to be canvas'd amidst all sorts of dissenters . It is dishonorable , to pass a hard Censure on the Religions of all other Countries : It concerns them , to look to the reasonableness of their Faith ; and it is sufficient for us , to be establish'd in the Truth of our own . But yet this comparison I may modestly make ; that there is no one Profession , amidst the several denominations of Christians , that can be expos'd to the search and scrutiny of its adversaries , with so much safety as ours . So equal it is , above all others , to the general Reason of Mankind : such honorable security it provides , both for the liberty of Mens Minds , and for the peace of Government : that if some Mens conceptions were put in practice , that all wise Men should have two Religions ; the one , a publick , for their conformity with the people ; the other , a private , to be kept to their own Breasts : I am confident , that most considering Men , whatever their first were , would make ours their second , if they were well acquainted with it . Seeing therefore , our Church would be in so fair a probability of gaining very much , by a frequent contention , and incounter , with other Sects : It cannot be indanger'd by this Assembly ; which proceeds no farther , then to an unprejudic'd mixture with them . By their naturalizing Men of all Countries , they have laid the beginnings of many great advantages for the future . For by this means , they will be able , to settle a constant Intelligence , throughout all civil Nations ; and make the Royal Society the general Banck , and Free-port of the World : A policy , which whether it would hold good , in the Trade of England , I know not : but sure it will in the Philosophy . We are to overcome the mysteries of all the Works of Nature ; and not onely to prosecute such as are confin'd to one Kingdom , or beat upon one shore . We should not then refufe to list all the aids , that will come in , how remote soever . If I could fetch my materials whence I pleas'd , to fashion the Idea of a perfect Philosopher : he should not be all of one clime , but have the different excellencies of several Countries . First , he should have the Industry , Activity , and Inquisitive humor of the Dutch , French , Scotch , and English , in laying the ground Work , the heap of Experiments : And then he should have added the cold , and circumspect , and wary disposition of the Italians , and Spaniards , in meditating upon them , before he fully brings them into speculation . All this is scarce ever to be found in one single Man : seldom in the same Countrymen : It must then be supply'd , as well as it may , by a Publick Council ; wherein the various dispositions of all these Nations , may be blended together . To this purpose , the Royal Society has made no scruple , to receive all inquisitive strangers of all Countries , into its number . And this they have constantly done , with such peculiar respect , that they have not oblig'd them to the charge of contributions : they have always taken care , that some of their Members , should assist them in interpreting all that pass'd , in their publick Assemblies : and they have freely open'd their Registers to them ; thereby inviting them , to communicate forein Rarities , by imparting their own discoveries . This has been often acknowledg'd , by many Learned Men , who have travell'd hither ; who have been introduc'd to their meetings , and have admir'd the decency , the gravity , the plainess , and the calmness of their debates . This they have publish'd to the world : and this has rous'd all our neighbors to fix their eies upon England . From hence they expect the great improvements of knowledge will flow : and though , perhaps , they send their Youth into other parts , to learn Fashion , and Breeding : yet their Men come hither for nobler ends ; to be instructed , in the masculine , and the solid Arts of Life : which is a matter of as much greater Reputation , as it is more honorable , to teach Philosophers , than Children . By their admission of Men of all professions , these two Benefits arise : The one , that every Art , and every way of life already establish'd , may be secure of receiving no damage by their Counsels . A thing which all new Inventions ought carefully to consult . It is in vain , to declare against the profit of the most , in any change that we would make . We must not always deal with the violent current of popular passions ; as they do with the furious Eager in the Severn : Where the safest way is , to set the head of the Boat directly against its force . But here Men must follow the shore ; wind about leisurably ; and insinuate their useful alterations , by soft , and unperceivable degrees . From the neglect of this Prudence , we often see men of great Wit , to have been overborn by the multitude of their opposers ; and to have found all their subtile projects too weak , for custom , and interest : While being a little too much heated with a love of their own fancies ; they have rais'd to themselves more Enemies than they needed to have done ; by defying at once , too many things in use . But here , this danger is very well prevented . For what suspicion can Divinity , Law , or Physick , or any other course of life have , that they shall be impair'd by these mens labours : when they themselves are as capable of sitting amongst them as any others ? Have they not the same security that the whole Nation has for its lives and fortunes ? of which this is esteem'd the Establishment , that men of all sorts , and qualities , give their voice in every law that is made in Parliament . But the other benefit is , that by this equal Balance of all Professions , there will no one particular of them over-weigh the other , or make the Oracle onely speak their private sence : which else it were impossible to avoid . It is natural to all Ranks of men , to have some one Darling , upon which their care is chiefly fix'd . If Mechanicks alone were to make a Philosophy , they would bring it all into their Shops ; and force it wholly to consist of Springs and Wheels , and Weights : if Physicians , they would not depart farr from their Art ; scarce any thing would be consider'd , besides the Body of Man , the Causes , Signs , and Cures of Diseases . So much is to be found in Men of all conditions , of that which is call'd Pedantry in Scholars : which is nothing else but an obstinate addiction , to the forms of some private life , and not regarding general things enough . This freedom therefore , which they use , in embracing all assistance , is most advantageous to them : which is the more remarkable , in that they diligently search out , and join to them , all extraordinary men , though but of ordinary Trades . And that they are likely to continue this comprehensive temper hereafter , I will shew by one Instance : and it is the recommendation which the King himself was pleased to make , of the judicious Author of the Observations on the Bills of Mortality : In whose Election , it was so farr from being a prejudice , that he was a Shop-keeper of London ; that His Majesty gave this particular charge to His Society , that if they found any more such Tradesmen , they should be sure to admit them all , without any more ado . From hence it may be concluded , what is their inclination towards the manual Arts ; by the carefull regard which their Founder , and Patron , has engag'd them to have , for all sorts of Mechanick Artists . But , though the Society entertains very many men of particular Professions ; yet the farr greater Number are Gentlemen , free , and unconfin'd . By the help of this , there was hopefull Provision made against two corruptions of Learning , which have been long complain'd of , but never remov'd : The one , that Knowledge still degenerates , to consult present profit too soon ; the other , that Philosophers have bin always Masters , & Scholars ; some imposing , & all the other submitting ; and not as equal observers without dependence . The first of these may be call'd , the marrying of Arts too soon ; and putting them to generation , before they come to be of Age ; and has been the cause of much inconvenience . It weakens their strength ; It makes an unhappy disproportion in their increase ; while not the best , but the most gainfull of them florish : But above all , it diminishes that very profit for which men strive . It busies them about possessing some petty prize ; while Nature it self , with all its mighty Treasures , slips from them : and so they are serv'd like some foolish Guards ; who , while they were earnest in picking up some small Money , that the Prisoner drop'd out of his Pocket , let the Prisoner himself escape , from whom they might have got a great randsom . This is easily declam'd against , but most difficult to be hindred . If any caution will serve , it must be this ; to commit the Work to the care of such men , who , by the freedom of their education the plenty of their estates , and the usual generosity of Noble Bloud , may be well suppo'd to be most averse from such sordid considerations . The second Error , wich is hereby endeavour ▪ d to be remedied , is , that the Seats of Knowledg , have been for the most part heretofore , not Laboratories , as they ought to be ; but onely Scholes , where some have taught , and all the rest subscrib'd . The consequences of this are very mischievous . For first , as many Learners as there are , so many hands , and brains may still be reckon'd upon , as useless . It being onely the Master's part , to examine , and observe ; and the Disciples , to submit with silence , to what they conclude . But besides this , the very inequality of the Titles of Teachers , and Scholars , does very much suppress , and tame mens Spirits , which though it should be proper for Discipline and Education ; yet is by no means consistent with a free Philosophical Consultation . It is undoubtedly true ; that scarce any man's mind , is so capable of thinking strongly , in the presence of one , whom he fears and reverences ; as he is , when that restraint is taken off . And this is to be found , not only in these weightier matters ; but also ( to give a lighter instance ) in the Arts of Discourse , & raillery themselves ▪ For we have often seen men of bold tempers , that have over-aw'd and govern'd the Wit of most Companies ; to have been disturb'd , and dumb , & bashful as children , when some other man has been near , who us'd to out-talk them . Such a kind of natural soveraignty there is , in some mens minds over others : which must needs be farr greater , when it is advanc'd by long use & the venerable name of a Master . I shall only mention one prejudice more , & that is this ; That from this onely teaching , and learning , there does not onely follow a continuance , but an increase of the yoak upon our Reasons . For those who take their opinions from others Rules , are commonly stricter Imposers upon their Scholars , than their own Authors were on them , or than the first Inventors of things themselves are upon others . Whatever the cause of this be ; whether the first men are made meek , and gentle , by their long search , and by better understanding all the difficulties of Knowledg ; while those that learn afterwards , onely hastily catching things in small Systems , are soon satisfy'd , before they have broken their pride , & so become more imperious : or , whether it arises from hence , that the same meanness of Soul , which made them bound their thoughts by others Precepts , makes them also insolent to their inferiors ; as we always find cowards the most cruel : or whatever other cause may be alleg'd , the observation is certain , that the successors are usually more positive , and Tyrannical , than the beginners of Sects . If then there can be any cure devis'd for this ; it must be no other , than to form an Assembly at one time , whose privileges shall be the same ; whose gain shall be in common ; whose Members were not brought up at the feet of each other . But after all , even this cannot be free from prevarication in all future Ages . So apt are some to distrust , and others to confide too much in themselves : so much sweetness there is , in leading parties : so much pride , in following a Faction : such various artifices there are , to ensnare mens Passions , and soon after their Vnderstandings . All these hazards , and many more , are to be suppos'd ; which it is impossible , for mortal Wit , wholly to foresee , much less to avoid . But yet we have less ground of jealousie from this Institution , than any other , not only , because they only deal in matters of Fact , which are not so easily perverted ; but also upon security of the Inclinations of the greatest part of the Members of the Society it self . This , I hope , most men will acknowledg , and I will take the permission , to say in general of them , that in all past and present times , I am confident , there can never be shewn , so great a Number of Contemporaries , in so narrow a space of the World , that lov'd truth so zealously ; sought it so constantly ; and upon whose labours , mankind might so freely rely . This I speak , not out of Bravery to Foreiners ( before whose eyes , I believe this negligent Discourse will never appear ) but to the learned Men of this Nation , who are better Judges of what I say . And this too , I dare affirm , in an Age , wherein I expect to be condemn'd of falshood , or partiality , for this Character , which I have given . For so it happens , that we are now arriv'd at that excessive censuring humor , that he who takes upon him to commend any thing , though never so worthy , will raise to himself farr more Enemies than Friends . And indeed this sowrness of Criticism , which now bears all down before it , is very injurious to the honour of our Countrey . For by despising men , for not being absolutely excellent ; we keep them from being so : while admonitions , join'd with praises ; and reproofs , with directions ; would quickly bring all things to a higher perfection . But the rudeness of such Criticks , I do not so much regard ; as the objections of soberer men , who have a real good will to the promotion of this design , and yet may be a little dissatisfy'd in this place . For here especially they may doubt of two things . The first , whether the Royal Society , being so numerous as it is , will not in short time be diverted from its primitive purpose ; seeing there wil be scarce enough men of Philosophical temper always found , to fill it up ; and then others will crowd in , who have not the same bent of mind ; and so the whole business will insensibly be made , rather a matter of noise and pomp , than of real benefit ? The second , Whether their number being so large , will not afright private men , from imparting many profitable secrets to them ; lest they should thereby become common , and so they be depriv'd of the gain , which else they might be sure of , if they kept them to themselvs . To the first , I shall reply , That this scruple is of no force , in respect of the Age wherein we live . For now the Genius of Experimenting is so much dispers'd , that even in this Nation , if there were one , or two more such Assemblies settled ; there could not be wanting able men enough , to carry them on . All places and corners are now busie , and warm about this Work : and we find many Noble Rarities to be every day given in , not onely by the hands of Learned and profess'd Philosophers ; but from the Shops of Mechanicks ; from the Voyages of Merchants ; from the Ploughs of Husbandmen ; from the Sports , the Fish-ponds , the Parks , the Gardens of Gentlemen ; the doubt therefore will onely touch future Ages . And even for them too , we may securely promise ; that they will not , for a long time be barren of a Race of Inquisitive minds , when the way is now so plainly trac'd out before them ; when they shall have tasted of these first Fruits , and have been excited by this Example . There was scarce ever yet , any the meanest Sect , or the most contemptible Opinion , that was utterly extinguish'd in its Cradle . Whether they deserv'd to live , or not , they all had their course ; some longer , some shorter ; according as they could combine with the Interests , or affections , of the Countreys where they began . What reason then have we to bode ill alone to this Institution ; which is now so earnestly embrac'd ; and which , the older it grows , cannot but still appear more inoffensive ? If we onely requir'd perfect Philosophers , to manage this employment , it were another case . For then I grant it were improbable , that threescore , or an hundred such should meet in one time . But here it is far otherwise . If we cannot have a sufficient choice of those that are skill'd in all Divine and human things ( which was the antient definition of a Philosopher ) it suffices , if many of them be plain , diligent , and laborious observers : such , who , though they bring not much knowledg , yet bring their hands , and their eyes uncorrupted : such as have not their Brains infected by false Images ; and can honestly assist in the examining , and Registring what the others represent to their view . It seems strange to me , that men should conspire , to believe all things more perplex'd , and difficult , than indeed they are . This may be shewn in most other matters ; but in this particular in hand , it is most evident . Men did generally think , that no man was sit to meddle in matters of this consequence , but he that had bred himself up in a long course of Discipline for that purpose ; that had the habit , the gesture , the look of a Philosopher . Whereas experience on the contrary tells us , that greater things are produc'd , by the free way , than the formal . This mistake may well be compar'd , to the conceit we had of Souldiers , in the beginning of the civil Warrs . None was thought worthy of that name , but he that could shew his wounds , and talk aloud of his exploits in the Low Countreys . Whereas the whole business of fighting , was afterwards chiefly perform'd by untravell'd Gentlemen , raw Citizens , and Generals , that had scarce ever before seen a Battel . But to say no more , it is so farr from being a blemish ; that it is rather the excellency of this Institution , that men of various Studies are introduc'd . For so there will be always many sincere witnesses standing by , whom self-love wil not persuade to report falsly , nor heat of invention carry to swallow a deceit too soon ; as having themselves no hand in the making of the Experiment , but onely in the Inspection . So cautious ought men to be , in pronouncing even upon Matters of Fact. The whole care is not to be trusted to single men : not to a Company all of one mind ; not to Philosophers ; not to devout , and religious men alone : By all these we have been already deluded ; even by those whom I last nam'd , who ought most of all to abhorr falshood ; of whom yet many have multiply'd upon us , infinite Stories , and false Miracles , without any regard to Conscience , or Truth . To the second Objection I shall briefly answer ; that if all the Authors , or Possessors of extraordinary inventions , should conspire to conceal all , that was in their power , from them ; yet the Method , which they take , will quickly make abundant reparation for that defect . If they cannot come at Nature in its particular Streams , they will have it in the Fountain . If they could be shut out from the Closets of Physicians , or the Work-houses of Mechanicks ; yet with the same , or with better sorts of Instruments , on more materials , by more hands , with a more rational light , they would not onely restore again the old Arts , but find out , perhaps , many more of farr greater importance . But I need not lay much tress upon that hope ; when there is no question at all , but all , or the greatest part of such Domestick Receipts , and Curiosities , will soon flow into this publick Treasure . How few secrets have there been , though never so gainful , that have been long conceal'd from the whole World by their Authors ? Were not all the least Arts of life at first private ? Were not Watches , or Locks , or Guns , or Printing , or lately the Bow-dye , devis'd by particular men , but soon made common ? If neither chance , nor friendship , nor Treachery of servants , have brought such things out ; yet we see ostentation alone , to be every day powerful enough to do it . This desire of glory , and to be counted Authors ; prevails on all , even on many of the dark and reserv'd Chymists themselves : who are ever printing their greatest mysteries ; though indeed they seem to do it , with so much reluctancy , and with a willingness to hide still ; which makes their style to resemble the smoak , in which they deal . Well then , if this disposition be so universal ; why should we think , that the Inventors , will be only tender , and backward to the Royal Society ? From which they will not only reap the most solid honor ; but will also receive the strongest assurances , of still retaining the greatest part of the profit ? But if all this should fail ; there still remains a refuge , which will put this whole matter out of dispute : and that is , that the Royal Society will be able by degrees , to purchase such extraordinary inventions , which are now close lock'd up in Cabinets ; and then to bring them into one common Stock , which shall be upon all occasions expos'd to all mens use . This is a most heroick Invention : For by such concealments , there may come very much hurt to mankind . If any certain remedy should be found out against an Epidemical disease ; if it were suffer'd to be ingross'd by one man , there would be great swarms swept away , which otherwise might be easily sav'd . I shall instance in the Sweating-Sickness . The Medicine for it was almost infallible : But , before that could be generally publish'd , it had almost dispeopl'd whole Towns. If the same disease should have return'd , it might have been again as destructive , had not the Lord Bacon taken care , to set down the particular course of Physick for it , in his History of Henry the Seventh , and so put it beyond the possibility of any private man's invading it . This ought to be imitated in all other soveraign cures of the like nature , to avoid such dreadful casualties . The Artificers should reap the common crop of their Arts : but the publick should still have Title to the miraculous productions . It should be so appointed , as it is in the profits of mens Lands : where the Corn , and Grass , and Timber , and some courser Metals belong to the owner : But the Royal Mines , in whose ground soever they are discover'd , are no man's propriety , but still fall to the Crown . These therefore are the Qualities , which they have principally requir'd , in those , whom they admitted : still reserving to themselves a power of increasing , or keeping to their number , as they saw occasion . By this means , they have given assurance of an eternal quietness , and moderation , in their experimental progress ; because they allow themselves to differ in the weightiest matter , even in the way of Salvation it self . By this they have taken care , that nothing shall be so remote , as to escape their reach : because some of their Members are still scattered abroad , in most of the habitable parts of the Earth . By this , they have provided , that no profitable thing shall seem too mean for their consideration , seeing they have some amongst them , whose life is employ'd about little things , as well as great . By this they have broken down the partition wall , and made a fair entrance , for all conditions of men to engage in these Studies ; which were heretofore affrighted from them , by a groundless apprehension of their chargeableness , and difficulty . Thus they have form'd that Society , which intends a Philosophy , for the use of Cities , and not for the retirements of Schools , to resemble the Cities themselves : which are compounded of all sorts of men , of the Gown , of the Sword , of the Shop , of the Field , of the Court , of the Sea ; all mutually assisting each other . Let us next consider what course of Inquiry they take , to make all their Labours unite for the service of man-kind : And here I shall insist on their Expence , their Instruments , their Matter , and their Method . Of the Stock , upon which their Expence has been hitherto defraid , I can say nothing , that is very magnificent : seeing they have rely'd upon no more than some small Admission-money , and weekly Contributions amongst themselves . Such a Revenue as this , can make no great sound , nor amount to any vast summ . But yet , I shall say this for it , that it was the onely way , which could have been begun , with a security of success , in that condition of things . The publick Faith of Experimental Philosophy , was not then strong enough , to move Men and Women of all conditions , to bring in their Bracelets and Jewels , towards the carrying of it on . Such affections as those may be rais'd by a mis-guided zeal ; but seldom , or never , by calm and unpassionate Reason . It was therefore well ordain'd , that the first Benevolence should come from the Experimenters themselves . If they had speedily at first call'd for mighty Treasures ; and said aloud , that their Enterprise requir'd the Exchequer of a Kingdom ; they would onely have been contemn'd , as vain Projectors . So ready is man-kind , to suspect all new undertakings to be Cheats , and Chimaeraes ; especialy , when they seem chargeable : that it may be , many excellent things have been lost by that jealousie . Of this we have a fatal Instance amongst our selves . For it was this fear of being circumvented , that made one of our wisest Kings delay Columbus too long , when he came with the promise of a new World : whereas a little more confidence in his Art , and a small charge in furnishing out some few Ships , would have yearly brought all the Silver of the West-Indies to London , which now arrives at Sevill . This suspicion , which is so natural to mens breasts , could not any way harm the Royal Societies establishment : seeing its first claims , and pretensions were so modest . And yet I shall presume to assure the World ; that what they shall raise on these mean Foundations , will be more answerable to the largeness of their intentions , than to the narrowness of their beginnings . This I speak so boldly , not onely because it is almost generally found true ; that those things , which have been small at first , have oftener grown greater , than those which have begun upon a wider bottom , which have commonly stood at a stay : But also in respect of the present prevailing Genius of the English Nation . It is most usually found , that every People , has some one study or other in their view , about which their minds are most intent , and their Purses readier to open . This is sometimes a profusion in Habit , and Dyet ; sometimes Religious Buildings ; and sometimes the Civil Ornaments of their Cities , and Country . The first of these will shortly vanish from amongst us , by the irresistible correction of the King 's own example : the next is of late years very sensibly abated : and it is the last of the three towards which mens desires are most propense . To evidence this ; I think it may be calculated , that since the Kings Return , there have been more Acts of Parliament , for the clearing and beautifying of Streets , for the repayring of High-wayes , for the cutting of Rivers , for the increase of Manufactures , for the setting on foot the Trade of Fishing , and many other such Publick Works , to adorn the State ; than in divers Ages before . This General Temper being well weigh'd ; it cannot be imagin'd , that the Nation will withdraw its assistance from the Royal Society alone ; which does not intend to stop at some particular benefit , but goes to the root of all noble Inventions , and proposes an infallible course to make England the glory of the Western world . This my Love , and my Hopes prompt me to say . But besides this , there is one thing more , that persuades me , that the Royal Society will be Immortal . And that is , that if their Stock should still continue narrow , yet even upon that , they will be able to free themselves from all difficulties , and to make a constant increase of it , by their managing . There is scarce any thing , has more hindred the True Philosophy ; than a vain opinion , that men have taken up , that nothing could be done in it , to any purpose , but upon a vast charge , and by a mighty Revenue . Men commonly think , that the pit , in which ( according to Democritus ) Truth lyes hid , is bottomless : and that it will devour , whatever is thrown into it , without being the fuller . This false conception had got so much ground , that assoon as a man began to put his hands to Experiments , he was presently given over , as impoverish't and undone . And indeed the Enemies of Real Knowledge , had some appearance of Reason to conclude this heretofore : because they had seen the great Estates of some Chymists melted away , without any thing left behind , to make recompence . But this imagination can now no longer prevail . Men now understand , that Philosophy needs not so great a prodigality to maintain it : that the most profitable Tryals are not always the most costly : that the best Inventions have not been found out by the richest , but by the most prudent , and Industrious Observers : that the right Art of Experimenting , when it is once set forward , will go near to sustain it self . This I speak , not to stop mens future Bounty , by a Philosophical Boast , that the Royal Society has enough already : But rather to encourage them to cast in more help ; by shewing them , what return may be made from a little , by a wise administration . Of the variety , and excellence of the Instruments , which it lyes in their power to use ; I will give no other proof , then the wonderfull perfection to which all Manual Arts have of late years arriv'd . Men now generally understand , to employ those very Tools which the Antients lent us , to infinite more Works , than formerly : they have also of late devis'd a great multitude of all sorts , which were before unknown : and besides , we may very well expect , that time will every day bring forth more . For , according as the matter to work upon does abound , the greater plenty of Instruments , must by consequence follow : such a connexion there is between Inventions , and the means of Inventing , that they mutually increase each other . I might be as large , as I pleas'd , in this particular ; in running through some part of all the Innumerable Arts of the Western world ; and it were not difficult to shew , that the ordinary shops of Mechanicks , are now as full of rarities , as the Cabinets of the former noblest Mathematicians . But I will leave that subject , which is so familiar to all ; and choose rather , to fetch a confirmation of this , even from those Countreys , which ( after the manner of the Antients ) we call Barbarous . And in going thither for an example , I have a farther end . In my foregoing discourse , I try'd to make out the advantages of the Moderne Times , above the antient ; by following the progress of Learning , down through their tracks , to which Scholars usually confine it ; I will now also strengthen that argument ; by briefly comparing the skill , and the works of the unlearned parts of the present world , with those that are past . The antient Barbarians then , those Nations I mean , who lay without the circle of those Arts which we admire ; the Gaules , the Britains , the Germans , the Scythians , have scarce left any footsteps behind them , to shew that they were rational men . Most of them were savage in their practices ; gross in their contrivances ; ignorant of all , that might make life either safe , or pleasant . Thus it was with them , and this all History speaks with one voice : whereas the Barbarians of our Times ( if I may take the liberty still to use that word , which the pride of Greece first brought into fashion ) the Turks , the Moors , the East-Indians , and even the Americans , though they too are utterly unacquainted with all our Sciences ; yet by the help of an Vniversal Light , which seems to overspread this Age , are in several Handicrafts most ready , and dextrous : insomuch that in some , they can scarce be imitated by the Europeans themselves . I shall leave it to any man , to conjecture from hence , which of these two times has the Prerogative ; and how much better helps are probably to be found at this day , in the most Civil Countries : when we now find so much artifice , amongst those our Contemporaries , who only follow rude , and untaught Nature . Of the extent of the matter , about which they have been already conversant , and intend to be hereafter ; there can be no better measure taken , than by giving a general prospect of all the objects of mens thoughts : which can be nothing else , but either God , or Men , or Nature . As for the First , they meddle no otherwise with Divine things , than onely as the Power , and Wisdom , and Goodness of the Creator , is display'd in the admirable order , and workman-ship of the Creatures . It cannot be deny'd , but it lies in the Natural Philosophers hands , best to advance that part of Divinity : which , though it fills not the mind , with such tender , and powerful contemplations , as that which shews us Man's Redemption by a Mediator ; yet it is by no means to be pass'd by unregarded : but is an excellent ground to establish the other . This is a Religion , which is confirm'd , by the unanimous agreement of all sorts of Worships : and may serve in respect to Christianity , as Solomon's Porch to the Temple ; into the one the Heathens themselvs did also enter ; but into the other , onely God's peculiar People . In men , may be consider'd the Faculties , and operations of their Souls ; The constitution of their Bodies , and the works of their Hands . Of these , the first they omit : both because the knowledg and direction of them have been before undertaken , by some Arts , on which they have no mind to intrench , as the Politicks , Morality , and Oratory : and also because the Reason , the Vnderstanding , the Tempers , the Will , the Passions of Men , are so hard to be reduc'd to any certain observation of the senses ; and afford so much room to the observers to falsifie or counterfeit : that if such discourses should be once entertain'd ; they would be in danger of falling into talking , insteed of working , which they carefully avoid . Such subjects therefore as these , they have hitherto kept out . But yet , when they shall have made more progress , in material things , they will be in a condition , of pronouncing more boldly on them too . For , though Man's Soul , and Body are not onely one natural Engine ( as some have thought ) of whose motions of all sorts , there may be as certain an accompt given , as of those of a Watch or Clock : yet by long studying of the Spirits , of the Bloud , of the Nourishment , of the parts , of the Diseases , of the Advantages , of the accidents which belong to humane bodies ( all which will come within their Province ) there , without question , be very neer ghesses made , even at the more exalted , and immediate Actions of the Soul ; and that too , without destroying its Spiritual and Immortal Being . These two Subjects , God , and the Soul , being onely forborn : In all the rest , they wander , at their pleasure : In the frame of Mens bodies , the ways for strong , healthful , and long life : In the Arts of Mens Hands , those that either necessity , convenience , or delight have produc'd : In the works of Nature , their helps , their varieties , redundancies , and defects : and in bringing all these to the uses of humane Society . In their Method of Inquiring , I will observe , how they have behav'd themselves , in things that might be brought within their own Touch and Sight : and how in those , which are so remote , and hard to be come by , that about them , they were forc'd to trust the reports of others . In the first kind : I shall lay it down , as their Fundamental Law , that whenever they could possibly get to handle the subject , the Experiment was still perform'd by some of the Members themselves . The want of this exactness , has very much diminish'd the credit of former Naturalists . It might else have seem'd strange , that so many men of Wit , setting so many hands on work ; being so watchful to catch up all relations , from Woods , Fields , Mountains , Rivers , Seas , and Lands ; and scattering their Pensions so liberally ; should yet be able to collect so few Observations , that have been judicious or useful . But the Reason is plain ; for while they thought it enough , to be onely Receivers of others Intelligence ; they have either employ'd Ignorant searchers , who knew not how to digest or distinguish what they found : or frivolous , who always lov'd to come home laden , though it were but with trifles : or ( which is worst of all ) crafty , who having perceiv'd the humours of those that paid them so well , would always take care to bring in such collections as might seem to agree with the Opinions and Principles of their Masters , however they did with Nature it self . This Inconvenience , the Royal Society has escap'd , by making the whole process pass under its own eyes . And the Task was divided amongst them , by one of these two ways . First , it was sometimes referr'd to some particular men , to make choice of what Subject they pleased , and to follow their own humour in the Trial ; the expence being still allow'd from the general Stock . By which liberty , that they afforded , they had a very necessary regard to the power of particular Inclinations : which in all sorts of Knowledg is so strong ; that there may be numberless Instances given of men , who in some things have been altogether useless , and yet in others have had such a vigorous , and successful faculty , as if they had been born , and form'd for them alone . Or else secondly , the Society it self made the distribution , and deputed whom it thought fit for the prosecution of such , or such Experiments . And this they did , either by allotting the same Work to several men , separated one from another ; or else by joyning them into Committees ( if we may use that word in a Philosophical sence , and so in some measure purge it from the ill sound , which it formerly had ) By this union of eyes , and hands there do these advantages arise . Thereby there will be a full comprehension of the object in all its appearances ; and so there will be a mutual communication of the light of one Science to another : whereas single labours can be but as a prospect taken upon one side . And also by this fixing of several mens thoughts upon one thing , there will be an excellent cure for that defect , which is almost unavoidable in great Inventors . It is the custom of such earnest , and powerful minds , to do wonderful things in the beginning ; but shortly after , to be overborn by the multitude , and weight of their own thoughts ; then to yield , and cool by little and little ; and at last grow weary , and even to loath that , upon which they were at first the most eager . This is the wonted constitution of great Wits : such tender things , are those exalted Actions of the mind ; and so hard it is , for those imaginations , that can run swift , and mighty Races , to be able to travel a long , and a constant journey . The effects of this infirmity have been so remarkable , that we have certainly lost very many Inventions , after they have been in part fashion'd , by the meer languishing , and negligence of their Authours . For this , the best provision must be , to join many men together ; for it cannot be imagin'd , that they should be all so violent , and fiery : and so by this mingling of Tempers , the Impetuous men , not having the whole burthen on them , may have leisure for intervals to recruit their first heat ; and the more judicious , who are not so soon possess'd with such raptures , may carry on the others strong conceptions , by soberer degrees , to a full accomplishment . This they have practis'd in such things , whereof the matter is common ; and wherein they may repeat their labours as they please . But in forein , and remote affairs , their Intentions , and their Advantages do farr exceed all others . For these , they have begun to settle a correspondence through all Countreys ; and have taken such order , that in short time , there will scarce a Ship come up the Thames , that does not make some return of Experiments , as well as of Merchandize . This their care of an Vniversal Intelligence , is befriended by Nature its self , in the situation of England : For , lying so , as it does , in the passage between the Northern parts of the World , and the Southern ; its Ports being open to all Coasts , and its Ships spreading their Sails in all Seas ; it is thereby necessarily made , not onely Mistress of the Ocean , but the most proper Seat , for the advancement of Knowledg . From the positions of Countreys , arise not only their several shapes , manners , customs , colours , but also their different Arts , and Studies . The Inland and Continent , we see do give Laws , to Discourse , to Habits , to Behaviour : but those that border upon the Seas , are most properly seated , to bring home matter for new Sciences , and to make the same proportion of Discoveries above others , in the Intellectual Globe , as they have done in the Material . Upon this advantage of our Island , there is so much stress to be laid , towards the prosperity of this Design ; that if we should search through all the World , for a perpetual habitation , wherein the Universal Philosophy might settle it self ; there can none be found , which is comparable to London , of all the former , or present Seats of Empire . Babylon , that was the Capital City of the first Monarchy , was situated in a Champion Countrey , had a clear , and uncloudy air ; and was therefore fit enough to promote one part of Natural Knowledg , the Observations of the Heavens : But it was a Mid-land Town , and regarded not the Traffique of Foreiners ; abounding with its own luxury , and riches . Memphis was improper , upon the same accompt ; for Egypt was a Land content with its own plenty ; admitting strangers , rather to instruct them , than to learn any thing from them . Carthage stood not so well for a resort for Philosophers , as for Pirats ; as all the African shore continues at this day . As for Rome , its Fortune was read by Virgil ; when he said , that it only ought to excel in the Arts of Ruling . Constantinople , though its present Masters were not Barbarous , yet is too much shut up by the Straits of Hellespont . Vienna is now a Frontier Town , and has no communication with the Ocean , but by a long compass about . Amsterdam is a place of Trade , without the mixture of men of freer thoughts . And , even Paris it self , though it is far to be preferr'd before all the others for the resort of Learned and Inquisitive men to it , yet is less capable , for the same reasons , for which Athens was , by being the Seat of Gallantry , the Arts of speech , and education . But it is London alone , that enjoys most of the others advantages , without their inconveniences . It is the head of a mighty Empire , the greatest that ever commanded the Ocean : It is compos'd of Gentlemen , as well as Traders : It has a large intercourse with all the Earth : It is , as the Poets describe their House of Fame , a City , where all the noises and business in the World do meet : and therefore this honor is justly due to it , to be the constant place of residence for that Knowledg , which is to be made up of the Reports , and Intelligence of all Countreys . To this I will adde ; That we have another help in our hands , which almost forces this Crown on the head of the English Nation : and that is , the Noble , and Inquisitive Genius of our Merchants . This cannot be better shewn , than by comparing them , with those of that one Countrey ; which onely stands in competition with us for Trade . The Merchants of England live honourably in forein parts ; those of Holland meanly , minding their gain alone : ours converse freely , and learn from all ; having in their behaviour , very much of the Gentility of the Families , from which so many of them are descended : The others , when they are abroad , shew , that they are onely a Race of plain Citizens , keeping themselves most within their own Cells , and Ware-houses ; scarce regarding the acquaintance of any , but those , with whom they traffick . This largeness of ours , and narrowness of their living , does , no doubt , conduce very much to inrich them ; and is , perhaps , one of the Reasons , that they can so easily under-sel us : But withall , it makes ours the most capable , as theirs unfit , to promote such an Enterprise , as this of which I am now speaking . For indeed , the effects of their several ways of life , are as different : of the Hollanders , I need say no more : But of the English Merchants I will affirm , that in all sorts of Politeness , and skill in the World , and humane affairs , they do not onely excel them , but are equal to any other sort of men amongst us . This I have spoken , not to lessen the reputation of that Industrious people : But , that I might ( if it were possible ) inflame their minds to an emulation of this Design . They have all things imaginable to stirr them up : they have the Examples of the greatest Wits of other Countreys , who have left their own homes , to retire thither , for the freedom of their Philosophical Studies : they have one place ( I mean the Hague ) which may be soon made the very Copy of a Town in the New Atlantis ; which for its pleasantness , and for the concourse of men of all conditions to it , may be counted above all others ( except London ) the most advantagiously seated for this service . These have been the privileges and practices of the Royal Society , in things forein , & Native . It would now be needless to set down all the steps of their progress about them ; how they observ'd all the varieties of Generations , and corruptions , natural , and artificial ; all the increasings , and lessenings ; agreements , and oppositions of things ; how , having found out a cause , they have apply'd it to many other effects : and the effects to different causes ; how they are wont to change the Instruments and places , and quantities of matter , according to occasions : and all the other subtilties , and windings of Trial , which are almost infinite to express . I shall onely , in passing , touch on these two things , which they have most carefully consulted . The one is , not to prescribe to themselves , any certain Art of Experimenting , within which to circumscribe their thoughts : But rather to keep themselves free , and change their course , according to the different circumstances , that occurr to them in their operations ; and the several alterations of the Bodies , on which they work . The true Experimenting has this one thing inseparable from it , never to be a fix'd and settled Art , and never to be limited by constant Rules . This , perhaps , may be shewn too in other Arts ; as in that of Invention , of which , though in Logick , and Rhetorick , so many bounds , and helps are given : yet I believe very few have argued or discoursed by those Topicks . But whether that be unconfin'd , or no , it is certain , that Experimenting is ; like that which is call'd Decence in humane life ; which , though it be that , by which all our Actions are to be fashion'd ; and though many things may be plausibly said upon it ; yet it is never wholly to be reduc'd to standing Precepts ; and may almost as easily be obtain'd , as defin'd . Their other care has been , to regard the least , and the plainest things , and those that may appear at first the most inconsiderable ; as well as the greatest Curiosities . This was visibly neglected by the Antients . The Histories of Pliny , Aristotle , Solinus , Aelian , abounding more with pretty Tales , and fine monstrous Stories ; than sober , and fruitful Relations . If they could gather together some extraordinary Qualities of Stones , or Minerals , some Rarities of the Age , the food , the colour , the shapes of Beasts , or some vertues of Fountains , or Rivers : they thought , they had perform'd the chiefest part of Natural Historians . But this course is subject to much corruption . It is not the true following of Nature ; For that still goes on in a steddy Rode , nor is it so extravagant , and so artificial in its contrivances , as our admiration , proceeding from our ignorance , makes it . It is also a way that of all others , is most subject to be deceiv'd : For it will make men inclinable to bend the Truth much awry , to raise a specious Observation out of it . It stops the severe progress of Inquiry : Infecting the mind , and making it averse from the true Natural Philosophy : It is like Romances , in respect of True History ; which , by multiplying varieties of extraordinary Events , and surprizing circumstances , makes that seem dull , and tastless . And , to say no more , the very delight which it raises , is nothing so solid : but , as the satisfaction of Fancy , it affects us a little , in the beginning , but soon wearies , and surfets : whereas a just History of Nature , like the pleasure of Reason , would not be , perhaps , so quick and violent , but of farr longer continuance , in its contentment . Their Matter , being thus collected , has been brought before their weekly meetings , to undergo a just and a full examination . In them their principal endeavours have been , that they might enjoy the benefits of a mix'd Assembly , which are largeness of Observation , and diversity of Judgments , without the mischiefs that usually accompany it , such as confusion , unsteddiness , and the little animosities of divided Parties . That they have avoided these dangers for the time past ; there can be no better proof , than their constant practice ; wherein they have perpetually preserv'd a singular sobriety of debating , slowness of consenting , and moderation of dissenting . Nor have they been onely free from Faction , but from the very Causes , and beginnings of it . It was in vain for any man amongst them to strive to preferr himself before another ; or to seek for any great glory from the subtilty of his Wit ; seeing it was the inartificial process of the Experiment , and not the Acuteness of any Commentary upon it , which they have had in veneration . There was no room left , for any to attempt , to heat their own , or others minds , beyond a due temper ; where they were not allow'd to expatiate , or amplifie , or connect specious arguments together . They could not be much exasperated one against another in their disagreements , because they acknowledg , that there may be several Methods of Nature , in producing the same thing , and all equally good : whereas they that contend for truth by talking , do commonly suppose that there is but one way of finding it out . The differences which should chance to happen , might soon be compos'd ; because they could not be grounded on matters of speculation , or opinion , but onely of sence ; which are never wont to administer so powerful occasions of disturbance , and contention , as the other . In brief , they have escap'd the prejudices that use to arise from Authority , from unequality of Persons , from insinuations , from friendships ; But above all , they have guarded themselves against themselves , lest the strength of their own thoughts should lead them into error ; lest their good Fortune in one Discovery , should presently confine them onely to one way of trial ; lest their failings should discourage , or their success abate their diligence . All these excellent Philosophical Qualities , they have by long custom , made to become the peculiar Genius of this Society : and to descend down to their successors , not onely as circumstantial Laws , which may be neglected , or alter'd in the course of time ; but as the very life of their constitution ; to remain on their minds , as the laws of Nature do in the hearts of Men ; which are so near to us , that we can hardly distinguish , whether they were taught us by degrees , or rooted in the very foundation of our Being . It will not be here seasonable , to speak much , of the Ceremonies which they have hitherto observ'd in these Meetings ; because they are , almost , the same , which have been since establish'd by their Council , which we shall have a more proper occasion to produce hereafter . Let this onely be said in brief , to satisfie the curious . The Place where they hitherto assembled , is Gresham-College ; where , by the munificence of a Citizen , there have been Lectures for several Arts indow'd so liberally , that if it were beyond Sea , it might well pass for an Vniversity . And indeed , by a rare happiness in the constitution ( of which I know not where to find the like example ) the Professors have been from the beginning , and chiefly , of late years , of the most Learned Men of the Nation ; though the choice has been wholly in the disposal of Citizens . Here the Royal Society has one publick Room to meet in , another for a repository to keep their Instruments , Books , Rarities , Papers , and whatever else belongs to them : making use besides , by permission , of several of the other Lodgings , as their occasions do require . And , when I consider the place it self ; me thinks it bears some likeness to their Design ; It is now a College , but was once the Mansion-house of one of the greatest Merchants , that ever was in England : And such a Philosophy they would build ; which should first wholly consist of Action , and Intelligence , before it be brought into Teaching , and Contemplation . There Time is every Wednesday , after the Lecture of the Astronomy Professor ; perhaps , in memory of the first occasions of their Rendezvouses . Their Elections , perform'd by Ballotting ; every member having a Vote ; the Candidates being nam'd at one meeting , and put to the scrutiny at another . Their Chief Officer , is the President ; to whom it belongs to call , and dissolve their meetings ; to propose the Subject ; to regulate the Proceedings ; to change the Inquiry from one thing to another ; to admit the Members who are elected . Besides him , they had at first a Register , who was to take Notes of all that pass'd ; which were afterwards to be reduc'd into their Iournals , and Register Books . This Task was first perform'd by Dr. Croone . But they since thought it more necessary , to appoint two Secretaries , who are to reply to all Addresses from abroad , and at home ; and to publish whatever shall be agreed upon by the Society . These are at present , Dr. Wilkins , and Mr. Oldenbourgh , from whom I have not usurp'd this first imployment of that kind ; for it is onely my hand that goes , the substance and direction came from one of them . This is all that I have to say concerning their Ceremonial part . In most other things , they bounded themselves to no standing Orders , there being nothing more intended in such circumstances , than convenience and order . If any shall imagine , they have not limited themselves to Forms enough , to keep up the gravity , and solemnity of such an Enterprise , they are to consider , that so much exactness and curiosity of observances , does not so well befit Inquirers , as Sects of Philosophy , or places appointed for Education , or those who submit themselves to the severity of some religious Order . The Work which the Society proposes to it self , being not so fine , and easie , as that of teaching is ; but rather a painful digging , and toiling in Nature ; It would be a great incumbrance to them , to be straightned to many strict punctilioes ; as much as it would be to an Artificer , to be loaded with many cloaths , while he is labouring in his Shop . But having made so much hast through the Formal part of these their Meetings , I shall not so soon dispatch the substantial ; which consists in Directing , Iudging , Conjecturing , Improving , Discoursing upon Experiments . Towards the first of these ends , it has been their usual course , when they themselves appointed the Trial , to propose one week , some particular Experiments , to be prosecuted the next ; and to debate before hand , concerning all things that might conduce to the better carrying them on . In this Praeliminary Collection , it has been the custom , for any of the Society , to urge what came into their thoughts , or memories concerning them ; either from the observations of others , or from Books , or from their own Experience , or even from common Fame it self . And in performing this , they did not exercise any great rigour of choosing , and distinguishing between Truths and Falshoods : but a mass altogether as they came ; the certain Works , the Opinions , the Ghesses , the Inventions , with their different Degrees and Accidents , the Probabilities , the Problems , the general Conceptions , the miraculous Stories , the ordinary Productions , the changes incident to the same Matter in several places , the Hindrances , the Benefits , of Airs , or Seasons , or Instruments ; and whatever they found to have been begun , to have fail'd , to have succeeded , in the Matter which was then under their Disquisition . This is a most necessary preparation , to any that resolve to make a perfect search . For they cannot but go blindly , and lamely , and confusedly about the business , unless they have first laid before them a full Account of it . I confess the excellent Monsieur des Cartes recommends to us another way in his Philosophical Method ; where he gives this Relation of his own progress ; that after he had run through the usual Studies of youth , and spent his first years in an active life ; when he retir'd to search into Truth , he at once rejected all the Impressions , which he had before receiv'd , from what he had heard , and read ; and wholly gave himself over to a reflexion on the naked Ideas of his own mind . This he profess'd to do , that he might lay aside all his old imaginations , and begin anew to write on a white and unblotted Soul. This , perhaps , is more allowable in matters of Contemplation , and in a Gentleman , whose chief aim was his own delight ; and so it was in his own choice , whether or no , he would go farther to seek it , than his own mind : But it can by no means stand with a practical and universal Inquiry . It is impossible , but they , who will onely transscribe their own thoughts , and disdain to measure or strengthen them by the assistance of others , should be in most of their apprehensions too narrow , and obscure ; by setting down things for general , which are onely peculiar to themselves . It cannot be avoided , but they will commit many gross mistakes ; and bestow much useless pains , by making themselves wilfully ignorant of what is already known , and what conceal'd . It was try'd amongst the Antients , to find out the pure , and Primitive Language of the World , by breeding up a child so , that he might never hear any man speak . But what was the event of that trial ? Instead of obtaining that end , the child was made absolutely dumb thereby . And the like success will that Philosopher find , who shall expect , that , by the keeping his mind free from the Tincture of all others Opinions , it will give him the original , and uninfected Truths of things . All Knowledg is to be got the same way that a Language is , by Industry , Vse , and Observation . It must be receiv'd , before it can be drawn forth . 'T is true , the mind of Man is a Glass , which is able to represent to it self , all the Works of Nature : But it can onely shew those Figures , which have been brought before it : It is no Magical Glass , like that with which Astrologers use to deceive the Ignorant ; by making them believe , that therein they may behold the Image of any Place , or Person in the World , though never so farr remov'd from it . I know it may be here suggested ; that they , who busie themselves much abroad , about learning the judgments of others , cannot be unprejudic'd in what they think . But it is not the knowing , but the peremptory addiction to others Tenents , that sowers and perverts the Vnderstanding . Nay , to go farther ; that man , who is throughly acquainted with all sorts of Opinions , is very much more unlikely , to adhere obstinately to any one particular , than he whose head is onely fill'd with thoughts , that are all of one colour . It being now so requisite , to premise this general collection : It could not be better made , than by the joint labours of the whole Society . It were an intolerable burthen , if it were wholly cast on the Experimenters themselves . For , it is not onely true , that those who have the best faculty of Experimenting , are commonly most averse from reading Books ; and so it is fit , that this Defect should be supply'd by others pains : But also it would too much tire , and wast , or at least divert their spirits , before they came to the main Work. Whereas the Task being shar'd amongst so great a number , will become not much more than a business of delight . Well then , by this first Comment , and Discourse upon the Experiment ; he , that is to try it , being present ; and having so good an opportunity , of comparing so many other mens conceptions with his own , and with the thing it self ; must needs have his thoughts more enlarg'd , his judgment confirm'd , his eyes open'd to discern , what most compendious helps may be provided ; what part of it is more or less useful ; and upon what side it may be best attempted : The Truths , which he learns this way , will be his Pattern ; the Errors will be his Sea-marks , to teach to avoid the same dangers ; the very falshoods themselves will serve to enlarge , though they do not inform his Vnderstanding . And , indeed , a thousand more advantages will hereby come into the minds of the most Sagacious , and acute Inquirers , which they would never have compass'd , if they had been onely lest to themselves . I remember , my Lord Bacon some where says ; That it is one of the greatest secrets of Nature , that mens Passions are more capable , of being rais'd to higher degrees in company , than in solitude : and that we sooner grieve , fear , rejoyce , love , admire , when we behold many others so mov'd , than when we are alone . This is true ; and the same may be as well affirm'd , of most other actions of the mind . In Assemblies , the Wits of most men are sharper , their Apprehensions readier , their Thoughts fuller , than in their Closets . Of this there is an undoubted proof in the Art of speaking . For , let the wittiest , and most eloquent men think as largely as they can , on any subject in private ; yet , when they come into the publick ; and especially , when they have heard others speak before them , their Argument appears quite another thing to them ; their former expressions seem too flat , and cold for their present thoughts ; their minds swell , and are enlightned , as if at that time they were possess'd with the Souls of the whole multitude , before whom they stand . Those , to whom the conduct of the Experiment is committed , being dismiss'd with these advantages , do ( as it were ) carry the eyes , and the imaginations of the whole company into the Laboratory with them . And after they have perform'd the Trial , they bring all the History of its process back again to the test . Then comes in the second great Work of the Assembly ; which is to judg , and resolve upon the matter of Fact. In this part of their imployment , they us'd to take an exact view of the repetition of the whole course of the Experiment ; here they observ'd all the chances , and the Regularities of the proceeding ; what Nature does willingly , what constrain'd ; what with its own power , what by the succours of Art ; what in a constant rode , and what with some kind of sport and extravagance ; industriously marking all the various shapes into which it turns it self , when it is persued , and by how many secret passages it at last obtains its end ; never giving it over till the whole Company has been fully satisfi'd of the certainty and constancy ; or , on the otherside , of the absolute impossibility of the effect . This critical , and reiterated scrutiny of those things , which are the plain objects of their eyes ; must needs put out of all reasonable dispute , the reality of those operations , which the Society shall positively determine to have succeeded . If any shall still think it a just Philosophical liberty , to be jealous of resting on their credit : they are in the right ; and their dissentings will be most thankfully receiv'd , if they be establish'd on solid works , and not onely on prejudices , or suspicions . To the Royal Society it will be at any time almost as acceptable , to be confuted , as to discover : seeing , by this means , they will accomplish their main Design : others will be inflam'd : many more will labour ; and so the Truth will be obtain'd between them : which may be as much promoted by the contentions of hands , and eyes ; as it is commonly injur'd by those of Tongues . However , that men may not hence undervalue their authority , because they themselves are not willing to impose , and to usurp a dominion over their reason ; I will tell them , that there is not any one thing , which is now approv'd and practis'd in the World , that is confirm'd by stronger evidence , than this , which the Society requires ; except onely the Holy Mysteries of our Religion . In almost all other matters of Belief , of Opinion , or of Science ; the assurance , whereby men are guided , is nothing near so firm , as this . And I dare appeal to all sober men ; whether , seeing in all Countreys , that are govern'd by Laws , they expect no more , than the consent of two , or three witnesses , in matters of life , and estate ; they will not think , they are fairly dealt withall , in what concerns their Knowledg , if they have the concurring Testimonies of threescore or an hundred ? The History , of the Trial perform'd , being thus secur'd , I will next declare , what room they allow'd for conjecturing upon the Causes ; about which they also took some pains , though in a farr different way from the antient Philosophers ; amongst whom , scarce any thing else was regarded , but such general contemplations . This indeed , is the Fatal point , about which so many of the greatest Wits of all Ages have miscarried ; and commonly , the greater the Wit , the more has been the danger : so many wary steps ought to be troden in this uncertain path : such a multitude of pleasing Errors , false Lights , disguised Lies , deceitful Fancies must be escap'd : so much care must be taken , to get into the right way at first : so much , to continue in it ; and at last , the greatest caution still remaining to be us'd ; lest when the treasure is in our view , we undo all , by catching at it too soon , with too greedy , and rash a hand . These , and many more are the difficulties , to be pass'd ; which I have here with less apprehension reckon'd up , because the remedy is so nigh . To this Work therefore the Society approaches , with as much circumspection and modesty , as humane counsels are capable of : They have been cautious , to shun the overweening dogmatizing on causes on the one hand : and not to fall into a speculative Scepticism on the other : and whatever causes they have with just deliberation found to hold good ; they still make them increase their benefits , by farther experimenting upon them ; and will not permit them to rust or corrupt , for want of use . If after all this ▪ they shall not seem wholly to have remov'd the mischiefs , that attend this hazardous matter ; they ought rather to be judg'd , by what they have done towards it above others , than by what they have not provided against : seeing the thing it self is of that nature ; that it is impossible to place the minds of men beyond all condition of erring about it . The first Danger that I shall observe in this kind , is an over-hasty , and praecipitant concluding upon the Causes , before the Effects have been enough search'd into : a finishing the roof , before the foundation has been well laid . For this , I shall first allege this cure ; that , though the Experiment was but the private task of one or two , or some such small number ; yet the conjecturing , and debating on its consequences , was still the employment of their full , and solemn Assemblies . I have already , upon several occasions , preferr'd Companies before single endeavours in Philosophical matters ; and yet I am not asham'd here to repeat it again ; especially , seeing in this place , it is most apparent , to which of them the prerogative of freedom , and clearness of judging , belongs . To this purpose I shall affirm , that there can never be found , in the breast of any particular Philosopher , as much wariness , and coldness of thinking , and rigorous examination ; as is needfull , to a solid assent , and to a lasting conclusion , on the whole frame of Nature . How can it be imagin'd , that any single mind can comprehend , and sustain long enough the weight of so many different Opinions , and infinite Observations ; when even the best Mathematicians are soon tyr'd , with a long train of the most delightful Propositions , which were before made to their hands ? Or , if there could be a man of that vastness of Soul ; yet , how can we be assur'd , that he will hold the scale even ? where have we ever had an example of so much streightness , and impartiality of judgment ; to persuade us , that the calmest Philosopher will not be insensibly inclin'd , to preferr his own Doctrines , before those of a stranger ? We see all the world flatter themselves in their strength , beauty , nay , even ( as some have noted ) in their very Statures ; the lowest men scarce believing , but that they are tall enough . Why then should they be singly trusted in their votes about their own thoughts ; where the comparison of Wit , makes them more eagerly concern'd ? If we follow the Philosopher home into his study ; we shall quickly discover , by how many plausible degrees , the wisest men are apt to deceive themselves , into a sudden confidence of the certainty of their knowledg . We will suppose him , to begin his Inquiry , with all the sincerity imaginable : resolving to pass by no small mistake , and to forgive to himself no slight error in the accompt ; with these fair purposes , he pitches on some particular subject : This he turns , and tortures every way ; till , after much labour , he can make some ghesses at its Causes : upon this , his industry increases : he applies the same matter to several other operations : he still finds the effects answer his expectations : Now he begins to mould some general Proposition upon it : he meets with more and more proofs to confirm his judgment : thus he grows by little and little , warmer in his imaginations : the delight of his success swells him : he triumphs and applauds himself , for having found out some important Truth : But now his Trial begins to slacken : now impatience and security creeps upon him : now he carelesly admits whole crouds of Testimonies , that seem any way to confirm that Opinion , which he had before establish'd : now he stops his survay , which ought to have gone forward to many more particulars ; and so at last , this sincere , this invincible Observer , out of weariness , or presumption , becomes the most negligent in the later part of his work , in which he ought to have been the most exact . Such is the universal inclination of mankind , to be mis-led by themselves : which I have mention'd , not to beat down the credit of any particular Philosophers , whose superstructures have not bin answerable to the strength of their first assertions : but I have onely complain'd of it in general ; as we use to do of Man's mortality , and being subject to diseases : the aggravating of which common infirmities , can never be esteem'd by any private man , as an effect of malice , or ill nature . But now , on the other side , this doubtfulness of thoughts , this fluctuation , this slowness of concluding , which is so usefull in this case , is so natural to a multitude of Counsellors ; that it is frequently urg'd against them , as their inseperable Imperfection . Every man has this Argument in his mouth , wherewith to condemn a great and mixt number of advisers ; that their deliberations are so tedious , that commonly the seasons of Action are lost , before they can come to any result . 'T is true , this unweildiness , and want of dispatch , is most destructive in matters of State , and Government ; as Christendom lately felt : But it has a quite contrary influence on Philosophy . It is not here the most speedy , or the swiftest determination of thoughts , that will do the business ; here , many delays are requir'd : here , he that can make a solid objection , or ask a seasonable question , will do more good , than he , who shall boldly fix on a hundred ill-grounded resolutions . Every rubb is here to be smooth'd : every scruple to be plain'd : every thing to be foreseen : the satisfaction of the reason of all past , present , and future times to be design'd : so that here , that which is so much cry'd down in policy , a striving still to do better , can never be too much regarded . Nor is the Society only fore-arm'd against this great inconvenience , this rashness of setling upon causes , by the multitude of Judges that are to be satisfy'd : but also by their indifferent hearing of all conjectures , that may be made from the Tenents of any Sect of Philosophy ; and by touching every effect that comes before them ; upon all the varieties of opinions , that have been either of late found out , or reviv'd . By this equality of respect to all parties , it has allow'd a sufficient time , to ripen whatever it debated : By this too , it has made it self the common Cherisher , and Vmpire of them all : and has taken the right way of finding out , what is good in any one of them . A course , which if the Antients had more follow'd , their Sects would not so soon have destroy'd each other . It was a most perverse custom amongst their Disciples , not to make any strict choice ; to leave some , and embrace others of their Masters Doctrines , but to swallow all at once . He that became a Stoick , an Epicurean , a Peripatetick , in Logick , or Moral Philosophy , or Physicks ; never stuck , presently to assent to whatever his Founder had said in all the other Sciences : though there was no kind of connexion between his Doctrines in the one , and the other . Thus was the whole image of Philosophy form'd in their minds altogether : And what they receiv'd so carelesly , they defended the same way ; not in parcels , but in gross . Of this the Errors are apparent ; for by so partially believing all sorts of Tenents , they had no time to be fully convinc'd : and so became rather formal Asserters of them , than judicious . And by thus adhering to all ; without making any distinction between the Truths , and falshoods ; weaknesses , and strengths of their Sects ; they deny'd to themselves a farr more calm , and safe knowledg ; which might have been compounded out of them all , by fetching something from one , and something from another . This the Royal Society did well foresee : and therefore did not regard the credit of Names , but Things : rejecting or approving nothing , because of the title , which it bears : preserving to it self the liberty of refusing , or liking , as it found : and so advancing its stock , by a sure and a double increase ; by adding new Discoveries , and retaining antient Truths . A largeness , and generosity , which certainly is an excellent Omen of its establishment . In this , me-thinks , it excels any other Sect ; as the Roman Common-wealth , did that of Venice . The later began upon a small stock , and has been careful to preserve it self unmingled , bestowing the freedom of its City very sparingly : And we see , it has been still on the defensive ; making no great progress in the World : whereas the Romans , by a far more frank , and honourable counsel , admitted all , that desir'd to be their confederates ; gave the liberty of Roman Citizens to whole Towns , and Countreys ; excluded none , but those that would obstinately stand out : and so deservedly extended their Empire , as farr as the bounds of the civil World did reach . The second mischief in this great matter of causes , is an eternal instability , and aversion from assigning of any . This arises , from a violent , and imprudent hast to avoid the first . So easie is the passage from one extreme to another ; and so hard it is , to stop in that little point , wherein the right does consist . The truth is , they are both almost equally pernicious : nothing sound is to be expected from those , who wil fix blindly on whatever they can lay hold on : and nothing great from them , who will always wander ; who will never leave disputing , whether they dream ; or wake ; whether there is any motion ; whether they have any being , or no : the one can produce nothing , but unwholesome , and rotten fruits : and the other , for fear of that , will endeavour to have no Harvest , nor Autumn at all . To this fault of Sceptical doubting , the Royal Society may perhaps be suspected , to be a little too much inclin'd : because they always professed , to be so backward from setling of Principles , or fixing upon Doctrines . But if we fairly consider their intentions , we shall soon acquit them . Though they are not yet very daring , in establishing conclusions ; yet they lay no injunctions upon their successors not to do the same , when they shall have got a sufficient store for such a work . It is their study , that the way to attain a solid speculation , should every day be more and more persued : which is to be done , by a long forbearing of speculation at first , till the matters be ripe for it ; and not , by madly rushing upon it in the very beginning . Though they do not contemplate much on the general agreements of things ; yet they do on the particular : from whence the others also will in time be deduc'd . They are therefore as farr from being Scepticks , as the greatest Dogmatists themselves . The Scepticks deny all , both Doctrines , and Works . The Dogmatists determine on Doctrines , without a sufficient respect to Works : and this Assembly , ( though we should grant , that they have wholly omitted Doctrines ) yet they have been very positive and affirmative in their Works . But more than this , It must also be confess'd , that sometimes after a full inspection ▪ they have ventur'd to give the advantage of probability to one Opinion , or Cause , above another : Nor have they run any manner of hazard by thus concluding . For first , it is likely , they did hit the right , after so long , so punctual , and so gradual an examination : or if we suppose the worst , that they should sometimes judg amiss ( as we cannot but allow they may ; seeing it will not be just to bestow infallibility on them alone ; while we deny it to all others ) yet they have taken care , that their weaker reasonings , and even their Errors , cannot be very prejudicial to Posterity . The causes , upon which they have agreed , they did not presently extend , beyond their due strength , to all other things , that seem to bear some resemblance to what they try'd . Whatever they have resolv'd upon ; they have not reported , as unalterable Demonstrations , but as present appearances : delivering down to future Ages , with the good success of the Experiment , the manner of their progress , the Instruments , and the several differences of the matter , which they have apply'd : so that , with their mistake , they give them also the means of finding it out . To this I shall add , that they have never affirm'd any thing , concerning the cause , till the trial was past : whereas , to do it before , is a most venomous thing in the making of Sciences : for whoever has fix'd on his Cause , before he has experimented ; can hardly avoid fitting his Experiment , and his Observations , to his own Cause , which he had before imagin'd ; rather than the Cause to the truth of the Experiment it self . But , in a word , they have hitherto made little other benefit of the causes , to which they have consented ; than that thereby they might have a firm footing , whereon new operations may proceed . And for this Work , I mean a continuation , and variation of the Inquiry ; the tracing of a false Cause , doth very often so much conduce ; that , in the progress , the right has been discover'd by it . It is not to be question'd , but many inventions of great moment , have been brought forth by Authors , who began upon suppositions , which afterwards they found to be untrue . And it frequently happens to Philosophers , as it did to Columbus : who first believ'd the clouds , that hover'd about the Continent , to be the firm Land : But his mistake was happy ; for , by sailing towards them , he was led to what he sought : so by prosecuting of mistaken Causes , with a resolution of not giving over the persute ; they have been guided to the truth it self . The last Defect is , the rendring of Causes barren : that when they have been found out , they have been suffer'd to lye idle ; and have been onely us'd , to increase thoughts , and not works . This negligence is of all others the most dangerous : It is a Shipwrack in the end of the voiage , and thence the more to be pitied : It is a corruption , that both hinders additions , and eats out the knowledg that has been already obtain'd : It is the fault of Philosophers , and not of meer Inquirers ; of those that have been successfull , and not of the unfortunate in their search : and therefore it is , as the miscarriages of those , that are prosperous in humane actions ; which are always observ'd to be more destructive , and harder to be cur'd , than the failings of the afflicted , or those that are still in persute . To this the Royal Society has apply'd a double prevention ; both by endeavouring to strike out new Arts , as they go along ; and also , by still improving all to new experiments . Of the possibility of their performing the first ; and the Method , which is to be taken about it ; I shall shortly speak in another place . It is enough here , to say ; that by this , they have taken care , to satisfie the hopes of the present times ; which else might justly languish , and grow cold about this enterprise : if they once saw , that nothing would be ripe in their days ; but that all was to come up hereafter , for the advantage of those , that are yet unborn . They consulted the good of Future times ; but have not neglected their own ; they have practis'd both the parts of good Husbandry ; planting Trees , and sowing Corn. This later , for their own speedy benefit , and support ; and the other , for the profit , and ornament of after-Ages . Nor have they suffer'd their diligence to be swallow'd up , by the pleasures , and enjoyments of present discoveries ; but have still submitted their noblest Inventions , to be made Instruments , and means , for the finding out of others . This certainly is the most comprehensive , and unerring Method ; at once to make use of that assistance , they give , and to force them , to be farther helpfull to greater ends . There is nothing of all the works of Nature , so inconsiderable , so remote , or so fully known ; but , by being made to reflect on other things , it will at once enligten them , and shew it self the clearer . Such is the dependance amongst all the orders of creatures ; the inanimate , the sensitive , the rational , the natural , the artificial : that the apprehension of one of them , is a good step towards the understanding of the rest : And this is the highest pitch of humane reason ; to follow all the links of this chain , till all their secrets are open to our minds ; and their works advanc'd , or imitated by our hands . This is truly to command the world ; to rank all the varieties , and degrees of things , so orderly one upon another ; that standing on the top of them , we may perfectly behold all that are below , and make them all serviceable to the quiet , and peace , and plenty of Man's life . And to this happiness , there can be nothing else added : but that we make a second advantage of this rising ground , thereby to look the nearer into heaven : An ambition , which though it was punish'd in the old World , by an universal Confusion ; when it was manag'd with impiety , and insolence : yet , when it is carried on by that humility and innocence , which can never be separated from true knowledg ; when it is design'd , not to brave the Creator of all things , but to admire him the more : it must needs be the utmost perfection of humane Nature . Thus they have directed , judg'd , conjectur'd upon , and improved Experiments . But lastly , in these , and all other businesses , that have come under their care ; there is one thing more , about which the Society has been most sollicitous ; and that is , the manner of their Discourse : which , unless they had been very watchful to keep in due temper , the whole spirit and vigour of their Design , had been soon eaten out , by the luxury and redundance of speech . The ill effects of this superfluity of talking , have already overwhelm'd most other Arts and Professions ; insomuch , that when I consider the means of happy living , and the causes of their corruption , I can hardly forbear recanting what I said before ; and concluding , that eloquence ought to be banish'd out of all civil Societies , as a thing fatal to Peace and good Manners . To this opinion I should wholly incline ; if I did not find , that it is a Weapon , which may be as easily procur'd by bad men , as good : and that , if these should onely cast it away , and those retain it ; the naked Innocence of vertue , would be upon all occasions expos'd to the armed Malice of the wicked . This is the chief reason , that should now keep up the Ornaments of speaking , in any request : since they are so much degenerated from their original usefulness . They were at first , no doubt , an admirable Instrument in the hands of Wise Men : when they were onely employ'd to describe Goodness , Honesty , Obedience ; in larger , fairer , and more moving Images : to represent Truth , cloth'd with Bodies ; and to bring Knowledg back again to our very senses , from whence it was at first deriv'd to our understandings . But now they are generally chang'd to worse uses : They make the Fancy disgust the best things , if they come sound , and unadorn'd : they are in open defiance against Reason ; professing , not to hold much correspondence with that ; but with its Slaves , the Passions : they give the mind a motion too changeable , and bewitching , to consist with right practice . Who can behold , without indignation , how many mists and uncertainties , these specious Tropes and Figures have brought on our Knowledg ? How many rewards , which are due to more profitable , and difficult Arts , have been still snatch'd away by the easie vanity of fine speaking ? For now I am warm'd with this just Anger , I cannot with-hold my self , from betraying the shallowness of all these seeming Mysteries ; upon which , we Writers , and Speakers , look so bigg . And , in few words , I dare say ; that of all the Studies of men , nothing may be sooner obtain'd , than this vicious abundance of Phrase , this trick of Metaphors , this volubility of Tongue , which makes so great a noise in the World. But I spend words in vain ; for the evil is now so inveterate , that it is hard to know whom to blame , or where to begin to reform . We all value one another so much , upon this beautiful deceipt ; and labour so long after it , in the years of our education ; that we cannot but ever after think kinder of it , than it deserves . And indeed , in most other parts of Learning , I look on it to be a thing almost utterly desperate in its cure : and I think , it may be plac'd amongst those general mischiefs ; such , as the dissention of Christian Princes , the want of practice in Religion , and the like ; which have been so long spoken against , that men are become insensible about them ; every one shifting off the fault from himself to others ; and so they are only made bare common places of complaint . It will suffice my present purpose , to point out , what has been done by the Royal Society , towards the correcting of its excesses in Natural Philosophy ; to which it is , of all others , a most profest enemy . They have therefore been most rigorous in putting in execution , the only Remedy , that can be found for this extravagance : and that has been , a constant Resolution , to reject all the amplifications , digressions , and swellings of style : to return back to the primitive purity , and shortness , when men deliver'd so many things , almost in an equal number of words . They have exacted from all their members , a close , naked , natural way of speaking ; positive expressions ; clear senses ; a native easiness : bringing all things as near the Mathematical plainness , as they can : and preferring the language of Artizans , Countrymen , and Merchants , before that , of Wits , or Scholars . And here , there is one thing , not to be pass'd by ; which will render this establish'd custom of the Society , well nigh everlasting : and that is , the general constitution of the minds of the English. I have already often insisted on some of the prerogatives of England ; whereby it may justly lay claim , to be the Head of a Philosophical league , above all other Countries in Europe : I have urg'd its scituation , its present Genius , and the disposition of its Merchants ; and many more such arguments to incourage us , still remain to be us'd : But of all others , this , which I am now alledging , is of the most weighty , and important consideration . If there can be a true character given of the Vniversal Temper of any Nation under Heaven : then certainly this must be ascrib'd to our Countrymen : that they have commonly an unaffected sincerity ; that they love to deliver their minds with a sound simplicity ; that they have the middle qualities , between the reserv'd subtle southern , and the rough unhewn Northern people : that they are not extreamly prone to speak : that they are more concern'd , what others will think of the strength , than of the fineness of what they say : and that an universal modesty possesses them . These Qualities are so conspicuous , and proper to our Soil ; that we often hear them objected to us , by some of our neighbour Satyrists , in more disgraceful expressions . For they are wont to revile the English , with a want of familiarity ; with a melancholy dumpishness ; with slowness , silence , and with the unrefin'd sullenness of their behaviour . But these are only the reproaches of partiality , or ignorance : for they ought rather to be commended for an honourable integrity ; for a neglect of circumstances , and flourishes ; for regarding things of greater moment , more than less ; for a scorn to deceive as well as to be deceiv'd : which are all the best indowments , that can enter into a Philosophical Mind . So that even the position of our climate , the air , the influence of the heaven , the composition of the English blood ; as well as the embraces of the Ocean , seem to joyn with the labours of the Royal Society , to render our Country , a Land of Experimental knowledge . And it is a good sign , that Nature will reveal more of its secrets to the English , than to others ; because it has already furnish'd them with a Genius so well proportion'd , for the receiving , and retaining its mysteries . And now , to come to a close of the second part of the Narration : The Society has reduc'd its principal observations , into one common-stock ; and laid them up in publique Registers , to be nakedly transmitted to the next Generation of Men ; and so from them , to their Successors . And as their purpose was , to heap up a mixt Mass of Experiments , without digesting them into any perfect model : so to this end , they confin'd themselves to no order of subjects ; and whatever they have recorded , they have done it , not as compleat Schemes of opinions , but as bare unfinish'd Histories . In the order of their Inquisitions , they have been so free ; that they have sometimes committed themselves to be guided , according to the seasons of the year : sometimes , according to what any foreiner , or English Artificer , being present , has suggested : sometimes , according to any extraordinary accident in the Nation , or any other casualty , which has hapned in their way . By which roving , and unsettled course , there being seldome any reference of one matter to the next ; they have prevented others , nay even their own hands , from corrupting , or contracting the work : they have made the raising of Rules , and Propositions , to be a far more difficult task , than it would have been , if their Registers had been more Methodical . Nor ought this neglect of consequence , and order , to be only thought to proceed from their carelesness ; but from a mature , and well grounded praemeditation . For it is certain , that a too sudden striving to reduce the Sciences , in their beginnings , into Method , and Shape , and Beauty ; has very much retarded their increase . And it happens to the Invention of Arts , as to children in their younger years : in whose Bodies , the same applications , that serve to make them strait , slender , and comely ; are often found very mischievous , to their ease , their strength , and their growth . By their fair , and equal , and submissive way of Registring nothing , but Histories , and Relations ; they have left room for others , that shall succeed , to change , to augment , to approve , to contradict them , at their discretion . By this , they have given posterity a far greater power of judging them ; than ever they took over those , that went before them . By this , they have made a firm confederacy , between their own present labours , and the Industry of Future Ages ; which how beneficial it will prove hereafter , we cannot better ghesse , than by recollecting , what wonders it would in all likelyhood have produc'd e're this ; if it had been begun in the Times of the Greeks , or Romans , or Scholemen ; nay even in the very last resurrection of learning . What depth of Nature , could by this time have been hid from our view ? What Faculty of the Soul would have been in the dark ? What part of human infirmities , not provided against ? if our Predecessors , a thousand , nay even a hundred , years ago , had begun to add by little , and little to the store : if they would have indeavour'd to be Benefactors , and not Tyrants over our Reasons ; if they would have communicated to us , more of their Works , and less of their Wit. This complaint , which I here take up , will appear the juster ; if we consider , that the first learned Times of the Antients , and all those , that follow'd after them , down to this day , would have receiv'd no prejudice at all ; if their Philosophers had chiefly bestow'd their pains , in making Histories of Nature , and not in forming of Sciences : perhaps indeed the names of some particular men , who had the luck to compile those Systemes , and Epitomes which they gave us , would have been less glorious , than they are . Though that too may be doubted : and ( if we may conclude any thing surely , upon a matter so changeable , as Fame is ) we have reason enough to believe , that these later Ages would have honour'd Plato , Aristotle , Zeno , and Epicurus , as much , if not more , than now they do ; if they had only set things in a way of propagating Experiences down to us ; and not impos'd their imaginations on us , as the only Truths . This may be well enough suppos'd ; seeing it is common to all mankind , still to esteem dearer the memories of their Friends , than of those that pretend to be their Masters . But this matter of reputation , was only the private concernment of five , or six . As for the Interest of those Times in general , I will venture to make good ; that in all effects of true knowledge , they might have been as happy , without those Bodies of Arts , as they were with them ; Logick , and the Mathematicks only excepted . To instance in their Physicks : they were utterly useless , in respect of the good of mankind : they themselves did almost confess so much , by reserving all their Natural Philosophy , for the retirements of their Wisemen . What help did it ever bring to the vulgar ? What visible benefit to any City , or Country in the World ? Their Mechanicks , and Artificers ( for whom the True Natural Philosophy should be principally intended ) were so far from being assisted by those abstruse Doctrines ; that perhaps scarce any one of those Professions , and Trades , has well understood Aristotles Principles of Bodies , from his own Time down to ours . Hence then we may conclude , that those first Times , wherein these Arts were made , had been nothing dammag'd ; if , instead of raising so many Speculative Opinions , they had only minded the laying of a solid ground-work , for a vast Pile of Experiments , to be continually augmenting through all Ages . And I will also add ; that , if such a course had been at first set on foot , Philosophy would by this means have been kept closer to material things ; and so , in probability , would not have undergone so many Eclipses , as it has done ever since . If we reckon from its first setting forth in the East ; we shall find , that in so long a Tract of Time , there have not been above four , or five hundred years , at several intervals , wherein it has been in any request in the World. And if we look back on all the alterations , and subversions of States , that have hapned in Civil Nations , these three thousand years : we may still behold , that the Sciences of mens brains , have been alwayes subject to be far more injur'd by such vicissitudes , than the Arts of their hands . What cause can be assign'd for this ? Why was Learning the first thing , that was constantly swept away , in all destructions of Empire , and forein inundations ? Why could not that have weather'd out the storm , as well as most sorts of Manufactures : which , though they began as soon , or before the other , yet they have remain'd , through all such changes , unalter'd ; except for the better ? The Reason of this is evident . It is , because Philosophy had been spun out , to so fine a thread , that it could be known but only to those , who would throw away all their whole Lives upon it . It was made too subtile , for the common , and gross conceptions of men of business . It had before in a measure been banish'd , by the Philosophers themselves , out of the World ; and shut up in the shades of their walks . And by this means , it was first look'd upon , as most useless ; and so fit , soonest to be neglected . Whereas if at first it had been made to converse more with the senses , and to assist familiarly in all occasions of human life ; it would , no doubt , have been thought needful to be preserv'd , in the most Active , and ignorant Time. It would have escap'd the fury of the Barbarous people ; as well as the Arts of Ploughing , Gard'ning , Cookery , making Iron and Steel , Fishing , Sailing , and many more such necessary handicrafts have done . But it is too late to lament this error of the Antients ; seeing it is not now to be repair'd . It is enough , that we gather from hence ; that by bringing Philosophy down again to mens sight , and practice , from whence it was flown away so high : the Royal Society has put it into a condition of standing out , against the Invasions of Time , or even Barbarisme it self : that by establishing it on a firmer foundation , than the airy Notions of men alone , upon all the works of Nature ; by turning it into one of the Arts of Life , of which men may see there is daily need ; they have provided , that it cannot hereafter be extinguish'd , at the loss of a Library , at the overthrowing of a Language , or at the death of some few Philosophers : but that men must lose their eyes , and hands , and must leave off desiring to make their Lives convenient , or pleasant ; before they can be willing to destroy it . Thus far I was come in my intended work , when my hand was stop'd , and my mind disturb'd from writing , by the two greatest diasters , that ever befel our Nation , the fatal Infection , which overspread the City of London in Sixty five ; and the dreadful firing of the City it self , in the year insuing . These two calamities may well be sufficient , to excuse the delay of publishing this Book : when the one of them devour'd as many Men , and the other as many Books , as the cruellest incursion of the Goths , and Vandals , had ever done . The Plague was indeed an irreparable dammage to the whole Kingdom : but that which chiefly added to the misery , was the time , wherein it happen'd . For what could be a more deplorable accident , than that so many brave men should be cut off by the Arrow , that flies in the dark , when our Country was ingag'd in a forein War , and when their Lives might have been honourably ventur'd on a glorious Theater in its defence ? And we had scarce recover'd this first misfortune , when we receiv'd a second , and a deeper wound ; which cannot be equall'd in all History , if either we consider the obscurity of its beginning , the irresistible violence of its progress , the horror of its appearance , or the wideness of the ruine , it made , in one of the most renown'd Cities of the World. Yet when on the one side , I remember , what desolation these scourges of mankind have left behind them ; and on the other when I reflect on the magnanimity , wherewith the English Nation did support the mischiefs : I find , that I have not more reason to bewail the one , than to admire the other . Upon our return after the abating of the Plague , what else could we expect , but to see the streets unfrequented , the River forsaken , the fields deform'd with the Graves of the Dead , and the Terrors of Death still abiding on the faces of the living ? But instead of such dismal sights , there appear'd almost the same throngs in all publick places , the same noise of business , the same freedom of convers , and with the return of the King , the same cheerfulness returning on the minds of the people as before . Nor was their courage less , in sustaining the second calamity , which destroy'd their houses , and estates . This the greatest losers indur'd with such undaunted firmness of mind , that their example may incline us to believe , that not only the best Natural , but the best Moral Philosophy too , may be learn'd from the shops of Mechanicks . It was indeed an admirable thing to behold , with what constancy , the meanest Artificers saw all the labours of their lives , and the support of their families devour'd in an instant . The affliction 't is true , was widely spread over the whole Nation : every place was fill'd with signs of pity , and commiseration : But those who had suffer'd most , seem'd the least affected with the loss : no unmanly bewailings were heard in the few streets , that were preserv'd : they beheld the Ashes of their Houses , and Gates , and Temples , without the least expression of Pusillanimity . If Philosophers had done this , it had well become their profession of Wisdom : if Gentlemen , the nobleness of their breeding , and blood would have requir'd it . But that such greatness of heart should be found amongst the poor Artizans , and the obscure multitude , is no doubt one of the most honourable events , that ever happen'd . Yet still there is one circumstance behind , which may raise our wonder higher : and that is , that amidst such horrible ruines , they still prosecuted the War with the same vigour , and courage , against three of the most powerful States of all Europe . What Records of Time , or Memory of past Ages , can shew us a greater testimony of an invincible and heroick Genius , than this , of which I now speak ? that the sound of the Heralds proclaiming new Wars , should be pleasant to the people , when the sad voice of the Bell-man was scarce yet gone out of their ears ? that the increase of their Adversaries Confederates , and of their own calamities , should be so far from affrighting them , that they rather seem'd to receive from thence a new vigour , and resolution ? and that they should still be eager upon Victories , and Triumphs , when they were thought almost quite exhausted , by so great destructions ? From this observation my mind begins to take comfort , and to presage , that as this terrible Disease , and Conflagration were not able to darken the honour of our Princes Armes ; so they will not hinder the many noble Arts , which the English have begun under his Reign on the strength of these hopes , and incouragements , I will now return to my former thoughts , and to the finishing of my interrupted design . And I come with the more earnestness to perfect it , because it seems to me , that from the sad effects of these disasters , there may a new , and a powerful Argument be rais'd , to move us to double our labours , about the Secrets of Nature . A New City is to be built , on the most advantageous Seat of all Europe , for Trade , and command . This therefore is the fittest Season for men to apply their thoughts , to the improving of the materials of building , and to the inventing of better models , for Houses , Roofs , Chimnies , Conduits , Wharfs , and Streets : all which have been already under the consideration of the Royal Society : and that too , before they had such a sad occasion of bringing their observations into practice . The mortality of this Pestilence exceeded all others of later Ages . But the remembrance of it should rather enliven than damp our Industry . When mankind is overrun with such horrible invasions of Death , they should from thence be universally alarm'd , to use more diligence about preventing them for the future . It is true , that terrible evil has hitherto in all Countries , been generally too strong , for the former remedies of Art. But why should we think that it will continue so for ever ? Why may we not believe , that in all the vast compass of Natural virtues of things yet conceal'd , there is still reserv'd an Antidote , that shall be equal to this poyson ? If in such cases we only accuse the Anger of Providence , or the Cruelty of Nature : we lay the blame , where it is not justly to be laid . It ought rather to be attributed to the negligence of men themselves , that such difficult Cures are without the bounds of their reasons power . If all men had desponded at first , and sunk under the burden of their own infirmities , almost every little wound , or pain of the least member , had been as deadly , as the Plague at this time . It was by much Inquiry , and use , that most of the mildest diseases became curable . And every first success of this kind , should alwayes strengthen our assurance of farther conquests , even over this greatest Terror of mankind . Distrust , and despair of our own indeavours , is as great a hindrance in the progress of the True Philosophy , as it is wont to be in the rise of mens private fortunes . Whoever aims not at the greatest things , will seldome proceed much farther , than the least . Whoever will make a right , and a fortunate Courtship to Nature , he cannot enterprise , or attempt too much : for She ( as it is said of other Mistresses ) is also a Mistress , that soonest yields to the forward , and the Bold . I have hitherto describ'd the first Elements , on which the Royal Society arose , and supported its beginnings : I have trac'd its progress from the first private indeavours of some of its members , till it became united into a Regular constitution : and from thence I have related their first conceptions , and practices , towards the setling of an universal , constant , and impartial survey of the whole Creation . There now remains to be added in this Third part of my Narration , an Account of the Incouragements they have receiv'd from abroad , and at home ; and a Particular Enumeration of the Principal Subjects , about which they have been emploi'd since they obtain'd the Royal Confirmation . I will first begin with the esteem , which all the Civil world abroad has conceiv'd of their Enterprize . And I mention this with the more willingness , because I believe , that our Nation ought justly to be reprov'd , for their excess of Natural bashfulness , and for their want of care , to have their most excellent things represented to Strangers with the best advantage . This silent , and reserv'd humour has no doubt been very prejudicial to us , in the judgment , that our Neighbours have often made , not only concerning the condition of our Learning , but also of our Political affairs . I will therefore trespass a little on this disposition of my Countrymen , and affirm , that as the English name does manifestly get ground , by the bravery of their Arms , the Glory of their Naval strength , and the spreading of their Commerce : so there has been a remarkable addition to its renown , by the success , which all our Neighbours expect from this Assembly . It is evident , that this searching Spirit , and this affection to sensible Knowledge , does prevail in most Countries round about us . 'T is true , the conveniences for such labours , are not equal in all places . Some want the assistance of others hands ; some the contribution of others purses : some the benefit of excellent Instruments , some the Patronage of the Civil Magistrates : But yet according to their several powers , they are every where intent on such practical Studies . And the most considerable effects of such attempts throughout Europe , have been still recommended to this Society , by their Authors , to be examin'd , approv'd , or corrected . The Country , that lies next to England in its scituation is France : and that is also neerest to it , in its zeal for the promotion of Experiments . In that Kingdom , the Royal Society has maintain'd a perpetual intercourse , with the most eminent men of Art of all conditions : and has obtain'd from them , all the help which might justly be hop'd for , from the vigour , and activity , and readiness of mind , which is natural to that people . From their Physicians , Chirurgeons , and Anatomists , it has receiv'd many faithful Relations of extraordinary Cures : from their most judicious Travellers the Fruits of their Voyages : from their most famous Mathematicians , divers Problems , which have been solvd many different wayes : from their Chymists the effects of their Fires : and from others of their best Observers , many rarities , and discourses , of their Fruits , Silk , Wine , Bread , Plants , Salt and such Natural productions of their Soil . And , to instance once for all , it has been affectionately invited to a mutual correspondence by the French Academy of Paris : In which invitation , there is one expression , that ought not to be pass'd over in silence : that they acknowledge the English Nation , to have many advantages , for the propagating of Real Philosophy , which are wanting to all others . This Confession is true . Yet these advantages , unless they had been improv'd by this institution , had been only as those , that we have for fishing , objections , and arguments of our sloth . In Italy the Royal Society has an excellent priviledge of receiving , and imparting Experiments , by the help of one of their own Fellows , who has the opportunity of being Resident there for them , as well as for the King. From thence they have been earnestly invited to a mutual intelligence , by many of their most Noble Wits , but chiefly by the Prince Leopoldo , Brother to the Great Duke of Thuscany ; who is the Patron of all the Inquisitive Philosophers of Florence : from whom there is coming out under his Name an account of their proceedings call'd Ducat Experiments . This application to the Royal Society I have mention'd , because it comes from that Country , which is seldome wont to have any great regard , to the Arts of these Nations , that lye on this side of their mountains . In Germany , and its neighbouring Kingdomes , the Royal Society has met with great veneration ; as appears by several Testimonies , in their late Printed Books , which have been submitted to its Censure : by many Curiosities of Mechanick Instruments , that have been transmitted to it : and by the Addresses which have been sent from their Philosophical Inquirers . For which kinds of Enterprises the temper of the German Nation , is admirably fit , both in respect of their peculiar dexterity in all sorts of manual Arts , and also in regard of the plain , and unaffected sincerity of their manners : wherein they so much resemble the English , that we seem to have deriv'd from them the composition of our minds , as well as to have descended from their Race . In the Low-Countries , their Interest , and Reputation has been establish'd , by the Friendship of some of their chief Learned men , and principally of Hugenius . This Gentleman has bestow'd his pains , on many parts of the speculative , and practical Mathematicks , with wonderful successes . And particularly his applying the Motion of Pendulums to Clocks , and Watches , was an excellent Invention . For thereby there may be a means found out , of bringing the measures of Time , to an exact Regulation : of which the benefits are infinite . In the prosecution of such Discoveries , he has often requir'd the aid of this Society ; he has receiv'd the light of their Trials , and a confirmation of his own , and has freely admitted their alterations , or amendments . And this learned correspondence with him , and many others , is still continued , even at this present time , in the breach between our Countries : Their Great Founder , and Patron still permitting them to maintain the Traffick of Sciences , when all other Commerce is intercepted . Whence we may ghess , what may be expected from the peaceful part of our Kings Reign , when his very Wars are manag'd , without injury to the Arts of Civil Knowledge . But not to wander any farther in particulars , it may perhaps in general be safely computed , that there has been as large a communication of Forein Arts , and Inventions , to the Royal Society , within this small compass of time , as ever before did pass over the English Channel since the very first transportation of Arts into our Island . And that this benefit will still increase by the length of time is indubitable , from the Reception , which has been given to the Scholars , Nobility , Embassadours , and Forein Princes , who of late years have travell'd hither , to behold a Country , which had been the Stage of so famous a War , and so miraculous a Peace . All these have still visited the Royal Society , as one of the first , and Noblest Fruits of our restoration . From hence they have return'd home , with a free engagement of their assistance : the men of learning assuring it of a contribution of their Labours , and the Statesmen , and Princes of their Authority , and indeavours , in satisfying all Philosophical Quaeries , with which they have been plentifully furnish'd . It would be a useless pomp to reckon up a Catalogue of their Names : especially seeing they are already recorded with gratitude , in a more lasting Monument , The Register of the Society . Only it will not , I think , be amiss , if I mention the visit of one Prince , because it may afford us a profitable observation . When the Duke of Brunswyck and Lunenbourgh was introduc'd into their weekly Assembly , and had subscrib'd his name to their Statutes : there was according to the Custom , one of the Fellows appointed , to interpret to him , what Experiments were produc'd , and examin'd at that meeting . But his Highness told them , that it was not necessary , they should put themselves to that trouble : for he well understood our Language , having been drawn to the study of it , out of a desire of reading our Philosophical Books . From whence there may this conclusion be made , that if ever our Native Tongue shall get any ground in Europe , it must be by augmenting its Experimental Treasure . Nor is it impossible , but as the Feminine Arts of Pleasure , and Gallantry have spread some of our Neighbouring Languages , to such a vast extent : so the English Tongue may also in time be more enlarg'd , by being the Instrument of conveying to the World , the Masculine Arts of Knowledge . I now come to relate , what incouragements this design has receiv'd at home in its Native soyl . And I will assure my Reader , that the Original of the Royal Society has found a general approbation within our selves , and that the most prudent men of all Professions , and Interests , have shewn by their respects to these hopeful beginnings , that there is a Reverence due to the first trials , and intentions , as well as to the last accomplishment of generous attempts . Of our chief , and most wealthy Merchants , and Citizens , very many have assisted it with their presence : and thereby have added the industrious , punctual , and active Genius of men of Trafick , to the quiet , sedentary , and reserv'd temper of men of Learning . They have contributed their labours : they have help'd their correspondence : they have employ'd their Factors abroad , to answer their Inquiries ; they have laid out in all Countries for observations : they have bestow'd many considerable gifts on their Treasury , and Repository . And chiefly there is one Bounty to be here inserted , which for the singular benefit that may be expected from it , deserves the applause and imitation of this , and future times . It is the establishment made by Sir Iohn Cutler , for the reading on Mechanicks , in the place where the Royal Society shall meet . This is the first Lecture that has been founded of this kind , amidst all the vast munificence of so many Benefactors to Learning , in this later Age. And yet this was the most necessary of all others . For this has chiefly caus'd the slow progress of manual Arts ; that the Trades themselves have never serv'd apprentiships , as well as the Tradesmen : that they have never had any Masters set over them , to direct and guide their works , or to vary , and enlarge their operations . Of our Physicians , many of the most judicious , have contributed their purses , their hands , their judgments , their writings . This they have done , though they have also in London , a Colledge peculiar to their Profession ; which ever since its first foundation , for the space of a hundred and fifty years , has given the world a succession of the most eminent Physicians of Europe . In that they confine themselves to the advancement of Physick : But in this , they have also with great zeal , and ability , promoted this universal inspection , into all Natural knowledge . For without danger of flattery , I will declare of the English Physicians , that no part of the world exceeds them , not only in the skill of their own Art , but in general Learning : and of very many of that profession I will affirm , that All Apollo is their own , as it was said by the best Poet of this Age , of one of the most excellent of their number . Of our Nobility , and Gentry , the most Noble and Illustrious have condescended , to labour here with their hands , to impart their discoveries , to propose their doubts , to assist , and defray the charge of their Trials . And this they have done with such a universal agreement , that it is almost the only thing , wherein the Nobility of all the three Kingdoms are united . In their Assemblies for making Laws they are separated : in their customes , and manners of life they differ : And in their humours too , they are thought not much of kin to each other . But in the Royal Society the Scotch , the Irish , the English Gentry do meet , and communicate , without any distinction of Countries , or affections . From hence no doubt very much Political , as well as Philosophical benefit will arise . By this means , there is a good foundation laid ▪ for the removing of that aversion , which the English are sometimes observ'd to express to the Natives of those Kingdoms : which though perhaps it arises from the Knowledge of their own advantages above the other , yet it is a great hindrance to the growth of the British power . For as a Kingdom divided against it self , cannot stand ; so three Kingdomes divided from each other , in Tempers , Studies , and Inclinations , can never be great , upon one common interest . Of our Ministers of State at home , and our Embassadours abroad , there have been very few employ'd , who are not Fellows of the Royal Society : and especially these later , have bestow'd their pains in forein Courts , to collect Relations , and Secrets of Nature , as well as of State : For which service their way of life is most convenient , by the generality of their converse , the priviledges , and freedom of their dispatches ; and the usual Resort of the most knowing , and inquisitive men to their company . Our Greatest Captains , and Commanders have inroll'd their Names in this number , and have regarded these Studies : which are not , as other parts of Learning , to be call'd the Studies of the Gown , for they do as well become the profession of a Souldier , or any other way of life . Nor have our most renowned Generals neglected the opportunities of Philosophical Inquiries , even in the midst of their greatest Enterprizes , on which the fate of Kingdoms has depended . They have been furnish'd with Instruments , and directions by the Royal Society , and amidst the Tumult of Wars , and Government of Fleets , they have found leisure to make some Trials of Experiments : which works as much excell that of Declaiming , which some of the Roman Generals us'd in their Camps , as it is better to do , than to talk well . Of our Churchmen the Greatest and the most Reverend , by their care , and passion , and indeavours , in advancing this Institution , have taken off the unjust scandal from Natural knowledge , that it is an Enemy to Divinity . By the perpetual Patronage ; and assistance , they have afforded the Royal Society , they have confuted the false opinions of those men , who believe that Philosophers must needs be irreligious : they have shewn that in our veneration of Gods almighty power , we ought to imitate the manner of our respect to Earthly Kings . For as , the greater their Dominion is , the more observance is wont to be given to their neerest Servants and Officers : so the greatness of the Divine Majesty is best to be worshipp'd , by the due honouring , and observing of Nature , which is his immediate Servant , and the universal Minister of his pleasure . But I make hast to that , which ought to be esteem'd the very life , and soul of this undertaking , the protection , and favour of the King , and the Royal Family ▪ When the Society first address'd themselves to his Majestie , he was pleas'd to express much satisfaction , that this enterprize was begun in his Reign : he then represented to them , the gravity , and difficulty of their work and assur'd them of all the kind influence of his Power , and Prerogative . Since that he has frequently committed many things to their search : he has referr'd many forein Rarities to their inspection : he has recommended many domestick improvements to their care : he has demanded the result of their trials , in many appearances of Nature : he has been present , and assisted with his own hands , at the performing of many of their Experiments , in his Gardens , his Parks , and on the River . And besides I will not conceal , that he has sometimes reprov'd them for the slowness of their proceedings : at which reproofs they have not so much cause to be afflicted , that they are the reprehensions of a King , as to be comforted , that they are the reprehensions of his love , and affection to their progress . For a Testimony of which Royal benignity , and to free them from all hindrances , and occasions of delay , he has given them the establishment of his Letters Patents , of which I will here produce an Epitome . CHarles the second , by the Grace of God , of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland King , Defender of the Faith , &c. To all unto whom these presents shall come , Greeting . Hauing long resolved within our self to promote the welfare of Arts and Sciences , as well as that of our Territories and Dominions , out of our Princely affection to all kind of Learning , and more particular favour to Philosophical Studies . Especially those which indeavour by solid Experiments either to reform or improve Philosophy . To the intent therefore that these kinds of study , which are no where yet fufficiently cultivated , may flourish in our Dominions ; and that the Learned world may acknowledge us to be , not only the Defender of the Faith , but the Patron and Encourager of all sorts of useful Knowledge . Know ye , that we out of our special Grace , certain knowledge , and meer motion , have given and granted , and do by these presents give and grant for us , our Heirs , and Successors , That there shall be for ever a Society , consisting of a President , Council , and Fellows , which shall be called by the name of the President , Council , and Fellows of the Royal Society of London , for and improving of Natural knowledge , of which Society we do by these presents declare our self to be Founder and Patron . And we do hereby make and constitute the said Society by the name , &c. to be a Body corporate , to be continued under the same name in a perpetual succession ; And that they and their successors ( whose studies are to be imployed for the promoting of the knowledge of natural things , and useful Arts by Experiments . To the glory of God , and the good of mankind ) shall by the foresaid name of President , Council , &c. be inabled and made capable in Law , to levy , hold , possess , and injoy , Lands , Tenements , &c. Liberties , Franchises , Iurisdictions , for perpetuity , or Terms of Lives , or Years , or any other way : as also Goods , Chattels , and all other things of what Nature or Kind soever . And also by the name aforesaid to Give , Grant , Demise , or Assign the said Lands , Goods , &c. and to do all things necessary thereabout . And the said Persons by the name aforesaid are inabled to implead , be impleaded , sue , defend , &c. in any Courts , and before any Iudges , Officers , &c. whatsoever of the King , His Heirs and Successors , in all and singular Actions Real and Personal : Pleas , Causes , &c. of what kind soever , as any of His Subjects within his Kingdom of England , or Corporations , are by Law capable and inabled to do . And the said President , Council , and Fellows are impowr'd to have a Common Seal for their use in their Affairs : and from time to time to break , change , and make anew the same , as shall seem expedient unto them . And his Majesty , in Testimony of his Royal Favour towards the said President , Council , and Fellows , and of His especial esteem of them , doth Grant a Coat of Arms to them and their Successors , viz. On a Field Argent a Canton of the three Lyons of England : For a Crest , an Eagle proper on a Ducal Coronet supporting a Shield charged with the Lyons aforesaid ; and for Supporters , two Talbots with Coronets on their Necks . The said Armes to be born , &c. by the said Society upon all occasions . And that His Majesties Royal Intention may take the better effect for the good Government of the said Society from time to time : It is establish'd , That the Council aforesaid shall consist of 21. Persons ; ( whereof the President for the time being alwayes to be one . ) And that all Persons , which within two Moneths next ensuing the date of the said Charter shall be chosen by the said President and Council ; and in all times after the said two Moneths , by the President , Council , and Fellows [ and noted in a Register to be kept for that purpose ] shall be Fellows of the said Society , and so accounted , and call'd during life , except by the Statutes of the said Society to be made any of them shall happen to be amoved And by how much any Persons are more excelling in all kinds of Learning , by how much the more ardently they desire to promote the Honour , Business , and Emolument of the said Society , by how much the more eminent they are for Integrity , Honesty , Piety , Loyalty , and Good Affection toward His Majesty , His Crown and Dignity , by so much the more fit and worthy such Persons are to be judged for reception into the Society . And for the better execution of his Royal Grant , His Majesty hath nominated , &c. His Trusty and Well-beloved William Viscount Brouncker , Chancellor to His dearest Consort Queen Catharine , to be the First and Modern President to continue in the said Office from the date of the Patent to the Feast of Saint Andrew next ensuing , and until another Person of the said Council be duly chosen into the said Office. The said Lord Brouncker being sworn in all things belonging thereto well and faithfully to execute the said Office before His right well-beloved and right Trusty Cosin and Counsellor , Edward , Earl of Clarendon , Lord High Chancellor of England , in the words following . I William Viscount Brouncker do promise to deal faithfully and honestly in all things belonging to that Trust committed to me , as President of the Royal Society of London , for improving Natural Knowledge . So help me God. And His Majesty hath nominated , &c. the Persons following , His Trusty and Well beloved Sir Robert Moray Knight , one of His Privie Council in His Kingdom of Scotland , Robert Boyl Esquire , William Brereton Esquire , eldest Son to the Lord Brereton , Sir Kenelme Digby Knight , Chancellor to His dearest Mother Queen Mary , Sir Gilbert Talbot Knight , Master of His Iewel-house , Sir Paul Neile Knight , one of the Vshers of His Privie Chamber , Henry Slingsby Esquire , one of the Gentlemen of His said Privie Chamber , Sir William Petty Knight , Timothy Clark Doctor of Physick , and one of His Physitians , Iohn Wilkins Doctor of Divinity , George Ent Doctor of Physick , William Erskyne Esq , one of His Cupbearers , Jonathan Goddard Doctor of Physick , William Ball Esquire , Matthew Wren Esquire , John Evelyn Esquire , Thomas Henshaw Esquire , Dudley Palmer of Grayes-Inn Esquire , Abraham Hill of London Esquire , and Henry Oldenburg Esquire , together with the President aforesaid , to be the first and Modern 21 of the Council and Fellows of the Royal Society aforesaid , to be continued in the Offices of the Council aforesaid , from the date of the Patent to the Feast of Saint Andrew next following , and from thence till other fit persons be chosen into the said Offices . The said Persons to be sworn before the President of the Society , for the time being , well and truly to execute the said Offices , according to the form and effect of the aforesaid Oath to be administred to the President by the Lord Chancellor as aforesaid . For the administring which Oath to the said Persons , and all others hereafter from time to time to be chosen into the said Council , full Power and Authority is Granted to the President for the time being : And the said Persons duly sworn , and all other from time to time duly chosen into the said Council and sworn , are to aid , advise and assist in all affairs , businesses , and things concerning the better Regulation , Government , and Direction of the Royal Society ; and every Member thereof . Furthermore , Libertie is granted to the said Society , lawfully to make and hold meetings of themselves , for the searching out and discovery of Natural Things , and Transaction of other businesses relating to the said Society , when and as often as shall be requisite , in any Colledge , Hall , or other Convenient place in London , or within 10. Miles thereof . And Power is Granted to the said Society , from time to time to nominate and choose yearly , on Saint Andrews day , one of the Council aforesaid , for the time being , to be President of the Society until Saint Andrews day next ensuing ( if he shall so long live , or not be removed for some just and reasonable Cause ) and from thence until another be chosen and put into the said Office : the said President so elected , before admission to that Office , to be sworn before the Council , according to the form before expressed , who are impowr'd to administer the said Oath from time to time , as often as there shall be cause to choose a President . And in Case that the said President , during his Office , shall die , recede , or be removed ; then , and so often , it shall be Lawful for the Council of the Royal Society , to meet together to choose one of their Number for President of the said Society , and the Person so chosen and duly sworn , shall have and exercise the Office of President for the remainder of the year , and until another be duly chosen into the said Office. And in case that any one or more of the Council aforesaid shall die , recede , or be remov'd ( which persons or any of them , for misdemeanour , or other reasonable cause , are declar'd to be amovable by the President and the rest of the Council ) then and so often it shall be lawful for the President , Council , and Fellows , to choose one or more of the Fellows of the Royal Society in the room of him or them so deceasing , receding , or removed , to compleat the aforesaid number of 21. of the Council , which Person or Persons , so chosen , are to continue in Office until Saint Andrews day then next ensuing , and until others be duly chosen , the said Persons being sworn , faithfully to execute their Offices , according to the true intention of the Patent . And His Majestie doth will and Grant unto the said President , Council , and Fellows , full power and authority on Saint Andrews day yearly , to elect , nominate , and change 10. of the Fellows of the Royal Society , to supply the places and Offices of ten of the aforesaid number of 21. of the Council , declaring it to be His Royal Will and Pleasure , that ten and no more of the Council aforesaid be annually changed and removed by the President , Council , and Fellows aforesaid . And it is Granted on the behalf of the said Society that if it shall happen , that the President to be sick , infirm , detained in His Majesties Service , or otherwise occupied , so as he cannot attend the necessary Affairs of the Society , then and so often it shall be lawful for him to appoint one of the Council for his Deputy , who shall supply his place from time to time , as often as he shall happen to be absent during the whole time of the said Presidents continuance in his Office , unless he shall in the mean time constitute some other of the Council for his Deputy : And the Deputy so constituted is impowr'd to do all and singular things which belong to the Office of the President of the Royal Society , and in as ample manner and form as the said President may do by vertue of His Majesties Letters Patents , He the said Deputy being duly sworn before the Council in form before specified , who are impowr'd to administer the Oath as often as the case shall require . It is further granted to the Society , to have one Treasurer , two Secretaries , two or more Curators of Experiments , one or more Clerk or Clerks , and also two Sergeants at Mace , who may from time to time attend on the President : all the said Officers to be chosen by the President , Council and Fellows , and to be sworn in form and effect before specified , well and faithfully to execute their Offices , which Oath the Council are impowr'd to administer : And His Majesty nominates and appoints His well-beloved Subjects , the aforesaid William Ball Esquire , to be the first and Modern Treasurer ; and the aforesaid John Wilkins and Henry Oldenburg , to be the first and Modern Secretaries of the Royal Society , to be continued in the said Offices to the Feast of Saint Andrew next following the date of the Patent . And that from time to time , and ever hereafter , on the said Feast of Saint Andrew ( if it be not Lords day , and if it be Lords day , on the next day after ) the President , Council , and Fellows aforesaid , are impowr'd to nominate and choose honest and discreet Men for Treasurer and Secretaries , which are to be of the Number of the Council of the Royal Society , which Persons Elected and sworn , in form before specified , are to exercise and enjoy the said Offices until the Feast of Saint Andrew then next following . And if it shall happen , that the aforesaid Elections of the President , Council , Treasurer , and Secretaries , or any of them , cannot be made or perfected on the Feast of Saint Andrew aforesaid : it is granted to the aforesaid President , Council , and Fellows , that they may lawfully nominate and assign another day , as neer to the said Feast of Saint Andrew as conveniently may be , for making or perfecting the said Elections , and so from day to day till the said Elections be perfected . And in case that any of the aforesaid Officers of the Royal Society shall die , recede , or be remov'd from their respective Offices , then and so often it shall be lawful for the said President , Council , and Fellows , to choose one or more into the Office or Offices vacant , to hold the same during the residue of that year , and until others be duly chosen and sworn in their places . Moreover , on the behalf of the Society , it is granted unto the President and Council , that they may assemble and meet together in any Colledge , Hall , or other convenient place in London , or within ten miles thereof ( due and lawful summons of all the Members of the Council to extraordinary meetings being always premised ) and that they being so met together , have full power and authority from time to time , to make , constitute , and establish such Laws , Statutes , Orders , and Constitutions , which shall appear to them to be good , useful , honest , and necessary , according to their judgments and discretions , for the Government , Regulation and Directions of the Royal Society , and every Member thereof : And to do all things concerning the Government , Estate , Goods , Lands , Revenues , as also the Businesses and Affairs of the said Society : All which Laws , Statutes , Orders , &c so made , His Majesty wills and commands , that they be from time to time inviolably observed , according to the tenor and effect of them : Provided that they be reasonable and not repugnant or contrary to the Laws , Customs , &c. of his Kingdom of England . And furthermore , full Power and Authority is given and granted unto the said Society , from time to time to choose one or more Printers and Gravers , and by writing sealed with the Common Seal of the Society , and signed by the President for the time being , to grant them power to print such things , matters and businesses concerning the said Society , as shall be committed to them by the Council from time to time ; The said Printers and Gravers being sworn before the President and Council in form before specified , which President and Council are impowred to give the said Oath . And for the greater advantage and success of the Society in their Philosophical Studies and Indeavours , full Power and Authority is granted unto them , to require , take , and receive , from time to time , dead bodies of Persons executed , and the same to anatomize , to all intents and purposes , and in as ample manner and form as the Colledge of Physitians , and Company of Chirurgions of London ( by what names soever the said two Corporations are or may be called ) have had and made use of , or may have and use the said Bodies . And for the improvement of such Experiments , Arts , and Sciences as the Society may be imploy'd in , full Power and Authority is granted unto them from time to time by Letters under the hand of the President in the presence of the Council , to hold Correspondence and Intelligence with any Strangers , whether private Persons , or Collegiate Societies or Corporations , without any Interruption or Molestation whatsoever : Provided that this Indulgence or Grant be extended to no further use than the particular Benefit and Interest of the Society , in Matters Philosophical , Mathematical , and Mechanical . Full Power and Authority is also granted on the behalf of the Society to the Council , to erect and build one or more Colledges within London , or ten miles thereof , of what form or quality soever , for Habitation , Assembling , or Meeting of the President , Council and Fellows , about any affairs and businesses of the Society . And if any abuses or differences shall ever hereafter arise and happen about the Government or Affairs of the Society , whence the Constitution , Progress , and Improvement , or Businesses thereof may suffer or be hindred : In such cases His Majesty Assignes and Authorizes His right Trusty and right Well-beloved Cosen and Counsellor , Edward Earl of Clarendon Lord High Chancellor of England , by himself during his life , and after his decease the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury , the Lord Chancellor , or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England , the Lord High Treasurer of England , the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal , the Lord Bishop of London , and the two principal Secretaries of State for the time being , or any four or more of them , to compose and redress any such differences or abuses . And lastly , His Majesty straightly charges and commands all Iustices , Mayors , Aldermen , Sheriffs , Bayliffs , Constables , and all other Officers , Ministers , and Subjects whatsoever , from time to time to be aiding and assisting unto the said President , Council , and Fellows of the Royal Society , in and about all things , according to the true intention of His Letters Patents . This is the Legal Ratification which the Royal Society has receiv'd . And in this place I am to render their publick thanks to the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarendon Lord Chancellor of England , to Sir Ieffery Palmer Atturny General , and to Sir Heneage Finch Sollicitor General : who by their cheerful concurrence , and free promotion of this Confirmation , have wip'd away the aspersion , that has been scandalously cast on the Profession of the Law , that it is an Enemy to Learning , and the Civil Arts. To shew the falsehood of this reproach , I might instance in many Iudges and Counsellors of all Ages , who have been the ornaments of the Sciences , as well as of the Bar , and Courts of Iustice. But it is enough to declare , that my Lord Bacon was a Lawyer , and that these eminent Officers of the Law , have compleated this foundation of the Royal Society : which was a work well becoming the largeness of his Wit to devise , and the greatness of their Prudence to establish . According to the intention of these Letters Patents , their Council has ever since been annually renew'd : their President , their Treasurer , their Secretaries chosen : The chief employments of the Council have been to manage their Political affairs , to regulate disorders , to make addresses , and applications in their behalf ; to guard their Priviledges , to disperse correspondents , but Principally to form the Body of their Statutes , which I will here insert . An Abstract of the Statutes of the Royal Society . WHatever Statute shall be made , or repeal'd , the making or repealing of it shall be voted twice , and at two several meetings of the Council . This Obligation shall be subscrib'd by every Fellow ; or his election shall be void . WE who have hereto subscrib'd , do promise each for himself , that we will indeavour to promote the good of the Royal Society of London , for the Improvement of Natural Knowledge , and to pursue the ends , for which the same was founded : that we will be present at the Meetings of the Society , as often as conveniently we can : especially at the anniversary Elections , and upon extraordinary occasions : and that we will observe the Statutes and Orders of the said Society : Provided , that whenever any of us shall signifie to the President under his hand , that he desires to withdraw from the Society , he shall be free from this Obligation for the future . Every Fellow shall pay his admission money , and afterwards contribution towards the defraying of the charges of Observations and Experiments , &c. The ordinary meetings of the Royal Society shall be held once a week , where none shall be present , besides the Fellows , without the leave of the Society , under the degree of a Baron in one of His Majesties three Kingdoms , or of His Majesties Privie Council ; or unless he be an eminent Forreigner , and these only without the leave of the President . The business of their weekly Meetings shall be , To order , take account , consider , and discourse of Philosophical Experiments , and Observations : to read , hear , and discourse upon Letters , Reports , and other Papers , containing Philosophical matters , as also to view , and discourse upon the productions and rarities of Nature , and Art : and to consider what to deduce from them , or how they may be improv'd for use , or discovery . The Experiments that be made at the charge of the Society . Two Curators at least shall be appointed for the Inspection of those which cannot be perform'd before the Society : by them the bare report of matter of Fact shall be stated and return'd . The Election of Fellows shall be made by way of Ballet : and their Admission by a solemn Declaration made by the President of their Election . The Election of the Council and Officers shall be made once a year : Eleven of the present Council shall be continued , by Lot , for the next year , and ten new Ones chosen , in like manner . Out of this new Council shall be elected a President , Treasurer , and two Secretaries , in the same way . The President shall preside in all meetings , regulate all debates of the Society , and Council ; state , and put Questions ; call for Reports , and Accounts from Committees , Curators , and others ; summon all extraordinary meetings upon urgent occasions ; and see to the execution of the Statutes . The Vice-President shall have the same power in the absence of the President . The Treasurer , or his Deputy , shall receive and keep Accounts of all money due to the Society , and disburse all money payable by the Society . He shall pay small sums by order of the President under his hand , but those that exceed five pounds , by order of the Council . All Bills of charges for Experiments shall first be sign'd by the Curators . The Accounts of the Treasurer shall be Audited four times a year , by a Committee of the Council , and once a year by a Committee of the Society . The Secretaries are to take Notes of the Orders , and material passages of the Meetings ; to take care of the Books , Papers , and Writings of the Society ; to order , and direct the Clerks in making Entries of all matters in the Register , and Iournal-Books of the Society , or Council ; to draw up such Letters as shall be written in their Name , which shall be approv'd at one of their Meetings ; to give notice of the Candidates propounded in order to Election . The Curators by Office shall have a sufficient allowance for their incouragement , which shall increase proportionably with the revenue of the Society , provided that it exceed not two hundred pounds a year . They shall be well skilled in Philosophical , and Mathematical Learning , well vers'd in Observations , Inquiries , and Experiments of Nature and Art. They shall take care of the managing of all Experiments , and Observations appointed by the Society , or Council , and report the same , and perform such other tasks , as the Society , or Council shall appoint : such as the examining of Sciences , Arts , and Inventions now in use , and the bringing in Histories of Natural and Artificial things , &c. They shall be propounded at least a month before they are chosen . They shall be examin'd by the Council before the election : To their Election every Member of the Society shall be summon'd : They shall at first be only elected for a year of probation , ( except they be of known merits ) at the end of the year , they shall be either elected for perpetuity , or for a longer time of probation , or wholly rejected . The causes of ejecting a Curator shall be the same with ejecting a Fellow , or for fraudulent dealing , and negligence in the affairs of the Society , provided that he shall first receive three respective admonitions . If any Curator shall be disabled by Age , Infirmity , or any Casualty , in the service of the Society , some provision shall be made for him during life , if his condition requires , according as the Council shall think fit . The Clerk shall constantly attend at all Meetings : he shall follow the directions of the Secretaries , in Registring , and entring all matters that shall be appointed : he shall not communicate any thing contain'd in their Books , to any that is not a Fellow . He shall have a certain rate for what he copies , and a yearly stipend for his attendance . The Printer shall take care for the printing of such Books as shall be committted to him by order of the Society , or Council ; and therein he shall observe their directions , as to the correction of the Edition , the number of Copies , the form , or volume , &c. The Operators of the Society , when they have any of their Work under their hands , shall not undertake the work of any other persons , which may hinder the business of the Society . They shall have Salaries for their attendance . The Common Seal of the Society , shall be kept in a Chest with three Locks , and three different Keys , by the President , Treasurer , and one of the Secretaries . The Deeds of the Society , shall be pass'd in Council , and e ald by them and the President . The Books that concern the affairs of the Society , shall be the Charter Book , Statute Book , Iournal Books , Letter Books , and Register Books , for the entring of Philesophical Observations , Histories , Discourses , Experiments , Inventions . The names of Benefactors shall be honourably mention'd in a Book provided for that purpose . In case of Death , or Recess of any Fellow , the Secretaries are to note it in the Margent of the Register , over against their names . The causes of Ejection shall be contemptuous disobedience to the Statutes and Orders of the Society ; defaming , or malicious damnifying the same . This shall be declar'd by the President at one of the Meetings ; and the Ejection recorded . When these Statutes were presented to his Majesty , he was pleas'd to superscribe himself , their Founder , and Patron , his Royal Highness , and his Highness Prince Rupert , at the same time , declaring themselves Fellows . Nor has the King only incourag'd them , by kindness of words , and by Acts of State : but he has also provok'd them to unwearied activity in their Experiments , by the most effectual means of his Royal Example . There is scarce any one sort of work , whose advancement they regard , but from his Majesties own labours , they have receiv'd a pattern for their indeavours about it . They design the multiplying , and beautifying of Mechanick Arts : And the noise of Mechanick Instruments is heard in Whitehall it self . They intend the perfection of Graving , Statuary , Limning , Coining , and all the works of Smiths , in Iron , or Steel , or Silver : And the most excellent Artists of these kinds , have provision made for their practice , even in the Chambers , and Galleries of his Court. They purpose the trial of all manner of operations by fire : And the King has under his own roof found place for Chymical Operators , They resolve to restore , to enlarge , to examine Physick : And the King has indow'd the Colledge of London with new Priviledges , and has planted a Physick Garden under his own eye . They have bestow'd much consideration , on the propagating of Fruits and Trees ; And the King has made Plantations enough , even almost to repair the ruines of a Civil War. They have begun an exact Survey of the Heavens : and Saint Iameses Park may witness , that Ptolomey and Alphonso were not the only Monarchs , who observ'd the motions , and appearances of the Stars . They have studied the promoting of Architecture in our Island : and the beauty of our late Buildings , and the reformation of his own Houses , do sufficiently manifest his Skill and Inclination to that Art : of which magnificence , we had seen more effects ere this , if he had not been call'd off by this War , from houses of convenience , to those of strength . They have principally consulted the advancement of Navigation : And the King has been most ready to reward those , that shall discover the Meridian . They have employ'd much time in examining the Fabrick of Ships , the forms of their Sails , the shapes of their Keels , the sorts of Timber , the planting of Firr , the bettering of Pitch , and Tarr , and Tackling . And in all Maritime affairs of this Nature , his Majesty is acknowledg'd to be the best Iudge amongst Seamen , and Shipwrights , as well as the most powerful amongst Princes . By these , and many other instances it appears , that the King has not only given succour to the Royal Society , in the prosecution of their labours ; but has also led them on in their way , and trac'd out to them the paths , in which they ought to tread . And with this propitious inclination of his Majestie , and the highest Degrees of men , the Genius of the Nation it self irresistibly conspires . If we reflect on all the past times of Learning in our Island ; we may still observe some remarkable accidents , that retarded these studies , which were still ready to break forth , in spight of all opposition . Till the union of the two houses of York , and Lancaster , the whole force of our Country was ingag'd in Domestick Wars , between the King , and the Nobility , or in the furious contentions between the divided Families : unless sometimes some magnanimous Prince , was able to turn their strength , to forreign conquests . In King Henry the seventh , the two Roses were joyn'd . His Government was like his own temper , close , severe , jealous , avaricious , and withall victorious , and prudent : but how unprepar'd his time was for new discoveries , is evident by the slender account that he made of the proposition of Columbus . The Reign of King Henry the eighth , was vigorous , haughty , magnificent , expensive , learned . But then the alteration of Religion began , and that alone was then sufficient to possess minds of men . The Government of King Edward the sixth was contentious , by reason of the factions of those who manag'd his childhood : and the shortness of his life depriv'd us of the fruits , that might have been expected , from the prodigious beginnings of the King himself . That of Queen Mary was weak , melancholy , bloody against the Protestants , obscur'd by a forreign Marriage , and unfortunate by the loss of Calais . That of Queen Elizabeth was long , triumphant , peaceable at home , and glorious abroad . Then it was shewn , to what height the English may rise , when they are commanded by a Prince , who knows how to govern their hearts , as well as hands . In her dayes the Reformation was setled , commerce was establish'd , and Navigation advanc'd . But though knowledge began abundantly to spring forth , yet it was not then seasonable for Experiments to receive a publick incouragement : while the writings of antiquity , and the controversies between us , and the Church of Rome , were not fully studied , and dispatch'd . The Reign of King Iames was happy in all the benefits of Peace , and plentifully furnish'd with men of profound Learning . But in imitation of the King , they chiefly regarded the matters of Religion , and Disputation : so that even my Lord Bacon , with all his authority in the State , could never raise any Colledge of Salomon , but in a Romance . That of King Charles the First , began indeed to be ripe for such undertakings , by reason of the plenty , and felicity of the first years of his Government , and the abilities of the King himself : who was not only an inimitable Master , in reason and eloquence , but excell'd in very many practical Arts , beyond the usual custome of Kings , nay even beyond the skill of the best Artists themselves . But he alas ! was call'd away from the studies of quiet , and peace , to a more dangerous , and a more honourable reputation . The chief Triumphs that Heaven reserv'd for him , were to be gather'd from his suffering virtues , in them he was only exceeded , by his Divine Example of our Saviour : in imitation of whose Passion , those afflictions , and those thorns which the rude Souldiers design'd for his disgrace , and torment , became his glory , and his Crown . The late times of Civil War , and confusion , to make recompense for their infinite calamities , brought this advantage with them , that they stirr'd up mens minds from long ease , and a lazy rest , and made them active , industrious and inquisitive : it being the usual benefit that follows upon Tempests , and Thunders in the State , as well as in the Skie , that they purifie , and cleer the Air , which they disturb . But now since the Kings return , the blindness of the former Ages , and the miseries of this last , are vanish'd away : now men are generally weary of the Relicks of Antiquity , and satiated with Religious Disputes : now not only the eyes of men , but their hands are open , and prepar'd to labour : Now there is a universal desire , and appetite after knowledge , after the peaceable , the fruitful , the nourishing Knowledge : and not after that of antient Sects , which only yielded hard indigestible arguments , or sharp contentions instead of food : which when the minds of men requir'd bread , gave them only a stone , and for fish a serpent . Whatever they have hitherto attempted , on these Principles , and incouragements , it has been carry'd on with a vigorous spirit , and wonderful good Fortune , from their first constitution , down to this day . Yet I overhear the whispers , and doubts of many , who demand , what they have done all this while ? and what they have produc'd , that is answerable to these mighty hopes , which we indeavour , to make the world conceive of their undertaking ? If those who require this Account , have themselves perform'd any worthy things , in this space of time ; it is fit , that we should give them satisfaction . But they who have done nothing at all , have no reason to upbraid the Royal Society , for not having done as much , as they fancy it might . To those therefore who excite it to work , by their examples , as well as words and reproofs , methinks it were a sufficient Answer , if I should only repeat the particulars , I have already mention'd , wherein the King has set on foot a Reformation , in the Ornaments , and Advantages of our Country . For though the original praise of all this is to be ascrib'd to the Genius of the King himself : yet it is but just , that some honour should thence descend to this Assembly , whose purposes are conformable to his Majesties performances of that Nature : Seeing all the little scandals , that captious humours have taken against the Royal Society , have not risen from their general proceedings ; but from a few pretended offences , of some of their private Members : it is but reason , that we should alledge in their commendation , all the excellent Designs , which are begun by the King , who has not only stil'd himself their Founder , but acted as a particular Member of their Company . To this I will also add , that in this time , they have pass'd through the first difficulties of their Charter , and Model : and have overcome all oppositions , which are wont to arise , against the beginnings of great things . This certainly alone were enough to free them from all imputation of idleness , that they have fram'd such an Assembly in six years , which was never yet brought about in six thousand . Besides this the world is to consider , that if any that think , the whole compass of their work might have come to a sudden issue : they seem neither to understand the intentions of the Royal Society , nor the extent of their task . It was never their aim , to make a violent dispatch . They know that precipitancy in such matters , was the fault of the Antients : And they have no mind , to fall into the same error , which they indeavour to correct . They began at first on so large a Bottom , that it is impossible , the whole Frame should be suddenly compleated . 'T is true , they that have nothing else to do , but to express , and adorn conclusions of Knowledge already made , may bring their Arts to an end , as soon as they please . But they who follow the slow , and intricate method of Nature , cannot have the seasons of their productions , so much in their own power . If we would alwayes exact from them , daily or weekly harvests ; we should wholly cut off the occasions of very many excellent Inventions , whose subjects are remote , and come but seldome under their consideration . If we should require them , immediately to reduce all their labours , to publick , and conspicuous use , by this dangerous speed , we should draw them off from many of the best Foundations of Knowledge . Many of their noblest discoveries , and such as will hereafter prove most serviceable , cannot instantly be made to turn to profit . Many of their weightiest , and most precious Observations , are not alwayes fit to be expos'd to open view : For it is with the greatest Philosophers , as with the richest Merchants , whose Wares of greatest bulk and price , lie commonly out of sight , in their Warehouses , and not in their Shops . This being premis'd , I will however venture to lay down a brief draught of their most remarkable particulars : which may be reduc'd to these following heads : The Queries , and Directions , they have given abroad : the Proposals , and Recommendations they have made : the Relations they have receiv'd : the Experiments they have try'd : the Observations they have taken : the Instruments they have inventted : the Theories that have been proposed : the Discourses they have written , or publish'd : the Repository , and Library : and the Histories of Nature , and Arts , and Works , they have collected . Their manner of gathering , and dispersing Queries is this . First they require some of their particular Fellows , to examine all Treatises , and Descriptions , of the Natural , and Artificial productions of those Countries , in which they would be inform'd . At the same time , they employ others to discourse with the Seamen , Travellers , Tradesmen , and Merchants , who are likely to give them the best light . Out of this united Intelligence from Men and Books , they compose a Body of Questions , concerning all the observable things of those places . These Papers being produc'd in their weekly Assemblies , are augmented , or contracted , as they see occasion . And then the Fellows themselves are wont to undertake their distribution into all Quarters , according as they have the convenience of correspondence : of this kind I will here reckon up some of the Principal , whose Particular heads are free to all , that shall desire Copies of them for their Direction . They have compos'd Queries , and Directions , what things are needful to be observ'd , in order to the making of a Natural History in general : what are to be taken notice of towards a perfect History of the Air , and Atmosphere , and Weather : what is to be observ'd in the production , growth , advancing , or transforming of Vegetables : what particulars are requisite , for collecting a compleat History of the Agriculture , which is us'd in several parts of this Nation . They have prescrib'd axact Inquiries , and given punctual Advice for the tryal of Experiments of rarefaction , refraction , and condensation : concerning the cause , and manner of the Petrifaction of Wood : of the Loadstone : of the Parts of Anatomy , that are yet imperfect : of Injections into the Blood of Animals ; and Transfusing the blood of one Animal into another : of Currents : of the ebbing , and flowing of the Sea : of the kinds , and manner of the feeding of Oysters : of the Wonders , and Curiosities observable in deep Mines . They have Collected , and sent abroad Inquiries for the East Indies , for China , for St. Helena , for Tenariff , or any high Mountain , for Ginny , for Barbary , and Morocco , for Spain , and Portugal , for Turky , for France , for Italy , for Germany , for Hungary , for Transylvania , for Poland , and Sueden , for Iceland , and Greenland . They have given Directions for Seamen in General , and for observing the Eclipses of the Moon ; for observing the Eclipses of the Sun by Mercury , in several parts of the World , and for observing the Satellites of Iupiter . Of this their way of Inquiring , and giving Rules for direction , I will here produce a few Instances : from whose exactness it may be ghess'd , how all the rest are perform'd . The HISTORY of the ANSWERS RETURN'D BY Sir PHILIBERTO VERNATTI Resident in Batavia in Iava Major , To certain Inquiries sent thither by Order of the Royal Society , and recommended by Sir ROBERT MORAY . Q. 1. Whether Diamonds and other Precious Stones grow again after three or four years , in the same places where they have been digged out ? A. Never , or at least as the memory of man can attain to . Q. 2. Whether the Quarries of Stone in India , neer Fetipoca , not far from Agra , may be cleft like Logs , and sawn like Planks , to ciel Chambers , and cover Houses . A. What they are about the Place mentioned , I have not as yet been well informed ; but in Persia not far from Cyrus where the best Wine groweth , there is a sort of hard Stone which may be cleft like Firr-wood , as if it had a grain in it : the same is at the Coast Cormandel about Sadraspatuam ; where they make but a mark in the Stone , set a wedge upon it , with a wooden hammer , as thick and thin as they please ; it is used commonly for pavement in houses , one foot square , and so cheap , that such a stone finely polish'd costs not above six pence . Q. 3. Whether there be a Hill in Sumatra which burneth continually , and a Fountain which runneth pure Balsom . A. There is a Hill that burneth in Sumatra neer Endrapoer ; but I cannot hear of any such Fountain ; and I believe that the like Hill is upon Iava Major opposite to Batavia : for in a clear morning or evening , from the Road a man may perfectly perceive a continual smoak rise from the top and vanish by little and little . I have often felt Earthquakes here , but they do not continue long ; in the year 1656. or 57. ( I do not remember well the time ) Batavia was cover'd in one afternoon , about two of the Clock , with a black dust , which being gathered together , was so ponderous , that it exceeded the weight in Gold. I , at that time , being very ill , did not take much notice of it , but some have gathered it , and if I light upon it shall send you some . It is here thought , it came out of the Hill : I never heard of any that had been upon this Hills top : Endrapeor is counted a mighty unwholsome place , as likewise all others where Pepper grows ; as Iamby Banjar , Balingtoan , &c. though some impute it to the Hills burning . As for the Fountain it is unknown to us , except Oleum Terrae is meant by it , which is to be had in Sumatra , but the best comes from Pegu. Q. 4. What River is that in Java Major that turns Wood into Stone ? A. There is none such to our knowledge ; yet I have seen a piece of Wood with a Stone at the end of it ; which was told me , that was turned into Stone by a River in Pegu ; but I took it but for a Foppery ; for divers Arbusta grow in Rocks , which being appropriated curiously , may easily deceive a too hasty believer . Q. 5. Whether it be true , that upon the Coast of Achin in Sumatra , the Sea , though it be calm , groweth very high when no rain falls , but is smooth in rain , though it blows hard . A. Sometimes , but not alwayes ; the Reason is this , that Achin lieth at the very end and corner of Sumatra , as may be seen by the Map , open in the main Ocean , so that the Sea comes rowling from the Cabo de bona Esperanca , and all that way unto it , and it is natural to the Sea to have a continual motion , let it be never so calm ; which motion cannot be called a Wave , neither have I any English for it at present , but in Dutch we call it , Deyninge van Dee Zee , and the calmer it is , the higher ; the natural motion of the Sea elevates very slowly the water ; so that I have seen Ships and Junks tossed by these Deynings in a calm , ( when there is scarce wind enough to drive a bubble ) that a man can scarce stand in them ; some say this motion proceeds from boysterous winds at Sea far distant . That rain beats down the swelling of these Deynings ( especially if it be vehement ) proceeds naturally from its weight and impetuosity . And it is observed , that about Achin the Mountains are high and steep , from whose tops boysterous , called Travant , come suddenly ( like a Granado cast ) falling into the Sea , are accompanied commonly with a great shower of rain , and last not above a quarter , or at the most , half an hour , which is too short a time to disturb the Sea , or to cause a contrary motion in it , being shelter'd by these Mountains . Q. 6. Whether in the Island of Sambrero , which lyeth Northwards of Sumatra , about eight degrees Northern latitude , there be found such a Vegetable as Master James Lancaster relates to have seen , which grows up to a Tree , shrinks down when one offers to pluck it up into the ground , and would quite shrink unless held very hard ? And whether the same , being forcibly pluck'd up , hath a worm for its root , diminishing more and more ; according as the Tree groweth in greatness ; and as soon as the Worm is wholly turned into the Tree , rooting in the ground , and so growing great ? And whether the same plucked up young turns , by that time it is dry , into a hard Stone , much like to white Corral . A. I cannot meet with any that ever have heard of such a Vegetable . Q. 7. Whether those Creatures that are in these parts plump and in season at the full Moon , are lean and out of season at the new , find the contrary at the East-Indies . A. I find it so here , by Experience at Batavia , in Oysters and Crabs . Q. 8. What ground there may be for that Relation , concerning Horns taking root , and growing about Goa ? A. Inquiring about this , a Friend laught , and told me it was a Jeer put upon the Portuges , because the Women of Goa are counted much given to lechery . Q. 9. Whether the Indians can so prepare that stupifying Herb Datura , that they make it lye several dayes , months , years , according as they will have it , in a mans body , without doing him any hurt , and at the end kill him , without missing half an hours time ? A. The China men in this place , have formerly used Datura as a Fermentation , to a sort of Drink much beloved by the Souldiers and Mariners , called Suykerbier , which makes them raging mad , so that it is forbidden strictly under the penalty of a great pain to make use of the same . Q. 10. Whether those that be stupified by the juyce of this Herb Datura , are recovered by moystning the soles of their feet in fair water ? A. No. For I have seen divers Souldiers and Mariners fall into the Rivers and Ditches , being stupified by their drink aforesaid , who were rather worse after they were taken out , than better . Q. 11. Whether a Betel hath such contrariety to the Durion , that a few leaves thereof put to a whole shopful of Durions , will make them all rot suddenly ? And whether those who have surfeited on Durions , and thereby overheated themselves , do by laying one leaf of Betel cold upon the heart , immediately cure the Inflammations , and recover the Stomach ? This Betel being thought to preserve those Indians from Tooth-ach , loose Gums , and Scurvey , and from stinking breath ; some of it is desired to be sent over with the fruit Areica , and the other Ingredients , and manner of preparing it . A. I have seen that Betel leaves in a short time will spoil a Durion , take away his nature , and turn a fat creamy substance into water . Commonly those that eat great quantities of Durions , eat a Betel afterwards as a Correctorium ; but of laying a leaf upon the heart , I have never heard . As for the other qualities of the Betel , I believe they are good , if not abused ; as most of the Indians do , who never are without it in their mouths , no not sleeping , which corrodes their teeth , and makes them as black as Jet : It draws from the head the Flegmatick humours , which are voided by spitting ; so we use it : but the Indians swallow down their spittle , together with the juyce of the Betel , and the Areica . The manner of preparing it is easie , being nothing but the Nut leaf and Calx viva , of which last each one adds as much as pleaseth his palat . There is a sort of Fruit called Sivgboa , which is used with the Areica , instead of Betel , and can be dried and transported as well as the Areica , and hath the same force , but a great deal more pleasant to the palate . Q. 12. Whether the Papayas , that beareth fruit like a Melon , do not grow , much less bear fruit , unless male and female be together ? A They grow , as I have seen two in the English-house at Bantam , and bear little fruit , which never comes to perfection ; but if the male and female be together , the one bears great Fruit , the other nothing but Flowers . Q. 13 Whether the Arbor Triste sheds its Flowers at the rising of the Sun , and shut them again at the setting of the Sun ? And whether the distill'd water thereof ( called Aqua di Mogli by the Portugals ) may not be transported to England ? And whether at the rising of the Sun the leaves of the Arbor Triste drop off as well as the flowers ? A. There is two sorts of the Arbor Triste ; one is called by the Portugals Triste de Die , the other Triste de Nocte ; the one sheds his Flowers at the Rising , the other at the Setting of the Sun ; but neither of them shed their leaves . There is no body here that understands the distilling of waters ; some say this Aqua di Mogli is to be had at Malaca , for which I have writ , and shall send it if procurable . Q. 14. Whether the Arbor de Rays , or Tree of Root , propagate it self in a whole Forrest , by shooting up and letting fall roots from its branches into the ground , that spring up again , and so on ? A. This is true . And we have divers trees about Batavia , and the like adjacent Islands , above fifty foot in the diameter . Q. 15. What kind of fruit is that in Jucca , which grows immediately out of the Trees body ; and is said to breed the Plague if eaten immoderately ? A. It is a fruit much like to Durion , which groweth in the same manner ; hath a faint smell , and sweet waterish taste ; for my part I do not affect them : The Plague is a Disease unknown amongst the Indians ; but this fruit , as most others do , immoderately eaten , causes a Dirthea , which easily degenerates to a Tenasmus , by us called Peirsing , a dangerous Sickness , and worse than the Plague . Q. 16. What Poyson is it the King of Macassar in Colebees is said to have particular to himself , which not only kills a man immediately , that hath received the slightest Wound by a Dart dipt therein , but also within half an hours time , make the flesh , touched with it , so rotten , that it will fall like Snivel from the Bones , and whose poysonous Steam will soon fly up to a Wound made with an unpoysoned Dart , if the Blood be only in the slightest manner touch'd with a Dart infected with the Poyson ? What certainty there is of this Relation ? A. That there is such a Poyson in this Kings possession is most certain ; but what it is , no Christian hitherto ever knew right . By the Government of Arnold De Flamminge Van Outshorn divers have been tortured ; yea , killed . Some say it is the Gall of a Venemous Fish , Others say it is a Tree which is so Venemous , that those who are condemned to die , fetch the Poyson , but not one of an hundred scape death : the Roots of this Tree are held an Antidote against the Poyson ; but our People , when we had War with Macassar , found no Antidote like to their own or others Excrements ; as soon as they felt themselves wounded , instantly took a dose of this same , which presently provoked to vomit , and so , by repulsion , ( as I perceive ) and sweat , freed the Noble parts from further Infection . That a Wound should be infected by this Poyson , though inflicted by an impoysoned Weapon , is not strange to those who study Sympathy ; And set belief in that much renowned Sympathetical Powder of Sir Kenelme Digby . Yet such Effects of the Macassars Arts are unknown to us . Q. 17. Whether in Pegu and other places in the East-Indies , they use a Poyson that kills by smelling , and yet the Poyson smell is hardly perceived ? To this no Answer was return'd . Q. 18. Whether Camphire comes from Trees ? What kind of Trees they are in Borneo , that are said to yield much excellent Camphire , as that one pound thereof is said to be worth an hundred of that of China and other places ? A. Camphire comes from Trees of an Excessive bulk , as you may see by the Chests which comes from Iappan into Europe , made of the same wood of Burneo ; it comes likewise from Trees , which are said to stand in Sandy Ground . And drop like a Gum. But of late an Experiment is found in Ceylon , that the Root of a Cinnamon Tree yields as good Camphire , as either Iappan , or China , of which I shall send you a pattern , being now to be had at present here ; as also an Oyl extracted from the same Roots , which reserves something of the Cinnamon smell : but may be the fault of the Distiller Q. 19. Whether some of that rare Wood , called Palo d' Aquila and Calamba , of an Extraordinary value , even in the Country where it groweth , as in Siam about San and Patan , and in Cochinchina , may not be brought over ; as also some of those strange Nests of Cochinchina , made by Birds upon Rocks , of a certaine viscous froth of the Sea , which Nests grown dry and hard , are said to become transparent ; and when dissolved in Water ; serves excellently to season all their Meats ? A. If the Question be made , whether these things may be brought over by permission of the Company ? I answer : as first , that their Laws forbid the transportation of all whatsoever , whether necessary to the conservation of Health , or acquisition of Wealth , or Rarities , &c. but if the Querie be concerning the nature and substance of the Wood and Nests : they are transportable , and can subsist without decaying many years . Lignum Aquilae is far inferiour to Calamba , though not easie to be discerned : the pound of Calamba is worth in Iappan thirty , and sometimes forty pounds Sterling ; the best comes from Cambodia , and seems to be the pith of the Tree Aquilae in Iappan , it is used as Incence to perfume Cloth , and Chambers . It is held for a great Cordial , and commonly used by that Nation , as also the Chineses : In Defectione spirituum vitalium ; as in Paralisi & Nervorum laxatione & impotentia : They rub it with Aqua Cynamoni upon a Stone , till the substance of the Wood is mixt , sicut pulpa , with the Water , and so drink it with Wine , or what they please : The Birds-nests are a great Restorative to Nature , and much used by the lecherous Chinaes . Q. 20. Whether the Animal call'd Abados , or Rhinoceros , hath teeth , claws , flesh , blood , and skin ▪ yea his very dung and water , as well as his horns , Antidotal ? And whether the horns of those beasts be better or worse , according to the food they live upon . A. Their horns , teeth , claws , and blood are esteemed Antidotes , and have the same use in the Indian Pharmacopeia as the Therieca hath in ours : the flesh I have eaten is very sweet and short : some dayes before the Receipt of your Letter , I had a young one no bigger than a Spaniel Dog , which followed me whereever I went , drinking nothing but Buffulo milk , lived about three weeks , then his teeth began to grow , and got a looseness , and died . 'T is observed , that Children ( especially of European Parents ) at the breaking out of their teeth are dangerous sick , and commonly die of the scouring in these parts . His skin I have caused to be dryed , and so present it unto you , since fate permits not to send him you living ; such a young one was never seen before : The food I believe is all one to this Animal , being that they are seldome seen but amongst withered Branches , Thistles and Thorns ; so that the horn is of equal vertue . Q. 21. Whether the falsifying of the China Musk is not rather done by mixing Oxen and Cows Livers dried and pulverized with some of the putrified and concrete flesh and blood of the China Musk-cat , than by beating together the bare flesh and blood of this Animal , &c. Not answered . Q. 22. Whether there be two sorts of Gumlack , one produced from a certain winged Ant , the other the Exudation of a Tree : The first had in the Islands of Suachan , the last in the Kingdome of Martaban ? A. We know of none but such as drop from Trees , and comes from divers places in Siam , Cambodia , Pegu , &c. Q. 23. If the best Ambergreece be found in the Islands Socotora and Aniana , neer Java ? To endeavour the getting of more certain knowledge ; what it is , being reported to be bred in the bottom of the Sea like to a thick mud ? A. The best that is in the World comes from the Island Mauritius ; And is commonly found after a Storm . The Hogs can smell it at a great distance ; who run like mad to it , and devour it commonly before the people come to it . It is held to be a Zeequal viscosity , which being dried by the Sun , turns to such a Consistence as is dayly seen . Myavines father Isaac Vigny a Frenchman in Oleron , hath been a great Traveller in his time , and he told me , he sailed once in his youth through so many of these Zeequalen , as would have loaded ten thousand Ships ; the like having been never seen ; his Curiosity did drive him to take up some of those , which being dried in the Sun , were perceived to be the best Ambergreece in the World ; I have seen one piece which he kept for a Memento , and another piece he sold for 1300 l. Sterling . This being discovered , they set sail to the same place where these Zeequelen appeared , and crusing there , to and fro , for the space of six weeks , but could not perceive any more . Where this place is scituated , I do not know ; but Monsieur Gentillot , a French Captain in Holland , can tell you . Q. 24. To enquire of the Divers for Pearls staying long under water ; whether they do it by the assistance of anything they carry with them , or by long and often use get a trick of holding their breath so long , at the Isle of Baharen neer Ormus ? A What they do at Baharen is unknown to me , but since we have had Tute Corein in Ceylon , where very good Pearls grow , I hear the Divers use no Artifice . The manner is thus ; at a set time of the year Merchants come from all parts , as likewise Divers with their Boats ; each Boat hath a certain quantity of square Stones , upon which Stones the Divers goe down , and give a token to their Companions , when they think it time to be hal'd up : each Stone payes tribute to the Company . The Oyster or Shell-fish is not immediately open'd , but laid on heaps , or in holes at the Sea-side . When the Diving time is ended , the Merchants come , and buy these heaps , according as they can agree , not knowing whether they shall get any thing or no. So that this is a meer Lottery . This Pearl-fishing is dangerous , being the Divers commonly make their Will , and take leave of their Friends , before they tread the Stone to go down . Q. 25. Whether Cinnamon when first gathered hath no tast at all , but acquires its taste and strength by fifteen dayes sunning ? And whether the Bark be gathered every two years in the Isle of Ceylon ? A. The Cinnamon Tree as it groweth , is so fragrant , that it may be smelt a great way off before it be seen . And hath even then , a most Excellent taste ; so that by Sunning it looseth rather than acquires any taste or force ; the Tree being pill'd is cut down to the root ; but the young Sprigs after a year or two give the best and finest Cinnamon . Q. 26. To learn , if it may be , what Art the Master-workmen of Pegu , have to add to the colour of their Rubies ? A. Not answered . Q. 27. To inquire after , and get , if possible , some of the Bones of the Fish called Caballa , which are so powerful in stopping blood . A. 'T is done , and they shall follow with the Dutch Ships . Q. 28. Whether at Hermita , a Town in Ethiopia , there are Tortoises , so big , that Men may ride upon them ? A. It is reported , that there be extraordinary great ones there ; I have seen some Sea-Tortoises here , of four foot broad , in oval form , very low leg'd , but of that strength , that a man may stand on one : The manner of catching them , is to turn them with a Fork upon their backs . Q. 29. Whether there be a Tree in Mexico , that yields Water , Wine , Vinegar , Oyl , Milk , Honey , Wax , Thread and Needles ? A. The Cokos Trees yields all this and more ; the Nut , while it is green , hath very good Water in it , the Flower being cut , drops out great quantity of liquor , called Sury , or Taywack , which drank fresh , hath the force , and almost the taste of Wine ; grown sowr , is very good Vinegar ; and distilled , makes very good Brandy , or Areck : The Nut grated , and mingled with water , tasteth like Milk : pressed , yields very good Oyl ; Bees swarm in these Trees , as well as in other ; Thread & Needles are made of the leaves and tough twigs . Nay , to add something to this description ; in Amboina , they make Bread of the body of the Tree , the leaves serve to thatch houses , and likewise sails for their Boats. Q. 30. Whether about Java , there be Oysters of that vast bigness , as to weigh three hundred weight ? A. I have seen a Shell-fish , but nothing like an Oyster , of such a bigness , the Fish being salted , and kept in pickle , afterwards boyled , tasteth like Brawn in England , and is of an horney substance . Q. 31. Whether neer Malacca , there be found in the Gall of certain Swine , a Stone esteemed incomparably above Bezoar ? A. In that Country , but very seldome , there grows a Stone , in the Stomack of a Porkapine , called Pedro Porco : of whose virtue there are large descriptions : and the Hollanders are now so fond , that I have seen 400. Dollars of ● given for one no bigger than a Pidgeons Egg ; There is sophistication as well in that as Bezoar , Musk , &c. and every day new falshood , so that I cannot well set down here any rules , but must be judged by experience . A false one I send you , which doth imitate very near virtue , the true one , but is a great deal bigger , and of another colour . As for the Observations desired of the Islands Saint Helena , and Ascension , they may be better made by the English East-India men , which commonly touch at both places ; but the Hollander never , or very seldome . Q. 32. Whether it be winter at the East-side of the Mountain Gates , which comes from the North to Cape Comoryn , whilst it is summer on the West-side ? and Vice versa . A. Not only there , but likewise on the Island of Zeylon . Q. 33. In what Country Lignum Alloes is found , whether it be the Wood of a Tree ? or the Root of a Tree ? How to know the best of the Kind ? A. Lignum Alloes , Lignum Paradisi , Calamba , are Synonyma , the same : And the same Wood comes most from Cambodia , and Siam ; but they say it it brought by the people of Lawlan , a Country about Cambodia , whence Musk , and Benzoin , and most Aromada come : it is easily distinguished from other Wood , by its strong scent and richness of Balm in it , which appears in its blackness : it is of great Value , and hard to be gotten here . The rest of the Queries are not answered , because the time is short since I received them , and especially , because I cannot meet with any one that can satisfie me , and being unsatisfied my self , I cannot nor will obtrude any thing upon you , which may hereafter prove fabulous ; but shall still serve you with truth . A METHOD For making a History of the Weather . By Mr. HOOK . FOr the better making a History of the Weather , I conceive it requisite to observe , 1. The Strength and Quarter of the Winds , and to register the Changes as often as they happen ; both which may be very conveniently shewn , by a small addition to an ordinary Weather-clock . 2. The Degrees of Heat and Cold in the Air ; which will be best observed by a sealed Thermometer , graduated according to the Degrees of Expansion , which bear a known proportion to the whole bulk of Liquor , the beginning of which gradation , should be that dimension which the Liquor hath , when encompassed with Water , just beginning to freeze , and the degrees of Expansion , either greater or less , should be set or marked above it or below it . 3. The Degrees of Dryness and Moisture in the Air ; which may be most conveniently observed by a Hygroscope , made with the single beard of a wild Oat perfectly ripe , set upright and headed with an Index , after the way described by Emanuel Magnan ; the conversions and degrees of which , may be measured by divisions made on the rim of a Circle , in the Center of which , the Index is turned round : The beginning or Standard of which Degree of Rotation , should be that , to which the Index points , when the beard , being throughly wet , or covered with Water , is quite unwreathed , and becomes straight . But because of the smalness of this part of the Oat , the cod of a wild Vetch may be used instead of it , which will be a much larger Index , and will be altogether as sensible of the changes of the Air. 4. The degrees of Pressure in the Air : which may be several wayes observed , but best of all with an Instrument with Quicksilver , contrived so , as either by means of water or an Index , it may sensibly exhibit the minute variations of that Action . 5. The constitution and face of the Sky or Heavens ; and this is best done by the eye ; here should be observed , whether the Sky be clear or clouded ; and if clouded , after what manner ; whether with high Exhalations or great white Clouds , or dark thick ones . Whether those Clouds afford Fogs or Mists , or Sleet , or Rain , or Snow , &c. Whether the under side of those Clouds be flat or waved and irregular , as I have often seen before thunder . Which way they drive , whether all one way , or some one way , some another ; and whether any of these be the same with the Wind that blows below ; the Colour and face of the Sky at the rising and setting of the Sun and Moon ; what Haloes or Rings may happen to encompass those Luminaries , their bigness form and number . 6. What Effects are produc'd upon other bodies : As what Aches and Distempers in the bodies of men : what Diseases are most rife , as Colds , Fevours , Agues , &c. What putrefactions or other changes are produc'd in other bodies ; As the sweating of Marble , the burning blew of a Candle , the blasting of Trees and Corn ; the unusual sprouting , growth , or decay of any Plants or Vegetables : the putrefaction of bodies not usual ; the plenty or scarcity of Insects ; of several Fruits , Grains , Flowers , Roots , Cattel , Fishes , Birds , any thing notable of that kind . What conveniences or inconveniences may happen in the year , in any kind , as by flouds , droughts , violent showers , &c. What nights produce dews and hoar-frosts , and what not ? 7. What Thunders and Lightnings happen , and what Effects they produce ; as souring Beer or Ale , turning Milk , killing Silk-worms , & c ? 8. Any thing extraordinary in the Tides ; as double Tides , later or earlier , greater or less Tides than ordinary . Rising or drying of Springs ; Comets or unusual Apparitions , new Stars , Ignes fatui or shining Exhalations , or the like . These should all or most of them be diligently observed and registred by some one , that is alwayes conversant in or neer the same place . Now that these and some other , hereafter to be mentioned , may be registred so as to be most convenient for the making of comparisons , requisite for the raising Axioms , whereby the Cause or Laws of Weather may be found out ; It will be desirable to order them so , that the Scheme of a whole Moneth , may at one view be presented to the Eye : And this may conveniently be done on the pages of a Book in folio , allowing fifteen dayes for one side , and fifteen for the other . Let each of those pages be divided into nine Columes , and distinguished by perpendicular lines ; let each of the first six Columes be half an inch wide , and the three last equally share the remaining of the side . Let each Colume have the title of what it is to contain , in the first at least , written at the top of it : As , let the first Colume towards the left hand , contain the dayes of the Moneth , or place of the Sun , and the remarkable hours of each day . The second , the Place , Latitude , Distance , Ages and Phaces of the Moon . The third the Quarters and strength of Winds . The fourth the Heat and Cold of the season . The fifth the Dryness and Moisture of it . The sixth the Degrees of pressure . The seventh the faces and appearances of the Sky . The eighth the Effects of the Weather upon other bodies , Thunders , Lightnings , or any thing extraordinary . The ninth general Deductions , Corollaries or Syllogisms , arising from the comparing the several Phaenomena together . That the Columes may be large enough to contain what they are designed for , it will be necessary , that the particulars be expressed with some Characters , as brief and compendious as is possible . The two first by the Figures and Characters of the Signs , commonly us'd in Almanacks . The Winds may be exprest by the Letters , by which they are exprest in small Sea-Cards : and the degrees of strength by 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. according as they are marked in the contrivance of the Weather-cock . The degrees of Heat and Cold may be exprest by the Numbers appropriate to the Divisions of the Thermometer . The Dryness and Moisture , by the Divisions in the rim of the Hydroscope . The pressure by Figures denoting the height of the Mercurial Cylinder . But for the faces of the Sky , they are so many , that many of them want proper names ; and therefore it will be convenient to agree upon some determinate ones , by which the most usual may be in brief exprest . As let Cleer signifie a very cleer Sky without any Clouds or Exhalations : Checker'd a cleer Sky , with many great white round Clouds , such as are very usual in Summer . Hazy , a Sky that looks whitish , by reason of the thickness of the higher parts of the Air , by some Exhalation not formed into Clouds . Thick , a Sky more whitened by a greater company of Vapours : these do usually make the Luminaries look bearded or hairy , and are oftentimes the cause of the appearance of Rings and Haloes about the Sun as well as the Moon . Overcast , when the Vapours so whiten and thicken the Air , that the Sun cannot break through ; and of this there are very many degrees , which may be exprest by a little , much , more , very much overcast , &c. Let Hairy signifie a Sky that hath many small , thin and high Exhalations , which resemble locks of hair , or flakes of Hemp or Flax : whose varieties may be exprest by straight or curv'd , &c. according to the resemblance they bear . Let Water'd signifie a Sky that has many high thin and small Clouds , looking almost like water'd Tabby , called in some places a Mackeril Sky . Let a Sky be called Waved , when those Clouds appear much bigger and lower , but much after the same manner . Cloudy , when the Sky has many thick dark Clouds . Lowring , when the Sky is not very much overcast , but hath also underneath many thick dark Clouds which threaten rain . The signification of gloomy , foggy , misty , sleeting , driving , rainy , snowy , reaches or racks variable , &c. are well known , they being very commonly used . There may be also several faces of the Sky compounded of two or more of these , which may be intelligibly enough exprest by two or more of these names . It is likewise desirable , that the particulars of the eighth and ninth Columes may be entered in as little room , and as few words as are sufficient to signifie them intelligibly and plainly . It were to be wisht that there were divers in several parts of the World , but especially in distant parts of this Kingdom , that would undertake this work , and that such would agree upon a common way somewhat after this manner , that as neer as could be , the same method and words might be made use of . The benefit of which way is easily enough conceivable . As for the Method of using and digesting those so collected Observations ; That will be more advantageously considered when the Supellex is provided ; A Workman being then best able to fit and prepare his Tools , for his work , when he sees what materials he has to work upon . A SCHEME At one View representing to the Eye the Observations of the Weather for a Month. Dayes of the Month and place of the Sun. Remarkable house . Age and sign of the Moon at Noon . The Quarters of the Wind and its strength . The Degrees of Heat and Cold. The Degrees of Dryness and Moysture . The Degrees of Pressure . The Faces or visible appearances of the Sky . The Notablest Effects . General Deductions to be made after the side is fitted with Observations : As ,   4   W. 2. 9 ¼ 2 5 29 1 / 11 Clear blew , but yellowish in the N. E. Clowded toward the S. Checker'd blew . A great dew . From the last quart : of the Moon to the change the weather was very temperate but cold for the season ; the Wind pretty constant between N. and W.   8 27 3 12 ½ 2 8     14 12 ♉ 9.46 . 3½ 16     Thunder , far to the South . A very great Tide . ♊ 4       2 9 29 ⅛ 12.46 8 Perigeū .   10 1 / 8       12   W.SW. 1 7 ½ 2 29 ⅛     8   N.W. 3 9 2 8½ 29 1 / 16 A clear Sky all day , but a little checker'd at 4. P. M. at Sun-set red and hazy . Not by much so big a Tide as yesterday . Thunder in the North.   15 4 28 4   29     ♊ 6 ♉ 24.51 . N. 2 8 ½     A little before the last great Wind , and till the Wind rose at its highest , the Quicksilver continued descending till it came very low ; after which it began to reascend , &c. 13.40 10   1 7 2 10 29   10 N. Moon . at 7 . 25′ A. M. S. 1 10 1 10 28 ½ Overcast and very lowring . &c. No dew upon the ground , but very much upon Marble stones , &c. 16           ♊           14.37   ♊ 10.8 .               &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. DIRECTION For the Observations of the Eclipses of the MOON . By Mr. ROOKE . EClipses of the Moon are observed for two principal Ends ; One Astronomical , that by comparing Observations with Calculations , the Theory of the Moons motion may be perfected , and the Tables thereof reformed : The other Geographical , that by comparing among themselves Observations of the same Ecliptical Phases , made in divers places , the difference of Meridians , or Longitudes of those places may be discovered . The Knowledge of the Eclipses Quantity and Duration , the Shadows , Curvity and Inclination , &c. conduce only to the former of these Ends : The exact time of the beginning , middle , and end of the Eclipses , as also in total ones , the beginning and end of total darkness is useful for both of them . But because these times considerably differ in Observations made by the bare eye , from those with a Telescope , and because the beginning of Eclipses and the end of Total darkness are scarce to be observed exactly , even with Glasses ( one not being able clearly to distinguish between the true shadow and Penumbra , unless one have seen , for some time before , the line , separating them , pass along upon the surface of the Moon ) . And lastly , because in small partial Eclipses , the beginning and end ( and in total ones of short continuance in the shadow , the beginning and end of total darkness ) are unfit for nice Observations , by reason of the slow change of apparences , which the oblique motion of the shadow then causeth : For these Reasons I shall propound a Method particularly designed for the accomplishment of the Geographical end in observing Lunar Eclipses free ( as far as is possible ) from all the mentioned inconveniences : For , First , It shall not be practicable without a Telescope . Secondly , The Observer shall alwayes have Opportunity before his principal Observation , to note the distinction between the true shadow and Penumbra . Thirdly , It shall be applicable to those seasons of the Eclipse , when there is the suddenest alteration in the apparences . To satisfie all which intents , Let there be of the eminentest Spots , dispersed over all Quarters of the Moons surface , a select number generally agreed on , to be constantly made use of to this purpose , in all parts of the world : As for Example , those which Hevelius calleth Mons Sinai Etna Porphyrites Serrorum Insula Besbicus Creta Palus Maeotis Maraeotis Lacus Niger Major . Let in each Eclipse ( not all , but for instance ) three of these Spots , which then lye nearest to the Ecliptic , be exactly observed , when they are first touched by the true shadow , and again when they are just compleatly entered into it ; and ( if you please ) also in the decrease of the Eclipse , when they are first fully clear from the true shadow : For the accurate determination of which moments of time ( that being in this business of main importance ) let there be taken Altitudes of remarkable fixed Stars , on this side the line , of such as lye between the Aequator and Tropic of Cancer ; but beyond the line , of such as are scituated towards the other Tropic ; and in all places , of such , as at the time of Observation , are about four hours distant from the Meridian . Mr. ROOK'S DISCOURSE Concerning the Observations of the Eclipses of the Satellites of Iupiter . LOngitudinis sive Differentiae Meridianorum scientia est vel Nautica , vel Geographica . Illa Navis aquae innatantis ; Haec Vrbium , Insularum , Promontoriorum , &c. Globo terrestri adhaerentium situm investigat . In Navi , motu vario subinde translatâ ; Observatio identidem est repetenda ; at loci terreni , fixam perpetuò sedem obtinentis , positionem semel determinasse sufficit . Maria , fluctibus ut plurimum agitata , subtilem Instrumentorum , praesertim Telescopii longioris tractationem minime permittunt . Longitudinis Scientia Nautica vix unquam de Caelo expectanda : Geographica vero ab Eclipsibus Corporum coelestium praecipuè petenda . Eclipses sunt vel Veteribus notae , scil . Solis & Lunae Satellitum Iovis , ante Tubi Optici usum incognitae . ( Missam fecimus Cl. Hugenii Lunulam Saturniam , Observatu difficiliorem . ) Illarum per multa retro saecula Observationes ; nè duo quidem loca quantum Meridianorum intercapidinem habeant , satis certò definitum esse Experimur : harum verò per pauculos annos adhibendâ diligenti animadversione ; praecipuae totius terrarum Orbis partes , quomodo ad se invicem sitae sint , accuratiùs determinatum ir i non desperamus . Causae , ob quas minùs in hoc negotio praestitêre Eclipses Luminarium , Sunt 1. Communis , utrisque ipsarum Raritas Propria 2. Solari , Parallaxis Lunae . Propria 3. Lunari , Penumbra Terrae . His ergo praeferimus Satellitum Iovialium defectus frequentissimos , sine ulla Parallaxi , in quibus etiam penumbra Iovis prodesse magis , quam officere videtur . Methodus Longitudinis , ex Eclipsibus vel aliis Phaenomenis Coelestibus , indagandae àuplex est : Vna , cum tempore ad Meridianum Tabularum proprium supputato , tempus alibi observatum ; Altera , tempora variis in locis observata , inter se comparat . Cum Arti Nauticae Prior illa unicè interserviat quae motus coelestes accuratiùs multò , quam nobis sperandum videtur , cognitos supponit ; ob Astronomiae imperfectionem , & observationum Marinarum hallucinationem perpetuo ferè necessarium : supra pronunciavimus Longitudinis Scientiam Nauticam vix unquam de Coelo expectandam . Methodus altera , Geographiae perficiendae idonea , cum non aliam ob causam praevium Calculum adhibeat , nisi ut eo moniti plures , eidem Phaenomeno , in dissitis locis , observando simul invigilent ; Periodorum atque Epocharum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 minimè desiderat . Satellites Iovis numero sunt quatuor , varia apud Authores nomina sortiti ; nos ex diversis , quae a Iove obtinent intervallis , 1. Intimum , 2. Penintimum , 3. Penextimum , 4. Extimum appellabimus . Horum non nisi uniusmodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Observandum proponimus ; immersionem nempè in Vmbram Iovis sive ipsum Eclipseces initium . Solam hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seligimus , utpote in indivisibili ferò constitutam : Licet enim luminis languor atque diminutio moram aliquantulam trahere possit , omnimodo tamen Extinctio & Evanescentia ( de qua unicé soliciti sumus ) momento quasi contingere deprehendetur . Ante ☍ ☉ ♃ Satellites ad Occidentem Disci Iovialis respectu , in deliquia incidunt ; post Acronychia , ad Orientem . Intimi & ( nisi fortè rarissimè ) penintimi Eclips●●● tantum Occidentalium initia nobis apparere possunt : duorum autem remotiorum multa etiam Orientalium exordia conspicere licet . Defectus , Medicaeorum observatu faciliores reddant . 1. Major Planetarum claritas . 2. Motus ipsorum tardior . 3. Penumbra Iovis crassior . 4. Longius a Ioviali Disco intervallum : at Observationum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 condicit . 1. Motus Satellitum velocior . 2. Penumbra Iovis angustior . Haec omnia nobiscum meditati , subduct â benè singulorum ratione , Satellitum intimum & penextimum ad rem nostram prae coeteris accommodatos ; atque adeò cum satis frequentes sint ipsorum Eclipses , solos adhibendos esse judicamus . Extimum omninò negligimus utpotè minimum omnium & obscurissimum ; praesertim verò quod tantâ non-nunquam sit Latitudine praedictus , ut Vmbra Iovis ipsum Aphelium neutiquam attingat . Penintimus autem nullâ gaudet ex suprà recensitis Praerogativâ , quae alterutri saltem eorrum , quos jam praetulimus , potiori jure non debeatur . Maxima , Satellitum in Vmbra incidentium , a limbo Disci Iovialis distantia , unâ aut alterâ , post priorem Solis & Iovis quadraturam , bebdomada contingit . Estque ea Penextimi sesquidiametro Iovis ferè aequatis : Intimi verò semidiametro ejusdem non multò major sextâ ante memoratam Quadraturam Hebdomada ; Penextimus Vmbram ingrediens Diametro Iovis à disco abest : Augendâ indè usque ad maximam distantiâ incremento ( non uniformi sed ) continue decrescente . Hinc iisdem reciprocè passibus ( decremento sc. sensim increscente ) diminuitur istiusmodi intervallum , ad bimestre usque tempus a dictâ Quadraturâ elapsum , quando iterum Diametro Ioviali aequatur . Posteà autem usque ad ipsa Acronychia , penextimus Vmbram subiturus , aequabili ferê gradu ( singulis nempe hebdomadis quadrante Diametri ) promotus ad limbum Iovis accedit . Intimi , pro diverso Iovis ad solem situ , distantia eâdem planè ratione variatur : ejus enim , quam ubique obtinet , Penextimus , trienti fere perpetuo est aequalis . Mense circiter post Iovem soli oppositum , Penextimus ( Intimi post ☍ ☉ ♃ , immersiones observari non posse suprà innuimus ) simul ac corporis Iovialis limbum orientalem transierit , Occidentalem umbra continuo intrabit . Inde augetur paulatim penextimi evanescentis distantia , donec unâ aut alterâ ante posteriorem quadraturam hebdomadâ , maxima evadat ; quando a disci Iovialis margine semidiametro ejusdem removetur . Postquam autem hucusque diminutâ sensim velocitate , umbra Iovis ab ipsius Disco recessit : hinc , motu continue accelerato , ad eundem redit . Per bimestre ante & post Iovis cum sole conjunctionem spatium in locis Longitudine multum differentibus , eadem Eclipsis apparere nequit : adeoque tunc temporis observationes instituere non est operae pretium . Quae cum ita sint , tempus quadrimestre , a sextili priori usque ad ipsa ferè Acronychia numerandum , utrique Satelliti Observando erit unice opportunum : Penextimi autem soli , insuper trimestre , ab altero post oppositionem mense ad sextilem posteriorem . Intra tempora jam definita , octoginta circiter utriusque simul Satellitis fient Eclipses ; Penextimi sc. fere triginta , intimi autem quinquaginta . H●●s cum ( non ubivis terrarum sed ) aliae aliis in locis sint conspiciendae , in sex Classes digeremus . 1. In Europâ & Africâ Eclipses observandas comprehendet . 2. In Asiâ . Eclipses observandas comprehendet . 3. In Americâ . Eclipses observandas comprehendet . 4. In Europa Africa & Asia . Eclipses observandas comprehendet . 5. In Europa , Africa & America . Eclipses observandas comprehendet . 6. In Asia Orient . & America Occident . Eclipses observandas comprehendet . Non opus est fortè , ut moneamus in Insulis Oceani Aethiopici observandam esse Classem 4 am . Oceani Atlantici observandam esse Classem 5 am . Oceani Pacifici observandam esse Classem 6 am . Calculus Eclipsium a nobis exhibendus in ipso fortasse loco ad quem instituitur , plus horâ integrâ nonnunquam à vèro observabit , ob variam se. in Satellitum motu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab Excentricitate ( ut verisimile est ) & propriarum ipsis Orbitarum ad Iovis Orbitam inclinatione oriundam . Alibi autem térrarum multo minus calculo fidendum , propter incertam insuper in plerisque locis Meridianorum Differentiam ; quae tamen , ut fiat , Reductio temporis , aliqua utcunque adhibenda est . Longam itaque futuram sepiuscute Eclipsium harum expectationem praemonemus , assiduamque interim attentionem , nec ( ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 admodum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) unquam fere interruptam , esse continuandum : primam enim , quam visu assequi possumus , luminis diminutionem , brevissimá ( praesertim in intimo ) interpositâ morulâ mox insequitur perfecta ejus extinctio . Molestum autem in observando taedium , summa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 abunde compensabit , idemque plurimum minuit sociorum mutuas operas tradentium , ubi suppetit praesentia . Ad momenta temporis accuratissime notanda ( quod in hujusmodi Observationibus est Palmarium ) perutile erit Horologium Oscillatorium , ab ingeniosissimo & candidissimo Hugenio feliciter excogitatum . Appendix . LOngitudinis Sientiam Nauticam vix unquam de Coelo expectandam suprà asseruimus : siqua tamen ejusmodi aliquando futura est ; non aliud Fundamentum , quam Lunarium motuum praecisam cognitionem , habitura videtur . Horum autem restitutionem a Parallaxi inchoandam solertissime monuit Keplerus . Parallaxeus verò indagandae , & a Lunae latitudine ( cui semper ferè complicatur ) distinguendae optima ( si non sola ) Methodus est ; quae , in regionibus longe dissitis & sub eodem Meridiano positis , altitudinum . Lunae Meridianarum , per singulas orbitae partes , simul observatarum series innititur : inde enim , Polorum elevatione solum praecognitâ , sertissima innotescit Globi Lunaris à Terrestri distantia . Proponimus itaque nos Africae Promontorium Cap. Bonae Spei , vel in Oceano Atlantico Sanctae Helenae Insulam , cum locis in Europá iis respondentibus , Satellitum ope , docuimus , determinandis , in quibus istiusmodi observationes commodissime instituantur . Upon the Reading of these last Directions , Mr. Rook the Author of them being dead , I cannot forbear saying something of that excellent Man , which his incomparable Modesty would not have permitted me to write , if he had been living . He was indeed a man of a profound judgment , a vast comprehension , prodigious memory , solid experience . His skill in the Mathematicks was reverenc'd , by all the lovers of those studies : and his perfection in many other sorts of Learning , deserves no less admiration . But above all , his Knowledge had a right influence , on the temper of his mind , which had all the humility , goodness , calmness , strength , and sincerity of a sound , and unaffected Philosopher . This is spoken not of one , who liv'd long ago , in praising of whom , it were easie to feign , and to exceed the Truth , where no mans memory could confute me : But of one , who is lately dead , who has many of his acquaintance still living , that are able to confirm this testimony , and to joyn with me , in delivering down his name to posterity , with this just character of his Virtues . He dy'd in the year sixty two , shortly after the establishment of the Royal Society , whose Institution he had zealously promoted . And it was a deplorable accident in his Death , that he deceas'd the very night , which he had for some years expected , wherein to finish his accurate Observations on the Satellites of Iupiter : however this Treasure will not be lost , for the Society has referr'd it to some of the best Astronomers of Europe , to bring his beginnings to conclusion . To many of these Queries they have already receiv'd good returns , and satisfaction : and more such Accounts are daily expected from all coasts . Besides these , there have been several great and profitable Attempts , relating to the good of mankind , or the English Nation , propounded to them , by many publick Bodies , and private persons : which they have again recommended , to be examin'd apart , by divers of their own number , and by other men of ability and integrity , who have accepted of their Recommendations of this kind , the Principal , that I find recorded in their Registers , are these . They have propounded the composing a Catalogue of all Trades , Works , and Manufactures , wherein men are emploi'd , in order to the collecting each of their Histories : by taking notice of all the Physical Receipts , or Secrets , the Instruments , Tools , and Engines , the Manual operations or sleights , the cheats , and ill practices , the goodness , baseness , and different value of Materials , and whatever else belongs to the operations of all Trades . They have recommended the making a Catalogue , of all the kinds of natural things to be found in England . This is already in a very good forwardness . And for its better completing , many Expedients for the preserving , drying , and embalming of all living Creatures have been prosecuted . They have suggested the making a perfect Survey , Map , and Tables of all the fix'd Stars within the Zodiac , both visible to the naked eye , and discoverable by a six foot Telescope , with a large aperture ; towards the observing the apparent places of the Planets , with a Telescope both by Sea and Land. This has been approv'd , and begun , several of the Fellows having their portions of the Heavens allotted to them . They have recommended the advancing of the Manufacture of Tapistry : the improving of Silk making : the propagating of Saffron : the melting of Lead-Oar with Pit-coal : the making Iron with Sea-coal : the using of the Dust of Black Lead instead of Oyl in Clocks : the making Trials on English Earths , to see if they will not yield so fine a substance as China , for the perfecting of the Potters Art. They have propounded , and undertaken the comparing of several Soyls , and Clays , for the better making of Bricks , and Tiles : the way of turning Water into Earth : the observing of the growth of Pibbles in Waters : the making exact Experiments in the large Florentine Loadstone : the consideration of the Bononian Stone : the examining of the nature of Petrifying Springs : the using an Vmbrella Anchor , to stay a Ship in a storm : the way of finding the Longitude of places by the Moon : the observation of the Tides about Lundy , the Southwest of Ireland , the Bermoodas , and divers parts of Scotland ; and in other Seas and Rivers where the ebbing and flowing is found to be irregular . They have started , and begun to practise the propagation of Potatoes ; the planting of Verjuyce Grapes in England ; the Chymical examination of French , and English Wines ; the gradual observation of the growth of Plants , from the first spot of life ; the increasing of Timber , and the planting of Fruit Trees ; which they have done by spreading the Plants into many parts of the Nation , and by publishing a large Account of the best wayes of their cultivavation . They have propounded , and attempted with great effect , the making Experiments with Tobacco oyl ; the Anatomizing of all amphibious Creatures , and examining their Lungs ; the observing the manner of the Circulation of the blood in Fishes ; the wayes of transporting Fish from one place to another for Breed ; the collecting Observations on the Plague ; the examining of all the several wayes to breed Bees ; the altering the taste of the Flesh of Animals , by altering their food ; the probability of making Wine out of Sugar-canes : Which last I will set down as one Example . A PROPOSAL For making WINE . By Dr. GODDARD . IT is recommended to the care of some skilful Planters in the Barbadoes , to try whether good Wine may not be made out of the Iuyce of Sugar-canes . That which may induce them , to believe this work to be possible , is this Observation , that the Iuyce of Wine , when it is dry'd , does alwayes granulate into Sugar , as appears in Raisins , or dry'd Grapes : and also that in those vessels wherein cute , or unfermented Wine is put , the sides are wont to be cover'd over with a crust of Sugar . Hence it may be gather'd , that there is so great a likeness of the liquor of the Cane , to that of the Vine , that it may probably be brought to serve for the same uses . If this attempt shall succeed , the advantages of it will be very considerable . For the English being the chief Masters of the Sugar Trade , and that falling very much in its price of late years , while all other outlandish productions are risen in their value : it would be a great benefit to this Kingdom , as well as to our Western Plantations , if part of our Sugar , which is now in a manner a meer Drug , might be turn'd into Wine , which is a Forein Commodity , and grows every day dearer : especially seeing this might be done , by only bruising , and pressing the Canes , which would be a far less labour and charge , than the way , by which Sugar is now made . These are some of the most advantageous proposals , they have scatter'd , and incourag'd in all places , where their Interest prevails . In these they have recommended to many distinct , and separate Trials , those designs , which some private men had begun , but could not accomplish , by reason of their charge : or those which they themselves have devis'd , and conceiv'd capable of success : or even those of which men have hitherto seem'd to despair . Of these , some are already brought to a hopeful issue : some are put in use , and thrive by the practice of the publick : and some are discover'd to be feasible , which were only before thought imaginary , and fantastical . This is one of the greatest powers of the true , and unwearied Experimenter , that he often rescues things , from the jaws of those dreadful Monsters , Improbability , and Impossibility . These indeed are two frightful words to weaker minds , but by Diligent and Wisemen , they are generally found to be only the excuses of Idleness , and Ignorance . For the most part they lie not in the things themselves , but in mens false opinions concerning them they are rais'd by opinions , but are soon abolish'd by works . Many things , that were at first improbable to the minds of men , are not so to their eyes : many that seem'd unpracticable to their thoughts , are quite otherwise to their hands : many that are too difficult for their naked hands , may be soon perform'd by the same hands , if they are strengthen'd by Instruments , and guided by Method : many that are unmanageable by a few hands , and a few Instruments , are easie to the joynt force of a multitude : many that fail in one Age , may succeed by the renew'd indeavors of another . It is not therefore the conceit or fancy of men alone , that is of sufficient authority to condemn the most unlikely things for Impossible : unless they have been often attempted in vain , by many Eyes , many Hands , many Instruments , and many Ages . This is the assistance , and information , they have given to others , to provoke them to inquire , and to order , and regulate their Inquisitions . To these I will add the Relations of the effects of Nature , and Art , which have been communicated to them . These are infinite in number . And though many of them have not a sufficient confirmation , to raise Theories , or Histories on their Infallibility : yet they bring with them a good assurance of likelihood , by the integrity of the Relators ; and withall they furnish a judicious Reader , with admirable hints to direct his Observations . For I will once more affirm , that as the minds of men do often mistake falshoods for Truths , though they are never so circumspect : so they are often drawn by uncertain , and sometimes erroneous reports , to stumble on truths , and realities ; of this vast heap of Relations , which is every where scatter'd in their Entry Books , I will only take notice of these occasional Accounts . Relations of two new kinds of Stars , observ'd in the year sixty six , the one in Andromeda , the other in Cygnus , in the same place , where they appear'd sixty years since , and have ever since disappear'd : of several Observations of Coelestial Bodies made in Spain : of Observations of several of the Planets made at Rome , and in other parts , by extraordinary Glasses : of the comparative goodness of Glasses us'd in other Countries : of several Eclipses observ'd in divers parts of the World. Relations of Parelii , and other such appearances seen in France : of the effects of Thunder and Lightning : of Hurricanes , and Spouts : of the bigness , figure , and effects of Hailstones : of Fish , and Frogs said to be rain'd : of the raining of Dust out of the Air , and of the distance it has been carri'd by great Fires , and Earthquakes : of changes of Weather , and a way of predicting them : of the vermination of the Air : of the suppos'd raining of Wheat in Glocestershire , which being sown was found to be nothing but Ivy-Berries . Relations of a Spring in Lancashire , that will presently catch fire on the approach of a Flame : of Burning-glasses performing extraordinary effects : of Burning glasses made with Ice : of Fire-balls for Fuel : of a more convenient way of using Wax-candles : of the kindling of certain Stones , by their being moisten'd with Water : of using ordinary Fuel to the best advantage . Relations of the times of the rising , and disappearing of Springs : of Artificial Springs : of the Natures of several of our English Springs , and of other Oleaginous , and Bituminous Springs : of the fitness , and unfitness of some waters for the making of Beer , or Ale : of brewing Beer with Ginger instead of Hops : of Tides and Currents : of Petrifying Springs : of the Water blasts of Tivoly : of Floating Islands of Ice : of the shining of Dew in a Common of Lancashire , and elsewhere : of Divers , and Diving , their habit , their long holding their breath , and of other notable things observ'd by them . Relations of the Effects of Earthquakes , and the moving , and sinking of Earths : of deep Mines , and deep Wells : of the several layers of Earth in a Well at Amsterdam : of the shining Cliffs in Scotland : of the layers of Earth observ'd in divers Clifts : of Screw-Stones , Lignum Fossile , Blocks buried in Exeter River , Trees found under ground in Cheshire , Lincolnshire , and elsewhere : of a Coal-Mine wrought half a mile from the shore , under the Sea : of the fatal effects of damps on Miners , and the ways of recovering them . Relations of the extraordinary strength of some small Loadstones , taking up above 150. times their own weight : of several English Loadstones : of the variation of the Loadstone observ'd in two East-India voyages , and other places : of the growing of Pebbles inclos'd in a glass of water : of several excellent English clays : of Gold found in little lumps in a Mine in England : of the moving sands in Norfolk . Relations about refining Lead , and Tin-Oar : of hardning Steel so as to cut Porphyry with it , and softning it so much , as to make it easie to be wrought on : of impregnating Lead-Oar with Metal , after it has been once freed : of Petrify'd Teeth , and a Petrifi'd humane foetus : of several wayes of splitting Rocks : of living Muscles found in the midst of Rocks at Legorn : of the way of making Quick-silver : of things observable at the bottom of the Sea : of a soft Metal , which hardens after it has taken off the Impression , and the way of reducing such impressions into as small a proportion as is desir'd . Relations about Agriculture : of ordering of Vines : of the setting and planting of Trees several wayes : of Elms growing from chips , of new Trees sprung from rotten roots : of several kinds of Trees , growing one out of another ; and in the place of others : of the best wayes of pruning : of making a kind of Silk with Virginia Grass : of a kind of Grass making stronger Ropes than the common Hemp : of a new way of ordering Mulberry Trees in Virginia : of a Locust Tree Bow standing bent six months , without loosing its Spring : of a way of improving the planting of Tobacco . Relations of the usefulness of changing seed yearly : of the steeping , liming , sowing it several wayes : of freeing it from Worms : preserving it long ( as eighty years ) of freeing it from smut ; of the causes , and first signs of smut : of the Instrument and way of chopping Straw , for the feeding of Horses : of Plants growing in meer Water : of others growing in meer Air : of several Indian Woods : of the growing of the divided parts of Beans : of the growing of chopp'd stalks of Potatoes : of ordering Melons : of keeping their Seed , and producing extraordinary good ones without transplanting . Relations of the growth , breeding , feeding , and ordering of Oysters : of a Sturgeon kept alive in Saint Iameses-Park : of the moveable Teeth of Pikes : of young Eeles cut alive out of the old ones Belly : of the transporting Fish-spawn ▪ and Carps alive from one place to another : of the strange increase of Carps so transported : of Snake-stones and other Antidotes : of Frogs , Frog-spawn , Toads , Newts , Vipers , Snakes , Rattle-Snakes . Relations of several kinds of Poysons , as that of Maccasser , and Florence : of Crawfishes : of the Generation , growth , life , and transformation of Ants : of Cheese worms leaping like Fleas : of living Worms found in the Entrails of Fishes : of Insects found in the sheathing of Ships : of the generation of Insects , out of dead Cantharides : of Insects bred in mens Teeth , Gums , Flesh , Skin : of great quantities of Flies living in Winter , though frozen : of the wayes of ordering Silk-worms in France , Italy , Virginia : and of their not being hurt in Virginia by Thunder . Relations of Swallows living after they have been frozen under water : of Barnacles and Soland Geese : of a new way of hatching Pigeons : of the way of hatching Chickens in Egypt : of Eggs proving fruitful , after they had been frozen : of recovering a tir'd Horse with Sheeps blood . Relations of several Monsters with their Anatomies : of the measure of a Giant-child : of Stones found in several parts of the Body : of an unusual way of cutting the Stone out of the Bladder : of a Womans voiding the Bones of a Child out of her side eighteen years after her having been with child : of grafting Teeth , and making the Teeth of one Man grow in the mouth of another . Relations of several Chirurgical operations : of renewing the beating of the heart , by blowing into the Receptaculum chyli : of the Art of perfectly restoring Nerves , transversly cut , practis'd in France : of a Mummy found in the Ruines of Saint Pauls ▪ after it had lain buried above 200. years : of breaking the Nerve to the Diaphragm , and of its effects : of cutting a Stetoma out of a Womans Breast : of making the blood Florid with Volatil , and Coagulating with Acid Salts . Relations of sympathetick Cures , and Trials : of the effects of Tobacco-oyl for casting into Convulsion fits : of Moors killing themselves by holding their Breaths : of walking on the Water by the help of a Girdle filled with Wind : of Pendulum Clocks : of several rare Guns , and Experiments with them : of new Quadrants and Astronomical Instruments : of Experiments of refraction made by the French Academy : of a way to make use of Eggs in painting , instead of Oyl : of the Island Hirta in Scotland : of the Whispering place at Glocester : of the Pike of Tenariff . A RELATION OF THE PICO TENERIFFE . Receiv'd from some considerable Merchants and Men worthy of Credit , who went to the top of it . HAving furnish'd our selves with a Guide , Servants , and Horses to carry our Wine and Provisions , we set out from Oratava , a Port Town in the Island of Tenariffe , scituated on the North of it at two miles distant from the main Sea. We travelled from twelve at night till eight in the morning , by which time we got to the top of the first Mountain towards the Pico de Terraira ; here , under a very great and conspicuous Pine tree , we brake our fast , dined and refresht our selves , till two in the afternoon ; then we proceeded through much Sandy way , over many lofty Mountains , but naked and bare , and not covered with any Pine trees , as our first nights passage was : this exposed us to excessive heat , till we arrived at the foot of the Pico ; where we found many huge Stones , which seemed to have been fallen down from some upper part . About six a clock this evening , we began to ascend up the Pico , but being now a mile advanced , and the way no more passable for our Horses , we quitted and left them with our Servants : In this miles ascent some of our company grew very faint and sick , disorder'd by fluxes , vomitings , and Aguish distempers , our Horses hair standing up right like Bristles : but calling for some of our Wine , which was carried in small Barrels on a Horse , we found it so wonderfully cold , that we could not drink it till we had kindled a fire to warm it , although yet the temper of the Air was very calm and moderate . But when the Sun was set , it began to blow with that violence , and grew so cold , that taking up our lodging under certain great Stones in the Rocks , we were constreined to keep great fires before the mouthes of them all night . About four in the morning we began to mount again , and being come about a mile up , one of the Company fail'd , and was able to proceed no further . Here began the black Rocks . The rest of us pursued our Journey till we came to the Sugar-loaf , where we begin to travel again in a white sand , being fore-shod with shooes whose single soles are made a finger broader than the upper leather , to encounter this difficult and unstable passage ; being ascended as far as the black Rocks , which are all flat , & lie like a pavement , we climbed within a mile of the very top of the Pico , and at last we gained the Summit , where we found no such smoak as appeared a little below , but a continual breathing of a hot and sulphurous Vapour , which made our faces extreamly sore . In this passage we found no considerable alteration of Air , and very little Wind ; but being at the top , it was so impetuous , that we had much ado to stand against it , whilst we drank the Kings health , and fired each of us a peece . Here we also brake fast , but found our Strong-water had quite lost its force , and was become almost insipid , whilst our Wine was rather more spirituous and brisque than it was before . The top on which we stood , being not above a yard broad , is the brink of a Pit called the Caldera , which we judged to be about a Musquet-shot over , and neer fourscore yards deep , in shape like a Cone , within hollow like a Kettle or Cauldron , and all over cover'd with small loose Stones mixt with Sulphur and Sand , from amongst which issue divers Spiracles of smoak and heat , when stirred with any thing puffs and makes a noise , and so offensive , that we were almost stifled with the sudden Emanation of Vapours upon the removing of one of these Stones , which are so hot as they are not easily to be handled . We descended not above four or five yards into the Caldera , in regard of its fliding from our feet and the difficulty . But some have adventured to the bottom . Other observable materials we discover'd none , besides a clear sort of Sulphur , which looks like Salt upon the Stones . From this famous Pico , we could ken the Grand Canaria , fourteen leagues distant , Palma eighteen , and Gomera seven leagues , which interval of Sea seemed to us not much larger than the River of Thames about London : We discerned also the Herro , being distant above twenty leagues , and so to the outmost limits of the Sea much farther . So soon as the Sun appeared , the shadow of the Pico seemed to cover , not only the whole Island , and the Grand Canaries , but the Sea to the very Horison , where the top of the Sugar-loaf or Pico visibly appeared to turn up and cast its shade into the Air it self , at which we were much surprised : But the Sun was not far ascended , when the Clouds began to rise so fast , as intercepted our prospect both of the Sea , and the whole Island , excepting only the tops of the subjacent Mountains , which seem'd to pierce them through : Whether these Clouds do ever surmount the Pico we cannot say , but to such as are far beneath , they sometimes seem to hang above it , or rather wrap themselves about it , as constantly when the North-west Wind blows ; this they call the Cappe , and is a certain prognostick of ensuing Storms . One of our company , who made this journey again two years after , arriving at the top of the Pico before day , and creeping under a great Stone to shrowd himself from the cold Air ( after a little space ) found himself all wet , and perceived it to come from a perpetual trickling of water from the Rocks above him . Many excellent and very exuberant Springs we found issuing from the tops of most of the other Mountains , gushing out in great Spouts , almost as far as the huge Pine tree which we mention'd . Having stay'd some time upon the top , we all descended by the Sandy way till we came to the foot of the Sugar-loaf , which being steep , even to almost a perpendicular , we soon passed . And here we met a Cave of about ten yards deep , and fifteen broad , being in shape like an Oven or Cupola , having a hole at the top which is neer eight yards over ; by this we descended by a Rope , which our Servants held at the top , whilst the other end being fastned about our middles , we swing our selves , till being over a Bank of Snow , we slide down and light upon it . We were forced to swing thus in the descent , because in the middle of the bottom of this Cave , opposite to the overture at the top , is a round Pit of water , resembling a Well , the surface whereof is about a yard lower than the Snow , but as wide as the mouth at top , and is about six fathom deep . We suppose this Water not a Spring , but dissolved Snow blown in , or Water trickling through the Rocks . About the sides of the Grot , for some height , there is Ice and Icicles hanging down to the Snow . But being quickly weary of this excessive cold place , and drawn up again , we continued our descent from the Mountains by the same passages we went up the day before , and so about five in the evening arrived at Oratava , from whence we set forth , our Faces so red and sore , that to cool them , we were forced to wash and bathe them in Whites of Eggs , &c. The whole height of the Pico in perpendicular is vulgarly esteem'd to be two miles and a half . No Trees , Herbs , or Shrubs in all the passage but Pines , and amongst the whiter Sands a kind of Broom , being a bushy Plant ; and at the side where we lay all night , a kind of Cordon , which hath Stems of eight foot high , the Trunk near half a foot thick ; every Stem growing in four squares , and emerging from the ground like Tuffets of Rushes ; upon the edges of these Stems grow very small red Buttons or Berries , which being squeezed produc'd a poysonous Milk , which lighting upon any part of a Horse , or other Beast , fetches off the hair from the skin immediately ; of the dead part of this we made our fires all night . This Plant is also universally spread over the Island , and is perhaps a kind of Euphorbium . Of the Island Tenariffe it self , this account was given by a Judicious and Inquisitive Man , who liv'd twenty years in it as a Physician and Merchant . His opinion is , that the whole Island being a ground mightily impregnated with Brimstone , did in former times take fire , and blow up all or near upon all at the same time , and that many Mountains of huge Stones calcin'd and burnt , which appear every where about the Island , especially in the Southwest parts of it , were rais'd and heav'd up out of the Bowels of the Earth , at the time of that general conflagration ; and that the greatest quantity of this Sulphur lying about the Center of the Island , raised up the Pico to that height at which it is now seen . And he sayes , that any one upon the place that shall carefully note the scituation , and manner of these calcin'd Rocks how they lie , will easily be of that mind : For he sayes , that they lye for three or four miles almost round the bottom of the Pico , and in such order one above another almost to the very Sugar-loaf ( as 't is called ) as if the whole ground swelling and rising up together by the Ascension of the Brimstone , the Torrents and Rivers of it did with a sudden Eruption rowl and tumble them down from the rest of the Rocks , especially ( as was said before ) to the South-west ; For on that side , from the very top of the Pico almost to the Sea shore , lye huge heaps of these burnt Rocks one under another . And there remain to this time the very Tracts of the Rivers of Brimstone , as they ran over all this quarter of the Island , which hath so wasted the ground beyond recovery , that nothing can be made to grow there but Broom : But on the North side of the Pico , few or none of these Stones appear . And he concluded hence , that the Volcanio discharg'd it self chiefly to the South-west . He adds further , that Mines of several Mettals were broken and blown up at the same time . These calcin'd Rocks resembling some of them Iron-Ore , some Silver , and others Copper , Particularly at a certain place in these South-west parts called the Azuleios , being very high Mountains , where never any English man but himself ( that ever he heard of ) was . There are vast quantities of a loose blewish Earth intermixt with blew Stones , which have on them yellow rust as that of Copper and Vitriol : And likewise many little Springs of Vitriolate waters , where he supposes was a Copper Mine . And he was told by a Bell-founder of Oratava , that out of two Horse loads of this Earth , he got as much Gold as made two large Rings . And a Portuguez told him , who had been in the West-Indies , that his opinion was , there were as good Mines of Gold and Silver there as the best in the Indies . There are likewise hereabout Nitrous Waters and Stones covered with a deep Saffron colour'd rust , and tasting of Iron . And further he mentions a Friend of his , who out of two lumps of Earth or Ore , brought from the top of this side the Mountain , made two Silver-spoons . All this he confirms from the late instance of the Palme Island eighteen leagues from Tenariffa , where a Volcanio was fired about twelve years since , the violence whereof made an Earthquake in this Island so great , that he and others ran out of their houses , fearing they would have fallen upon their heads . They heard the noise of the Torrents of flaming Brimstone like Thunder , and saw the fire as plain by night , for about six weeks together , as a Candle in the room : And so much of the Sand and Ashes , brought from thence by the Wind with Clouds , fell on his Hat , as fill'd a Sand box for his Inkhorn . In some part of this Island there grows a crooked Shrub which they call Legnan , which they bring for England as a sweet Wood : There are likewise Abricots , Peaches , &c. in Standard , which bear twice a year , Pear-trees also which are as pregnant : Almonds of a tender shell ; Palms , Plantains , Oranges and Lemmons , especially the Pregnadas which have small ones in their bellies , from whence they are so denominated . Also they have Sugar Canes , and a little Cotton . Colloquintida , &c. The Roses blow at Christmas . There are good Carnations , and very large ; but Tulips will not grow or thrive there : Sampier clothes the Rocks in abundance , and a kind of Clover the Ground . Another Grass growing neer the Sea , which is of a broader leaf , so luscious and rank , as it will kill a Horse that eats of it , but no other Cattle . Eighty ears of Wheat have been found to spring from one root , but it grows not very high . The Corn of this is transparent and bright like to the purest yellow Amber , and one bushel hath produc'd one hundred and thirty in a seasonable year . The Canary birds ( which they bring to us in England ) breed in the Barancos or Gills , which the Water hath fretted away in the Mountains , being places very cold . There are also Quails , Partridges , larger than ours and exceeding beautiful , great Wood-pigeons , Turtles at Spring , Crows , and sometimes from the Coast of Barbary appears the Falcon . Bees are carried into the Mountains , where they prosper exceedingly . They have wild Goats on the Mountains , which climb to the very top of the Pico sometimes : Also Hogs and multitudes of Conies . Of Fish they have the Cherna , a very large and excellent fish , better tasted than any we have in England ; the Mero , Dolphin , Shark , Lobsters without the great claws , Mussles , Periwinkles , & the Clacas , which is absolutely the very best Shell-fish in the world , they grow in the Rocks five or six under one great shell , through the top holes whereof they peep out with their Nebs , from whence ( the shells being broken a little more open with a stone ) they draw them forth . There is likewise another Fish like an Eel , which hath six or seven tails of a span in length united to one head and body , which is also as short . Besides these , they have Turtles and Cabridos which are better than our Trouts . The Island is full of Springs of pure Water tasting like Milk. And in Lalaguna ( where the Water is not altogether so Limpid and Clear ) they percolate it through a kind of spungy Stone cut in form of a Bason . The Vines which afford those excellent Wines , grow all about the Island within a mile of the Sea , such as are planted farther up are nothing esteem'd , neither will they thrive in any of the other Islands , for the Guanchios or antient Inhabitants he gives this full Account . September the third , about twelve years since , he took his Journey from Guimar ( a Town inhabited for the most part by such as derive themselves from the old Cuanchios ) in the company of some of them , to view their Caves and the Bodies buried in them . This was a favour they seldome or never permit to any ( having in great veneration the Bodies of their Ancestours , and likewise being most extreamly against any molestation of the Dead ) but he had done several Eleemosinary Cures amongst them ( for they are generally very poor , yet the poorest thinks himself too good to marry with the best Spaniard ) which indeared him to them exceedingly , otherways it is death for any Stranger to visit these Caves or Bodies . These Bodies are sowed up in Goat-skins with thongs of the same , with very great curiosity , particularly in the incomparable exactness and evenness of the seams , and the Skins are made very close and fit to the body : Most of these Bodies are entire , the eyes closed , hair on the head , ears , nose , teeth , lips , beard , all perfect , only discoloured and a little shriveld , likewise the Pudenda of both Sexes ; He saw about three or four hundred in several Caves , some of them are standing , others lie on beds of Wood , so hardned by an art they had ( which the Spaniards call Curar , to cure a piece of wood ) as no Iron can pierce or hurt it He says , that one day being hunting a Ferret ( which is much in use there ) having a bell about his neck , ran after a Coney into a hole , where they lost the sound of the bell ; the owner being afraid he should loose his Ferret , seeking about the Rock and Shrubs , found the mouth of a Cave , and entring in , was so afrighted , that he cryed out . It was at the sight of one of these Bodies , very tall and large , lying with his head on a great Stone , his feet supported with a little wall of stone , the body resting on a bed of Wood ( as before was mention'd . ) The fellow being now a little out of his fright entered it , and cut off a great piece of the skin that lay on the breast of this body , which , the Doctor sayes , was more flexible and pliant than ever he felt any Kids-leather-glove , and yet so far from being rotten , that the man used it for his Flail many years after . These bodies are very light , as if made up of straw , and in some broken Limbs he observed the Nerves and Tendons , and also some strings of the Veins and Arteries very distinctly . His great care was to enquire of these people what they had amongst them of Tradition concerning the embalming and preservation of these Bodies : from some of the eldest of them ( above a hundred and ten years of age ) he received this Account , That they had of old one particular Tribe of men that had this Art amongst themselves only , and kept it as a thing sacred , and not to be communicated to the Vulgar : These mixt not with the rest of the Inhabitants , nor married out of their own Tribe , and were also their Priests and Ministers of Religion : That upon the Conquest of the Spaniards they were most of them destroy'd , and the Art lost with them , only they held some Traditions yet of a few Ingredients , that were made use of in this business . They took Butter of Goats Milk ( some said Hogs Grease was mingled with it ) which they kept in the Skins for this purpose , in this they boyled certain Herbs ; first a sort of wild Lavender , which grows there in great quantities on the Rocks : Secondly , an Herb called Lara , of a very gummy and glutinous Consistence , which now grows there under the tops of the Mountains only : Thirdly , a kind of Cyclamen or Sow-bread : Fourthly , wild Sage , growing plentifully in this Island : These with others bruised and boiled in the Butter , render'd it a perfect Balsame . This prepared , they first unbowelled the Corps ( and in the poorer sort , to save charges , they took out the Brain behind , and these poor were also sew'd up in Skins with the hair on , whereas the richer sort were ( as was said before ) put up in Skins so finely and exactly dressed , as they remain most rarely pliant and gentle to this day . ) After the Body was thus ordered , they had in readiness a Lixivium made of the Bark of Pine trees , with which they washt the Body , drying it in the Sun in Summer , and in Stoves in Winter , this repeating very often . Afterward they began their Unction with the Balsame , both without and within , drying it again as before . This they continued till the Balsame had penetrated into the whole habit , and the Muscles in all parts appeared through the contracted Skin , and the Body became exceeding light : Then they sew'd them up in the Goat-skins , as was mention'd already . He was told by these Ancient People , that they have above twenty Caves of their Kings and great Persons , with their whole Families , yet unknown to any but themselves , and which they will never discover . Lastly , he sayes , that Bodies are found in the Caves of the Grand Canaria in sacks , and quite consumed , not as these in Teneriffa . Thus far of the Bodies and embalming . Antiently when they had no knowledge of Iron , they made their Lances of Wood hardned as before , some of which the Doctor hath seen . He hath also seen Earthen-pots so hard , that they cannot be broken ; of these some are found in the Caves and old Bavances , and used by the poorer people that find them to boyl meat in . Likewise they did Curor Stone it self , that is to say , a kind of Slate called now Tobona , which they first formed to an edge or point as they had occasion to use it , either as Knives or Lancets to let blood withall . Their Food is Barly roasted , and then ground with little Mills , which they made of Stone , and mixt with Milk and Honey : This they still feed on , and carry it on their backs in Goat-skins . To this day they drink no Wine , nor care for Flesh. They are generally very lean , tall , active and full of courage . He himself hath seen them leap from Rock to Rock , from a very prodigious height , till they came to the bottom , sometimes making ten fathom deep at one leap . " The manner is thus : First they Tertiate their Lance ( which is about the bigness of a half Pike ) that is , they poise it in their hand , then they aim the point of it at any piece of a Rock , upon which they intend to light ( sometimes not half a foot broad . ) At their going off they clap their feet close to the Lance , and so carry their bodies in the Air. The point of the Lance first comes to the place , which breaks the force of their fall ; then they slide gently down by the Staffe , and pitch with their feet upon the very place they first designed , and from Rock to Rock till they come to the bottome . Their Novices sometimes break their necks in learning . He added several Stories to this effect of their great activity in leaping down Rocks and Cliffs . And how twenty eight of them made an escape from the battlements of an extraordinary high Castle in the Island , when the Governour thought he had made sure of them . He told also ( and the same was seriously confirmed by a Spaniard , and another Canary Merchant then in the company ) That they whistle so loud as to be heard five miles off . And that to be in the same Room with them when they whistle , were enough to indanger breaking the Tympanum of the ear , and added , that he ( being in Company of one that whistled his loudest ) could not hear perfectly for fifteen dayes after , the noise was so great . He affirms also , That they throw Stones with a force almost as great as that of a Bullet , and now use Stones in all their fights as they did anciently . When my Reader shall behold this large number of Relations ; perhaps he will think , that too many of them seem to be incredulous stories , and that if the Royal Society shall much busie themselves , about such wonderful , and uncertain events , they will fall into that mistake , of which I have already accus'd some of the Antients , of framing Romances , instead of solid Histories of Nature . But here , though I shall first confirm what I said before , that it is an unprofitable , and unsound way of Natural Philosophy , to regard nothing else , but the prodigious , and extraordinary causes , and effects : yet I will also add , that it is not an unfit employment for the most judicious Experimenter to examine , and record the most unusual and monstrous forces , and motions of matter : It is certain that many things , which now seem miraculous , would not be so , if once we come to be fully acquainted with their compositions , and operations . And it is also as true , that there are many Qualities , and Figures , and powers of things , that break the common Laws , and transgress the standing Rules of Nature . It is not therefore an extravagance , to observe such productions , and are indeed admirable in themselves , if at the same time we do not strive to make those appear to be admirable , that are groundless , and false . In this there is a neer resemblance between Natural and civil History . In the Civil , that way of Romance is to be exploded , which heightens all the characters , and actions of men , beyond all shadow of probability : yet this does not hinder , but the great , and eminent virtues of extraordinary men of all Ages , may be related , and propos'd to our example . The same is to be affirm'd of Natural History . To make that only to consist of strange , and delightful Tales , is to render it nothing else but vain , and ridiculous Knight-Errantry . Yet we may avoid that extreme , and still leave room , to consider the singular , and irregular effects , and to imitate the unexpected , and monstrous excesses , which Nature does sometimes practise in her works . The first may be only compar'd to the Fables of Amadis , and the Seven Champions : the other to the real Histories of Alexander , Hannibal , Scipio , or Caesar : in which though many of their Actions may at first surprize us ; yet there is nothing that exceeds the Truth of Life , and that may not serve for our instruction , or imitation . If this way of general receiving all credible accounts of Natural , and Artificial productions , shall seem expos'd to overmuch hazard , and uncertainty : that danger is remov'd by the Royal Societies reducing such matters of here-say and information , into real , and impartial Trials , perform'd by their own hands : Of the exactness , variation , and accurate repetition of their Experiments , I have already discours'd : I will now go on to lay down in short compass those parts of the visible World , about which they have chiefly bestow'd their pains . The first kind that I shall mention , is of Experiments about Fire , and Flame , of these many were made in order to the examination of a Theory propounded to them , that there is no such thing , as an Elementary Fire of the Peripatetics ; nor Fiery Atoms of the Epicureans : but that Fire is only the Act of the dissolution of heated Sulphureous Bodies , by the Air as a Menstruum , much after the same manner , as Aqua Fortis , or other sharp Menstruums do work on dissoluble Bodies , as Iron , Tin , Copper : that heat , and light are two inseparable effects of this dissolution , as heat , and ebullition are of those dissolutions of Tin , and Copper : that Flame is a dissolution of Smoak , which consists of combustible particles , carry'd upward by the heat of rarify'd Air : and that Ashes are a part of the Body not dissoluble by the Air. Of this sort , they have made Experiments , to find the lasting of the burning of a Candle , Lamp , or Coals , in a Cubic foot of common , rarify'd , and condens'd Air : to exhibite the sudden extinction of Candles , Lamps , and lighted Coals , when they are put into satiated Air : to shew the speedy extinction of kindled Charcoals , by blowing on them with bellows , that Air which had before been satiated with burning : to shew that the greatest and most lasting heat , without a supply of fresh Air , is unable to burn Wood , Sulphur , and most other combustible matters : to find the comparative heat of all kinds of Fires , and Flames of several Materials , as of Sulphur , Camphire , Spirit of Wine , Oyl , Wood , Coal , Seacoal , Iron : to find at what degree of heat , Lead , Tin , Silver , Brass , Copper , Gold will melt . Experiments of the Transparency , and Refractedness of Flames : of discerning the strength of several kinds of Gunpowder , Pulvis Fulminans , Aurum Fulminans : of Gunpowder in the exhausting Engine : of bending Springs by the help of Gunpowder : of melting Copper immediately , by the help of a Flux-powder : of the Recoyling of Guns . Experiments of Candles , and Coals , extinguish'd by the damps of a deep Well : of the burning of Lamps under water : of burning Spirit of Wine , and Camphire together , and the diversity of their Flames : of reducing Copper to a very combustible substance : of heating the Air , by blowing it through a red-hot earthen Pipe , so as to burn Wood : of the brightness of the Flame of Niter , and Sulphur : of the burning and flaming of Tin-filings by the help of Niter : of kindling Bodies , in common , rarify'd , and condens'd Air , by the help of a Burning-glass : of the comparative heat cast by a Burning-glass , in the morning , and at noon : of burning with a Lens made of Ice : of calcining Antimony in the Sun with loss : to find whether Aurum Fulminans or Putris Fulminans do flame upon Explosion : of hatching Eggs with a Lamp Furnace . Their second sort of Experiments is of those that have been made in order to find out the nature , properties , and uses of Air. Such as these . Experiments for determining the height of the Atmosphere , for finding the pressure of the Atmosphere : on the tops of Mountains , on the surface of the earth , and at the bottoms of very deep Pits , and Mines , by the help of Quick-silver , and other contrivances : for finding the pressure of the Atmosphere , both in the same place , and places very far removed . Experiments to determine the possible bounds of expansion , and condensation of the Air , by heat and cold , by exhausting and compressing : to determine the strength of Air under the several degrees of rarefaction , and condensation : of the force of condens'd Air in Wind-Guns : to state the comparative gravity of the Air to other fluid , and solid Bodies : to discover the refractive power of the Air , under the several Degrees of rarefaction , and condensation : to manifest the inflective veins of the Air : to produce a kind of opacity of the Air : of the falling of Smoak in rarify'd Air : to make small Glass-bubbles swim in Air very much condens'd : of Glass-balls rising in a heavy , or condens'd Air , and falling in a lighter and more rarify'd . Experiments of the Propagation of Sounds through common , rarify'd , and condens'd Air : of the congruity , or incongruity of Air , and its capacity to penetrate some Bodies , and not others : of generating Air by corrosive Menstruums out of fermenting Liquors , out of Water , and other Liquors , by heat , and by exhaustion : of the returning of such Air into the Water again : of the vanishing of Air into Water exhausted of Air : of the maintaining , and increasing a Fire by such Airs : of the fitness , and unfitness of such Air for respiration : of the use of Air in breathing . Experiments of keeping Creatures many hours alive , by blowing into the Lungs with Bellows , after that all the Thorax , and Abdomen were open'd and cut away , and all the Intrails save Heart , and Lungs remov'd : of reviving Chickens , after they have been strangled , by blowing into their Lungs : to try how long a man can live , by expiring , and inspiring again the same Air : to try whether the Air so respired , might not by several means be purify'd , or renew'd : to prove that it is not the heat , nor the cold of this respired Air , that choaks . Experiments of the respiring of Animals , in Air much rarify'd , and the fatal effects : of the long continuance of several Animals very well in Air , as much condens'd , as it will be under water , at two hundred fathoms deep , that is about eight times : of the quantity of fresh Air requisite for the life of a respiring Animal , for a certain space of time : of making Air unfit for respiration , by satiating it , by suffering Candles , or Coals to burn in it , till they extinguish themselves . Experiments of including living Animals , and kindled Coals , and Candles , in a large Glass , to observe which of them will be first extinguish'd : of a mans living half an hour , without any inconvenience , in a Leaden Bell , at divers fathoms under water : of the Quantity of Air respir'd at once by a Man : of the strength a Man has to raise Weights by his breath . Experiments of the swelling of an Arm put into the rarifying Engine , by taking off the pressure of the Ambient Air : of the swelling of Vipers , and Frogs , upon taking off the pressure of the Ambient Air : of the life , and free motion of Fishes in Water , under the pressure of Air eight times condens'd : of Insects not being able to move in exhausted Air : of the resistance of Air to bodies mov'd through it : of the not growing of Seeds for want of Air : of the growing of Plants hung in the Air , and of the decrease of their weight : of the living of a Cameleon , Snakes , Toads , and divers Insects , in a free Air , without food : of conveying Air under Water to any depth : of condensing Air by Water , and by the expansion of freezing Water : of the swelling of Lungs in the rarifying Engine : of the velocity , and strength of several Winds . The third kind are those , which have been made , about the substance , and properties of Water : Such are , Experiments about the Comparative Gravity of Salt Water , and fresh , and of several Medicinal Springs found in this Nation : of the differing weight of the Sea-water , in several Climats , and at several Seasons : of the weight of Distill'd-water , Snow-water , May-dew , Rain-water , Spring-water : of augmenting the weight of Liquor , by dissolving Salts : of the greater thickness of such Water , at the bottom , than at the top : of weighing , ascending , and descending Bodies in Water : of the pressure of the Water at several depths under its surface . Experiments of the heat and cold of the Water , at several depths of the Sea : of propagating sounds through the Water : of sounding the depth of the Sea without a line : of fetching up Water from the Bottom of the Sea : of fetching up Earth , Sand , Plants , from the bottom of the Sea. Experiments of the resistance of Water to Bodies mov'd on its surface , of several Figures , and by several degrees of force : of the resistance of Water to Bodies mov'd through its substance ascending , and discending : of the expansion , and condensation of Water by heat and cold : of the condensation of Water by several wayes of pressure : of converting Water into a vapourous Air , lasting sometimes in that form : the Torricellian Experiment try'd with Water in a Glass-cane thirty six and forty foot high , in a leaden Tube , also with a Glass at the top : the same try'd with Oyl , and other Liquors . Experiments of the rising of Water in small Tubes , and many others about its congruity : of filtration , or of the rising of Water , to a great height in Sand , &c. of the swimming of Fishes : of Waters being able to penetrate through those Pores , where Air will not : of opening bellows at a depth under water , and blowing up Bladders , to find the pressure of the Water : of Water not subsiding in a high Glass-cane , upon removing the ambient pressure , after it had been well exhausted of the Air-bubbles that lurk'd in it : of forcing Water out of a Vessel by its own vapours . Experiments of the different weight , and refraction of warm Water , and cold : of the passing of Water through the coats of a Mans stomach : of the living of Fish in Water , the Air being exhausted : of closing up a Fish in a Glass of water : of the dying of Fishes in Water , upon taking off the pressure of the Air , in the rarifying Engine : of Hydrostaticks , and making a Body sink by pouring more water upon it : of raising Water above its Standard by sucking : of the subsiding of Water in the stem , upon putting the Bolt-head into warm water : of the shrinking of Water upon cooling . The fourth kind are about Mines , Metals , Oars , Stones , &c. Such as , Experiments of Coppelling made at the Tower : of dissolving many Salts in one Liquor : of the Oculus Mundi : of Rusma : of the Tenacity of several Metals examin'd by weights : of the rarefaction and condensation of Glass : of the volatizing Salt of Tartar , with burnt Allom , with Vinegar , and Spirit of Wine : on the Bononian Stone : on Diamonds , of their shining by rubbing : on Copper-oar : of the distillation of Coal : of refining several kinds of Lead-oar : of extracting a much greater quantity of Silver out of that Oar , than is commonly done : of several wayes of reducing Letharges into Lead : of changing Gold into Silver . Experiments Magnetical , of the best form of capping Loadstones : of the best forms of Needles , of several lengths and bignesses : of various wayes of touching Needles on the Loadstone of making the same Pole of the Loadstone , both attract , and chase the same end of the Needle without touching it : to find the variation of the Loadstone here at London . Experiments with the dipping Needle : of the extraordinary strength in proportion to its bulk of a small Loadstone : to measure the strength of the Magnetical attractive power , at several distances from the Stone : to examine the force of the attractive power , through several Mediums , as Water , Air , Wood , Lead , and Stone : to divert the attractive power , by interposing Iron : to find the directive virtue of the Loadstone under water . Experiments to manifest by the help of Steel-dust , the lines of the Directive virtue of the Loadstone to be oval , in a contrary Position to what Des Cartes Theory makes them : to manifest those lines of Direction by the help of Needles : to discover those lines of Direction , when the influence of many Loadstones is compounded : to find what those lines are incompassing a Sphaerical Loadstone , what about a Square , and what about a regular Figure : to bore through the Axis of a Loadstone : and fill it up with a Cylindrical Steel : Experiments on Loadstones having many Poles , and yet the Stones seeming uniform . The fifth kind is of the growth of Vegetables in several kinds of Water ; as River-water , Rain-water , Distill'd-water , May-dew : of hindring the growth of Seed Corn in the Earth , by extracting the Air : and furthering their growth , by admitting it : of steeping Seeds of several kinds : of inverting the Positions of Roots , and Plants set in the ground , to find whether there are values in the Pores of the Wood , that only open one way : of the decrease of the weight of Plants growing in Air : of Lignum Fossile : of the growing of some branches of Rosemary , by only sprinkling the leaves with water : of Camphire wood : of Wood brought from the Canaries : of a stinking Wood brought out of the East-Indies : of the re-union of the Bark of Trees after it had been separated from the Body . The sixth are Experiments Medicinal , and Anatomical ; as of cutting out the Spleen of a Dog : of the effects of Vipers biting Dogs : of a Camaeleon , and its dissection : of preserving Animals in Spirit of Wine , Oyl of Turpentine , and other Liquors : of injecting various Liquors , and other Substances , into the veins of several creatures . Experiments of destroying Mites by several Fumes : of the equivocal Generation of Insects : of feeding a Carp in the Air : of making Insects with Cheese , and Sack : of killing Water-Newts , Toads , and Sloworms with several Salts : of killing Frogs , by touching their skin , with Vinegar , Pitch , or Mercury : of a Spiders not being inchanted by a Circle of Vnicorns horn , or Irish Earth , laid round about it . Experiments with a Poyson'd Indian Dagger on several Animals : with the Maccasser Poyson : with Florentine Poyson , and several Antidotes against it : of making Flesh grow on , after it has been once cut off : of the grafting a Spur on the head of a Cock , and its growing : of the living of Creatures by Factitious Air : of the reviving of Animals strangled , by blowing into their Lungs : of Flesh not breeding Worms , when secur'd from Fly-blowings : of the suffocation of Animals upon piercing the Thorax : of hatching Silk-worms Eggs in rarify'd Air : of transfusing the blood of one Animal into another . The seventh sort are about those which are call'd sensible Qualities : as of freezing : of cold , and heat : of freezing Water freed from Air : of the time , and manner of the contraction in freezing luke-warm Water : of the temperature of several places , by seal'd Thermometers ; as of several Countries ; of the bottoms of deep Mines , Wells , Vaults , on the tops of Hills , at the bottom of the Sea. Experiments of the contraction of Oyl of Vitriol , and divers other Oyls by freezing : of freezing bitter Tinctures : of freezing several ting'd Liquors , and driving all the tincture inward to the Center : of shewing Ice to be capable of various degrees of cold , greater than is requisite to keep it Ice : of producing cold by the dissolution of several Salts : of freezing Water without blebs : of a membranous substance separable from the blood by freezing : of a Thermometer in rarify'd and condens'd Air : of very easie freezing of Oyl of Anniseeds : of making a Standard of Cold by freezing distill'd-water . The eighth are of Rarity , Density , Gravity , Pressure , Leuity , Fluidity , Firmness , Congruity &c. , as of the Nature of Grauity : of the cohaesion of two Flat Marbles : of compressing the Air with Mercury to find its spring : of the weights of Bodies , solid and fluid : of rarefaction , and condensation by the help of Mercury : of the tenacity of several Bodies : of the turning of two very fluid Liquors into one solid mass , by mingling them together . Experiments for examining , whether the gravity of Bodies alter , according as they are carried a good way above , or below the surface of the Earth : of the standing of Mercury well exhausted , many inches , nay many feet , above its usual standing : of a Wheel-Baro-Meter : of the expansion , and contraction of Glass , and Metals by heat and cold : of Spirit of Wine , and several ting'd Liquors by the help of a Glass Tube : the examination of Monsieur Paschals Experiment , by many others . The ninth are Experiments of Light , Sound , Colours , Taste , Smell : as of two transparent Liquors producing an opacous one : of Ecchos and reflected sounds : of Musical sounds , and Harmonies : of Colours , of the greater refraction of Water , than of Ice : of Refraction in a new Engine ; of the Refraction of Glass of various shapes under Water : of destroying the shining of Fish by Oyl of Vitriol : of making a great light by rubbing two Chrystals hard one against the other : of making a deaf , and dumb man to speak . The tenth are Experiments of Motion : as of Glass drops several wayes order'd , and broken : of the velocity of the descent of several Bodies of divers fashions through several Liquors : of determining the velocity of Bodies falling through the Air ; try'd by many wayes : of the swift motion of sounds : of the irregular motion of the Oyl of Turpentine on Spirit of Wine ; of the strength of falling Bodies , according to the several Heights , from which they fall : of proportioning the shapes of Bodies , so as to make them fall together in the same time through differing Mediums . Experiments of the swiftness of a Bullet shot with extraordinary Powder : of the best Figure of the weight of a Pendulum for Motion : of the Motion of Pendulous Bodies of various figures : to determine the length of Pendulums : to find the velocity of the vibrations of a sounding string : to find the velocity of motion , propagated by a very long extended Wire : for explaining the inflection of a streight motion into a circular , by a supervening attractive power towards the Center , in order to the explaining of the motion of the Planets . Experiments of the circular and complicated motion of Pendulums , to explain the Hypothesis of the Moons moving about the Earth : of comparing the Motions of a circular Pendulum , with the motion of a streight one : of the propagation of motion from one Body to another : of the reflection of motion : of the vibrating motion of Quick-silver in a crooked Pipe : imitating the motion of a Pendulum : of communicating of the strength of Powder for the bending of Springs ; and thereby for making artificial Muscles , to command what strength we desire . The eleventh are Experiments Chymical , Mechanical , Optical : as of reducing the Flesh of Animals into a Liquor like blood , by dissolving it in a certain Menstruum : of a greater facility of raising Water in Pipes of a larger Bore : of brewing Beer with Bread , Barly , Oats , Wheat , and without malting : of precipitating Tartar out of Wine by several expedients : of a Chymical extraction of a volatil Spirit , and Salt out of Spunges : of examining Aurum fulminans after explosion : of the dissolution of Manna in Water , and of a chrystallizing it again out of it , by evaporation . Experiments of volatizing Salt of Tartar many wayes : of examining the mucilaginous matter call'd Star-shoot : of examining our English Telescopes , and Microscopes , and comparing them with such as have been made at Rome : of making a volatil Salt with Oyl of Turpentine , and Sea-salt : of the Quantity of Spirits in Cyder : of the strength of several Springs : of examining a Pump made with Bellows : of dying Silk with several Iamaica Woods : of finding the strength of Wood of several kinds , for bearing : of finding the flexibility of various Woods , and determining the utmost extent of their yielding , and bending . Experiments about the gravity of Bodies made on the top of Saint Pauls Steeple , Westminster-Abby , and several other high places ; and in a Well of seventy Fathoms depth : examined about the Virgula Divina , wherein the common Assertions were found false : of the various refractions of several Liquors , in a new refractive Engine : of common Oyl of Tobacco , made by distillation in a Glass retort : of making the Object-glass of a Microscope , to bear as large an Aperture as is desir'd . Of this their way of Experimenting I will here produce these Examples . EXPERIMENTS Of the Weight of Bodies increased in the FIRE : Made at the Tower , and the Account brought in by my Lord BROVNCKER . 1. Copper and Lead .   d. gr . THe Coppel weighed 10. 8. 7 / 32 Lead 4. 9. Copper 0. 6. Into the fire all three 14. 23 7 / 32 Out of the fire 15. 4 ● / 32 Gained 0. 5 ● / 32 Besides what the Copel lost in weight , supposed to be about three grains . 2. Copper and Lead .   d. gr . Coppel 10. 2 ¾ Lead 4. 9. Copper 0. 6. Into the fire all three 14. 17 ¼ Out of the fire 15. 1 ●● / 32 Gained 0. 7 ●● / 32 3. Lead alone .   d. gr . Copel 10. 3 29 / 32 Lead 4. 9. Into the fire both 14. 12 29 / 32 Out of the fire 14. 23 ●9 / 32 Gained 0. 10 ●● / 32 4. Lead alone .   d. gr . Copel 10. 10 ⅞ Lead 4. 9. Into the fire both 14. 19 ⅞ Out of the fire 15. 1 5 / 64 Gained 0. 5 ●● / 64 5. Copel alone .   d. gr . Into the fire 10. 5. Out of the fire 10. 1 ● / 8 Lost 0. 3 ⅝ 6. Copel alone .   d.   gr . Into the fire 10. wanting 7 ¼ Out of the fire 10. wanting 9. Lost 0.   1 ¼ EXPERIMENTS Of a Stone called OCVLVS MVNDI Made by Dr. GODDARD . A Small Stone of the kind , called by some Authors Oculus Mundi , being dry and cloudy , weighed 5 gr . 200 / 256 The same being put under Water , for a night and somewhat more , became transparent , and , the superficies being wiped dry , weighed 6 gr . ● / 256 The difference between these two weights 0. 50 / 256 The same Stone kept out of Water one day and becoming cloudy again , weighed 5. 225 / 256 which was more than the first weight 0. 16 / 256 The same being kept dry two dayes longer , weighed 5. 202 / 256 which was less than at first 0. 7 / 256 Being kept dry something longer , it did not grow sensibly lighter . Being put under Water for a night , and becoming again transparent , and wiped dry , the weight was 6. 3 / 256 the same with the first , after putting in Water , and more than the last weight , after keeping of it dry 0. 57 / 256 Another Stone of the same kind , being variegated with milky , white and grey , like some sort of Agates , while it lay under Water , was always invironed with little bubbles , such as appear in water before boyling , next the sides of the vessel . There were also some of the like bubbles on the surface of the water just over it ; as if either some Exhalations come out of it , or that it did excite some fermentation in the parts of the water contiguous to it . There was little sensible difference of Transparency in this Stone , before the putting under Water , and after : To be sure the milky white parts continued as before , but more different in weight , than in the former . For whereas , before the putting into the water , the weight was - 18 gr . ●● / 118 after it had lyen in about twenty four hours the weight was 20 gr . 27 / 123 ; so the difference was 1 gr 5● / 1●8 The same Stone was infused in the water scalding hot , and so continued for a while after it was cold , but got no more weight , than upon infusing in the cold ; neither was there any sensible difference in the weight both times . An Account of a Dog dissected . By Mr. HOOK . IN prosecution of some Inquiries into the Nature of Respiration in several Animals ; A Dog was dissected , and by means of a pair of bellows , and a certain Pipe thrust into the Wind-pipe of the Creature , the heart continued beating for a very long while after all the Thorax and Belly had been open'd , nay after the Diaphragme had been in great part cut away , and the Pericardium remov'd from the heart . And from several tyrals made , it seem'd very probable , that this motion might have been continued , as long almost as there was any blood left within the vessels of the Dog : for the motion of the Heart seem'd very little chang'd after above an hours times from the first displaying the Thorax ; though we found , that upon removing the Bellows , the Lungs would presently grow flactid , and the Heart begin to have convulsive motions ; but upon removing the motion of the Bellows , the Heart recovered its former motion , and the Convulsions ceased . Though I made a Ligature upon all the great Vesels that went into the lower parts of its Body , I could not find any alteration in the pulse of the Heart ; the circulation , it seems , being perform'd some other way . I could not perceiue any thing distinctly , whether the Air did unite and mix with the Blood ; nor did in the least perceive the Heart to swell upon the extension of the Lungs : nor did the Lungs seem to swell upon the contraction of the Heart . EXPERIMENTS Of the Recoiling of GUNS By the Lord BROVNCKER . WHen I was commanded by this Society , to make some Experiments of the Recoiling of Guns : In order to the discovery of the cause thereof , I caused this Engine that lyes here before you to be prepared , and with it ( assisted by some of the most eminent of this Society ) I had divers shots made in the Court of this Colledge , near the length thereof from the mark , with a full charge ( about a fourpenny weight ) of Powder ; But without any other success , then that there was nothing Regular in that way , which was by laying it upon a heavy table , unto which it was sometimes fastned with Screws at all the four places R , L , V , B , sometimes only at R or L , having wheels affixed at L and V or R and B , that it might the more easily recoil . This uncertainty I did then conceive might arise from one or more of these three causes , viz. 1. The violent trembling motion of the Gun , whence the Bullet might casually receive some lateral impulse from the nose of the peece at the parting from it . 2. The yielding of the Table which was sensible . 3. The difficulty of aiming well by the Sight and Button so far from the Mark. Therefore to avoid all these , the Experiments I caus'd to be made before you in the Gallery of this Colledge , you may be pleased to remember were performed , first , taking only eight grains of Powder for the charge . Secondly , laying the Engine upon the floor , and thirdly , aiming by a thread at M , a mark about an Inch and ¾ from the mouth of the Gun ( the edge of a knife being put for the mark the better to discern the line that was shot in ) and they thus succeeded . When the piece was fastned to the floor both at R and L , the Bullet then did so fully hit the mark , that it was divided by it into two parts , whose difference in weight was less than ten grains ( about the thirty third part of the whole Bullet ) although the lesser part was a little hollow , and that from which the neck of Lead was a little too close pared off : But when hindred from Recoiling only at R , the Bullet mist the mark towards L or A , for the whole Bullet , less than two grains excepted , went on that side : And in like manner when hindred from Recoiling at L , the Bullet mist the mark towards R or B , the whole Bullet , less than two grains excepted , passing the knife on that side thereof . I had the honour to make other Experiments with the same Engine , lately at White-Hall before his Majesty and his Highness Royal within the Tilt-yard Gallery , where there is the hearth of a Chimney raised a little above the floor , about the distance of thirteen feet from the opposite wall , against which I caused a Plank to be placed , and the Engine to be laid first against the middle of the Hearth , that it might not recoil at all , and that part of the board to be marked against which 't was levelled , known by a line stretched from the Breech of the Peece unto the Board , directly over the sight and button , and the fire being given ( the charge being but eight grains of Powder as before ) the Bullet did fully hit the mark . Secondly , the Peece ( charged and levelled in the same manner ) was laid at the end of the Hearth next the Park , so that very little of the corner R rested against it , and then the Bullet miss'd the mark about an inch and a quarter towards the Park or A. The like being done at the other end of the Hearth , the Bullet then miss'd the mark as much the other way ; and afterwards with double that charge something more , as before I had found it less with a smaller charge . Since this ( at first designing only to experiment the several distances that the bullet is carried wide of the mark with different charges of Powder ) I made these Experiments following . In the first Colume whereof you have the corner stopt from recoiling . In the second the grains of Powder with which the Peece was charged . In the third the distance the Bullet was shot wide from the mark in inches , tenths , and parts of tenths . In the fourth the side on which the Bullet was carried . In the last the distance of the mark from the muzzle of the Gun in feet . B 16 0. N 9 L 48 0.5 L 9 R 39 0 . 3½ L 9 R 48 0.0 N 9 L 16 1 . 7½ R 9 L 56 0.8 L 9 R 39 0.2 L 9 R 48 0.1 L 9 R 16 1.5 L 9 L 96 1 . 2½ L 9 R 40 0.2 L 9 L 48 0 . 0¼ R 9 R 12 1.5 L 9 L 96 1.5 L 9 R 40 0.0 N 9 L 4 16 R 9 L 12 1 . 7½ R 9 L 40 0.5 L 9 R 40 0.2 L 9 L 4 1 . 5½ R 9 L 8 1.6 R 9 R 96 0.9 R 9 R 96 0 . 6½ R 9 R 4 1.6 L 9 R 8 1.1 L 9 B 8 0.2 R 9 L 96 1 . 0½ L 9 R 8 1.8 L 9 R 4 1.0 L 9 R 96 0.6 R 9 L 96 1 . 0½ L 9 L 8 1.8 R 9 L 4 1 . 1¼ R 9 L 96 0.9 L 9 R 96 0 . 7½ R 9 L 12 2.0 R 9 L 24 1 . 1½ R 9 L 40 0 . 1¼ L 9 R 96 1.0 R 9 R 12 2.1 L 9 L 32 0.6 R 9 L 38 0 . 1½ R 9 R 40 0.8 L 9 R 16 1 . 7½ L 9 L 40 0 . 1½ R 9 L 39 0 . 0½ L 9 L 40 0.5 R 9 L 16 1.8 R 9 L 48 0 . 4½ L 9 R 39 0.1 L 9 L 48 0.1 R 9 L 20 1.5 R 9 R 20 1 . 0½ L 9 R 12 0.6 L 2 R 48 0 . 0¼ L 2 L 20 0.2 R ¼ R 20 1.4 L 9 R 12 0 . 9¼ L 4 L 12 1.7 R 9 L 24 0.21 / ● ; R ¼ R 64¼ 0 . 7¼ R 9 R 12 1.2 L 6 L 12 0 . 2¼ R ¼ L 28 0.1 R ¼ L 64¼ 0 . 9¼ L 9 R 12 1 . 5½ L 8 L 12 0 . 6½ R 2 L 32 0 . 1½ R ¼ L 96 1.1 L 9 R 12 1.9 L 9 L 12 1.0 R 4 L 36 0 . 1¼ R ¼ R 96 0.7 R 9 B 12 0.1 L 9 L 12 1 . 1¼ R 6 L 40 0.1 R ¼ R 96 0.8 R 9 R 12 0.3 L ¼ L 48 0 . 0¼ R ¼ L 44 0 . 0½ R ¼ L 96 1.3 L 9 L 12 0 . 3½ R ¼ L 48 0 . 1½ L 2 L 48 0 . 0½ R ¼ L 96 1 . 3½ L 9 L 96 0 . 0½ R ¼ L 48 0 . 2½ L 4 L 52 0 . 0¼ R ¼ R 12 0 . 3½ L 6 R 96 0 . 0½ L ¼ L 48 0 . 5½ L 6 L 56 0 . 0¼ R ¼ R 12 1.3 L 9 R 96 0.2 R 2 L 4 0 . 1½ R ¼ L 60 0 . 0⅛ R ¼ L 12 0 . 6¼ R 2 L 96 0.2 L   L 4 0 . 1½ R ¼ L 64 0 . 0⅛ R ¼ L 12 1 . 0¼ R 4 L 48 0 . 1½ R ¼ L 8 0 . 3¼ R ¼ L 96 0.0 R ¼ L 12 1 . 2½ R 6 L 48 0.0 N 2 L 12 0.3 R ¼ L 96 1.1 L 9 L 12 1 . 4½ R 8 R 48 0 . 1¼ L ¼ L 16 0 . 2¼ R ¼           Whence you may be pleased to observe : First , That the recoil of the Peece being hindred only at R or L , whatsoever be the charge of the Powder , the Bullet still misses the mark , placed at the mouth of the Gun , on the same side that the recoil is made . Secondly , That about twelve grains of Powder shoots widest from the mark at all distances above mentioned , on the same side that the Recoil is made . Thirdly , That above forty eight grains of Powder shoots wide from the mark , placed at nine foot from the muzzle of the Peece , on the contrary side to that on which the recoil is made . The cause of the first I cannot doubt to be the recoil of the Peece ( from the force of the Powder ) before the Bullet be parted from it . The second is , as I conceive , because with less than twelve grains the Peece ceaseth to recoil before the Bullet be parted from it . And with more than twelve grains the Bullet is parted from the Peece before it hath recoiled so far : A greater power not moving a greater weight swifter ( horizontally ) in the same proportion that it doth the lesser . And for the third I have this to offer , viz Because the mouth of the Gun is moving sidewards whilst the Bullet is going out ; Therefore the mouth of the Peece must be contiguous ( at least ) unto the Bullet on the contrary side to that on which the Peece recoils , some time after the separation made on the other side , and therefore the last impulse of the Bullet from the force of the Powder is on that side the Peece recoils , wherefore the Bullet must necessarily cross the Axis of the Peece , and that with a greater or lesser Angle , according to the force of the Powder , & when this Angle therefore is greater than the Angle of recoil , then must the Axis of that Cylinder in which the Bullet moues cross the Axis of the mark , beyond which interjection the mark being placed , the Bullet must be carried necessarily wide of the mark on the contrary side to the recoil of the Peece . fek = flp = phm = the Angle of Recoile phn the Angle of Reflexion made at the parting of the Bullet from the Peece . When phn > phm ( mh being alwayes parallel to fg ) then must hn entersect fg if continued . Some other Experiments I have also made with another Peece ( about the same length , but of a bore neer two tenths of an inch less ) and ordered in the same manner , and do find , that with a small charge the Bullet is shot ( thence too ) wide of the mark on the same side on which the Recoil is made , and with a full charge wide the contrary side . I caused besides two Pistol barrels of about five inches long to be placed upon Carriages with four Wheels , and loaded with lead , that they might not overturn when discharged , and both of equal weight , and an Iron Cylinder of the length of both their bores , and of the same diameter with a piece of Lead of weight equal to it . So that the piece of Lead affixed to either of these Guns ( which of them I should please to charge ) might equally poise the other with the Iron Cylinder . And thus indifferently charging either with eight grains more or less of Powder , and putting the Iron Cylinder home into both , the piece of Lead being affixed to that which held the Powder , and then both so set upon the floor and the Powder fired , I could not thereby discover , that the charged Peece , or the other , either of them , did certainly recoil more or less than the other , they rather seemed still to be equal . These few Experiments I have made since , the Barrel being first cut at the muzzle , parallel to a vertical plain passing the line CD . B 48 0.8 L R 48 1.2 L B 48 0.9 L L 48 0.2 L B 16 0.1 R L 48 0.3 L B ●8 0.2 R         B ●8 0. ● N         Besides these , there is another that I shall mention , and that is the Experiment it self , or the Double-Bottom'd-Ship , invented by Sir William Petty : of this I will venture to add a few words , and I think I may do it , without transgressing that Rule I had fix'd to my self , of not enlarging on the praise of particular Names , or Designs . For since the Experiment it self is lost , I hope I may securely speak of its advantages : seeing men are wont out of common humanity to allow the commendations of dead Men , I trust I may commend a wreck'd Ship , without any fear of the envy that may thence arise to the Author . In brief therefore I will say this of it , that it was the most considerable Experiment , that has been made in this Age of Experiments : if either we regard the great charge of the work , or the wonderful change it was likely to make in Navigation , or the great success , to which this first Attempt was arriv'd . Though it was at first confronted with the doubts , and Objections of most Seamen of our Nation , yet it soon confuted them by Experience . It appear'd very much to excel all other forms of Ships , in sayling , in carriage , in security , and many other such benefits . Its first Voyage it perform'd with admirable swiftness . And though it miscarried after its return , yet it was destroyed by a common fate , and by such a dreadful tempest , as overwhelm'd a great Fleet the same night : so that the Antient Fabricks of Ships have no reason to triumph over that new Model , when of the threescore and ten sail that were in the same Storm , there was not one escap'd to bring the News . In a word , though this Invention succeeded not , while it was only supported by private Purses : it will undoubtedly produce great effects , if ever it shall be retreiv'd upon the publick Stock of a Nation : which will be able to sustain the first hazards , and losses that must be allow'd to happen in the beginnings of all extraordinary Trials . To their Experiments I will subjoin their Observations , which differ but in name from the other , the same fidelity , and truth being regarded in collecting them both . Observations of the fix'd Stars for the perfecting of Astronomy , by the help of Telescopes : of the Comets in 1665 , and 1666. which were made both in London , and elsewhere ; and particularly of the first Comet , for above a month after , it disappear'd to the naked eye , and became Stationary , and Retrograde . Observations about Saturn , of the proportion , and position of its Ring , of the Motion and Orbit of its Lunale , of the shadow of the Ring on the Body , and of the Body on the Ring ; and of its Phases , &c. of Iupiters Belts , and of its spots , and verticity about its Axis , of its eclipsing its Satellites , and being eclips'd by them ; of the Orbs , Inclinations , Motions , &c. of the Satellites , together with Tables , and Ephemerides of their motions . Observations of the Spots about the Body of Mars , and of its whirling motion about its Center : of several Eclipses of the Sun , and Moon , and some of them as were not taken notice of , by Astronomers , or Tables commonly us'd : of the Spots in the Moon , and of the several appearances in the Phases of it : of the Moon at the same time , by Correspondents in several parts of the World , towards the finding her Parallax , and distance . Observations of the Eliptical and waved Figures of the Planetary Bodies , neer the Horizon from the refraction of the Hemisphere : of the effects of Lightning : of the various pressure of the Atmosphere , by a Wheel-barometer for several years , and of its usefulness for predicting the changes of Weather . Observations on frozen Beer : on the Figures of Snow frozen Water , Vrine congeal'd : on the suspension of Mercury at a great height : on Mines , and Minerals : on the Concretions of Wood , Plants , Shells , and several Animal Substances : on the effects of Earthquakes , Fiery Eruptions , and Inundations : on Lakes , Mountains , Damps , subterraneous Fires : on Tides , Currents , and the Depth of the Sea. Observations of the liming of Ground , for improvement of the Bodies of Sheep , but spoiling their Wool : of several wayes for preventing smutty Corn : of the importance of changing Seed-corn : of the alteration of the Horns of Sheep , and other Cattel , by the change of Pasture : of the Pores and Valies in Wood : the Anatomy of Trees : of the sensitive , and humble Plant. Observations on the Bills of Mortality : on the leaves of Sage : on small living Flies in the Powder of Cantharides : of Insects bred in Dew : of Virginian Silk-Bottoms : of the Parts , and Anatomy of Fishes : of the Teeth of Lupus Marinus , that they are the same thing with the Toad-stones set in Rings : of the Respiration of Fishes : of Bernacles : of the calcin'd Powder of Toads : of an Outlandish Deer-skin , and hair : of the Parts of Vipers : of Stones taken out of the Heart of a Man : of young Vipers , that they do not eat holes through their old ones Bellies , as is commonly affirm'd . For Examples of this Head , I will only refer my Reader to those which Mr. Graunt has publish'd on the Bills of Mortality ; wherein the Author has shewn , that the meanest and most trivial matters may be so cultivated , as to bear excellent Fruit , when they come under the management of an accurate , and prudent Observer : For from those Papers , which went about so many years , through every Tradesmans hands , without any manner of profit , except only to the Clerks that collected them , he has deduc'd many true Conclusions , concerning the gravest , and most weighty Parts of Civil Government , and humane Nature . As I am now passing away from their Experiments . and Observations , which have been their proper , and principal work : there comes before me an Objection , which is the more to be regarded , because it is rais'd by the Experimenters themselves . For it is their common complaint , that there is a great nicety , and contingency , in the making of many Experiments : that their success is very often various , and inconstant , not only in the hands of different , but even of the same Triers . From hence they suggest their fears , that this continuance of Experimenters , of which we talk so much , will not prove so advantageous , though they shall be all equally cautious in observing , and faithful in recording their Discoveries : because it is probable , that the Trials of Future Ages will not agree with those of the present , but frequently thwart , and contradict them . The Objection is strong , and material ; and I am so far from diminishing the weight of it , that I am rather willing to add more to it . I confess many Experiments are obnoxious to failing ; either by reason of some circumstances , which are scarce discernable , till the work be over : or from the diversity of Materials , whereof some may be genuine , some sophisticated , some simple , some mix'd , some fresh , some may have lost their virtue . And this is chiefly remarkable , in Chymical Operations , wherein if the dissolvents be ill prepar'd , if the Spirits be too much , or too little purify'd , if there be the least alteration , in the degree of Fire , the quantity of Matter , or by the negligence of those that attend it , the whole course will be overthrown , or chang'd from its first purpose . But what is now to be concluded from hence ? shall this instability , and Casualty of Experiments , deter us from labouring in them at all ? or should it not rather excite us to be more curious and watchful in their process ? It is to be allow'd that such undertakings are wonderfully hazardous and difficult ; why else does the Royal Society indeavour to preserve them from degenerating , by so many forewarnings , and rules , and a Method so severe ? It is granted , that their event is often uncertain , and not answerable to our expectations . But that only ought to admonish us , of the indispensable necessity of a jealous , and exact Inquiry . If the uncertainty proceeded from a constant irregularity of Nature , we had reason then to despair : but seeing it for the most part arises only from some defect or change in our progress , we should thence learn , first to correct our own miscarriages , before we cease to hope for the success . Let then the Experiment be often renew'd . If the same kinds , and proportions of Ingredients be us'd , and the same circumstances be punctually observ'd , the effect without all question will be the same . If some little variation of any of these , has made any alteration , a judicious , and well practis'd Trier will soon be able to discern the cause of it ; and to rectifie it , upon the next repetition . If the difference of time , or place , or matter , or Instruments , will not suffer the product to be just the same in all points : yet something else will result , that may prove perhaps as beneficial . If we cannot alwayes arrive at the main end of our Labours , some less unsought Curiosities will arise . If we cannot obtain that which shall be useful for practice , there may something appear that may instruct . It is strange that we are not able to inculcate into the minds of many men , the necessity of that distinction of my Lord Bacons , that there ought to be Experiments of Light , as well as of Fruit. It is their usual word , What solid good will come from thence ? They are indeed to be commended for being so severe Exactors of goodness . And it were to be wish'd , that they would not only exercise this vigour , about Experiments , but on their own lives ▪ and actions : that they would still question with themselves , in all that they do ; what solid good will come from thence ? But they are to know , that in so large , and so various an Art as this of Experiments , there are many degrees of usefulness : some may serve for real , and plain benefit , without much delight : some for teaching without apparent profit : some for light now , and for use hereafter ; some only for ornament , and curiosity . If they will persist in contemning all Experiments ; except those which bring with them immediate gain , and a present harvest : they may as well cavil at the Providence of God , that he has not made all the seasons of the year , to be times of mowing , reaping , and vintage . Of the variety , and excellence of the Instruments , with which this Age abounds , for their help in Philosophical matters , I have already discoursed in the former Part. I will now go on to mention those new ones , which they themselves , or some of their Members , have either invented , or advanc'd , for the ease , strength , and direction of their senses , in the motions of Nature , and Art : of this kind are these that follow . An Instrument for finding a second of Time by the Sun : another for finding the Celestial Refractions . Three several Quadrants made after three new contrivances , which though they are not above eighteen Inches in Diameter , and so are manageable in any Window , or Turret , are yet far more exact , than the best , that have been hitherto us'd , for Astronomical Observations , or taking Angles at Land. A new Instrument for taking Angles by reflection ; by which means the Eye at the same time sees the two Objects , both as touching in the same point , though distant almost to a Semicircle : which is of great use for making exact Observations at Sea. A new kind of Back-staff for taking the Suns altitude by the Shadow , and Horizon : which is so contriv'd , that though the shadow be at three foot distance , or as much more as is desir'd , yet there shall not be the least Penumbra : and the Shadow may be easily distinguish'd to the fourth part of a minute . A Hoop of all the fix'd Stars in the Zodiac , for the speedy finding the Position of the Ecliptic , and for knowing the extent of the Constellations . A Copernican Sphere , representing the whirling Motion of the Sun , and the Motion of the several Planets . A great many new wayes of making Instruments , for keeping time very exactly , both with Pendulums , and without them : whereby the intervals of time may be measur'd both on the Land , and Sea. A universal Standard , or measure of Magnitudes , by the help of a Pendulum , never before attempted . A new kind of Pendulum Clock , wherein the Pendulum moves circularly , going with the most simple , and natural motion , moving very equally , and making no kind of noise . A Pendulum Clock shewing the aequation of Time. Three new wayes of Pendulums for Clocks , and several wayes of applying the motion of the Watch-work to them . Several new kinds of Pendulum Watches for the Pocket , wherein the motion is regulated , by Springs , or Weights , or Loadstones , or Flies moving very exactly regular . Several sorts of Instruments for compressing , and rarefying the Air : A Wheel-Barometer , and other Instruments for finding the pressure of the Air , and serving to predict the changes of the Weather . A new kind of Scales , for examining the gravity of Bodies in all places : to see whether the attraction of the Earth , be not greater in some parts of the Earth , than in others , and whether it do not decrease , at farther distances from the surface of the Earth ; either upwards into the Air , or downwards under the Earth . A very exact pair of Scales , for trying a great number of Magnetical Experiments . Several very accurate Beams , for trying many Statical Experiments , and for finding the most exact gravity of several kinds of Bodies . A great number of Magnetical Instruments , for making Experiments about Loadstones . Several new kinds of Levels for finding the true Horizon , where , by one of not above a foot length , the Horizontal line may be found , without the error of many seconds . A new kind of Augar for boring the ground , and fetching up whatever it meets with in the right order . A new Instrument for fetching up any Substance from the bottom of the Sea , whether Sand , Shels , Clay , Stones , Minerals , Metals . A new Bucket for examining and fetching up whatever Water is to be found at the bottom of the Sea , or at any dept , and for bringing it up without mixing with the other Water of the Sea , through which it passes . Two new wayes of sounding the depth of the Sea without a Line , for examining the greatest dept of the Ocean , in those parts of it , that are most remote from the Land. Several Instruments for finding the velocity of swimming Bodies of several Figures , and mov'd with divers strengths , and for trying what Figures are least apt to be overturn'd , in order to the making a true Theory , of the Forms of Ships , and Boats for all uses . An Instrument of great height , with Glass-windows on the sides , to be fill'd with Water , for examining the velocity of Bodies of several Substances , Figures and Magnitudes , by their descent . An Instrument for measuring , and dividing the time of their Descent , to the accurateness of two , or three thirds of time , serving also for examining the swiftness of Bodies descending through the Air , and of Bodies shot by a Gun , or Bow. A Bell for diving under water to a great depth , wherein a man has continued at a considerable depth under water , for half an hour , without the least inconvenience . Another Instrument for a Diver , wherein he may continue long under water , and may walk to and fro , and make use of his strength , and limbs , almost as freely as in the Air. A new sort of Spectacles , whereby a Diver may see any thing distinctly under Water . A new way of conveighing the Air under Water , to any Depth , for the use of Divers . An Instrument for measuring the swiftness , and strength of the Wind. An Instrument for the raising a continual stream of Water , by turning round a moveable valve , within the hollow of a close Cylindrical Barrel . Several kinds of Thermometers for discovering the heat , and cold of the Air , or any other Liquors : a Thermometer for examining all the degrees of heat in Flames , and Fires , made of several Substances ; as also the degrees of heat requisite to melt Soder , Lead , Tin , Silver , Brass , Iron , Copper , Gold. A Standard for Cold several wayes . An Instrument for planting of Corn. Four several sorts of Hygroscopes made with several Substances , for discovering the drowth , and moisture of the Air. Several kinds of ways to examine the goodness , and badness of Waters . Several Engines for finding , and determining the force of Gun-powder , by Weights , Springs , Sliding , &c. An Instrument for receiving , and preserving the force of Gun-powder , so as to make it applicable , for the performing of any motion desir'd . Several Instruments for examining the recoiling , true carriage , and divers other proprieties of Guns . Several kinds of Otocousticons , or Instruments to improve the sense of hearing . Several Models of Chariots , and other Instruments , for Progressive Motion . A Chariot-way-wiser , measuring exactly the length of the way of the Chariot , or Coach to which it is apply'd . An Instrument for making Screws with great dispatch . A way of preserving the most exact impression of a Seal , Medal , Sculpture ; and that in a Metal harder than Silver . An Instrument for grinding Optick-glasses : a double Telescope : several excellent Telescopes of divers lengths , of six , twelve , twenty eight , thirty six , sixty foot long , with a convenient Apparatus for the managing of them : and several contrivances in them for measuring the Diameters , and parts of the Planets , and for finding the true position , and distance of the small fix'd Stars , and Satellites . Towards the exactness of all manner of these Optick-glasses , the English have got a great advantage of late years , by the Art of making Glass , finer , and more serviceable for Microscopes , and Telescopes , than that of Venice . This Invention was brought into our Country , and practis'd here , by the care , and expence of the Duke of Buckingham ; whom the Author of these Papers ought to mention with all honour ; both for his Skill and Zeal in advancing such Experimental Studies of which I am writing : and also because it has been by the favour of so great a Patron , that I have injoy'd the leisure , and convenience of composing this History . As soon as they were reduc'd into a Fix'd Assembly , one of the Principal Intentions they propos'd to accomplish , was a General Collection of all the Effects of Arts , and the Common , or Monstrous Works of Nature . This they at first began by the casual Presents , which either Strangers , or any of their own Members bestow'd upon them . And in short time it has increas'd so fast , by a contribution from all Parts , and chiefly by the bounty of Mr. Colwal , that they have already drawn together into one Room , the greatest part of all the several kinds of things , that are scatter'd throughout the Vniverse . The Keeping , and Ranging of these into order , is committed to Mr. Hook , who had also the honour of being made the first Curator of the Royal Society by election . This Repository he has begun to reduce under its several heads , according to the exact Method of the Ranks of all the Species of Nature , which has been compos'd by Doctor Wilkins , and will shortly be publish'd in his Vniversal Language : A Work wherein this excellent Man has undertaken a Design , that very well fits the temper of his own Mind ; for it well became him to teach a Communion of Speech amongst all Philosophers ; whose chief study it has alwayes been , to promote a general agreement , and correspondence amongst all Virtuous and Wise men . This Book had sooner seen the light , if part of it had not perish'd in the Fire . Of its use and accurate composition there is no man can doubt , that has ever heard the name of the Author : of whom , if I had not at first restrain'd my self from particular commendations , I might have said very much in his praise , which deserves to be known to all the World , and to be the first Experiment of his own Vniversal Language . Having well succeeded in this their purpose of collecting divers patterns of all Natural , and Artificial things : they have also ( amongst others ) appointed a Committee , whose chief employment shall be to read over whatever Books have been written on such subjects . By this means they hope speedily to observe , and digest into Manuscript volumes , all that has been hitherto try'd , or propounded in such studies . This is the only help that an Experimenter can receive from Books : which he may still use , as his Guides , though not as his Masters . For this end they have begun a Library consisting only of such Authors , as may be serviceable to their Design . To this there has been lately made a great Addition , by the Munificent Gift of Mr. Henry Howard of Norfolk , who has bestow'd on the Society the whole Arundelian Library , containing several hundreds of choice Manuscripts , besides some thousands of other Books of all kinds . And because many of them belong'd to other Professions , this Noble Benefactor has given them with a free permission of changing them for others , that shall be more proper for their Work : Whereby they will shortly be able to shew a compleat Collection of all that has been publish'd in the Antient , or Modern Tongues , which either regards the productions of Nature , or the effects of all Manual Arts. Nor is this the only bounty which this Illustrious Person has conferr'd on the Royal Society ; since by the firing of London , the first place of their meeting has been restor'd to its original use , and made an Exchange , he has afforded them a retreat in his own house , where they assemble at this present : By which favour he has added a new honour to the antient Nobility of his Race : one of his Ancestors had before adorn'd that place with many of the best Monuments of Antiquity : And now by entertaining these new discoveries under his Roof , his Family deserves the double praise of having cherish'd both the old , and new Learning ; so that now methinks in Arundel house , there is a perfect representation , what the Real Philosophy ought to be : As there we behold new Inventions to flourish amongst the Marbles , and Images of the Dead : so the present Arts , that are now rising , should not aim at the destruction of those that are past , but be content to thrive in their company . It will not I hope be expected , that I should present my Reader an Index of all the several Writings , which have at any time been publish'd by the Members of the Royal Society I shall omit those , which either were printed before the beginning of this Institution , or which treat of matters , that have no relation to their Design . Only I will say in general , that there is scarce any Art , or Argument , which has ever been the subject of humane Wit , of which I might not produce Instances , that some Fellows of this Society have given good proofs of their labours in it : of those Discourses , which have been since compos'd by some of their Body , or read before their weekly Assemblies , and directly concern the advancement of their Work , these are the principal . Several Hypotheses explaining the divers Phases and Motions , and other Phaenomena of the Comets . Several Hypotheses of Saturn , and its Satelles . An Hypothesis of the cause of the Rugosity of the Moons surface . An Hypothesis of the motion of the Moon , and of the Sea depending upon it . An Hypothesis of the Motion of the Planets , and of Circular Motion in general . Several Hypotheses for the Aequation of Time. A Discourse about the possibility of the Retardation of Coelestial Motions , and of their going slower , and slower , the longer they last . A Discourse of making the several Vibrations of a Pendulum aequal , by making the weight of it move in a Cycloid instead of a Circle . Several Discourses , and Hypotheses about the length of a Pendulum , for moving once in a second of Time. A Discourse of the most convenient length of a Pendulum , for making a Standard for a universal Measure . Several Astronomical Discourses of Mr. Horrex retriv'd , and digested for the Press . Vleg Beg translated , about the places of the fix'd Stars , and several other Astronomical Observations . A Discourse about the possibility of the change of the attractive power of the Earth , and consequently of the variation of the vibrative motion of Pendulums . A Discourse about short inclining Pendulums , and of other Pendulums counterpois'd above the Center of Motion , and of others lying Horizontal in the manner of a Beam. An Hypothesis about Fire , and Flame . An Hypothesis , and discourse of the gravity , pressure , and spring of the Air. A Discourse of an Air Register . Several Discourses Mathematical , and Philosophical , upon the Experiment of raising great weights by the Breath . A Discourse and Demonstration against a propos'd Method of doubling the Cube , and of finding two mean Proportionals . Several Discourses about Thermometers , Hygroscopes , Baroscopes , and other Weather-wisers . An Hypothesis and Discourse of the Inflection and inflective veins of the Air , and of the fitness , and unfitness of the Air for Coelestial Observations . An Hypothesis of the Form , and Spring of the Air. A Discourse of the different parts of the same Water , and of the difference of Waters . A Discourse and Hypothesis of Filtration , and of the Congruity , and Incongruity of Bodies . A Discourse of the possible height of the Air , and of its proportionable rarefaction upwards . An Hypothetical Discourse about the suspension of the Clouds , and their pressure . An Hypothesis , and Discourse of Earthquakes . A Discourse of Petrifactions , and an Hypothesis for explaining the several varieties of such Bodies . Several Discourses about the Loadstone , and an Hypothesis for salving its appearances . A Discourse about the Pores of Stones . A Discourse about Eggs. A Discourse concerning the Glass-drops . A Discourse and Hypothesis of annealing , and tempering Steel . Discourses about Cyder , and Coffee . A Discourse of the original of Forms . An Hypothesis of Light. A Discourse and Hypothesis of the Nature and Proprieties of Colours . A Discourse about improving Wood for Dying , and for fixing Colours . A Discourse about the improvement of Musick . A Discourse of the differing Heat of Summer , and Winter : A Discourse , and Hypothesis about Fluidity . Discourses upon several Mercurial Experiments . Discourses of Hydrostaticks . Discourses about the force of falling Bodies . A Treatise of the motion of the Muscles . A Discourse of the usefulness of Experimental Philosophy . A Treatise of the vanity of Dogmatizing . The Sceptical Chymist . Essayes about Salt-peter . The Parallel of the Antient , and Modern Architecture . Microscopical Observations . Micrographia , or a Discourse of things discover'd by a Microscope . Three Books of Feavors , of the Brain , and of the Scurvy , which I will alledge as the great Instances of this head : Wherein the Famous Author has with accurate diligence made prodigious improvements in all the parts of Physick , and shewn that the largeness of his Knowledge in it , is equal to the happy success of his practice . In this Collection of their Discourses , and Treatises , my Reader beholding so many to pass under the name of Hypotheses , may perhaps imagine that this consists not so well with their Method , and with the main purpose of their Studies , which I have often repeated to be chiefly bent upon the Operative , rather than the Theoretical Philosophy . But I hope he will be satisfied , if he shall remember , that I have already remov'd this doubt , by affirming , that whatever Principles , and Speculations they now raise from things , they do not rely upon them as the absolute end , but only use them as a means of farther Knowledge . This way the most speculative Notions , and Theorems that can be drawn from matter , may conduce to much profit . The light of Science , and Doctrines of causes , may serve exceeding well to promote our Experimenting ; but they would rather obscure , than illuminate the mind , if we should only make them the perpetual Objects of our Contemplation : as we see the light of the Sun , is most beneficial to direct our footsteps in walking , and our hands in working , which would certainly make us blind , if we should only continue fix'd , and gazing on its Beams . The Histories they have gather'd are either of Nature , Arts , or Works . These they have begun to collect by the plainest Method , and from the plainest Information . They have fetch'd their Intelligence from the constant and unerring use of experienc'd Men of the most unaffected , and most unartificial kinds of life . They have already perform'd much in this way , and more they can promise the world to accomplish in a very short space of Time. There are already brought in to them the History of Comets in general , and especially of the two last : The History of English Mines , and Oars : and particularly two several Histories of Tinneries and Tin-working . The Histories of Iron-making : of Lignum Fossile : of Saffron : of Alkermes : of Verdigreace : of whiting of Wax : of Cold : of Colours : of Fluidity , and firmness . The Histories of Refining : of making Copperas : of making Allum : of Salt-peter : of making Latten : of Lead : of making Salt out of Sea-water : of refining Gold : of making Pot-Ashes : of making Ceruse : of making Brass : of Painting , and Limning : of Calcography : of Enamelling : of Varnishing : of Dying . The Histories of making Cloth : of Worsted-Combers : of Fullers : of Tanners , and Leather-making : of Glovers , and Leather-dressing : of Parchment , and Vellum-making , and the way of making transparent Parchment : of Paper-making : of Hatters : of making Marble-paper : of the Rowling-Press . The Histories of making Bread : of Malt : of brewing Beer and Ale in several places : of Whale-fishing : of the Weather for several years : of Wind-mills , and other Mills in Holland : of Masonry : of Pitch and Tar : of Maiz : of Vintners : of Shot : of making Gun-powder : and of making some , that is twenty times as strong as the common Pistol-powder . The two last of these were communicated to the Royal Society by the favour of Prince Rupert ; whom I take the boldness to mention here , for his excellent Knowledge , and use in all manner of Mechanical Operations . But his name will be recorded in all the Histories of this time , for greater works , for many glorious Enterprises by Sea and Land , and for the Immortal Benefits whereby he has oblig'd the English Nation . The Instances that I shall give of this their manner of collecting Histories , shall be , of Works , that of Salt-peter , of Arts , that of Dying , of Nature , that of Oysters : which last may perhaps seem a subject too mean to be particularly alledg'd ; but to me it appears worthy to be produc'd . For though the British Oysters have been famous in the World , ever since this Island was discover'd , yet the skill how to order them aright , has been so little consider'd amongst our selves , that we see at this day , it is confin'd to some few narrow Creeks of one single County . THE HISTORY Of the Making of SALT-PETER By Mr. HENSHAW . WHether the Nitre of the Antients be of the same species with the Salt which is commonly known by the name of Salt peter , is variously disputed by very learned Authors amongst the modern Physitians : on the negative side are Mathiolus and Bellonius ; the latter of which had the advantage , by the opportunity of his travels in Egypt , to have often seen and handled them both , and is so positive as to pronounce , that in all Christendom there is not one grain of Nitre to be found , unless it be brought from other parts , although at the time of his being in Grand Caire ( which was about the year 1550. ) it was so common there ( as he sayes ) that ten pounds of it would not cost a Mordin . Among those that hold the affirmative , the most eminent are Cardan and Longius ; and it should seem the general vote of Learned men hath been most favourable to that Opinion , by reason that in all Latine Relations and Prescriptions , the word Nitrum or Halinitrum is most commonly used for Salt-peter . I have often enquired amongst our London Drugsters for Egyptian Nitre , and if I had been so fortunate as to have found any , I doubt not but I should have been able to have put an end to that Question by a Demonstration ; that is , by turning the greatest part of it into Salt-peter . However , the Observations I have made in my own private Experiments , and in the practice of Salt-peter men and Refiners of Salt-peter , seem to give me sufficient ground to suspect , that the confidence of those , who hold them to be several Salts , proceedeth chiefly from their being unacquainted with the various 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Salt-peter in the making and refining of it : and also their comparing double refined Salt-peter ( of which Gunpowder is made ) with that description of Nitrum and Aprhonitrum in the tenth chapter of the one and thirtieth Book of Plinies Natural History ( the only tolerable accompt of that Salt that hath been handed to us from Antiquity ) where he tells us , That Aphronitrum was Colore penè purpureo , and Egyptian Nitre Fuscum & Lapidosum , adding afterward , Sunt ibi Nitrariae in quibus rufum exit a colore terrae , which is sufficient to have hinted to any one but moderately versed in the modern way of ordering Salt-peter , that the Antients were not at all skilled in refining their Nitre from the Earth and common Salt that is usually mingled with it , nor from that foul yellow Oyl , which , it seems , did accompany their Nitre , as well as it doth our Salt-peter , in great abundance ; for Pliny takes notice of it , when he mentions the removing the Nitre ( after it is grained ) out of the Nitrariae , saying , Hic quoque natura olei intervenit , ad scabiem animalium utilis : And indeed this greasie Oyl ( which the Workmen call Mother of Salt-peter , and perhaps is but the crude and unripe part of it ) doth by nature so wonderfully adhere to every part else of the Peter ( it may be ordained for the nutriment and augmentation of it ) that the separation of it is the sole cause of the great charge and labour that is required to the refining of Peter : otherwise the Peter will be yellow , or brown , or some other dark colour . And Scaliger in his 104. Exercit. sect . 15. saith , Sublustris purpurae quasi splendor quidam in salis-petrae-terris sepenumero est a nobis observatus ; and he that shall boyl a Lixivium past through a Salt-peter-earth , up to a consistence , without filtring it through ashes , or giving the Salt leave to Chrystallize , may perhaps find something not unlike the Nitre of the Antients . To make this doubt yet clearer , it will require your patience to observe a few short remains out of the same Pliny , concerning the production of Nitre ; saith he , Exiguum Nitri fit apud Medos , candescentibus siccitate convallibus quod vocant Halmirhaga : minus etiam in Thracia juxta Philippos sordidum Terra quod appellant Agrium . This agrees very exactly with what I have been informed of by a Refiner of Salt-peter , that near Sophia , Santa-Cruz , and several other places in Barbary , he hath seen Salt-peter shoot out of the ground ( as thick and white as a hoar frost ) on many barren and desart Lands ; only he adds , that this happens not till the beginning of the rains in August , or September ; and that it is the falling of the fresh-water that causes the Salt-peter to shoot out into little Chrystals ; and that the people of the Country do no more but take it off the ground as clean as they can , and sell it to Merchant-Strangers . This is , sayes he , the Barbary Peter , which the Refiners buy commonly at twenty shillings per Cent. Much after the same manner ( by the relation of an India Merchant ) is that great quantity of Peter produced , which of late years hath been brought into England , and other parts of Christendom , from about Pegu in East-India , saving that the Natives do refine it once , before they sell it to the Merchants : But being not so skilful , to discharge it from the common Salt , which attends Peter , our Workmen do refine it again , before it be fit for Gun-powder . The next remarque out of Pliny is , Aquae vero Nitrosae pluribus in locis reperiuntur , sed sine viribus Densandi ( he means by the heat of the Sun in those places ) Optimum Copiosumque in Clytis Macedoniae quod vocant Chalastricum candidum purumque proximum sali . Lacus est Nitrosus , exiliente è medio dulci fonticulo , ibi fit Nitrum circa Canis ortum , novenis diebus , totidemque cessat , & rursus innatat & deinde cessat , iis autem diebus quibus gignitur si fuëre imbres salsius Nitrum faciunt , Aquilones deterius quia Validius commovent limum . In Egypto autem conficitur multò abundantius sed deterius , nam suscum lapidosumque est , fit penè eodem modo quo Sal : nisi quod Salinis mare infundunt , Nilum autem Nitrariis . How such great plenty of Nitre should be found in the Waters above mention'd will be no difficulty to conjecture , if we consider that Lakes are the receptacles of Land floods , and that great Rains may easily bring it to the Lake in Macedonia , from the higher parts in the Country about it . And for the River Nile , there must needs be less scruple concerning it , if we call to mind that once in a year , it sweeps with an impetuous overflow the burnt and barren Desarts of Africa under the Torrid Zone ; where , by the relation of Travellers , those Sands are visibly full of Nitre , and those few Springs and Wells that are to be found there , are by that reason so bitter , that the Mores and their Camels are forced to make a hard shift with them in their long journeys . But when he comes to describe the Aphronitrum , he comes more home , both to the name and nature of our Salt-peter , in these words , Proxima aetas Medicorum tradidit , Aphronitrum in Asia Colligi in speluncis & molibus distillans , dein sole siccant . And Scaliger speaking of Salt-peter , sayes , Est quaedam Nitri species inhaerens Rupibus , in quibus insolatur , ac propterea Salpetra dicitur . And I my self , for my own satisfaction in the point , have drawn very good Rock peter out of those Stiriae , which are usually found hanging like Icycles in Arched-cellars and Vaults ; and have been told , that a Physitian in Shropshire did perform great Cures by vertue of Sal-prunellae , which he made only of Flower of Brimstone and those Stiriae . But to steer more directly upon our immediate subject , Salt-peter ; though it be likely , that the Air is every where full of a volatile kind of Nitre , which is frequently to be seen coagulated into fine white Salt , like Flower of Wheat ( but by the very taste may be easily known to be Peter ) sticking to the sides of Plastred-walls , and in Brick-walls to the Mortar between the Bricks , ( in dry weather , or where the wall is defended from the rain ) for Lime doth strongly attract it ; though Dew and Rain do conveigh much of it to the Earth , and the Clouds seem to be spread out before the face of the Sun , either to imbibe some part of his influence , or to have a Salt generated in them , for to advance the fertility of the Earth , and certainly they return not without a blessing ; for I have more than once extracted Salt peter out of Rain and Dew , but from the latter more plentifully , and yet even there , is Salt-peter accompanied with a greazy purple Oyl , in great plenty : Though ( as I have found upon tryal ) that most standing waters , and even deep Wells have some small quantity of Salt-peter in them ; though the face of the Earth , if it were not impregnated with this Salt , could not produce Vegetables ; for Salt ( as the Lord Bacon sayes ) is the first Rudiment of Life ; and Nitre is as it were the life of Vegetables : Yet to be more sure of it , I made Experiment likewise there too , and found some little of it in fallows , and the Earth which Moles cast up in the Spring : Though I say the Air and Water want it not , yet is it not there to be had in any proportion , answerable to the charge in getting it : And though the Earth must necessarily have great quantities thereof , generated or infused into it ; yet in these temperate Countreys of Europe , it is no sooner dilated by Rain-water , or the Moisture of the Earth , but it is immediately applyed to the production or nutriment of some Plant , Insect , Stone , or Mineral ; so that the Artist will find as little of it here to serve his turn , as in the other two Elements . The only place therefore , where Salt-peter is to be found in these Northern Countries , is in Stables , Pigeon-houses , Cellars , Barns , Ware-houses , or indeed any place , which is covered from the Rain , which would dissolve it , and ( as I have said ) make it vegetate ; as also from the Sun , which doth rarifie it , and cause it to be exhaled into the Air ; ( For the same reason Husbandmen also might make double or treble the profit they usually do of their Muck , if they would lay it up under a Hovel , or some covered place , until they carry it out upon their Land. ) And I have been told by an experienced Workman , that no place yields Peter so plentifully , as the Earth in Churches , were it not an impiety to disturb the Ashes of our Ancestours , in that sacred Depository . Provided alwayes , that the Earth be of good mould , and the better the mould is , the more Peter is produc'd , for in Clay or sandy Earth , little or none is to be found : The freer ingress the Air hath into a place , is still of more advantage , so that the Sun be excluded : And let the Earth be never so good , if it be laid on a brick or boarded floor , it will not be so rich in Peter , as if it have free communication with the Exhalations of the lower parts of the Earth . In any place thus qualified , you cannot miss of good quantities of Peter , if it have not been drawn out in some years before ; which a Workman will quickly find , after he hath digged the first spadeful of Earth , by laying a little of it on the end of his tongue , and if it tast bitter , he is sure of good store of mineral , ( as they love to call it ) that is , Salt-peter ; if the Ground be good , it continues rich , to six or eight foot deep , and sometimes , but not often , to ten . After the Salt-peter is extracted , if the Earth be laid wet into the same place again , it will be twenty years ere any considerable quantity grow there of it ; but if the Earth be well dryed , it will come in twelve or fourteen : and if they mingle , with the dryed Earth store of Pigeons-dung , and mellow Horse-dung , and then temper it with Urine ( as was usual before we were supplied with Peter from India ) it will be fit to dig again in five or six years . He that shall cast Water upon a Ground fit to dig for Peter , will only sink the Mineral deeper into the Earth ; but he that throws Soap-suds on it , will quite destroy the Peter , ( as the Workmen have a Tradition ) and it very well deserves a further Enquiry . That Salt-peter , and the way of drawing it out of the Earth , now in use , was a modern Invention , is generally concluded by all Authors ; but whether we owe it to chance , or the sagacity of some great Wit , is as unknown , as the time when it was first discovered . It seems to have many years preceeded the Invention of Gunpowder , which by the Germans is ascribed to Constantine Autlitzer , or Berthold Schwertz a Monk of Friburgh , and was , in all probability , not long discovered , when the Inventor ( as Polydore Virgil tells us ) taught the use of Guns , to the Venetians , at the Battel of Fossa Claudia , when they obtain'd that notable Victory over the Genoueses , Anno 1380. For there is mention made , both of Salt-peter and Aqua fortis , in the Writings of Geber , a Spanish More , and an Alchymist ; but at what time he lived is unknown , though it be certain , some hundreds of years before Raimund Lully ; who about the year 1333. published some of his Books , wherein he treats of Salt-peter and Aqua fortis . It is no ill conjecture of Maierus , that the foresaid Monk , being a skilful Alchymist , had a design to draw a higher Spirit from Peter than the common Aqua fortis , and that he might better open the body of Peter , he ground it with Sulphur and Charcoal , by which Composure he soon became the Inventour of Gun-powder . The manner of making SALT-PETER . IN the first place you must be provided of eight or ten Tubs , so large , that they may be able to contain about ten Barrows full of Earth , each of them . These Tubs must be all open at the top ; but in the bottom of every one of them , you must make a hole near to that side you intend to place outermost , which hole you must fit very well with a Tap and Spigot on the outside downward . On the inside of the Tub , near the tap-hole , you must carefully place a large wad of straw , and upon that a short piece of board , which is all to keep the earth from stopping up the tap-hole . When you have placed your Tubs on their stands , at such a distance one from the other , that you may come with ease between them , then fill them up with such Peter-earth as you have chosen for your work , leaving only void about a spans breadth between the Earth and the edge of the Tub ; then lay on the top of the Earth in each Tub , as near as you can to the middle , a rundle of Wicker , like the bottom of a Basket , and about a foot in diameter , and by it stick into the earth a good strong Cudgel , which must be thrust pretty near the bottom ; the Wicker is to keep the Water , when it is poured on , from hollowing and disordering the Earth , and the Cudgel is to be stirred about , to give the Water ingress to the Earth upon occasion : Then pour on your Earth common cold Water , till it stand a hands breadth over the Earth : When it hath stood eight or ten hours loosen the Spigots , and let the Water rather dribble , than run into half Tubs , which must be set under the taps : This Lixivium the Workmen call their Raw-liquor ; and note that if it come not clear at the first drawing , you must pour it on again , and after some little time draw it off , till it come clear , and of the colour of Urine . If you are curious to know how rich your Liquor is before boyling , you may take a Glass-vial , containing a quart , fill it with the common Water you use , then weigh it exactly ; next fill the same Glass with your Liquor , and find the difference of weight , which compared with the quantity of all your Liquors , will give you a very near ghess , how much Salt-peter you are like to make by that boyling . Then pour on again , on the same Earth , more common Water , that it may bring away what is remaining in the Earth of the former Liquor . This second Liquor is of no other use , but to be poured on new Earth , instead of common Water , because it contains some quantity of Salt-peter in it . When this is done , turn out the useless insipid Earth out of the Tubs , which you must fill with new Earth , and continue this Operation , till you have in the same manner lixiviated all the Earth : Then fill your Copper with your Liquor , which Copper , for one of the Profession , must be about two hundred weight , and set strongly in a Furnace of brick-work ; besides , on one side of your Furnace , you are to place a Tub full of your Liquor , which at a tap below may dribble as fast into the Copper , as the force of the Fire doth wast your Liquor , which Invention is only to save charges in Fewel . When you have boyled it up to that height , that a little of it , flirted off the finger on a live Charcoal , will flash like Gun-powder ( which for the most part falls out to be after two dayes and a nights boyling ) at what time , upon tryal , a hundred weight of the Liquor contains about five and thirty pound weight of Peter . But the Workmen seldom make use of any further indication , than by finding the Liquor hang like oyl on the sides of the Brasen-scummer , when 't is dipped into it , which is a sign it is fit to be passed through the Ashes , which is done in this manner . You must prepare two Tubs fitted after the manner of the first , where you put your Earth , saving that at the bottom of these Tubs , you must lay Reeds or Straw a foot high , over them place loose boards , pretty neer one another , over them , a little more Straw ( which is to keep the Ashes from the top , and to give the Liquor room to drein the better from them : ) Then fill up your Tubs with any sort of Wood-ashes to half a foot of the top ; Then pour on the foresaid Liquor , as it comes scalding hot out of the Copper , on the Ashes contained in the first Tub ; then after a while draw it off at the top ; and so continue putting on and drawing off , first at one Tub of Ashes , then at the other , till your Liquor grow clear , and lose the thick turbid colour it had when it went on . When all the Liquour hath in this manner past through the Ashes of both Tubs , that by this means all its greasie oyl is left behind in the Ashes , you must keep it for the second boyling in a vessel by it self : in the mean time pour upon your Ashes a suffient quantity of common Water very hot , once or twice , to bring away what is remaining of the Liquor in the Ashes . When you begin the second boyling , put first into the Copper the Water that went last through your Ashes , and as that wasteth , let your strong Liquor drop into the Copper , out of the Tub above described , standing on the side of the Furnace , till the Liquor in the Copper be ready to shoot or chrystallise . Note that toward the end of your boyling , there will arise great store of Scum and Froth , which must be carefully taken off with a great brass Scummer , made like a Ladle , full of little holes , and usually about that time it lets fall some common Salt to the bottom , which you must take up with the said Scummer , and lay it aside for another use . To know when the Liquor is ready to shoot into Peter , you need but drop a little of it on a knife , or any other cold thing that hath a smooth superficies , and if it coagulate , like a drop of tallow , and do not fall off the knife when it is turned downward , which also may be judged by its hanging like oyl to the sides of the Scummer . When the Liquor is brought to this pass , every hundred weight of it containeth about threescore and ten pound weight of Peter . When you find your Liquor thus ready to shoot , you must with great Iron Ladles lade it out of the Copper into a high narrow Tub for that purpose , which the Workmen call their settling Tub ; and when the Liquor is grown so cool , that you can endure your finger in it , you shall find the common or cubick Salt begin to gravulate and stick to the sides of the Tub , then at the tap , placed about half a foot from the bottom , draw off your Liquor into deep wooden Trays , or Brass-pans , and the cooler the place is where you let them stand to shoot in , the better and more plentifully will the Salt-peter , be produc'd ; but it will be of no good colour till it be refined , but will be part white , part yellow , and some part of it blackish . The Salt which sticketh to the sides and bottom of the setling Tub is ( as I have sayd ) of the nature of common Salt ; and there is scarce any Peter to be found but is accompanied with it , though no doubt some of this is drawn out of the Ashes by the second Liquors : If it be foul they refine it by it self , and about London sell it at good rates to those that salt Neats Tongues , Bacon , and Collar-Beef , for besides a savory taste , it gives a pleasing red colour to most Flesh that is salted with it . Pliny sayes Nitrum obsonia alba & deteriora reddit Olera viridiora , whether Salt-peter doth so , I have not yet tryed . When the Liquor hath stood two dayes and two nights in the Pans , that part of the Liquor which is not coagulated but swims upon the Peter , must be carefully poured off , and being mingled with new Liquors must again pass the Ashes before it be boyled , else it will grow so greasy it will never generate any Salt. To Refine SALT-PETER . AFter you have made your Copper very clean , put in as much Water as you think will dissolve that quantity of Peter you purpose to Refine , when the Water is very hot cast in the Peter by little and little , stirring it about with a Ladle , that it may the sooner dissolve , then increase the Fire till your Liquor begin to boyle : In the mean time feel with the Scummer , whether there be at the bottom any Salt undissolv'd and take it out , for it is Common-Salt , and doth not so soon dissolve as the Peter ; then as the Water boyls scim of the Froth that swims at the top of it as fast as it riseth ; when it hath boyled to the height that a drop of it will coagulate on a Plate , ( as hath been said above in the making of Salt-Peter , ) then cast in by degrees either a Pint of the strongest Wine-Vinegar , or else four Ounces of Allom beaten to powder ( some choose burnt Allom , ) and you shall observe a black Scum to rise on the top of the Liquor , which when you have allowed some time to thicken , you may easily take off with the Scummer ; repeat this so often till no more Scum arises . Some do use to throw in a Shovel full of quick-Lime , and say it makes Peter the whiter , and Rock the better ; you must take great care all this while the Fire be not too strong , for while this is doing , the Liquor will be apt to boyl over , and will not easily be appeased without your great loss . When this is done , lade out the Liquor into a setling Tub , and cover it over with a Cloth , that it cool not too soon , and within an hour or two a thick yellow Faeces will fall to the bottom of the Tub , then quickly draw of the Liquor while it is hot , into the shooting Trays or Pans , and do as you did in making Peter , saving that you must cover the Trays with a Cloth , for then the Liquor will begin to shoot at the bottom , which will make the Peter-Rock into much fairer Chrystals , than otherwise it would : When no more Peter will shoot ( which is commonly after two days , ) pour off the Liquor that swims at the top , and put the Peter into a Tub with a hole at the bottom for to drain , and when it is dry , it is fit for use . The Figure of the Chrystals is Sexangular , and if it hath rightly shot , is fistulous and hollow like a Pipe. Before I proceed to tell you , how this darling of Nature ( the very Basis and Generation of Nutriment ) is converted into Gun-powder ( the most fatal Instrument of Death that ever Mankind was trusted withal ) I will crave leave to acquaint you with a few Speculations I have of this Salt , which if I could cleerly make out , would lead us into the knowledge of many noble Secrets in Nature ; as also to a great improvement in the Art of making Salt-Peter . First then you are to observe , that though Peter go alway in Gun-powder , yet if you fulminate it in a Crucible , and burn of the volatile part with Powder of Coal , Brimstone , Antimony or Meal , there will remain a Salt , and yet so fixed ( very unlike Common-Salt ) that it will endure the force of almost the strongest Fire you can give it ; which being dissolved into Water and Spirit of Nitre dropped into it , till it give over hissing ( which is the same with the Volatile part that was seperated from it in the fulmination ) it will be again reduced to Chrystals of Peter , as it was at first , which noble Experiment the World hath already been taught by an honourable Member of this Society ; with a train of such important Observations , as never before were raised from one Experiment . That which I aim at then is , that if the Spirit of the Volatile Salt of Soot , or of the Urine , Blood , Horns , Hoofs , Hair , Excrements , or indeed any part of Animals , ( for all abound with such a Volatile Salt fixed , and Oyle as Peter doth ) could by the same way or any like it , be reduced to Peter or some Nitrous Salt not much differing from it : It would excellently make out a Theory that I am much delighted with , till I am convinced in it ; which is , that the Salt which is found in Vegetables and Animals , is but the Nitre which is so universally diffused through all the Elements , ( and must therefore make a chief Ingredient in their Nutritriment , and by consequence of their Generation ) a little altered from its first Complexion : And that the reason why Animals that feed on Vegetables are obliged by Nature , to longer meals than those that feed on other Animals ; is , because Animals are fuller of that Salt than Vegetables : And indeed such Animals are but Caterers of it for Man ; and others whom Natures bounty gratifies with a more lusty and delicious Dyet . I confess I have been the more confirmed in this fancy , since I have often seen a Friend of mine , with a Natural and Facile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , convert the greater part of Peter , into a Salt so like the Volatile Salt of Urine , that they are Scarce to be distinguished by smell or tast , and yet he adds nothing to it that can possibly be suspected to participate of that Nature : But indeed all Volatile Salts are so alike , that it is not easy to distinguish them in any respect . THE HISTORY Of Making GUN-POWDER . THE materials of Gun-Powder are , Salt-Peter , Brimstone , and Coal ; the Peter and Brimstone must be both refined if you mean to make good Powder , and the Coal must be Withy and Alder equal parts ; for Withy alone is counted too soft , and some do commend Hazle alone to be as good as the other two . The whole Secret of the Art consists in the proportion of the Materials , the exact mixture of them , that in every the least part of Powder may be found all the Materials in their just proportion ; then the Corning or making of it into Grains ; and lastly the Drying and Dusting of it . The Proportion is very differently set down by several Authors ; Baptista Porta tells us the ordinary Powder is made of Four parts of Peter , one of Sulphur , and one of Withy Coal : But the best Powder of 6 , or 8. of Peter , and one a piece of the other , which agrees pretty well with Bonfadini a late Italian Writer , in his Book of the Art of Shooting flying , where to make the best Gun-Powder he prescribes Seven parts of Peter , one of Brimstone , and of Hazle Coal an ounce less in every pound : Cardan sayes ; Constat ex tribus Halinitri partibus , duabus Saligni Carbonis atque una Sulphuris , Convenitque magnis Machinis : Sed Mediocribus Halinitri partes decem , Saligni carbonis tres , Sulphuris duas , parvis verò Halinitri partes decem ; Carbonis ligni nucis Avellonae sine nodis , tum Sulphuris partem unam singularem : Langius appoints three of Peter , two of Withy Coal , and one of Brimstone : The English Author of Fire-Works sayes , that the proportions in England to make good , indifferent , and ordinary Powder is , 5.4 . and 3. parts of Peter , to two of Coal and one of Brimstone . Our English Work-men are generally so curious of their secret , that I could not obtain the proportion of them without a promise of Secrecy : But when all is done their secret is not so much the way to make the best Powder , as the best way to get most mony by it ; by substracting from the Peter , and making up weight with the Coal ; when indeed there is so great a Latitude , that provided the Materials be perfectly mixt , you make good Powder with any of the proportions above mention'd ; but the more Peter you allow it , it will still be the better , till you come to observe Eight parts . The next thing after the proportion , is the mixture , about which most of the workmens time and pains is bestowed : For first in a Horse-mill with two stones ( like that with which they grind their Materials at the Glass-house ) moving upon a Marble bottom , which is edged with boards set sloaping , that what slips from under the stones may slide back again . They grind the Brimstone and Coal each of them apart by themselves as fine as possibly they can ; then they sift each of them apart by themselves : The Brimstone is sifted thorow Tiffany in a Bolting-mill , such as the Bakers use for wheat-flower : The Coal is sifted thorow Lockram , in a bag made like a shirt sleeve ; for the convenience of the Work-man it is done in a close Bin , with only two holes for him to put his arms in and shake the bag about . Whatsoever of each material is not small enough to sift thorow , is brought again to the Mill to be new ground . As for the Peter , that must in the Copper be dissolved in as much water as will just take it up , and then the water must be boyled away till the Peter comes to the thickness of hasty-pudding . The reason of this operation is , because when the Peter is thus soft , the other materials will the easilier incorporate with it , and in the next place it will not wear the wooden pestles so much when it comes to the Mill , as when it is hard and dry . When the Materials are in this readiness , they are weighed ( only the Peter is weighed before it is put to dissolve in the Copper ) and by proportion are carried to the mingling Trough , which is made of boards , like a great Chest without a cover , being about eight foot long , four broad , and three foot high . The Coal is laid in first , the Brimstone next , and the Peter at top of all ; Then two men with shovels stir and mingle them together for an hour , and then 't is ready for the Mill. The Powder-mills are seldom made to move with any thing but water : The great water-wheel is made like that of an ordinary water-wheel , either over-shot or under-shot , according to the quantity of water they have : to the axis of this wheel , a little way within the Mill , is fastned a lesser wheel called the Spar-wheel , with strong Cogs , which in their motion round take hold of the round slaves of another wheel of about the same diameter , set a little way above it , and fastned to the end of a beam of 15 or 16 foot long , laid parallel to the Horizon , with an iron gudgeon at the other end of it , to facilitate its motion round : This beam is called the round beam ; out of it come a certain number of arms of about nine inches long ▪ and three inches broad , which in their going round meet with other lesser armes ( called Tapes ) coming out of the Pestles ( for so they call certain small quarters of Timber placed perpendicular to the Horizon , about nine foot long and four inches broad ; they are set in a slight frame to keep them steady ) ; by these small arms the Pestles are lifted up about two foot and a half , and then let fall into a strong wooden Trough set under them , wherein the powder is put to be pounded . Every Mill hath two Troughs , and about sixteen Pestles : every Pestle hath fastned to the lower end of it a round piece of Lignum Vitae , of about five inches long and three and a half diameter ; and into the bottom of the Trough , just where the Pestle is to fall , is let in another piece of Lignum Vitae , of the fashion and bigness of an ordinary Bowl , split according to its longest diameter : The Pestles are not lifted up all together , but alternatively , to make the Powder turn the better in the working ; and for the same reason round Troughs are counted better than square . To make excellent Powder it ought to be wrought thus thirty hours ; but of late they will not afford it above eighteen or twenty hours : once in eight hours they use to moisten the Powder with a little fair water ; others who are more curious , put water something thickned with quick-lime ; others use White-wine Vinegar ; others Aqua-vitae : But if it be not moistned with something once in eight hours , the Powder will grow dry , and in half an hour after it will take fire . As soon as the Powder grows dry , you may find it , though at a distance , by the noise of the Mill ; for then the Pestles will rebound from the bottom of the Trough and make a double stroak . The only danger to the Mill is not from the Trough ; for many times the iron Gudgeons grow hot for want of greasing , and then the dust that flies about will be apt to fire , and so the Mill blows up . From the Mill the Powder is brought to the Corning-house , of a middle temper between moist and dry . The way of corning it is with two hair Sieves joyn'd together , the upper Sieve inclosing some part of the hoop of the lower Sieve : The upper Sieve hath holes of the size you will have the Powder grained at ; the holes of the lower Sieve are much lesser : The upper Sieve they call their corning Sieve , the lower their wet Duster : They lay the Powder upon the upper Sieve some two inches thick ; upon that a piece of heavy wood made like a Trencher , of about eight inches diameter and two and a half in thickness , called a Runner , which when the Sieve is moved , by its weight and motion forces the Powder thorow the upper Sieve , and that corns it . Then the lower Sieve receives the Powder , and lets the dust go thorow into a Bin , over which the Sieve is shaken , called the Dusting-Bin . When the Powder is thus corned , it is laid about an inch and half thick on the drying Sieves , which are made of course Canvase fastned to slight frames of Deal about an ell long and some twenty inches broad ; and thus it is carried into Stoves to dry . The Stove is commonly a little Room about eighteen or twenty foot square , with ranges of small Firr poles about two foot one above another , to lay the drying Sieves upon , but only on that side the fire is made . Besides a glass window to give light , there must be a small lover hole at the top of the Room , to let out the steam , else the Powder will not only be the longer a drying , but often by the return of the steam on the Sieves , the top of the Powder will be so crusted that the lower part will not dry . The Rome is heated by an Iron of about a yard high and half a yard broad , cast in the form of an Arch equal to a Semy-quadrant , and placed in the back of a Chimney , the fore part whereof is like a Furnace ; and to avoid danger , opens into another little Room apart called the Stoke-hole . The Powder is brought into the Stove before it be heated , and is not taken out again till the Stove be cold ; and about eight hours is required to the drying of it . In hot Countries the Sun is the best Stove , and a great deal of danger and charges that way avoided . After the Powder is dried , it is brought again to the Corning-house , where it is again sifted over the dusting Bin in other double Sieves , but without any Runners . These Sieves have both of them smaller holes than the former : The upper Sieve is called the Separater , and serves to divide the great corns from the lesser ; the great corns are put by themselves , and serve for Cannon Powder : The lower Sieve is called the dry Duster , and retains the small corns ( which serve for Musquet and Pistol ) and le ts fall the dust into the bin , which is to be mingled with fresh Materials , and again wrought over in the Mill. So that good Powder differs from bad ( besides the well working and mingling of the Materials ) in having more Peter and less Coal ; and lastly , in the well dusting of it . The last work is to put the Powder into Barrels ; every Barrel is to contain five score weight of Powder , and then 't is ready for sale . AN APPARATUS TO THE HISTORY Of the Common Practices of DYING . By Sir WILLIAM PETTY . IT were not incongruous to begin the History with a Retrospect into the very nature of Light it self ( as to inquire whether the same be a Motion or else a Body ; ) nor to premise some Theorems about the Sun , Flame , Glow-worms , the eyes of some Animals , shining Woods , Scales of some Fishes , the dashing of the Sea , stroaks upon the eyes , the Bolonian Slate ( called by some the Magnet of Light ) and of other light and lucid bodies . It were also not improper to consider the very essentials of Colour and Transparencies ( as that the most transparent bodies , if shaped into many angles , present the eye with very many colours ; ) That bodies having but one single superficies , have none at all , but are suscipient of every colour laid before them ; That great depths of Air make a Blew , and great depths of Water a Greenish colour ; That great depths or thicknesses of coloured Liquors do all look Blackish ( red Wine in a large Conical Glass being of all reddish colours between black at the top and white at the bottom . That most Vegetables , at one time or other , are greenish ; and that as many things passing the Sun are blackned , so many others much whitened by the same : Other things are whitened by acid Fumes , as red Roses and raw Silks by the smoak of Brimstone . Many Mettals , as Steel and Silver , become of various colours and Tarnish by the air , and by several degrees of heat . We might consider the wonderful variety of colours appearing in Flowers , Feathers ; and drawn from Mettals , their Calces and Vitrifications ; and of the colours rising out of transparent Liquors artificially mixed . But these things , relating to the abstracted nature of colours , being too hard for me , I wholly decline ; rather passing to name ( and but to name ) some of the several sorts of Colorations now commonly used in Humane affairs , and as vulgar Trades in these Nations ; which are these : viz. 1. There is a whitening of Wax , and several sort of Linen and Cotton Cloathes , by the Sun , Air , and by reciprocal effusions of Water . 2. Colouring of Wood and Leather by Lime , Salt , and Liquors , as in Staves , Canes , and Marble Leathers . 3. Colouring of Paper , viz. Marbled Paper , by distempering the colours with Ox-gall , and applying them upon a stiff gummed Liquor . 4. Colouring , or rather Discolouring the colours of Silks , Tiffanies , &c. by Brimstone . 5. Colouring of several Iron and Copper work , into Black , with Oyl . 6. Colouring of Leather into Gold-colour , or rather Silver leaves into Gold by Varnishes , and in other cases by Urine and Sulphur . 7. Dying of Marble and Alabaster with heat and coloured Oyls . 8. Colouring Silver into Brass with Brimstone or Urine . 9. Colouring the Barrels and Locks of Guns into Blew and Purple with the temper of Small-coal heat . 10. Colouring of Glass ( made of Sands , Flints , &c. ) as also of Crystals and Earthen Ware , with the rusts and solutions of Metals . 11. The colouring of live Hair , as in Poland , Horse and Mans Hair ; as also the colouring of Furrs . 12. " Enameling and Anealing . 13. Applying Colours as in the Printing of Books and Pictures , and as in making of playing Cards ; being each of them performed in a several way . 14. Guilding and Tinning with Mercury , Block-Tin , Sal-Armoniack . 15. Colouring Metals , as Copper with Calamy into Brass , and with Zink or Spelter into Gold , or into Silver with Arsenick : And of Iron into Copper with Hungarian Vitriol . 16. Making Painters Colours by preparing of Earth , Chalk , and Slates ; as in Vmber , Oker , Cullen-earth , &c. as also out of the Calces of Lead , as Ceruse and Minium ; by Sublimates of Mercury and Brimstone , as in Vermilion ; by tinging of white Earths variously , as in Verdeter , and some of the Lakes ; by concrete Juyces or Faeculae , as in Gambrugium , Indico , Pinks , Sap-green , and Lakes : As also by Rusts , as in Verdegrease , &c , 17. The applying of these colours by the adhesion of Ox-gall , as in the Marbled Paper aforesaid ; or by Gum water , as in Limning ; or by clammy drying Oyls , ( such as are the Oyls of Linseed , Nuts , Spike , Turpentine , &c. ) 18. " Watering of Tabbies . 19. The last I shall name is the colouring of Wool , Linnen , Cotton , Silk , Hair , Feathers , Horn , Leather , and the Threads and Webs of them with Woods , Roots , Herbs , Seeds , Leaves , Salts , Limes , Lixiviums , Waters , Heats , Fermentations , Macerations , and other great variety of Handling : An account of all which is that History of Dying we intend . All that we have hitherto said being but a kind of remote and scarce pertinent Introduction thereunto . I begin this History by enumerating all the several Materials and Ingredients which I understand to be or to have been used in any of the last aforementioned Colorations , which I shall represent in various Methods , viz. out of the Mineral Family . They use Iron and Steel , or what is made or comes from them , in all true Blacks ( called Spanish Blacks ) though not in Flanders Blacks ; viz. they use Copperas , Steel-filings , and Slippe , which is the stuff found in the Troughs of Grind-stones , whereon Edge-tools have been ground . They also use Pewter for Bow-dye , Scarlet , viz. they dissolve Bars of Pewter in the Aqua fortis they use ; and make also their Dying-kettles or Furnace of this Mettal . Litharge is used by some , though acknowledged by few , for what necessary reason I cannot learn , other than to add weight unto Dyed Silk ; Litharge being a calx of Lead , one of the heaviest and most colouring Mettals . I apprehend Antimony much used to the same purpose , though we know there be a very tingent Sulphur in that Mineral , which affordeth variety of Colour by the precipitations and other operations upon it . Arsenick is used in Crimson , upon pretence of giving Lustre , although those who pretend not to be wanting in giving Lustre to their Silks , do utterly disown the use of Arsenick . Verdegrease is used by Linnen Dyers in their Yellow and Greenish Colours , although of it self it strike not deeper colour than of pale Straws . Of Mineral-Salts used in Dying ; the chief is Allum ; the very true use thereof seems to me obscure enough , notwithstanding all the Narrations I could get from Dyers about it : For I doubt , 1. Whether it be used to make Common-water a fit Menstruum , wherewith to extract the Tingent particles of several hard Materials ; for I find Allum to be used with such Materials as spend easy enough , as Brasill , Logwood , &c. And withal , that the Stuffs to be dyed are first boyled in Allum-liquors , and the Allum afterwards ( as they say ) cleared from the said Stuff again , before any Colour at all be applyed . 2. Whether it be used to scour the Sordes , which may interpose between the Coloranda , and the Dying Stuff ; and so hinder the due adhesion of the one unto the other : The boyling of several things first in Allum seeming to tend this way . But I find this work to be done in Cloth and Rugs , by a due scouring of the same in the Fulling-mills with Earth , and in Silk with Soaps , by which they boyl out the Gums and other Sordes , hindring or vitiating the intended Colours . 3. Whether Allum doth intenerate the Hairs of Wool , and Hair-stuff , as Grograins , &c. Whereby they may the better , receive and imbibe their Colours ? Unto which opinion I was led by the Dyers ; saying , that after their Stuffs were well boyled in Allum , that they then cleared them of the Allum again : But we find the most open Bodied-Cottons and Silks , to have Allum used upon them ; as well as the harder Hairs . Nor is Allum used in many Colours , viz. In no Woad or Indico Blews ; and yet the Stuffs Dyed Blew , are without any previous inteneration quickly tinged ; and that with a slight and short immersion thereof into the Blew fat . 4. Whether it contribute to the Colour it self , as Copperas doth to Gals , in order to make a black ; or as Juice of Lemmons doth to Cocheneel in the Incarnadives ; or as Aqua-Fortis impregnated with Pewter , doth in the Bow-Scarlet , changing it from a red Rose-Crimson to flame Colour . This use is certainly not to be denyed to Allum in some cases ; but we see in other cases , that the same Colours may be Dyed without Allum , as well as with it , though neither so bright and lively , nor so lasting . 5. Wherefore Fifthly , I conclude ( as the most probable opinion ) that the use of Allum is to be a Vinculum between the Cloth and the Colour , as clammy-Oyls and Gum-waters are in Painting and Limming ; Allum being such a thing , whose particles and Aculei dissolved with hot Liquors will stick to the Stuffs , and pitch themselves into their Pores ; and such also , as on which the particles of the Dying Drugs will also catch hold , as we see the particles of Copperas and other Crystallizing materials , do of Boughs and Twigs in the Vessel , where such Crystallization is made . A second use I imagine of Allum in Dying , to be the extracting or drying up of some such particles , as could not consist with the Colour to be superinduced , for we see Allum is used in the dressing of Alutas or white Leather , the which it dryeth , as the Salt of Hen-dung doth in Ox-hides , and as common Salt doth in preservation of Flesh-meats ; for we know , a Sheep-skin newly flayed could not be Colour'd as Brasils are , unless it were first dressed into Leather with Allum , &c. which is necessary to the Colour , even although the Allum be , as it is , cleared out of the Leather again , before the said Colouration , with Bran , yelks of Eggs , &c. Wherefore as Allum , as it were by accident , makes a wet raw skin to take a bright Colour by extracting some impedimental particles out of it ; so doth it also out of other materials , though perhaps less discernably . Another use I suppose of Allum , which is to brighten a Colour : For as we see the finest and most Glassie materials to make the most orient Colours , as Feathers , Flowers , &c. So certainly if by boyling Cloth in Allum , it become incrustated with particles , as it were of Glass , the tinging of them yields more brightness , than the tinging of a Scabrous matter , ( such as unallumed Cloth is ) can do . Analogous hereunto I take the use of Bran , and Bran-liquors in Dying to be ; for Bran yielding a most fine flower ( as we see in the making of white-Starch ; ) I conceive that this flower entring into the pores of the Stuff , levigates their Superficies and and so makes the Colour laid on it , the more beautiful , just as we see , that all woods , which are to be guilded are first smoothned over with white Colours , before the Gold be laid on . And indeed all other Woods are filled , not only as to their greater holes and Asperities , with Putty ; but also their smaller Scabrities are cured by priming Colours , before the Ultimate Colour intended be laid thereon . The next Mineral Salt is Salt-Peter , not used by ancient Dyers , and but by few of the modern . And that not , till the wonderfull use of Aqua-fortis ( whereof Salt-Peter is an ingredient ) was observed in the Bow-Scarlet : Nor is it used now , but to brighten Colours by back-boyling them ; for which use Argol is more commonly used . Lime is much used in the working of blew-fats , being of Lime-stone calcined and called Calke , of which more hereafter . Of the Animal family are used about Dying , Cochineel ( if the same be any part of an Animal ) Urine of labouring men , kept till it be stale and stinking ; Honey , Yelks of Eggs , and Ox-gall . The three latter so rarely ; and as the conceits of particular Work-men , and for Collateral uses ( as to increase weight , promote fermentation , and to scour , &c. ) That I shall say very little more of them in this place , only saying of Urine that it is used to scour , and help the fermenting and heating of Woad ; it is used also in the blew-fats instead of Lime : It dischargeth the yellow ( of which and blew , most Greens are compounded ) and therefore is alwayes used to spend Weld withal . Lastly , the stale Urine , or old mudd of pissing places , will colour a well scoured small piece of Silver , into a Golden colour , and it is with this ( and not at all with the Bath-water ) wherewith the Boys at Bath colour single pence ; although the generality believe otherwise . Lastly it seems to me , that Urine agreeth much in its Nature with Tartarous Lixivia ; not only because Urine is a Lye made of Vegetables in the body of Animals ; nor because in the Receptacles of Urine , Tartarous stones are bred like as in Vessels of Wine ; nor because Urine discharges and abrades Colours as the Lixivia of Tartar , or the deliquated Salts of Tartar do ; but because Tartar and Sulphur-Lixivia do colour the superficies of Silver , as we affirmed of Urine ; and the difference I make between Urine and Tartarous Lixivia is only this , that though the Salts of both of them seem by their effects in Dying , in a manner the same ; yet that Urine is made and consists of Salt and Sulphur both . Before we enter upon the Vegetable materials for Dying , we may interpose this Advertisement , That there are two sorts of Water used by Dyers , viz. River-water and Well-water : By the latter I mean in this place the Pump water in great Cities and Towns , which is a harsh Water wherewith one can scarce wash ones hands , much less scour them clean ; nor will Soap dissolve in it , but remains in rolls and lumps : moreover the Flesh boyled in it becomes hard and reddish . The Springs rising out of large covered spaces ( such as are great Cities ) yield this Water , as having been percolated thorow more ground than other Water , and consequently been divested of its fatty earthy particles , and more impregnated with saline substances in all the way it hath passed . The Dyers use this Water in Reds , and in other colours wanting restringency , and in the Dying of Materials of the slacker Contextures , as in Callico , Fustian , and the several species of Cotton-works . This Water is naught for Blews , and makes Yellows and Greens look rusty . River-water is far more fat and oylie , sweeter , bears Soap ; that is , Soap dissolves more easily in it , rising into froth and bubbles , so as the Water thickens by it . This Water is used in most cases by Dyers , and must be had in great quantities for washing and rinsing their Cloathes after Dying . Water is called by Dyers White Liquor ; but there is another sort of Liquor called Liquor absolutely , and that is their Bran-liquor , which is one part of Bran and five of River-water , boyled together an hour , and put into leaden Cisterns to settle . This Liquor when it turns sour is not good , which sourness will be within three or four days in the Summer time . Besides the uses afore-named of this Liquor , I conceive it contributes something to the holding of the Colour ; for we know Starch , which is nothing but the flower of Bran , will make a clinging Paste , the which will conglutinate some things , though not every thing ; viz. Paper , though neither Wood nor Mettals . Now Bran-liquors are used to mealy dying Stuffs , such as Mather is , being the Powder or fecula of a Root ; So as the flower of the Bran being joyned with the Mather , and made clammy and glutinous by boyling , I doubt not but both sticking upon the villi of the Stuff Dyed , the Mather sticks the better by reason of the starchy pastiness of the Bran-flower joyned with it . Gums have been used by Dyers about Silk , viz. Gum Arabick , Gum Dragant , Mastick , and Sanguis Draconis . These Gums tend little to the tincture of the said Silk , no more than Gum doth in ordinary writing Ink , which only gives it a consistence to stay just where the Pen delivers it , without running abroad uncertainly : So Gum may give the Silk a glassiness , that is , may make it seem finer , as also stiffer ; so as to make one believe the said stiffness proceeded from the quantity of Silk close woven : And lastly to increase weight ; for if an ounce of Gum , worth a peny , can be incorporated into a pound of Silk , the said penny in the Gum produceth three shillings , the price of an ounce of Silk . Wherefore we shall speak of the use of each of the said four Gums , rather when we treat of Sising and Stiffening , than now , in a Discourse of Dying , where also we may speak of Honey and Molasses . We refer also the Descriptions of Fullers-earth , Soaps , Linseed-oyl , and Ox-galls , unto the head of Scouring , rather than to this of Dying . Wines and Aqua-vitae have been used by some particular Artists ; but the use of them being neither constant nor certain , I omit further mention of them . The like I say of Wheaten-flower and Leaven . Of Cummin-seed , Fenugreek-seed , Senna , and Agarick , I have as yet no satisfactory accompt . Having spoken thus far of some of the Dying stuffs , before I engage upon the main , and speak more fully of those which have been but slightly touched upon already , I shall more Synoptically here insert a Catalogue of all Dying Materials , as well such as I have already treated upon , as such as I intend hereafter to describe . The three peculiar Ingredients for Black are Copperas , filings of Steel , and Slippe . The Restringent binding Materials are Alder , Bark , Pomegranate Pills , Wallnut rinds and roots , Oaken Sapling Bark , and Saw-dust of the same ; Crab-tree Bark , Galls , and Sumach . The Salts are Allum , Argol , Salt-peter , Sal Armoniack , Pot-ashes , and Stone-lime ; unto which Urine may be enumerated as a liquid Salt. The Liquors are Well-water , River-water , Wine , Aqua-vitae , Vinegar , juyce of Lemmon , and Aqua-fortis : There is Honey used , and Molasses . Ingredients of another Classis are Bran , Wheaten-flower , Yelks of Eggs , Leaven , Cummin-seed , Fenugreek-seed , Agarick , and Senna . Gums are Gum Arabick , Dragant , Mastick , and Sanguis Draconis . The Smecticks or Abstersives are Fullers-earth , Soap , Linseed-oyl , and Ox-gall . The other Metals and Minerals are Pewter , Verdegrease , Antimony , Litharge , and Arsenick . But the Colorantia colorata are of three sorts , viz. Blew , Yellow , and Red ; of which Logwood , old Fustick , and Mather , are the Polychresta in the present & common practices , being one of each sort . The Blews are Woad , Indico , and Logwood : The Yellows are Weld , Wood-wax , and old Fustick , as also Turmerick now seldom used : The Reds are Red-wood , Brazel , Mather , Cochineel , Safflowrs , Kermes-berries , and Sanders ; the latter of which is seldom used , and the Kermes not often . Unto these Arnotto and young Fustick , making Orange colours , may be added , as often used in these times . " In Cloth Dying wood-soot is of good use . Having presented this Catalogue , I come now to give or enlarge the Description and Application of some of the chief of them , beginning with Copperas . Copperas is the common thing us'd to dye Blacks withal , and it is the salt of the Pyrites stone , wherewith old Iron ( having been dissolved in it ) is incorporated . The filings of Steel , and such small particles of Edge-tools as are worn away upon the Grindstone , commonly called Slipp , is used to the same purpose in dying of Silks ( as was said before ) which I conceive to be rather to increase the weight than for any other necessity ; the particles of Copperas being not so heavy and crass as these are : for else why should not these later-named Materials be as well used about Cloth , and other cheaper Stuffs ? We observe , That green Oaken-boards by affriction of a Saw become black ; and that a green sour Apple , cut with a knife , becomes likewise black ; and that the white grease wherewith Coach-wheels are anointed becomes likewise black , by reason of the iron boxes wherewith the Nave is lined , besides the ustulation or affriction between the Nave and the Axel-tree . Moreover we observe , That an Oaken stick , by a violent affriction upon other wood in a Turning-Lath , makes the same black . From all which we may observe , That the whole business of Blacking lies in the Iron , as if the salt of the Pyrites-stone in Copperas served only to extract the same ; and withal it seems to lie in a kind of sindging and ustulation , such as rapid affrictions do cause : For Allum seems to be of the same nature with Vitriol ; and yet in no case that I know of is , it is used for black colours : And the black colour upon earthen Ware is made with scalings of Iron vitrified . Note , That where-ever Copperas is used , either Galls , Sumach , Oak-Sapling-barks , Alder-bark , Wallnut-rinds , Crabtree-bark , or green Oak saw-dust , must be used with it ; All which things Physicians call Austere and Stiptick . Red-wood must be chopt into small pieces , then ground in a Mill between two heavy stons , as corn is . It is used also in Dying of Cloth and Rugs , and those of the Courser sort : The colour is extracted with much and long boyling , and that with Galls . The colour it makes is a kind of Brick-colour-Red ; it holdeth much better than Brasil . The Cloth it dyeth is to be boyled with it : Wherefore only such matters as are not prejudiced by much boyling are dyed herewith . Brasil is chopt and ground like as the Red-wood : It dyeth a Pink-colour or Carnation , imitating the colour of Cochineil the nearest : It is used with Allum for the ordinary colour it dyeth ; and with addition of Pot-ashes , when it is used for Purples . Brasil steept in Water giveth it the colour of Clarret-wine , into which a drop or two of Juyce of Lemmons or Vinegar being put , turneth it into the colour of Canary-Sack ; in which particular it agreeth with Cochineil . This Colour soon staineth , as may appear by the easie change which so small a quantity of acid liquor makes upon it . A drop of Spirit of Vitriol turneth the infusion of Brasil into a purplish violet-colour , even although it hath been made yellow before , by the addition of Juyce of Lemmons or Vinegar ; and is the same effect which Pot-ashes also produce , as we said before . Mather is a Root cultivated much in Flanders : There be of it two sorts ; Pipe-Mather , which is the coursest ; and Bale-Mather , otherwise called Crap-Mather : This Mather used to the best advantage , dyeth on Cloth a colour the neerest to our Bow-dye , or the new Scarlet ; the like whereof Safflowr doth in Silk ; insomuch as the colours called Bastard-Scarlets are dyed with it . This colour indures much boyling , and is used both with Allum and Argol ; it holdeth well . The brightest colours dyed with this material are made by over-dying the same , and then by discharging part of it by back-boyling it in Argol . Mather is used with Bran-liquor , instead of White-liquor or ordinary Water . Cochineel is of several sorts , viz. Silvester and Mestequa : This also is used with Bran-liquor in Pewter-Furnaces , and with Aqua-fortis , in order to the Scarlet-dye . It is the colour whereof the like quantity effecteth most in Dying ; and Colours dyed with it , are said to be dyed in Grain . Rags dyed in the dregs of this colour is called Turnsole , and 't is used to colour Wines ; Cochineel being counted so far from an unwholesom thing , that it is esteemed a Cordial . Any acid Liquor takes off the intense Redness of this colour , turning it towards an Orange , Flame , or Scarlet-colour : With this colour also the Spanish Leather and Flocks are dyed which Ladies use . The extract or fecula hereof makes the finest Lake . Arnotto Dyeth of it self an Orang-colour , is used with Pot-ashes upon Silk , Linnen , and Cottons , but not upon Cloth , as being not apt to penetrate into a thick substance . Weld , called in Latin Luteola ; when 't is ripe ( that is to say , in the flower ) it Dyeth ( with the help of Pot-ashes ) a deep Lemon colour , like unto Ranunculus , or Broom flower ; and either by the smalness of proportion put into the Liquor , or else by the slighter tincture , it Dyeth all Colours between White and the Yellow aforesaid . In the use of this material , Dyers use a cross , driven down into their Furnace with a screw to keep it down , so as the Cloth may have liberty in the supernatant Liquor , to be turned upon the Winch and kept out with the staves : This weed is much cultivated in Kent , for the use of the London-Dyers , it holdeth sufficiently well but against Urine and Tartarous Liquors . Painters Pinke is made of it . Wood wax , or Genista Tinctoria ( commonly called Grasing-weed by the Dyers , ) produces the same effect with Luteola , being used in greater quantities : It is seldome made use of as to Silk , Linnen , or Cottons , but only as to course-Cloths : It is also set with Pot-ashes or Urine , called by the Dyers Siggefustick ; of it there be two sorts , the young and the old : Fustick is chopt and ground , as the other Woods abovementioned are . The young Fustick Dyeth a kind of Reddish-Orang-colour ; the old , a Hair-colour with several degrees of yellowness between : It is used with slacked Lime . The Colours Dyed with old Fustick hold extreamly ; and are not to be discharged , will spend with Salts or without , and will work hot or cold . Soot of Wood. Soot containeth in it self both a Colour and Salt ; wherefore there is nothing added to it to extract its Colour , nor to make it strike upon the Stuff to be Dyed ; the natural Colour which it Dyeth of it self , is the Colour of Honey ; but is the foundation of many other Colours upon Wool and Cloth ; for to other things 't is not used . Woad is made of a Weed , sown upon strong new-broken Land , perfectly cleered from all stones and weeds , cut several times by the top leaves , then ground , or rather chopt with a peculiar Mill for that purpose ; which being done several times , it is made up in Balls and dryed in the Sun ; the dryer the year is , the better the Woad . When it is made up in Balls , it is broken again and laid in heaps , where if it heat to fast , it is sprinkled with ordinary water : but if it heat too slowly , then they throw on it a quantity of Lime , or Urine . But of the perfect cultivating and curing of Woad , we shall speak elsewhere . English Woad is counted the strongest , it is commonly tryed by staining of white Paper with it , or a white Limed wall , and if the Colour be a French-green it is good . Woad in use , is used with Pot-ashes commonly called Ware , which if it be double refin'd , is called hard Ware ( which is much the same with Kelp ) or Sea-weeds , calcin'd and burnt into the hardness of a stone , by reiterated Calcinations . Lime , or Calke which is strong Lime , is used to accelerate the fermentation of the Woad , which by the help of the same Pot-ashes and warm liquors kept alwayes so , in three or four dayes will come to work like a Kive of Beer , and will have a blew or rather greenish froth or flowry upon it , answering to the Yest of the Kive . Now the over quantity of Ware , fretting too much upon the Woad , is obtunded or dulled by throwing in Bran sometimes loose , sometimes in Baggs . The making and using Woad , is one of the most mysterious , nice , and hazardous operations in Dying : It is one of the most lasting Colours that is Dyed : An intense Woad-Colour is almost black , that is to say , of a Damson-colour ; this Colour is the foundation of so many others in its degree , that the Dyers have a certain Scale , or number of Stalls , whereby to compute the lightness and deepness of this Colour . Indico is made of a Weed of the same Nature with Woad , but more strong ; and whereas Woad is the whole substance of the Herb , Indico is only a mealy concrete juice or faecula dryed in the Sun , sometimes made up in flat Cakes , sometimes into round-balls , there be several sorts of Indico . Logwood is chopt and ground like other of the Woods abovementioned , it maketh a Purplishblew ; may be used without Allum : It hath been esteemed a most false and fading Colour ; but now being used with Galls , is far less complained of . General Observations upon DYING . FIrst , that all the materials ( which of themselves do give Colour ) are either Red , Yellow , or Blew , so that out of them , and the primitive fundamental Colour , White ; all that great variety which we see in Dyed Stuffs doth arise . 2. That few of the Coloring materials ( as Cochineil , Soot , Wood wax , Woad , ) are in their outward and first appearance of the same Colour , which by the slieghtest distempers and solutions in the weakest Menstrua , the Dye upon Cloth , Silk , &c. 3. That many of the Colouring materials will not yield their Colours without much grinding , steeping , boyling , fermenting , or corrosion by powerful Menstrua ; as Red-wood , Weld , Woad , Arnotto , &c. 4. That many of the said Coulouring materials will of themselves give no Colouring at all , as Copperas , or Galls , or with much disadvantage , unless the Cloth or other Stuff to be Dyed , be as it were , first covered or incrustated with some other matter , though Colour-less , aforehand , as Mather , Weld , Brasil with Allum . 5. That some of the said Colouring materials , by the help of other Colour-less Ingredients , do strike different Colours from what they would alone , and of themselves ; as Cochineil , Brasil , &c. 6. That some Colours , as Mather , Indico , and Woad , by reiterated tinctures , will at last become black . 7. That although Green be the most frequent and common of natural Colours , yet there is no simple ingredient , which is now used alone , to Dye Green with upon any Material ; Sap green ( being the condensated juyce of the Rhamnous Berry ) being the neerest ; the which is used by Country people . 8. There is no Black thing in use which dyes black ; though both the coal and soot of most things burnt or scorched be of that colour ; and the blacker , by how much the matter before it was burnt was whiter , as in the famous instance of Ivory-black . 9. The Tincture of some Dying Stuffs will fade even with lying , or with the Air , or will stain even with Water ; but very much with Wine , Vinegar , Urine , &c. 10. Some of the Dyers Materials are used to bind and strengthen a Colour , some to brighten it , some to give lustre to the stuff , some to discharge and take off the colour either in whole or in part , and some out of fraud , to make the Material Dyed ( if costly ) to be heavyer . 11. That some Dying Ingredients or Drugs , by the courseness of their bodies , make the thread of the dyed Stuff seem courser ; and some by shrinking them , smaller , and some by levigating their Asperities , finer . 12. Many of the same colours are dyed upon several Stuffs with several Materials ; as Red-wood used in Cloth , not in Silks ; Arnotto in Silks , not in Cloth ; and may be dyed at several prizes . 13. That Scowring and Washing of Stuffs to be dyed , is to be done with special Materials ; as sometimes with Ox-galls , sometimes with Fullers earth , sometimes with Soap : This latter being pernicious in some cases , where Pot-ashes will stain or alter the colour . 14. Where great quantities of Stuffs are to be dyed together , or where they are to be done with great speed , and where the pieces are very long , broad , thick , or otherwise , they are to be differently handled , both in respect to the Vessels and Ingredients . 15. In some Colours and Stuffs the Tingent Liquor must be boyling ; in other cases blood-warm ; in some it may be cold . 16. Some Tingent Liquors are fitted for use by long keeping ; and in some the vertue wears away by the same . 17. Some Colours or Stuffs are best dyed by reiterated Dippings ever into the same Liquor at several distances of time ; and some by continuing longer , and others lesser whiles therein . 18. In some cases the matter of the Vessel wherein the Liquors are heated , and the Tinctures prepared , must be regarded ; as the Kettles must be Pewter for Bow-dye . 19. There is little reckoning made how much Liquor is used in proportion to the dying Drugs ; the Liquor being rather adjusted to the bulk of the Stuff , as the Vessels are to the breadth of the same : The quantity of dying Drugs being proportioned to the colour higher or lower , and to the Stuffs both ; as likewise the Salts are to dying Drugs . Concerning the weight which Colours give to Silk ( for in them 't is most taken notice of , as being sold by weight , and being a Commodity of great price : ) It is observed , That one pound of raw Silk loseth four ounces by washing out the Gums and natural Sordes . That the same scowred Silk may be raised to above thirty ounces from the remaining twelve , if it be dyed black with some Materials . The reason why Black colour may be most heavy dyed , being because all gravitating Drugs may be dyed black , being all of colours lighter than it : whereas perhaps there are few or no Materials wherewith to increase the weight of Silk , which will consist with fair light colours ; such as will having been used , as white Arsenick to Incarnadives . Of a thing truly useful in Dying , especially of Blacks , nothing increases weight so much as Galls , by reason whereof Black Silks are restored to as much weight as they lost by washing out their Gum : Nor is it counted extraordinary , that Blacks should gain about four or six ounces in the Dying upon each pound . Next to Galls old Fustick increases the weight about 1 ½ in 12. Mather about one ounce . Weld half an ounce . The Blew-fat , in deep Blews of the fifth stall , gives no considerable weight . Neither doth Logwood , Cochineel , nor Arnotto : Nor doth Copperas it self , where Galls are not . I conceive much light would be given to the Philosophy of Dying , by careful Experiments of the weight added by each Drug or Salt in Dying of every colour . Slipp adds much to the weight , and giveth a deeper Black than Copperas it self ; which is a good excuse for the Dyers that use it . I have hitherto but mentioned the several Colorations used in Humane Affairs , Enumerated the several Materials used in one of them , namely , Dying ; and imperfectly described the several uses and applications of them in Dying . I have also set down some general Observations relating to that whole Trade . It remains now that we describe the several Vessels , Tools , and Utensils used in the same . And particularly to shew how any Colour assigned may be superinduced upon any kind of Material , as Wool , Linnen , Hair , Feathers , Cotton or Silk : And with what Advantages or Disadvantages of Lasting , Brightness , Cheapness , and Variety , &c. each may be performed . But this being infinite , and almost unteachable by words , as being incomparably more difficult , than how to imitate and compose any Colour assigned , out of the few , usually furnishing a Painters-palat ; I leave the whole to the further consideration of this Learned Society . THE HISTORY Of the Generation and Ordering of GREEN-OYSTERS , Commonly called Colchester-Oysters . IN the Month of May the Oysters cast their Spaun ( which the Dredgers call their Spat ; ) it is like to a drop of Candle , and about the bigness of a half-penny . The Spat cleaves to Stones , old Oyster-shells , pieces of Wood , and such like things , at the bottom of the Sea , which they call Cultch . 'T is probably conjectured , that the Spat in twenty four hours begins to have a Shell . In the Month of May the Dredgers ( by the Law of the Admiralty Court ) have liberty to catch all manner of Oysters , of what size soever . When they have taken them , with a knife they gently raise the small brood from the Cultch , and then they throw the Cultch in again , to preserve the ground for the future , unless they be so newly Spat that they cannot be safely severed from the Cultch , in that case they are permitted to take the stone or shell , &c. that the Spat is upon , one Shell having many times 20 Spats . After the Month of May it is Felony to carry away the Cultch , and punishable to take any other Oysters , unless it be those of size ( that is to say ) about the bigness of an half Crown piece , or when the two shells being shut , a fair shilling will rattle between them . The places where these Oysters are chiefly catcht , are called the Pont-Burnham , Malden , and Colne-Waters ; the latter taking its name from the River of Colne , which passeth by Colne-Chester , gives the name to that Town , and runs into a Creek of the Sea at a place called the Hythe , being the Suburbs of the Town . This Brood and other Oysters they carry to Creeks of the Sea at Brickel-Sea , Mersey , Langno , Fringrego , Wivenbo , Tolesbury , and Salt-coase , and there throw them into the Channel , which they call their Beds or Layers , where they grow and fatten , and in two or three years the smallest Brood will be Oysters of the size aforesaid . Those Oysters which they would have green , they put into Pits about three foot deep , in the Salt-Marshes , which are overflowed only at Spring-tides , to which they have Sluces , and let out the Salt-water until it is about a foot and half deep . These Pits from some quality in the Soil cooperating with the heat of the Sun , will become green , and communicate their colour to the Oysters that are put into them in four or five days , though they commonly let them continue there six Weeks , or two Months , in which time they will be of a dark green . To prove that the Sun operates in the greening , Tolesbury Pits will green only in Summer ; but that the Earth hath the greater power , Brickel-sea Pits green both Winter and Summer : and for a further proof , a Pit within a foot of a greening Pit will not green ; and those that did green very well , will in time lose their quality . The Oysters when the Tide comes in lie with their hollow shell downwards , and when it goes out they turn on the other side ; they remove not from their place unless in cold weather , to cover themselves in the Ouse . The reason of the scarcity of Oysters , and consequently of their dearness , is , because they are of late years bought up by the Dutch. There are great penalties by the Admiralty-Court , laid upon those that fish out of those grounds which the Court appoints , or that destroy the Cultch , or that take any Oysters that are not of size , or that do not tread under their feet , or throw upon the shore , a Fish which they call a Five-finger , resembling , a Spur-rowel , because that Fish gets into the Oysters when they gape , and sucks them out . The reason why such a penalty is set upon any that shall destroy the Cultch , is because they find that if that be taken away the Ouse will increase , and then Muscles and Cockles will breed there , and destroy the Oysters , they having not whereon to stick their Spat . The Oysters are sick after they have Spat ; but in Iune and Iuly they begin to mend , and in August they are perfectly well : The Male - Oyster is black-sick , having a black substance in the Fin ; the Female white-sick ( as they term it ) having a milky substance in the Fin. They are salt in the Pits , salter in the Layers , but saltest at Sea. In Composing Histories after this manner , they resolve to proceed , till they have not only obtain'd an Account of all the Great , and most substantial Trades ; but also of all the less Works , and Private Productions , which are confin'd to some particular Soyls , or Corporations , or Families . As this Stock shall increase , they purpose to make it of General use ; either by continual Printing the most remarkable of them , or by freely exposing them to the view of all , that desire such Informations ; provided , that at the same time they receive some , they will also Communicate others : And they have assured grounds of confidence , that when this attempt shall be compleated , it will be found to bring innumerable benefits to all practical Arts : When all the secrets of Manufactures shall be so discover'd , their Materials describ'd , their Instruments figur'd , their Products represented : It will soon be determin'd , how far they themselves may be promoted , and what new consequences may thence be deduc'd . Hereby we shall see whether all the parts of the most obvious Crafts have been brought to perfection ; and whether they may not assist each other , more than has been hitherto indeavour'd : Hereby we shall discern the compass , the power , the changes , the degrees , the ages of them all ; and speedily understand , whether their effects have been large enough , and the wayes of producing them sufficiently compendious . In short , by this help the worst Artificers will be well instructed , by considering the Methods , and Tools of the best : And the greatest Inventors will be exceedingly inlighten'd ; because they will have in their view the labours of many men , many places , and many times , wherewith to compare their own . This is the surest , and most effectual means , to inlarge the Invention : whose Nature is such , that it is apt to increase , not only by mens beholding the Works of greater , but of equal , nay of less Wits than themselves . In the whole progress of this Narration , I have been cautious to forbear Commending the labours of any Private Fellows of the Society . For this , I need not make any Apology to them ; seeing it would have been an inconsiderable Honour , to be prais'd by so mean a Writer : But now I must break this Law , in the particular case of Dr. Christopher Wren : For doing so , I will not alledge the excuse of my Friendship to him ; though that perhaps were sufficicient ; and it might well be allow'd me to take this occasion of Publishing it : But I only do it on the meer consideration of Justice : For in turning over the Registers of the Society , I perceiv'd that many excellent things , whose first Invention ought to be ascrib'd to him , were casually omitted : This moves me to do him right by himself , and to give this separate Account of his indeavours , in promoting the Design of the Royal Society , in the small time wherein he has had the opportunity of attending it . The first instance I shall mention , to which he may lay peculiar claim , is the Doctrine of Motion , which is the most considerable of all others , for establishing the first Principles of Philosophy , by Geometrical Demonstrations . This Des Cartes had before begun , having taken up some Experiments of this kind , upon Conjecture , and made them the first Foundation of his whole Systeme of Nature : But some of his Conclusions seeming very questionable , because they were only deriv'd from the gross Trials of Balls meeting one another at Tennis , and Billiards : Dr. Wren produc'd before the Society , an Instrument to represent the effects of all sorts of Impulses , made between two hard globous Bodies , either of equal , or of different bigness , and swiftness , following or meeting each other , or the one moving , the other at rest . From these varieties arose many unexpected effects ; of all which he demonstrated the true Theories , after they had been confirm'd by many hundreds of Experiments in that Instrument . These he propos'd as the Principles of all Demonstrations in Natural Philosophy : Nor can it seem strange , that these Elements should be of such Universal use ; if we consider that Generation , Corruption , Alteration , and all the Vicissitudes of Nature , are nothing else but the effects arising from the meeting of little Bodies , of differing Figures , Magnitudes , and Velocities . The Second Work which he has advanc'd , is the History of Seasons : which will be of admirable benefit to Mankind , if it shall be constantly pursued , and deriv'd down to Posterity . His proposal therefore was , to comprehend a Diary of Wind , Weather , and other conditions of the Air , as to Heat , Cold , and Weight ; and also a General Description of the Year , whether contagious or healthful to Men or Beasts ; with an Account of Epidemical Diseases , of Blasts , Mill-dews , and other accidents , belonging to Grain , Cattle , Fish , Fowl , and Insects . And because the difficulty of a constant Observation of the Air , by Night , and Day seem'd invincible , he therefore devis'd a Clock to be annex'd to a Weather-Cock , which mov'd a rundle , cover'd with Paper , upon which the Clock mov'd a black-lead-Pensil ; so that the Observer by the Traces of the Pencil on the Paper , might certainly conclude , what Winds had blown in his absence , for twelve hours space : After a like manner he contriv'd a Thermometer to be its own Register : And because the usual Thermometers were not found to give a true measure of the extention of the Air , by reason that the accidental gravity of the liquor , as it lay higher or lower in the Glass , weigh'd unequally on the Air , and gave it a farther contraction or extension , over and above that which was produc'd by heat and cold ; therefore he invented a Circular Thermometer , in which the liquor occasions no fallacy , but remains alwayes in one height moving the whole Instrument , like a Wheel on its Axis . He has contriv'd an Instrument to measure the quantities of Rain that falls : This as soon as it is full , will pour out it self , and at the years end discover how much Rain has fallen on such a space of Land , or other hard superficies , in order to the Theory of Vapours , Rivers , Seas , &c. He has devis'd many subtil wayes for the easier finding the gravity of the Atmosphere , the degrees of drought and moysture , and many of its other accidents . Amongst these Instruments there are Balances which are usefull to other purposes , that shew the weight of the Air by their spontaneous inclination . Amongst the new Discoveries of the Pendulum , these are to be attributed to him , that the Pendulum in its motion from rest to rest ; that is , in one descent and ascent , moves unequally in equal times , according to a line of sines : That it would continue to more either in Circular , or Eliptical Motions ; and such Vibrations would have the same Periods with those that are reciprocal ; and that by a complication of several Pendulums depending one upon another , there might be represented motions like the Planetary Helical Motions , or more intricate : And yet that these Pendulums would discover without confusion ( as the Planets do ) three or four several Motions , acting upon one Body with differing Periods ; and that there may be produc'd a Natural Standard for Measure from the Pendulum for vulgar use . He has invented many ways to make Astronomical Observations more acurate and easie : He has fitted and hung Quadrants , Sextants , and Radii , more commodiously than formerly : He has made two Telescopes , to open with a joynt like a Sector , by which Observers may infallibly take a distance to half minutes , and find no difference in the same Observation reiterated several times ; nor can any warping or luxation of the Instrument hinder the truth of it . He has added many sorts of Retes , Screws , and other devises to Telescopes , for taking small distances and apparent diamets to Seconds . He has made apertures to take in more or less light , as the Observer pleases , by opening and shutting like the pupil of the eye , the better to fit Glasses to Crepusculine Observations : He has added much to the Theory of Dioptrics ; much to the Manufacture it self of grinding good Glasses . He has attempted , and not without success , the making of Glasses of other forms than Spherical . He has exactly measur'd and delineated the Spheres of the humors in the Eie , whose proportions one to another were only ghess'd at before . This accurate discussion produc'd the reason , why we see things erected , and that Reflection conduces as much to Vision as Refraction . He discours'd to them a Natural and easie Theory of Refraction , which exactly answer'd every Experiment . He fully demonstrated all Dioptrics in a few Propositions , shewing not only ( as in Keplers Dioptrics ) the common properties of Glasses , but the proportions by which the individual Raies cut the Axis , and each other ; upon which the Charges ( as they are usually called ) of Telescopes , or the proportion of the Eye-glasses and Apertures are demonstrably discover'd . He has made constant Observations on Saturn ; and a Theory of that Planet , truly answering all Observations , before the printed Discourse of Hugonius on that subject appear'd . He has essay'd to make a true Selenography by measure ; the world having nothing yet but pictures , rather than Surveighs or Maps of the Moon . He has stated the Theory of the Moons Libration , as far as his Observations could carry him . He has compos'd a Lunar Globe , representing not only the spots , and various degrees of whiteness upon the surface , but the hills , eminencies , and cavities moulded in solid work . The Globe thus fashioned into a true model of the Moon , as you turn it to the light represents all the Menstrual phases , with the variety of appearances that happen from the shadows of the Mountains and Valleys He has made Maps of the Pleiades , and other Telescopical Stars ; and propos'd Methods to determine the great doubt of the Earths motion or rest , by the small Stars about the Pole to be seen in large Telescopes . In order to Navigation he has carefully pursu'd many Magnetical Experiments ; of which this is one of the noblest and most fruitful of Speculation . A large Terella is plac'd in the midst of a Plane Board , with a hole into which the Terella is half immers'd , till it be like a Globe , with the Poles in the Horizon . Then is the Plane dusted over with steel-filings equally from a Sieve : The Dust by the Magnetical virtue is immediatly figur'd into Furrows , that bend like a sort of Helix , proceeding as it were out of one Pole , and returning into the other : And the whole Plane is thus figur'd like the Circles of a Planisphere . It being a Question amongst the Problems of Navigation , very well worth resolving , to what Mechanical powrs the Sailing ( against the wind especially ) was reducible ; he shew'd it to be a Wedge : And he demonstrated how a transient Force upon an oblique Plane , would cause the motion of the Plane against the first Mover . And he made an Instrument , that Mechanically produc'd the same effect , and shew'd the reason of Sayling to all Winds . The Geometrical Mechanics of Rowing , he shew'd to be a Vectis on a moving or cedent Fulcrum . For this end he made Instruments , to find what the expansion of Body was towards the hindrance of Motion in a Liquid Medium ; and what degree of impediment was produc'd , by what degree of expansion : with other things that are the necessary Elements for laying down the Geometry of Sailing , Swimming , Rowing , Fl●ing , and the Fabricks of Ships . He has invented a very curious and exceeding speedy way of Etching . He has started several things towards the emendation of Water works . He has made Instruments of Respiration , and for straining the breath from fuliginous vapours , to try whether the same breath so purify'd will serve again . He was the first Inventor of drawing Pictures by Microscopical Glasses . He has found out perpetual , at least long-liv'd Lamps , and Registers of Furnaces , and the like , for keeping a perpetual temper , in order to various uses ; as hatching of Eggs , Insects , production of Plants , Chymical Praeparations , imitating Nature in producing Fossils and Minerals , keeping the motion of Watches equal , in order to Longitudes and Astronomical uses , and infinite other advantages . He was the first Author of the Noble Anatomical Experiment of Injecting Liquors into the Veins of Animals . An Experiment now vulgarly known ; but long since exhibited to the Meetings at Oxford , and thence carried by some Germans , and publish'd abroad . By this Operation divers Creatures were immediately purg'd , vomited , intoxicated , kill'd , or reviv'd , according to the quality of the Liquor injected : Hence arose many new Experiments , and chiefly that of Transfusing Blood , which the Society has prosecuted in sundry Instances , that will probably end in extraordinary Success . This is a short account of the Principal Discoveries which Dr. Wren has presented or suggested to this Assembly . I know very well , that some of them he did only start and design ; and that they have been since carry'd on to perfection , by the Industry of other hands . I purpose not to rob them of their share in the honour : Yet it is but reasonable , that the original Invention should be ascrib'd to the true Author , rather than the Finishers . Nor do I fear that this will be thought too much , which I have said concerning him : For there is a peculiar reverence due to so much excellence cover'd with so much modesty . And it is not Flattery but honesty , to give him his just praise ; who is so far from usurping the fame of other men , that he indeavours with all care to conceal his own . I have now perform'd my Promise , and drawn out of the Papers of the Society , an Epitome of the chief Works they have conceiv'd in their minds , or reduc'd into Practice . If any shall yet think they have not usefully employ'd their time , I shall be apt to suspect , that they understand not what is meant by a diligent and profitable labouring about Nature . There are indeed some men who will still condemn them for being idle ; unless they immediately profess to have found out the Squaring of the Circle , or the Philosophers Stone , or some other such mighty Nothings . But if these are not satisfied with what the Society has done , they are only to blame the extravagance of their own Expectations . I confess I cannot boast of such pompous Discoveries : They promise no Wonders , nor endeavour after them : Their Progress has been equal , and firm , by Natural degrees , and thorow small things , as well as great : They go leisurably on ; but their slowness is not caus'd by their idleness , but care . They have contriv'd in their thoughts , and couragiously begun an Attempt , which all Ages had despair'd of . It is therefore fit that they alone , and not others , who refuse to partake of their burden , should be Judges by what steps , and what pace , they ought to proceed . Such men are then to be intreated not to interrupt their Labors with impertinent rebukes ; they are to remember , that the Subject of their Studies is as large as the Vnivers : and that in so vast an Enterprise , many intervals and disappointments must be recon'd upon . Though they do not behold that the Society has already fill'd the world with perfect Sciences ; yet they are to be inform'd , that the nature of their Work requir'd that they should first begin with immethodical Collections and indigested Experiments , before they go on to finish and compose them into Arts. In which Method they may well be justified , seeing they have the Almighty Creator himself for an Example : For he at first produc'd a confus'd and scatter'd Light ; and reserv'd it to be the work of another day , to gather and fashion it into beautiful Bodies . The End of the Second Part. THE HISTORY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY . The THIRD PART . THough it be certain , that the promoting of Experiments according to this Idaea , cannot injure the Virtue , or Wisdom of Mens minds , or their former Arts , and Mechanical Practices ; or their establish'd wayes of life : Yet the perfect innocence of this design , has not been able to free it from the Cavill of the Idle , and the Malicious ; nor from the jealousies of Private Interests . These groundless prejudices of the particular Professions , and Ranks of Men , I am now in the Last place to remove ; and to shew that there is no Foundation for them : To suspect the Change , which can be made by this Institution ; or the new things it it likely to produce . That it will probably be the Original of many new things , I am so far from denying , that I chearfully acknowledge it . Nor am I frighted at that , which is wont to be objected in this Case , the hazard of alteration , and Novelty . For if all things that are new be destructive , all the several means , and degrees , by which Mankind has risen to this perfection of Arts , were to be condemn'd . If to be the Author of new things , be a crime ; how will the first Civilizers of Men , and makers of Laws , and Founders of Governments escape ? Whatever now delights us in the Works of Nature , that excells the rudeness of the first Creation , is New. Whatever we see in Cities , or Houses , above the first wildness of Fields , and meaness of Cottages , and nakedness of Men , had its time , when this imputation of Novelty , might as well have bin laid to its charge . It is not therefore an offence , to profess the introduction of New things , unless that which is introduc'd prove pernicious in itself ; or cannot be brought in , without the extirpation of others , that are better . And that Experimental Knowledge , will not expose us to these dangers , I am next to declare , in a Universal Apology for its intentions , and effects . This was the Third Portion , which I at first reserv'd , for the Conclusion of my Discourse . Yet casting my eyes back , I find , that I have already on several occasions prevented my self ; and said many things as I came along , which would have bin more proper for this place . But I desire that my Reader would interpret this to have proceeded from the Nature of my Subject , of which it is hard to Write a plain History , without falling sometimes unawares into its Praise . And now I will proceed to a fuller , and more solemn Defence : In which , I will try to prove , that the increase of Experiments will be so far from hurting , that it will be many waies advantageous , above other Studies , to the wonted Courses of Education ; to the Principles , and instructions of the minds of Men in general ; to the Christian Religion , to the Church of England ; to all Manual Trades ; to Physic ; to the Nobility , and Gentry ; and the Universal Interest of the whole Kingdom . In all which Particulars , I hope I shall represent this Model , to be inoffensive to all the various wayes of Living , already in use : and thereby I shall secure all the Ancient Proprietors in their Rights : A work as necessary to be done , in raysing a new Philosophy as we see it is in building a new London . The First prejudice I am to wipe away , concerns the usual wayes of Education . For it is an obvious doubt ; whether so great a change in Works , and Opinions , may not have some fatal consequence , on all the former Methods of Teaching , which have bin long setled , and approv'd by much Custom . And here many Good Men of severe , and ancient manners , may seem to have reason , when they urge against us ; that the Courses of Trayning up of Youth , ought to be still the same ; that if they be subverted , or multiply'd , much confusion will follow ; and that this our Universal Inquiry into things hitherto unquestion'd , can never be made , without disturbing such establish'd Rules of Discipline , and Instruction . For a General Answer to this , it might suffice to declare , that in this Institution , Men are not ingag'd in these Studies , till the Course of Education be fully compleated : that the Art of Experiments , is not thrust into the hands of Boyes , or set up to be perform'd by Beginners in the School ; but in an Assembly of Men of Ripe years : who while they begin a new Method of Knowledge , which shall consist of Works , and is therefore most proper for Men : they still leave to Learners , and Children , the old talkative Arts which best fit the younger Age. From hence it must follow , that all the various manners of Education , will remain undisturb'd ; because the practises of them , and the labors of this , are not appointed to meet in the same Age , or Persons . But if this will not satisfy our Adversaries , let us proceed to consider the different Parts of Education : and then we shall be able to make the surer Conjectures , what manner of Influence , new Experiments will have upon it . Education Consists in divers Rules , and Practises , whereby men are furnish'd for all the several Courses of Life , to which they may apply themselves . Of these praeparatory Arts , some concern the Body , some the Mind . Those of the Body have no relation to my present Argument : Of those of the Mind , some intend the purity , and Ornament of Speech : Some the Knowledge of the Actions of former , and present Times : Some the Government , and Virtu of our Lives : Some the Method of reas'ning : Some the skill in the motions and measures of the Hevens , and the Earth , and all this great Frame of Visible things . First then I will make no scruple to acquit Experimental Philosophy , from having any ill effects , on the usual Arts , whereby we are taught the Purity , and Elegance of Languages . Whatever discoveries shall appear to us afresh , out of the hidden things of Nature , the same words , and the same waies of Expression will remain . Or if perhaps by this means , any change shall be made herein ; it can be only for the better ; by supplying mens Tongues , with very many new things , to be nam'd , and adorn'd , and describ'd in their discourse . Nor can there be any more jealousie concerning the Moral , and Political Rules of ordering mens lives . But they may still have the same influence , and authority , and may be propos'd to our imitation , by the same praecepts , and arguments , of persuasion . It is also as manifest , that the Art of teaching the Actions of former Ages ; can from hence receive no dammage , or alteration . This cannot be otherwise ; seeing the Subjects of Natural , and Civil History do not cross each other ; nor does the New Philosophy of Nature more interfere , with the Historys of Men , and Government , than the Old , of which this doubt was never rays'd . Thus far then we are secure . These great , and fundamental Parts of Education , the Instruments of mens Expressing , and Ruling their own minds , and searching into the Actions of others , will be unalter'd , whatever new changes of Opinions may arise about Natural Things . Let us next go on to consider the Arts of Demonstration , and Argumentation , in which consists one of the most weighty Parts of youthful Studies . First for all the Mathematical Sciences , they will still remain the same , and still continue to be learn'd , and taught , in the same Systemes , and Methods as before . Nothing that can now be discover'd will subvert , but rather Confirm what is already well built on those immoveable principles . As they came down to us without detriment , through all the corrupt Times of Learning ; so they will certainly now continue uncorrupt , at this present , when Learning is restor'd . Seing they could not be destroy'd in the Ignorant Ages , they will be in no fear , at this time , by this Institution , which designs not only to inlarge them , but to promote the same rigid way of Conclusion in all other Natural things , which only the Mathematics have hitherto maintaind . Now then , this whole controversy is reduc'd to the alteration , which the Logic , and physics of the Ancients , may receive by this change . As for their Metaphysics , they scarce deserve to have a place allow'd them in this consideration . Nor does that prevail with mee , which the Lovers of that Cloudy Knowledge are wont to boast , that it is an excellent instrument to refine , and make subtil the minds of men . For there may be a greater Excess in the subtilty of mens wits , than in their thickness : as we see those threads , which are of too fine a spinning , are found to be more useless , than those which are homespun , and gross . Logic is the Art of Conceiving , Arguing , and Method . And notwithstanding all the progress which may happen in Natural Knowledge , all the several parts of Reas'ning , which it teaches in all manner of business , will continue the same . The operations , and powers of the mind will still be the same : they will still be subject to the same errors : they will still use the same degrees of Arguing from particular things , to propositions , and conclusions ; and therefore they will still require the same means , and exercises for direction . It is not the complaint of the promoters of Experiments , that men have bin wanting to themselves , in regulating , disposing , or judging of their own thoughts . Nay they rather condemn them , for being wholy imployd about the productions of their own minds , and neglecting all the works of Nature , that are without them . It cannot therefore be suspected that these Inquisitive Men , should busy themselves , about altering the Art of Discours , wherin they judge that mankind has bin already rather too Curious , than negligent . The Last part that I shall mention , of the Learning that is taught , is the Systeme of Natural Philosophy . And it is in this alone , that I can allow , there will be any alteration made , by this reformation of Knowledge . But yet the change will be so advantageous , that I have no reason to dissemble it . I grant indeed that the greatest part of the former Body of Physics , may hereby chance to fall to the ground . But to what sum will the dammage amount ? What can we lose , but only some few definitions , and idle questions , and empty disputations ? Of which I may say as one did of Metaphors , Poterimus vivere sine illis . Perhaps there will be no more use of Twenty , or Thirty obscure Terms , such as Matter , and Form , Privation , Entelichia , and the like . But to supply their want , and infinit variety of Inventions , Motions , and Operations , will succeed in the place of words . The Beautiful Bosom of Nature will be Expos'd to our view : we shall enter into its Garden , and tast of its Fruits , and satisfy our selves with its plenty : insteed of Idle talking , and wandring , under its fruitless shadows ; as the Peripatetics did in their first institution , and their Successors have done ever since . Thus for I have briefly examin'd the influence of new Experiments , or all the chief Parts of Education . And after all the Innovation , of which they can be suspected , we find nothing will be indanger'd , but only the physics of Antiquity : wherein we also behold , that many things of greater concernment , will arise , to supply the place of what shall be cut away . By this discours , I hope , I have said enough , to manifest the innocence of this Design in respect of all the present Schools of Learning ; and especially our own Vniversities . And it was but just , that we should have this tenderness , for the Interest of those magnificent Seats of humane Knowledge , and divine ; to which the Natural Philosophy of our Nation , cannot be injurious without horrible ingratitude ; seeing in them it has been principally cherish'd , and reviv'd . From thence the greatest part of our Modern Inventions have deduc'd their Original . It is true such Experimental Studies are largely dispers'd at this time : But they first came forth thence , as the Colonies of old did from Rome : and therefore as those did , they should rather intend the strength , than the destruction of their Mother-Cities . I confess there have not bin wanting some forward Assertors of new Philosophy , who have not us'd any kind of Moderation towards them : But have presently concluded , that nothing can be well-done in new Discoveries , unless all the Ancient Arts be first rejected , and their Nurseries abolish'd . But the rashness of these mens proceedings , has rather prejudic'd , than advanc'd , what they make shew to promote . They have come as furiously to the purging of Philosophy , as our Modern Zealots did to the reformation of Religion . And the one Party is as justly to be condem'd , as the other . Nothing will suffice either of them , but an utter Destruction , Root and Branch , of whatever has the face of Antiquity . But as the Vniversities have withstood the fierceness of the ones zeal without knowledge ; so there is no doubt , but they will also prevail against the violence of the others pretences to knowledge without prudence . But now after I have shewn that all the receiv'd forms of Education will be safe , I shall make no scruple to add my conjecture , that it could be no hindrance to the minds of men , if besides those courses of Studies which are now follow'd , there were also trial made of some other more practical ways , to prepare their minds for the world , and the businesses of human life . It is not enough to urge against this , that the multiplicity of Methods would hinder and confound the Spirits of young men ; for it is apparent that nothing more suppresses the Genius of Learners , than the formality , and the confinement of the Precepts , by which they are instructed . To this purpose I will venture to propose to the consideration of wise men , whether this way of Teaching by Practise and Experiments , would not at least be as beneficial , as the other by Vniversal Rules ? Whether it were not as profitable to apply the eyes , and the hands of Children , to see , and to touch all the several kinds of sensible things , as to oblige them to learn , and remember the difficult Doctrines of general Arts ? In a word , Whether a Mechanical Education would not excel the Methodical ? This certainly is no new device : For it was that which Plato intended ; when he injoin'd his Scholars to begin with Geometry ; whereby , without question , he design'd , that his Disciples should first handle Material Things , and grow familiar to visible Objects , before they enter'd on the retir'd Speculations of other more abstracted Sciences . According to this counsail of the Father of Philosophers , it would not be amiss , if before yong Scholars be far ingag'd in the beaten tracks of the Scholes , the Mysteries of Manual Arts , the names of their Instruments , the secrets of their Operations , the effects of Natural causes , the several kinds of Beasts , of Birds , of Fishes , of Plants , of Stones , of Minerals , of Earths , of Waters , and all their common Virtues and Qualities , were propos'd to be the subjects of their first thoughts and observations . It may be here suggested , That the vast number of such particulars will soon overwhelm their tender minds , before they are well establish'd by time , and use . But on the contrary it is evident , that the Memories of Youth are fitter to retain such sensible images , than those of a fuller age . It is Memory that has most vigour in Children , and Iudgment in Men : which if rightly consider'd , will confirm what I said , that perhaps we take a praeposterous cours in Education , by teaching General Rules , before Particular Things : and that therein we have not a sufficient Regard , to the different advantages of Youth and Manhood . We load the minds of Children with Doctrines , and Praecepts , to apprehend which they are most unfit , by reason of the weakness of their understandings ; wheras they might with more profit be exercis'd in the consideration of visible and sensible things ; of whose impressions they are most capable , because of the strength of their Memories , and the perfection of their Senses . The first years of men being thus freed from any apprehensions of mischief by new Experiments : I will now proceed more boldly to bring them in amidst the Throngs , and Crowds of human business ; and to declare to all Professions , and practical Lives , that they can receive no ill impressions from them , but that they will be the most beneficial and proper Studies , for their praeparation and direction . And to this purpose , I will treat of their usefulness , both in respect of mens public practise , and the privat government of their own minds . As to the first , it has bin an old complaint , that has bin long manag'd by men of business , against many sorts of Knowledge , that our thoughts are thereby infected with such conceptions , as make them more unfit for action , than they would have bin , if they were wholly left to the force of their own Nature . The common Accusations against Learning are such as these ; That it inclines men to be unsetled , and contentious ; That it takes up more of their time , than men of business ought to bestow ; That it makes them Romantic , and subject to frame more perfect images of things , than the things themselves will bear ; That it renders them overweening , unchangeable , and obstinat ; That thereby men become averse from a practical cours , and unable to bear the difficulties of action ; That it emploies them about things , which are no where in use in the world ; and , That it draws them to neglect and contemn their own present times , by doting on the past . But now I will maintain , that in every one of these dangers Experimental Knowledge is less to be suspected than any other ; That in most of them ( if not all ) it is absolutely innocent ; nay , That it contains the best remedies for the distempers which some other sorts of Learning are thought to bring with them . The first Objection against Knowledge , of which I shall take notice in the active part of life is this , That it makes men too plentiful in their thoughts ; too inventive , and cavilling in their Arguments ; and so rather teaches them to be witty in objecting , than ready in resolving , and diligent in performing . I confess the Ancient Philosophy will hardly be able to vindicate it self from this charge : For its chief purpose is to enlarge the fancy , and to fill the head with the matter and artifice of discours . But this cannot any way touch the Art of Experiments . That consists not in Topicks of reas'ning , but of working : That indeed is full of doubting and inquiry , and will scarce be brought to settle its assent : But it is such a doubting as proceeds on Trials , and not on Arguments . That does neither practise nor cherish this humor of disputing , which Breaks the force of things by the subtilty of words ; as Seneca was said to do by his style : It weakens mens arms , and slackens all the sinews of action : For so it commonly happens , that such earnest disputers evaporate all the strength of their minds in arguing , questioning , and debating ; and tire themselves out before they come to the Practise . The next accusation is , That so many intricate paths , and spacious windings of Learning , will require more time than can be spar'd by men of active and busy lives . The belief of this has always made a wide divorce between men of knowledge and action ; while both have thought , that they must either be wholly Scholars , or wholly men of business ; and that an excellence in both these courses can never be obtain'd by human wit. 'T is true indeed , there is no Knowledge or Science that can be acquitted from being too large , if their Professors have not the discretion to know how far to proceed , and what moderation is to be us'd in every Study . There is in the least Art enough matter , about which if men shall resolve to trouble their brains all their lives , one question and difficulty will perpetually beget another , and so ( as one of the Ancients sayes ) Ipsa tractatio , & questio quotidiè ex se gignet aliquid , quod cum desidiosâ delectatione vestiges . To this danger perhaps Experiments may seem most expos'd , by reason of the infinit multitude of particulars , and innumerable variations of inquiries , that may be made . But the Royal Society has prevented this mischief , by the number and succession of those that shall undertake the work . They require not the whole time of any of their Members , except only of their Curators : From the rest they expect no more but what their business , nay even their very recreations can spare . It is the continuance and perpetuity of such Philosophical labours , to which they principally trust ; which will both allow a sufficient relaxation to all the particular laborers , and will also give good assurance of the happy issue of their work at the last : For though that be true , which the Great Physician laments , That Art is long , and Life is short ; yet many Lives of studious and industrious men in one Age , and the succession of many Lives of such men in all future Ages , will undoubtedly prove as long as Art it self . They farther object against Learning , That it makes our minds too lofty and Romantic , and inclines them to form more perfect imaginations of the matters we are to practise , than the matters themselves will bear . I cannot deny , but a meer contemplative man is obnoxious to this error : He converses chiefly in his Closet , with the heads and notions of things , and so discerns not their bottoms neer and distinctly enough : And thence he is subject to overlook the little circumstances , on which all human actions depend . He is still reducing all things to standing Doctrines ; and therefore must needs be liable to neglect the opportunities , to set upon business too soon , or too late ; to put those things together in his mind , which have no agreement in Nature . But this above all is his greatest danger , that thinking it still becomes him to go out of the ordinary way , and to refine and heighten the conceptions of the vulgar , he will be ready to disdain all the Natural and easy ways of Practice , and to believe that nothing ought to be done , though never so common , but by some device of Art , and trick of unusual wisdome . From these inconveniences the Experimenter is secure : He invents not what he does out of himself ; but gathers it from the footsteps and progress of Nature . He looks on every thing standing equal to it , and not as from a higher ground : He labors about the plain and undigested objects of his senses , without considering them as they are joyn'd into common Notions . He has an opportunity of understanding the most natural ways by which all things are produc'd . He cleerly beholds all the secret accidents and turnings , advantages and failings of Nature . He indevors rather to know , than to admire ; and looks upon admiration , not as the end , but the imperfection of our knowledge . The next hindrance of Action , is an obstinacy of resolution , and a want of Dexterity , to change our apprehensions of things according to occasions . This is the more destructive , because it carries with it the most solemn appearance of Wisdom . There is scarce any thing that renders a man so useless , as a pervers sticking to the same things in all times , because he has somtimes found them to have bin in season . But now in this , there is scarce any comparison to be made , between him who is only a thinking man ; and a man of experience . The first does commonly establish his constant Rules , by which he will be guided : The later makes none of his opinions irrevocable . The one if he mistakes , receives his errors from his Vnderstanding ; the other only from his Senses ; and so he may correct , and alter them with more ease . The one fixes his opinions as soon ; the other doubts as long as he can . The one chiefly strives to be unmovable in his mind : The other to enlarge , and amend his knowledge : And from hence the one is inclin'd to be praesumptuous , the other modest in his judgement . The next pretence , on which men of Learning are wont to be vilified , is , that they use to be so much affected , with the pleasant musings of their own thoughts , as to abhor the roughness , and toyl of business . This accusation I confess , is not altogether groundless . The solitary imaginations of Speculative Men are of all other the most easy : there a man meets with little stubborness of matter : he may choose his subject where he likes ; he may fashion and turn it as he pleases : whereas when he comes abroad into the world , he must indure more contradiction : more difficulties are to be overcome ; and he cannot always follow his own Genius : so that it is not to be wonder'd , that so many great Wits have despis'd the labor of a practical cours ; and have rather chosen to shut themselves up from the nois and preferments of the World , to convers in the shadow with the pleasant productions of their own fancies . And this perhaps is the reason why the most extraordinary men of Arts in all Ages , are generally observ'd to be the greatest Humorists : They are so full of the sweetness of their own conceptions , that they become morose , when they are drawn from them , they cannot easily make their minds ductil and pliable to others tempers , and so they appear untractable , and unskilful in conversation . From this I shall also free the Experimental Philosopher . The satisfaction that he finds , is not imaginary , but real : It is drawn from things that are not out of the world , but in it : It does not carry him farther off , but brings him neerer to Practice . 'T is true , that Knowledge which is only founded on thoughts and words , has seldom any other end , but the breeding and increasing of more thoughts and words : But that which is built on Works ( as his will be ) will naturally desire to discover , to augment , to apply , to communicate it self by more Works . Nor can it be thought , that his mind will be made to languish by this pleasure of observation , and to have any aversion from the difficulty and tediousness of human affairs ; seing his way of observation itself is so laborious . It is a good Precept , which is wont to be given , in respect of all sorts of Exercises , that they should be at least as hard and toilsom , as that Art which we strive to gain by them . And by this rule Experiments are an excellent preparation towards any habit or faculty of life whatsoever . For what thing , which can be effected by mortal Industry , can seem impossible to him who has been ingag'd in these Studies , which require such an indefatigable watchfulness ? What can overcome his diligence , who has bin able to sustain with patience the escapes ; the delaies , the labyrinths of Nature ? whom the repetition of so many labors , so many failings , with which he meets , and so long attendance could not tire ? Another Principal mischief to be avoided , is the conformity of our Actions to times past , and not the present . This extravagance is generally imputed to studious men ; and they cannot be wholly acquitted from it . For while they continue heaping up in their Memories the customs of past Ages , they fall insensibly to imitate them , without any manner of care how sutable they are to Times and Things . The grounds of this mistake will be worth our discovering , because in mens opinions it does so much prejudice to the learned part of the World. In the ancient Authors which they turn over , they find descriptions of Vertues more perfect than indeed they were : the Governments are represented better , and the waies of life pleasanter than they deserv'd . Upon this , these Bookish wise men strait compare what they read with what they see : and here beholding nothing so heroically transcendent , because they are able to mark all the spots , as well as beauties of every thing , that is so close to their sight , they presently begin to despise their own times , to exalt the past , to contemn the virtues and aggravate the vices of their Country ; not indeavoring to amend them , but by such examples as are now unpracticable , by reason of the alteration of Men and Manners . For this defect , Experiments are a sovereign cure : They give us a perfect sight of what is before us ; they bring us home to our selves ; they make us live in England , and not in Athens or Sparta ; at this present time , and not three thousand years ago : though they permit us to reflect on what has bin done in former Ages ; yet they make us chiefly to regard and contemplat the things that are in our view . This certainly is conformable to the Design of Nature it self ; which though it has fram'd our bodies in that manner , that we may easily upon occasion turn about to look behind us ; yet it has plac'd the Eies , the chief instruments of observation , not in our Backs , but in our Foreheads . The last failing which is wont to be imputed to Learned men , is want of use , and fear of practice , and a conversing with things in their Studies , which they meet with no where else . It may now perhaps be thought , that an Experimenter is as inclinable to these weaknesses , as he that only contemplates ; becaus they both keep out of the way , in the shaddow ; the one in his Library , arguing , objecting , defending , concluding with himself : the other in his Work-hous , with such Tools and Materials , whereof many perhaps are not publickly in use . Let us then consider which of them is most to be blam'd for conversing with matters unlike those that we meet with in Civil affairs ? and which most abounds with fears and doubts , and mistaken idaeas of things ? It cannot be denied , but the men of Reading do very much busy themselves about such conceptions , which are no where to be found out of their own Chambers . The sense , the custom , the practice , the judgement of the world , is quite a different thing from what they imagine it to be in private . And therefore it is no wonder , if when they come abroad into business , the sight of Men , the Tumult and nois of Cities , and the very brightness of Day it self affright them : Like that Rhetorician , who having bin us'd to declaim in the shade of a School , when he came to plead a true cause in the open Air , desir'd the Judges to remove their Seat under some roof , because the light offended him . But now on the other side , the men of Works and Experiments perhaps do not alwaies handle the very same Subjects that are acted on the stage of the World ; yet they are such as have a very great resemblance to them . It is matter , a visible and sensible matter , which is the object of their labors : And the same is also us'd by men of practical lives . This likeness of their Imployments will soon make the one excel in the other . For it is far easier for him who has been conversant in one sort of works to apply himself to any other ; than for him who has only thought much , to turn a man of Practice : as he that can paint the face of a Man or a Lion , will much sooner come to draw any other Creature ; than he who has all the Rules of Limning in his head , but never yet us'd his hand to lay on a Colour . And as for the terrors and misapprehensions which commonly confound weaker minds , and make mens hearts to fail and boggle at Trifles ; there is so little hope of having them remov'd by Speculation alone , that it is evident they were first produc'd by the most contemplative men amongst the Ancients ; and chiefly prevail'd of late years , when that way of Learning florish'd . The Poets began of old to impose the deceit . They to make all things look more venerable than they were , devis'd a thousand false Chimaeras ; on every Field , River , Grove , and Cave , they bestow'd a Fantasm of their own making : With these they amaz'd the world ; these they cloath'd with what shapes they pleas'd ; by these they pretended , that all Wars , and Counsails , and Actions of men were administred . And in the modern Ages these Fantastical Forms were reviv'd , and possess'd Christendom , in the very height of the Scholemens time : An infinit number of Fairies haunted every house ; all Churches were fill'd with Apparitions ; men began to be frighted from their Cradles , which fright continu'd to their Graves , and their Names also were made the causes of scaring others . All which abuses if those acute Philosophers did not promote , yet they were never able to overcome ; nay , even not so much as King Oberon and his invisible Army . But from the time in which the Real Philosophy has appear'd , there is scarce any whisper remaining of such horrors : Every man is unshaken at those Tales , at which his Ancestors trembled : The cours of things goes quietly along , in its own true channel of Natural Causes and Effects . For this we are beholden to Experiments ; which though they have not yet completed the discovery of the true world , yet they have already vanquish'd those wild inhabitants of the false worlds , that us'd to astonish the minds of men . A Blessing for which we ought to be thankful , if we remember , that it is one of the greatest Curses that God pronounces on the wicked , That they shall fear where no fear is . From what I have said , may be gather'd , That Experimental Philosophy will prevent mens spending the strength of their thoughts about Disputes , by turning them to Works : That it may well be attended by the united Labors of many , without wholly devouring the time of those that labor : That it will cure our minds of Romantic swelling , by shewing all things familiarly to them , just as large as they are : That it will free them from perversity , by not permitting them to be too peremptory in their Conclusions : That it accustoms our hands to things which have a neer resemblance to the business of life ; and , That it draws away the shadows which either inlarge or darken human affairs . And indeed of the usual titles by which men of business are wont to be distinguish'd , the Crafty , the Formal , and the Prudent ; The Crafty may answer to the Empyric in Philosophy ; that is , he is such a one who has a great collection of particular Experiences , but knows not how to use them but to base and low ends . The Formal man may be compar'd to the meer Speculative Philosopher : For he vainly reduces every thing to grave and solemn general Rules , without discretion , or mature deliberation . And lastly , the Prudent man is like him who proceeds on a constant and solid cours of Experiments . The one in Civil life neither wholly rejects the Wisdom of Ancient or Modern times : The other in Philosophy has the same reverence for former Ages , and regard for the present . The one does not rest upon empty prudence , but designs it for action : the other does the same with his discoveries : upon a just , severe , and deliberate examination of things , they both rays their Observations , which they do not suffer to lye idle , but use them to direct the actions , and supply the wants of human life . Besides what I have said of the help , which Experiments will bring to our public duties , and civil actions : I promis'd to add something , concerning the assistance , that they are able to give , towards the management of the privat motions , and passions of our minds : Of this I need say the less , because there is amongst the Philosophers , a particular Science appointed for this purpose , to prescribe rules for calming our affections , and conquering our vices . However I will not wholly pass it over in silence . But I will try in few words to make appear , that the Real Philosophy will supply our thoughts with excellent Medicines , against their own Extravagances , and will serve in some sort , for the same ends , which the Moral professes to accomplish . If we shall cast an eye on all the Tempests , which arise within our Breasts , and consider the causes , and remedies of all the violent desires , malicious envies , intemperate joyes , and irregular griefs , by which the lives of most men become miserable , or guilty : we shall find , that they are chiefly produc'd by Idleness , and may be most naturally cur'd by diversion . Whatever Art shall be able to busy the minds of men , with a constant cours of innocent Works , or to fill them with as vigorous , and pleasant Images , as those ill impressions , by which they are deluded ; it will certainly have a surer effect in the composing , and purifying of their thoughts , than all the rigid praecepts of the Stoical , or the empty distinctions of the Peripatetic Moralists . Now then it is requir'd in that study , which shall attempt , according to the force of Nature , to cure the diseases of the mind , that it keep it from idleness by full , and earnest employments , and that it possess it with innocent , various , lasting , and even sensible delights . How active , and industrious the Art of Experiments ought to be , may be concluded from the whole tenour of my discours : wherein I have often prov'd , that it can never be finish'd by the perpetual labours of any one man , nay scarce by the successive force of the greatest Assembly . That therefore being taken for granted , that it will afford eternal employments : It is also as true that its labors will contain the most affecting , and the most diverting Delights : and that thence it has power enough to free the minds of men from their vanities , and intemperance , by that very way which the greatest Epicure has no reason to reject , by opposing pleasure against pleasure . And I dare challenge all the corrupt Arts of our Senses , or the devices of voluptuous wits , to provide fuller , more changeable , or nearer objects , for the contentment of mens minds . It were indeed to be wish'd , that severe virtu itself , attended only by its own Authority , were powerful enough to establish its dominion . But it cannot be so . The corruptions , and infirmities of human Nature stand in need of all manner of allurements , to draw us to good , and quiet manners . I will therefore propose for this end this cours of Study , which will not affright us with rigid praecepts , or sou'r looks , or peevish commands , but consists of sensible pleasure , and besides will be most lasting in its satisfaction , and innocent in its remembrance . What raptures can the most voluptuous men fancy to which these are not equal ? Can they relish nothing but the pleasures of their senses ? They may here injoy them without guilt or remors . Are they affrighted at the difficulties of Knowledge ? Here they may meet with a Study , that as well fits the most negligent minds , as the most industrious . This consists of so many Works , and those so obvious , and facil , that the most laborious will never find cause to be idle , and the most idle may still have something to do with the greatest ease . In this they need not weary themselves by searching for matter . Whatever they feel , or see , will afford them Observations . In this there is no tedious praeparation requir'd to fit them for such indeavors . As soon as they have the use of their hands , and eies , and common sense , they they are sufficiently furnish'd to undertake them : Though we cannot comprehend the Arts of men without many praevious Studies , yet such is the indulgence of Nature , that it has from the beginning , out of its own store , sufficiently provided every man , with all things , that are needful for the understanding of itself . Thus neither the sensual mind , has any occasion to contemn Experiments as unpleasant , nor the idle as burdensome , or intollerable , nor the virtuous as unworthy of his labors . And the same influence they may have , on all other moral imperfections of human Nature . What room can there be for low , and little things in a mind so usefully and successfully employd ? What ambitious disquiets can torment that man , who has so much glory before him , for which there are only requir'd the delightful Works of his hands ? What dark , or melancholy passions can overshadow his heart , whose senses are always full of so many various productions , of which the least progress , and success , will affect him with an innocent joy ? What anger , envy , hatred , or revenge can long torment his breast , whome not only the greatest , and noblest objects , but every sand , every pible , every grass , every earth , every fly can divert ? To whom the return of every season , every month , every day , do suggest a circle of most pleasant operations ? If the Antients prescrib'd it as a sufficient Remedy , against such violent Passions , only to repeat the Alphabet over : whereby there was leasure given to the mind , to recover itself from any sudden fury : then how much more effectual Medicines , against the same distempers , may be fetch'd from the whole Alphabet of Nature , which represents itself to our Consideration , in so many infinit Volumes ! I will now proceed to the weightiest , and most solemn part of my whole undertaking ; to make a defence of the Royal Society , and this new Experimental Learning , in respect of the Christian Faith. I am not ignorant , in what a slippery place I now stand ; and what a tender matter I am enter'd upon . I know that it is almost impossible without offence , to speak of things of this Nature , in which all Mankind , each Country , and now almost every Family , do so widely disagree among themselves . I cannot expect that what I shall say will escape misinterpretation , though it be spoken with the greatest simplicity , and submission , while I behold that most men do rather value themselves , and others , on the little differences of Religion , than the main substance itself ; and while the will of God is so variously distracted , that what appears to be Piety to some Christians , is abhorr'd as the greatest superstition , and heresy by others . However to smooth my way as much as I can , and to prepare all our several Spiritual Interests , to read this part with some tolerable moderation ; I do here in the beginning most sincerely declare , that if this design should in the least diminish the Reverence , that is due to the Doctrine of Iesus Christ , it were so far from deserving protection , that it ought to be abhorr'd by all the Politic , and Prudent ; as well as by the devout Part of Christendom . And this I profess , I think they were bound to do , not only from a just dread of the Being , the Worship , the Omnipotence , the Love of God , all which are to be held in the highest veneration : but also out of a regard to the peace , and prosperity of men . In matters that concern our opinions of another World , the least alterations are of wonderful hazard : how mischievous then would that enterprise be , whose effects would abolish the command of Conscience , the belief of a future life ; or any of those Hevenly Doctrines , by which not only the eternal condition of men is secur'd , but their natural Reason , and their Temporal safety advanc'd ? Whoever shall impiously attempt to subvert the Authority of the Divine Power , on false pretences to better Knowledge , he will unsettle the strongest foundations of our hopes : he will make a terrible confusion in all the offices , and opinions of men : he will destroy the most prevailing Argument to virtu : he will remove all human Actions , from their firmest center : he will even deprive himself , of the praerogative of his Immortal Soul ; and will have the same success , that the Antient Fables make those to have had , who contended with their Gods , of whom they report , that many were immediatly turn'd into Beasts . With these apprehensions I come to examin the Objections , which I am now to satisfy : and having calmly compar'd the Arguments of some devout men against Knowledge , and chiefly that of Experiments ; I must pronounce them both , to be altogether inoffensive . I did before affirm , that the Royal Society is abundantly cautious , not to intermeddle in Spiritual things : But that being only a general plea , and the question not lying so much on what they do at present , as upon the probable effects of their Enterprise ; I will bring it to the test through the chief Parts of Christianity ; and shew that it will be found as much avers from Atheism , in its issue and consequences , as it was in its original purpose . The public Declaration of the Christian Religion , is to propose to mankind , an infallible way to Salvation . Towards the performance of this happy end , besides the Principles of Natural Religion , which consists in the acknowledgment and Worship of a Deity : It has offer'd us the merits of a glorious Saviour : By him , and his Apostles Ministry , it has given us sufficient Examples , and Doctrines to acquaint us with divine things , and carry us to Heven . In every one of these , the Experiments of Natural things , do neither darken our eies , nor deceive our minds , nor deprave our hearts . First there can be no just reason assign'd , why an Experimenter should be prone to deny the essence , and properties of God , the universal Sovereignty of his Dominion , and his Providence over the Creation . He has before him the very same argument , to confirm his judgment in all these ; with which he himself is wont to be abundantly satisfy'd , when he meets with it in any of his Philosophical Inquiries . In every thing that he tryes , he believes , that this is enough for him to rest on , if he finds , that not only his own , but the universal Observations of men of all times and places , without any mutual conspiracy have consented in the same conclusion . How can he then refrain from embracing this common Truth , which is witness'd by the unanimous approbation of all Countries , the agreement of Nations , and the secret acknowledgment of every mans breast ? 'T is true his employment is about material things . But this is so far from drawing him to oppose invisible Beings , that it rather puts his thoughts into an excellent good capacity to believe them . In every work of Nature that he handles , he knows that there is not only a gross substance , which presents itself to all mens eies ; but an infinit subtilty of parts , which come not into the sharpest sense . So that what the Scripture relates of the Purity of God , of the Spirituality of his Nature , and that of Angels , and the Souls of men , cannot seem incredible to him , when he perceives the numberless particles that move in every mans Blood , and the prodigious streams that continually flow unseen from every Body : Having found that his own senses have been so far assisted by the Instruments of Art , he may sooner admit , that his mind ought to be rays'd higher , by a Hevenly light , in those things wherein his senses do fall short . If ( as the Apostle says ) the invisible things of God are manifested by the visible ; then how much stronger Arguments has he for his belief , in the eternal power , and Godhead , from the vast number of Creatures , that are invisible to others , but are expos'd to his view by the help of his Experiments ? Thus he is praepar'd to admit a Deity , and to embrace the consequences of that concession . He is also from his Experiments as well furnish'd with Arguments to adore it : he has always before his eys the beauty , contrivance , and order of Gods Works : From hence , he will learn to serve him with all reverence , who in all that he has made , consulted Ornament , as well as Vse . From hence he will best understand the infinit distance between himself , and his Creator , when he finds that all things were produc'd by him : whereas he by all his study , can scarce imitate the least effects , nor hasten , or retard the common cours of Nature . This will teach him to Worship that Wisdom , by which all things are so easily sustain'd , when he has look'd more familiarly into them , and beheld the chances , and alterations , to which they are expos'd . Hence he will be led to admire the wonderful contrivance of the Creation ; and so to apply , and direct his praises aright : which no doubt , when they are offer'd up to Heven , from the mouth of one , who has well studied what he commends , will be more sutable to the Divine Nature , than the blind applauses of the ignorant . This was the first service , that Adam perform'd to his Creator , when he obey'd him in mustring , and naming , and looking into the Nature of all the Creatures . This had bin the only Religion , if men had continued innocent in Paradise , and had not wanted a Redemption . Of this the Scripture itself makes so much use , that if any devout man shall reject all Natural Philosophy , he may blot Genesis , and Iob , and the Psalms , and some other Books , out of the Canon of the Bible . God never yet left himself without witness in the World : And it is observable , that he has commonly chosen the dark and ignorant Ages , wherein to work Miracles ; but seldom or never the times when Natural Knowledge prevail'd : For he knew there was not so much need to make use of extraordinary signs , when men were diligent in the works of his hands , and attentive on the impressions of his footsteps in his Creatures . It is almost a proverbial speech , That the most Learned Ages are still the most Atheistical , and the ignorant most devout . Whoever devis'd this distinction at first , the true Piety is little beholden to him for it : For insteed of obeying the Iewish Law , which forbids us to offer up to God a Sacrifice that has a Blemish , he has bestow'd the most excellent of all the Race of men on the Devil ; and has only assign'd to Religion those Men and those Times , which have the greatest Blemish of human Nature , even a defect in their Knowledge and Vnderstanding . If there can be found any colour for this observation , That the light of Reason should produce a spiritual darkness ; it can only then hold good , when the knowledge of men , and not that of Nature abounds . Whether the first be true , or no , let the Politicians consider : But of the second , this is a sufficient conviction , that in most Countries God has been worship'd in a form proportionable to that kind of Natural Philosophy in which they excell'd . In Persia , where the skill of the hevenly Motions first began , they had their Temples on the Top of Hills , and open to the Air. In Aegypt they had the best opportunities of studying the Nature of living Creatures ; by reason of that variety which their River and their Land produc'd . And their Religious Mysteries were contain'd in Hieroglyphics , which were most of them borrow'd from Beasts . And why should Natural Philosophy be now condemn'd , for contempt of all Divinity , when of old it did rather incline them to Superstition , which is the other extreme ? It is true indeed , by that knowledge which they had of many Creatures , they were drawn to adore them ; but that was only because it was imperfect : If they had understood them thorowly , they had never done it : So true is that saying of my Lord Bacon , That by a little knowledge of Nature men become Atheists ; but a great deal returns them back again to a sound and Religious mind . In brief , if we rightly apprehend the matter , it will be found , that it is not only sottishness , but prophaness , for men to cry out against the understanding of Nature : For that being nothing else but the instrument of God , whereby he gives being and action to things ; the knowledge of it deserves so little to be esteem'd impious , that it ought rather to be reckon'd as Divine . But the chief part of our Religion , on which the certainty of all the rest depends , is the Evangelical Doctrine of Salvation by Iesus Christ. In this there is nothing , from which he that converses much with Nature , can be thought to be more avers than others ; nay , to which he may not be concluded to be more inclinable , on this very account ; seing it has all bin prov'd to him his own way . Had not the appearance of Christ bin strengthen'd by undeniable signs of almighty Power , no age nor place had bin oblig'd to believe his Message . And these Miracles with which he asserted the Truths that he taught ( if I might be allow'd this boldness in a matter so sacred ) I would even venture to call Divine Experiments of his Godhead . What then can there be in all this Doctrine , at which a Real and impartial Inquirer into Natural Things , should be offended ? Does he demand a Testimony from Heven ? he has it : He reads effects produc'd , that did exceed all mortal skill and force : And of this he himself is a better judge than others : For to understand aright what is supernatural , it is a good step first to know what is according to Nature . Does he require that this should be testified , not by men of Craft or Speculation ; but rather by men of Honesty , Trades , and Business ? The Apostles were such . Will he not consent to any mans Opinions , unless he sees the operations of his hands agree with them ? Christ himself requires no more of any of his Followers : For he commanded his Disciples not to believe him , but the Works that he did . Does he think that it is the most honorable Labor to study the benefit of Mankind ? to help their infirmities ? to supply their wants ? to ease their burdens ? He here may behold the whole Doctrine of Future Happiness , introduc'd by the same means ; by feeding the Hungry , by curing the Lame , and by opening the eyes of the Blind : All which may be call'd Philosophical Works , perform'd by an Almighty hand . What then can hinder him from loving and admiring this Saviour , whose Design is so conformable to his own , but his Ability so much greater ? What jealousie can he have of an imposture in this Messias ? Who though his Doctrine was so pure and venerable , though his Life was so blameless , though he had the power of Heaven and Earth in his hands , though he knew the thoughts of men , and might have touch'd and mov'd them as he pleas'd ; did yet not rely on his Doctrine , on his Life , on the irresistible assistance of Angels , or on his own Divinity alone ; but stoop'd to convince men by their Senses , and by the very same cours by which they receive all their Natural Knowledge . The last Doctrinal part of our Religion , I shall mention , consists of those Doctrines which have been long since deduc'd by consequences from the Scripture , and are now setled in the Body of that Divinity , which was deliver'd down to us by the Primitive Church , and which the generality of Christendom embraces . It may here be suggested , that the sensible knowledge of things may in time abolish most of these , by insinuating into mens minds , that they cannot stand before the impartiality of Philosophical Inquisitions , But this surmise has no manner of foundation . These Superstructures are of two sorts : either those of which a man may have a cleer apprehension in his thoughts , upon a rational account , and which are intelligible to any ordinary Reader ; or else such as exceed the common measures of our Reason and Senses . There will be no fear that an Experimenter should reject the first , seeing they may be conceiv'd by the meanest capacity , and have that stamp upon them , which he for the most part esteems the character of Truth , that they are vulgar . But now towards the consenting to the last , there is nothing better than to believe them in gross : And for this he is as well prepar'd as any other Philosopher . If we suppose him sufficiently convinc'd of the authority of the Deliverer ( as I have already shewn he may be ) he cannot be suspected for disavowing his word , though never so mystical ; or for resisting the voice of him , whose Arm he has found to be Omnipotent . This submission of his judgment he may make , notwithstanding the severity of his Inquiries : And the most subtil Speculative man in the world can do no more . After all his acute Arguings in Divinity , he can never render any one point , which is the proper object of Faith , to be plain , and equal , and expressible to our Reason . What good can he then do ? seing he is not able to make it any way fitter for our Faith , by all his Transcendental Notions , than it was before , on the bare account of the wondrous Works of the Author . This is the place in which the Peripatetic Philosophy has long triumph'd : But I cannot imagine on what right . The spiritual and supernatural part of Christianity no Philosophy can reach : And in the plain things there is no need of any at all : So that it is excluded on both accounts . In some Doctrines it is useless , by reason of their sublimity ; in others , because of their commoness . How small assistance it brings , may be seen in those very points , in which its Empire seems most to be plac'd , in Gods Decrees , his Immateriality , his Eternity , and the holy Mystery of the Trinity : In all which we are only brought into a more learned darkness by it ; and in which unfathomable Depths a plain Believing is at last acknowledg'd by all to be our only Refuge . The truth is , notwithstanding the great stir they have made about Religion , if we had only follow'd their light , we had still worshipp'd the Creator and Redeemer of the World , under the same title by which their Praedecessors did formerly at Athens , as the Vnknown God. This I have urg'd so far , because I am confident that the reducing of Christianity to one particular Sect of Philosophy , and confining it to that , is one of the most destructive Engines that ever was manag'd against it . Of this the Church of Rome for her share has already found the ill effects : And the danger is apparent : For by this means the benefit of Religion will become very narrow , seing where Reason takes place it will only convince them who are of the same opinions in Philosophy with those that convert them . And also ( that which is worse ) if ever by any fate of Times , or change of Governments , or succession of new Arts , that Sect shall chance to be quite broken , the Doctrine of Christ , relying upon it , were inevitably ruin'd , unless God were pleas'd to support it a supernatural way , or to restore it again by new Miracles . Religion ought not to be the subject of Disputations : It should not stand in need of any devices of reason : It should in this be like the Temporal Laws of all Countries , towards the obeying of which there is no need of syllogisms or distinctions ; nothing else is necessary but a bare promulgation , a common apprehension , and sense enough to understand the Grammatical meaning of ordinary words . Nor ought Philosophers to regret this divorce : seing they have almost destroy'd themselves , by keeping Christianity so long under their guard : By fetching Religion out of the Church , and carrying it Captive into the Schools , they have made it suffer banishment from its proper place ; and they have withal thereby very much corrupted the substance of their own Knowledge : They have done as the Philistims by seising on the Ark : who by the same action , depriv'd the People of God of their Religion , and also brought a Plague amongst themselves . Thus far I trust it will be confess'd , that Experiments are unblameable . But yet there is much more behind , of which many pious men are wont to express their jealousy . For though they shall be brought to allow , that all these Doctrines , which I have nam'd , may seem to remain safe amidst the studies of Natural things : yet they still whisper , that they may chance by degrees , to make the sincerity of devotion appear ridiculous , and to bring the strictness of holy life out of fashion : and that so they will silently , and by piece-meals , demolish Religion , which they dare not openly encounter . I will therefore next endeavor the removal of these scruples , though I sufficiently understand , that it is a very difficult Work , to confute such popular , and plausible errors , which have the pretence of the caus of God to confirm them . The chief substance of Real , and Sober Piety , is contain'd in the devout observation of all those ways , whereby God has bin pleas'd to manifest his Will ; and in a right separation of our minds from the lusts , and desires of the World. The most remarkable means , whereby he has made known his pleasure , are those , which have been fix'd , and reveal'd in his Word ; or else the extraordinary signs of his Authority , and Command . Concerning our acknowledgment of his reveal'd Will in the Scripture , I have already spoken . And our obedience to the later consists chiefly of two kinds : an humble submission to Divine Prophecies , and a careful observance of all remarkable Providences . In both which Experimental Philosophy may well be justify'd . It may perhaps correct some excesses , which are incident to them : But it declares no enmity against the things themselves . The sum of the whole Doctrine of Prophecies is this , that the Great Creator of the World has the Praerogative of foreseeing , appointing , and praedicting all future Events : that he has often in former Ages made use of this power , by the Visions , and raptures of holy men inspir'd from above : that his infinit Wisdom has still the like ability to do the same : that whenever such praedictions are accompanied , with undeniable Testimonies of their being sent from Heven , they ought to be praefer'd before all human Laws . The true Foundation of Divine Prodigies , is much of the same Nature with the other . It relyes on these suppositions , that all the Creatures are subject to Gods Word , by which they were made : that he can alter their Courses , exalt , or destroy their Natures , and move them to different ends from their own , according to his pleasure : that this he has often done heretofore : that still his Arm it not weaken'd , nor the same omnipotence diminish'd : that still he may change the wonted Law of the Creation , and dispose of the Beings , and motions of all things , without controul : and that when this is done , it is with a peculiar design of punishing , or rewarding , or forewarning mankind . To the belief and assertion of these Doctrines , we are oblig'd by the very end of Religion itself . But yet their counterfeit colors have seduc'd many virtuous minds into manifold mischiefs . The mistakes about Prophecies may arise , either from our abusing of the old , or a vain setting up of new . We err in the first , when we translate ancient Prophecies from those times , and Countries , which they did properly regard , to others , which they do not concern . And we offend in the second , when we admit of New Prophetical Spirits in this Age , without the uncontroulable tokens of Hevenly Authority . We are guilty of false interpretations of Providences , and Wonders ; when we either make those to be Miracles that are none ; or when we put a false sense on those that are real , when we make general events to have a privat aspect , or particular accidents to have some universal signification . Though both these may seem at first to have the strictest appearance of Religion , yet they are the greatest usurpations on the secrets of the Almighty , and unpardonable praesumptions on his high Praerogatives of Punishment , and reward . And now if a moderating of these extravagances must be esteem'd prophaness , I profess , I cannot absolve the Experimental Philosopher . It must be granted , that he will be very scrupulous , in believing all manner of Commentaries on Prophetical Visions , in giving liberty to new praedictions , and in assigning the causes , and marking out the paths of God's Iudgments , amongst his Creatures . He cannot suddenly conclude all extraordinary events to be the immediat Finger of God , because he familiarly beholds the inward workings of things : and thence perceives that many effects , which use to affright the Ignorant , are brought forth by the common Instruments of Nature . He cannot be suddenly inclin'd , to pass censure on mens eternal condition , from any Temporal Iudgments that may befall them ; because his long convers with all matters , times , and places , has taught him , the truth of what the Scripture says , that all things happen alike to all . He cannot blindly consent to all imaginations of devout men , about future Contingencies : seing he is so rigid , in examining all particular matters of Fact : He cannot be forward to assent to Spiritual Raptures , and Revelations : becaus he is truly acquainted with the Tempers of mens Bodies , the Composition of their Blood , and the power of Fancy : and so better understands the difference , between Diseases , and Inspirations . But in all this , he commits nothing , that is Irreligious . 'T is true , to deny that God has heretofore warn'd the World of what was to come , is to contradict the very Godhead itself : But to reject the sense , which any privat man shall fasten to it , is not to disdain the Word of God , but the opinions of men like our selves . To declare against the possibility , that new Prophets may be sent from Heven is to insinuat that the same infinit Wisdom which once shew'd itself that way , is now at an end . But to slight all pretenders , that come without the help of Miracles , is not a contempt of the Spirit , but a just circumspection , that the Reason of men be not over-reach'd . To deny that God directs the cours of human things , is stupidity : But to hearken to every Prodigy , that men frame against their Enemies , or for themselves , is not to reverence the Power of God , but to make that serve the Passions , and interests , and revenges of men . It is a dangerous mistake , into which many Good men fall ; that we neglect the Dominion of God over the World , if we do not discover in every Turn of human Actions many supernatural Providences , and miraculous Events . Whereas it is enough for the honor of his Government , that he guids the whole Creation , in its wonted cours of Causes , and Effects : as it makes as much for the reputation of a Prince's wisdom , that he can rule his subjects peaceably , by his known , and standing Laws , as that he is often forc'd to make use of extraordinary justice to punish , or reward . Let us then imagin our Philosopher , to have all slowness of belief , and rigor of Trial , which by some is miscall'd a blindness of mind , and hardness of heart . Let us suppose that he is most unwilling to grant that any thing exceeds the force of Nature , but where a full evidence convinces him . Let it be allow'd , that he is alwayes alarm'd , and ready on his guard , at the noise of any Miraculous Event ; lest his judgment should be surpriz'd by the disguises of Faith. But does he by this diminish the Authority of Antient Miracles ? or does he not rather confirm them the more , by confining their number , and taking care that every falshood should not mingle with them ? Can he by this undermine Christianity , which does not now stand in need of such extraordinary Testimonies from Heven ? or do not they rather indanger it , who still venture all its Truths on so hazardous a chance ? Who require a continuance of Signs , and Wonders , as if the works of our Savior and his Apostles had not bin sufficient : who ought to be esteem'd the most carnally minded ? the Enthusiast , that pollutes his Religion , with his own passions ? or the Experimenter , that will not use it to flatter , and obey his own desires , but to subdue them ? who is to be thought the greatest enemy of the Gospel ? He that loads mens Faiths , by so many improbable things , as will go neer to make the reality itself suspected ? or he that only admits a few Arguments , to confirm the Evangelical Doctrines , but then chuses those , that are unquestionable ? It cannot be an ungodly purpose to strive to abolish all Holy Cheats : which are of fatal consequence , both to the Deceivers , and those that are deceiv'd : to the Deceivers , becaus they must needs be Hypocrites , having the artifice in their keeping : to the deceiv'd , because if their eies shall be ever open'd , and they chance to find , that they have been deluded in any one thing , they will be apt not only to reject that , but even to despise the very Truths themselves , which they had before bin taught by those deluders . It were indeed to be confess'd , that this severity of Censure on Religious things , were to be condemn'd in Experimenters , if while they deny any wonders , that are falsely attributed to the True God , they should approve those of Idols or false Deities . But that is not objected against them . They make no comparison between his power , and the works of any others , but only between the several ways of his own manifesting himself . Thus if they lessen one heap yet they still increas the other : In the main they diminish nothing of his right . If they take from the Prodigies , they add to the ordinary Works of the same Author . And those ordinary Works themselves , they do almost rais to the height of Wonders , by the exact Discovery , which they make of their excellencies : while the Enthusiast goes neer to bring down the price of the True , and Primitive Miracles , by such a vast , and such a negligent augmenting of their number . By this I hope it appears , that this Inquiring , this scrupulous , this incredulous Temper is not the disgrace , but the honor of Experiments . And therefore I will declare them to be the most seasonable study , for the present Temper of our Nation . This wild amuzing mens minds , with Prodigies , and conceits of Providences , has been one of the most considerable causes of those spiritual distractions , of which our Country has long bin the Theater . This is a vanity , to which the English seem to have bin always subject above others . There is scarce any Modern Historian , that relates our Forein Wars , but he has this Objection against the disposition of our Countrymen , that they us'd to order their affairs of the greatest importance , according to some obscure Omens , or praedictions , that pass'd about amongst them , on little or no foundations . And at this time , especially this last year , this gloomy , and ill-boding humor has prevail'd . So that it is now the fittest season for Experiments to arise , to teach us a Wisdome , which springs from the depths of Knowledge , to shake off the shadows , and to scatter the mists , which fill the minds of men with a vain consternation . This is a work well-becoming the most Christian Profession . For the most apparent effect , which attended the passion of Christ , was the putting of an eternal silence , on all the false oracles , and dissembled inspirations of Antient Times . There have bin 't is true , some peculiar occasions , wherein God was pleas'd to convince the World from Heven , in a visible manner . But if we consider the Arguments that us'd to move him to it , we may conclude , that such wonderful signs are not often now to be expected . He has either done it , in Times of gross ignorance , or in the beginning of a new way of Religion , or for the peculiar punishment of some praevailing wickedness : Upon the account of the two first , we have no reason to expect Wonders in this Age : becaus all sorts of Knowledge do so much abound ; and becaus we have a Religion already establish'd , against which the Gates of Hell shall never praevail . The Third Time has bin , when God has taken to himselfe , the Exemplary Punishment of some haynous Sin. From this indeed our Age is no more exempted , than it is free from those vices , that are wont to provoke the Divine Vengeance . This then we confess , that even at this present , God may declare himselfe , against the Iniquities of men , by the supernatural Tokens of his displeasure . But yet the Interpretation of such punishments ought to be handled , with the greatest tenderness . For as it is said of the last , and General Judgment , that no man knows the time , when it shall happen ; so we may also affirm of these particular Iudgments : that there is no man , who understands the Circumstances , or occasions of their infliction , but they are one of the deepest parts of God's unsearchable Counsails . Whenever therefore a hevy calamity falls from Heven on our Nation , a universal Repentance is requir'd ; but all particular applications of privat men , except to their own hearts , is to be forborn . Every man must bewail his own Transgressions , which have increas'd the Public misery . But he must not be too hasty , in assigning the Causes of Plagues , or Fires , or inundations to the sins of other men . Whoever thinks that way to repent , by condemning the miscarriages of those parties , that differ from his own , and by reproving them , as the Authors of such mischiefs , he is grosly mistaken : For that is not to repent , but to make a Satyr : That is not an Act of humiliation , but the greatest Spiritual Pride . It is indeed a disgrace to the Reason , and honor of mankind , that every fantastical Humorist should presume to interpret all the secret Ordinances of Heven ; and to expound the Times , and Seasons , and Fates of Empires , though he be never so ignorant of the very common Works of Nature , that lye under his Feet . There can be nothing more injurious than this , to mens public , or privat peace . This withdraws our obedience , from the true Image of God the rightfull Soveraign , and makes us depend on the vain Images of his pow'r , which are fram'd by our own imaginations . This weakens the constancy of human actions . This affects men with fears , doubts , irresolutions , and terrors . It is usually observ'd , that such presaging , and Prophetical Times , do commonly fore-run great destructions , and revolutions of human affairs . And that it should be so is natural enough , though the presages , and prodigies themselves did signify no such events . For this melancholy , this frightful , this Astrological humor disarms mens hearts , it breaks their courage ; it confounds their Councils , it makes them help to bring such calamities on themselves : First they fancy , that such ill accidents must come to pass : And so they render themselves fit subjects to be wrought upon , and very often become the instruments , to bring those effects about , which they fondly imagin'd were inevitably threatn'd them from Heven . The last accusation concerns that which is necessary to a holy life , the mortifying of our Earthly desires . And here the men of a retyr'd , and severe devotion are the loudest : For they tell us , that we cannot conquer , and despise the World while we study it so much ; that we cannot have sufficient leasure to reflect on another life , while we are so taken up about the Curiosities of this : that we cannot be strict enough in correcting the irregularities of our own thoughts , while we give them so much liberty to wander , and so pleasant a Rode wherin to travail ; and that it is in vain to strive after the Purity , and Holiness of our minds , while we suffer them to spend so much time , on the labors of our Senses . This Objection appears at first sight somwhat terrible : But I come the more boldly to answer it , because there are involv'd in the same indictment , all the most innocent Arts , and civil Actions of men , which must either stand , or fall with Experiments in this Trial . First then I will allege , that if this sort of study , should be acknowledg'd not to be proper , for the promoting of the severer offices of Christianity , yet it would sufficiently recompence for that , by the assistance , it may bring to some other kinds of Christian Virtues : If it shall not fill our minds , with the most mortifying Images , which may rise from the terrors of Gods Iustice , yet it will make amends for that , by inclining us to adore his Goodness . If it fits us not so well for the secrecy of a Closet : It makes us serviceable to the World. If it shall not seem to contribute towards Godly sorrow , or Contrition : It will give us more opportunities of Charity , Affability , Friendship , and Generosity , which are all of them divine Graces , as well as Faith , and Repentance . It is a great error to think that Religion does only consist in one sort of Duties . It is as various as the Dispositions , the Qualities , the Conditions of men : With some , the severe , the strict , the retir'd are best : with others , the bountiful , the affable , the cheerful , the friendly : Of both which kinds I will not say whether is to be prefer'd : But this is true , that while the first are chiefly limited to the regulating of our own Hearts , the influence of the last extends much farther ; to spread the fame of the Gospel in the World ; to make it appear lovely in the eies of all beholders ; and to allure them to submit to the honorableness , the gentleness , the easiness of its yoke . And this methinks is evident in our Saviors life : For whenever he intended to convert any to his Faith , he did it by some visible good Work , in the sight of the Multitude . But he never gain'd any Disciple by the conflicts , which he was pleas'd to undergo in his own mind ; for he perform'd his Fast , and his Agony alone , in the Wilderness , and the Garden . In the next place I will affirm , That it is improbable that even the hardest and most rigorous parts of Mortification itself should be injur'd by these Studies more than others ; seing many duties of which it is compos'd , do bear some resemblance to the qualifications that are requisit in Experimental Philosophers . The spiritual Repentance is a careful survay of our former Errors , and a resolution of amendment . The spiritual Humility is an observation of our Defects , and a lowly sense of our own weakness . And the Experimenter for his part must have some Qualities that answer to these : He must judge aright of himself ; he must misdoubt the best of his own thoughts ; he must be sensible of his own ignorance , if ever he will attempt to purge and renew his Reason : So that if that be true , which is commonly observ'd , that men are wont to prove such kinds of Christians as they were men before ; and that Conversion does not destroy , but only exalt our Tempers ; it may well be concluded , that the doubtful , the scrupulous , the diligent Observer of Nature , is neerer to make a modest , a severe , a meek , an humble Christian , than the man of Speculative Science , who has better thoughts of himself and his own Knowledge . But I need not take so great a compass in this vindication , when it may be fairly maintain'd , that the true and unfain'd Mortification is not at all inconsistent with mens consulting of their happiness in this world , or being emploi'd about earthly affairs . The honest pursuit of the conveniences , decences , and ornaments of a mortal condition , by just and regular ways , is by no means contradictory to the most real and severe duties of a Christian. It is true indeed , the irregular prosecution of such things is an offence to Religion : But so it is also to right Reason , and Nature itself . It is a wrong conception of the state of Grace , if men believe , that when they enter upon it , they must presently cast away all the thoughts and desires of humanity . If this were so , to sanctifie our Natures were not to renew , but to destroy them . When we are commanded to put off the old man , we are not injoin'd to renounce our Faculties of Reason . When we are bidden not to think our own thoughts , it is not intended that we should forbear all Natural Actions and Inclinations . Such Scriptures as these are to be understood in a moderate sense : By such expressions the irregularity of the Lust , and not the Natural Desire is condemn'd : The Piety and Innocence of our Lives , and not the utter change of our Estate , is recommended . Seing the Law of Reason intends the happiness and security of mankind in this life ; and the Christian Religion pursues the same ends , both in this and a future life ; they are so far from being opposite one to another , that Religion may properly be styl'd the best and the noblest part , the perfection and the crown of the Law of Nature . I will therefore first demand , Whether it be not lawful for the strictest Christian to provide for the necessities of this life ? This Request is modest enough : For if they deny it , they will reduce mankind into a condition which is literally wors than that of the Beasts that perish ; seing to them it is natural to seek out for all the ways of their own preservation . I will go on to ask them , Whether it be a breach of the Law of Christianity to labor for the advantages of Living , which are injoy'd by others ? If this be refus'd me , we shall not deprive it of that honor which now justly belongs to it , that there is little civility at present amongst men without the Pale of the Christian Church . But in few words , let them tell me , Whether it be indispensably necessary for us to be always thinking of hevenly things ? If so , how far short were the very Apostles of this character of Sanctity , which these men would prescribe us ? What Traffic , what Commerce , what Government , what secular Employment could be allow'd ? Where should we at last make an end of refining ? What would become of all the men of Trade themselves , of whom this Age has shewn so many pretenders to the purest Religion ? Let it only therefore be granted , that we are Men , and not Angels : Let it be confess'd , that there may be an excess , as well as defect , in mens opinions of holiness : And then I will make no scruple to say , that the Philosopher defiles not his mind when he labors in the works of Nature ; that the Diversion they give him , will stand with the greatest constancy , and the delight of pursuing them , with the truth and reality of Religion . But to say no more , How can it be imagin'd to be a sinful and carnal thing , to consider the objects of our Senses ; when God , the most spiritual Being , did make them all ? Since they first were conceiv'd in his unspotted mind , why may they not innocently enter into ours ? For if there be any pollution which necessarily flows from thinking of them , it might as well be concluded to stick on the Author , as on the Souls of them that only observe them . And now having insisted so long on the parts of the Christian Religion in general , it will be less needful that I should be large in vindicating this Design from the imputation of being praejudicial to the Church of England : For This has the same Interest with That , and differs in nothing from its Primitive Pattern , but only in the addition of some circumstances , which make it fit for this Age and this Place : And therefore they will both be strengthen'd by the same benefits , and weaken'd by the same mischiefs . What I have then to add concerning our Church , shall be compriz'd in these particulars : That it can never be praejudic'd by the light of Reason , nor by the improvements of Knowledge , nor by the advancement of the Works of mens hands . For the proof of the First , it will be sufficient to consider its True Design , what Opinions it principally incounters , and by what Arguments it ought to defend itself . The true and certain interest of our Church is to derive its Doctrine from the plain and unquestion'd parts of the Word of God , and to keep itself in a due submission to the Civil Magistrate . The Extremes which it opposes , are implicit Faith , and Enthusiasm : And it is a great mistake , if men think it cannot be maintain'd against these , but by the mutual Arguments of its Enemies ; that it cannot withstand the Separatists , but by the Authority of the Church of Rome ; nor dissent from the Church of Rome , but on the Tenents of the Separatists . The grounds on which it proceeds are different from Both : And they are no other but the Rights of the Civil Power , the imitation of the First uncorrupt Churches , and the Scripture expounded by Reason : From whence may be concluded , that we cannot make War against Reason , without undermining our own strength , seing it is the constant weapon we ought to employ . From this I will farther urge , That the Church of England will not only be safe amidst the consequences of a Rational Age , but amidst all the improvements of Knowledge , and the subversion of old Opinions about Nature , and introduction of new ways of Reasoning thereon . This will be evident , when we behold the agreement that is between the present Design of the Royal Society , and that of our Church in its beginning . They both may lay equal claim to the word Reformation ; the one having compass'd it in Religion , the other purposing it in Philosophy . They both have taken a like cours to bring this about ; each of them passing by the corrupt Copies , and referring themselves to the perfect Originals for their instruction ; the one to the Scripture , the other to the large Volume of the Creatures . They are both unjustly accus'd by their enemies of the same crimes , of having forsaken the Ancient Traditions , and ventur'd on Novelties . They both suppose alike , that their Ancestors might err ; and yet retain a sufficient reverence for them . They both follow the great Praecept of the Apostle , of Trying all things . Such is the Harmony between their Interests and Tempers . It cannot therefore be suspected , that the Church of England , that arose on the same Method , though in different works ; that Heroically pass'd thorow the same difficulties , that relies on the same Soveraign's Authority , should look with jealous eyes on this Attempt , which makes no change in the principles of mens consciences , but chiefly aims at the increas of Inventions about the works of their hands . This was the last Particular in this Subject which I undertook to make good , That our Church can never be impair'd by the growth of the useful Arts of Life . But now I come neerer to it , I find that I may safely omit it : For the thing itself is so manifest , that there can be no ground of raising a Question about it . If our Church should be an Enemy to Commerce , Intelligence , Discovery , Navigation , or any sort of Mechanics ; how could it be fit for the present Genius of this Nation ? What greater advantage could its adversaries have against it ? How should we be able to reconcile these two titles , which so justly belong to our King , of Defender of the Faith , and Patron of Experimental Knowledge . But in this I am not only incorag'd to promise , that our Church will be out of all danger ; but to recommend this Enterprise to it , as that which will become its other excellencies , and is most worthy of its protection . And I shall most humbly represent to its consideration , that this is not only an honorable Work , but even a necessary Duty , to which it is oblig'd by Natural Affection . The present Inquiring Temper of this Age was at first produc'd by the liberty of judging , and searching , and reasoning , which was us'd in the first Reformation . Though I cannot carry the Institution of the Royal Society many years back , yet the seeds of it were sown in King Edward the Sixth's , and Queen Elizabeths Reign : And ever since that time Experimental Learning has still retaind some vital heat , though it wanted the opportunities of ripening itself , which now it injoys . The Church of England therefore may justly be styl'd the Mother of this sort of Knowledge ; and so the care of its nourishment and prosperity peculiarly lyes upon it . And indeed this is an honor which seems reserv'd for it alone . From all the several sorts of Enthusiasts , I fear , there cannot much help be expected towards such Works , till they shall have left off to abhor them under the Title of vain Philosophy . The Reformed Churches of other Countries , though they have given us many men , who have been eminent in this way , yet are not in a condition to promote it by themselves : For either they have not the incoragement of the Magistrate ; or those that have , are cut so short in their Revenue , that they have scarce enough to support the Decence of their own Public Worship . The Church of Rome has indeed of late look'd more favorably upon it . They will now condemn no man for asserting the Antipodes : The severity with which they handled Galileo , seems now very much abated : They now permit their Iesuits to bestow some labors about Natural Observations , for which they have great advantages by their Travails ; and their Clergy may justly claim some share in this honor , as long as the Immortal Names of Mersennus and Gassendus shall live . But still it is a question , Whether that Church does not rather connive at , than really intend its progress . They have indeed seiz'd on some parts of New Philosophy ; but perhaps it is only with the same policy that we often see great Monarchs use , in retaining some out-Province of their Empire ; who , though they find that the benefit does not countervail the charge of keeping it , yet will not wholly quit their Interest in it , lest their Neighbors should get possession , and fortifie it against them . Thus it is likely they have cherish'd some Experiments , not out of zeal to the continuance of such Studies , but that the Protestants might not carry away all the glory , and thence withal get new strength to oppose them . This undertaking therefore is wholly cast on the Church of England , which can have no jealousie of its effects , to which Ignorance is not a support , but an Enemy ; which aims not at the captivity , but the freedom of mens minds ; which is lately return'd to a prosperous condition , and having suffer'd with the Crown in its misfortunes , does now partake of the happy Fruits of its Restoration . Nor will Experimental Philosophy be unthankful for the assistance it shall receive : For it will enable us to provide before hand , against any alterations in Religious affairs , which this Age may produce . If we compare the changes to which Religion has bin always subject , with the present face of things , we may safely conclude , that whatever vicissitude shall happen about it in our time , it will probably neither be to the advantage of implicit Faith , nor of Enthusiasm , but of Reason . The fierceness of violent Inspirations is in good measure departed : the remains of it will be soon chac'd out of the World , by the remembrance of the terrible footsteps it has every where left behind it . And though the Church of Rome still preserves its pomp , yet the Real Authority of that too is apparently decaying . It first got by degrees into Temporal Power , by the means of its Spiritual ; but now it only upholds some shadow of the Spiritual , by the strength of the Temporal Dominion it has obtain'd . This is the present state of Christendom . It is now impossible to spread the same clouds over the World again : The universal Disposition of this Age is bent upon a rational Religion : And therefore I renew my affectionat request , That the Church of England would provide to have the chief share in its first adventure ; That it would persist , as it has begun , to incorage Experiments , which will be to our Church as the British Oak is to our Empire , an ornament and defence to the soil wherein it is planted . Thus I have finish'd what I intended concerning Religion ; wherein I desire it might not be thought that I have defended every particular Sercher into Nature . That could not be justly expected from me : For there is no man that makes an Apology for any General way , who will take upon him to make good all the actions of all privat men who profess it . It is enough for my purpose , if it shall be granted , that however some Experimenters may be inclinable to irreligion ; yet this rather proceeds from their own Genius , than from any corruption that could be contracted from these Studies ; and that if the same men had profess'd Physic , or Law , or even Divinity itself , they would have bin in like manner disaffected towards hevenly things . I cannot deny , but that some Philosophers , by their carelesness of a Future Estate , have brought a discredit on Knowledge itself : But what condition of men is free from such accusations ? or why must we strait believe that their Impiety proceeds from their Philosophy ? It is easy for men to fall into gross errors , and to mistake the wrong causes for the True , in the judgement which they make of others opinions and inclinations : When they behold them addicted to such or such Vices , and to have withal some good Qualities , in which they themselves do not excel , they presently are apt to imagin the bad to arise from the good , and so condemn both together ; whereas perhaps it sprung from some other hidden cause , of which they took no notice . But let it be a true Observation , That many Modern Naturalists have bin negligent in the Worship of God : yet perhaps they have bin driven on this prophaness by the late extravagant excesses of Enthusiasm . The infinit pretences to Inspiration , and immediat Communion with God , that have abounded in this Age , have carry'd several men of wit so far , as to reject the whole matter ; who would not have bin so exorbitant , if the others had kept within more moderat Bounds . This is Natural enough to be suppos'd ; for so it has commonly happen'd , that the greatest degrees of all contrary Opinions have met in the same Age , and have still heighthen'd and increas'd each other . From hence it may be gather'd , That the way to reduce a real and sober sense of Religion , is not by indeavoring to cast a veil of Darkness again over the minds of men ; but chiefly by allaying the violence of spiritual madness : and that the one extreme will decreas proportionably to the less'ning of the other . It is apparent to all , That the influence which Christianity once obtain'd on mens minds , is prodigiously decay'd . The Generality of Christendom is now well-nigh arriv'd at that Fatal condition , which did immediatly precede the destruction of the worships of the Ancient World ; when the Face of Religion in their public Assemblies , was quite different from that apprehension which men had concerning it in privat : In public they observ'd its Rules with much solemnity , but in privat regarded it not at all . It is difficult to declare by what means and degrees we are come to this dangerous point : But this is certain , that the spiritual vices of this Age have well-nigh contributed as much towards it , as the Carnal : And for these , the most efficacious Remedy that man of himself can use , is not so much the sublime part of Divinity ▪ as its intelligible , and natural , and practicable Doctrines . The Medicines for Religious distempers must be changeable according to the Diseases : And in this we may imitate Christ himself in his Method of healing mens Bodies : Some Cures he perform'd by his Voice , some by Prayer , but some by the Touch of his hands , and even by his Spittle mingled with Earth . In a gross and a sensual Age , the deepest Mysteries of our Religion may be proper , to purify the stupidity of mens spirits : But there must be an application of quite different and more sensible prescriptions , in a subtil , refin'd , or Enthusiastical time . Such is the present humor of the World ; and such must be the cours of its cure . Men must now be told , that as Religion is a hevenly thing , so it is not utterly avers from making use of the Rules of human Prudence , They must be inform'd , that the True Holiness is a severity over our selves , and not others : They must be instructed , that it is not the best service that can be done to Christianity , to place its chief Praecepts so much out of the way , as to make them unfit for men of business . They must remember , that the chief of the Apostles became all things to all men , that he might gain some . But above all , there must be caution given , that men do not strive to make themselves and their own opinions ador'd , while they only seem zealous for the honor of God. This is a fault which is very incident to men of devotion : For when they have once form'd in themselves a Perfect Model of the Will of God , and have long confirm'd their minds by continual thinking upon it , they are apt to contemn all others that agree not with them in some particulars . Upon this , they have strait the reprochful Term of Atheist to cast upon them ; which though it be a Title that ought only to be employ'd against the bold and insolent defyers of Heven in their words and actions , yet it is too frequently us'd to express the malice of any eager and censorious spirit , that has the confidence to object it . This , and all other the like Principles of uncharitableness , are to be oppos'd by asserting the duties of the Law of Nature , by the use of past , and present Times , by the Analogy of human things , by Moral Virtu , by the offices of society , by the contemplation of Gods visible Works , and such easy and rational Arguments . Next to the succor of divine Power , this is the most probable way to preserve the Christian Faith amongst us : If God has not in his wrath resolv'd to transplant it into some other quarter of the Earth , which has not so much neglected his Goodness . This indeed were a revolution , which cannot be thought on without horror . The subversion of all Europe would attend it . The departure of the Christian Profession would be accompanied with as frightful effects , as those which follow'd on the Death of its Founder : When the Hevens were darken'd , the Temple shook , the Veil was Rent , the Earth trembled , and the Philosopher had reason to cry out , that either Nature was dissolving , or the God of Nature dying . I will now enter on the next member of my Division , to consider the purpose of the Royal Society , and the probable effects of Experiments , in respect of all the Manual Trades , which have been heretofore found out , and adorn'd . And I will dispatch this Argument in the resolution of these Four Questions . Whether the Mechanic Arts are still improveable by human Industry ? Whether it be likely , that they may be advanc'd by any others , besides the Mechanic Artists themselves ? Whether there be any ground of hope from Experiments , towards this Work ? And whether if such Arts shall hereby happen to multiply , they will not ruine those Trades , that are already setled ? If in these particulars I shall Answer my Readers doubts , I trust it will be granted me , that it is not a vain or impossible Design , to indeavor the increas of Mechanic contrivances : that the enterprize is proper for a mixt Assembly : that the cours , which they observe towards it will be effectual : and that the increas of such Operations will be inoffensive to others of the same kind , that have been formerly discover'd . Before I examin these several heads apart , perhaps it will not be an impertinent labor , to take one general survey of the Principal Degrees , and occasions , by which the several Manufactures have risen , which beautify the face of the Earth , and have brought forth so much pleasure , and plenty amongst men . The First of all human Race , when they were dispers'd into several Lands , were at first sustain'd by the Fruits of the Earth , which fell to their share . These at first they cherish'd , and us'd , not by any Rules of Art , but by that Natural sagacity which teaches all men , to indeavor their own praeservation . For the peaceable injoyment of these , they combin'd into Families , and little Leagues , which were the beginnings of Civil Government . But finding that all places did not bring forth all things , for Clothing , Food , and Defence ; they either violently seis'd on what their Neighbors possess'd , or else they fairly agreed on a mutual exchange of the productions of their soyls . This Trafic was at first made in kind : And the Fruits that were thus barter'd , were either spent , or planted in other Grounds . By this means mankind was maintain'd : and several Earths were furnish'd by Labor , with what Nature bestow'd not upon them . For this Commutation of their Fruits , and of the rude effects of their first industry , they began to devise the conveniencies of Carriage by Land , and Water : And to make it still easier , and larger ; they agreed on some common things , to be the universal standard of value , and price : whence arose the use of Mony. This was the first Original of Trade , which from a narrow commerce between the Hills , the Vallies , the Woods , the Plains , and the Rivers , that border'd one upon another , is since extended to the whole compass of the Earth . For in cours of Time , the small Clans , and Natural Commonwealths , were devour'd by the strength of the greater ; or else some of the wiser men reduc'd the Rude multitude into one place , and persuaded them to live quietly under Laws . From thence Mankind began to have the face of Civility , which arose at first , by that which is the best means of preserving it now , by the greatness , and enlargement of Dominion . Then first , all the differences of Living , and the advantages of Strength , and Empire did shew themselves . Then some took on them to Rule , some to assist , or counsail those that Rul'd , and some were forc'd to be subject to their Power . Thus the Riches , and Dominion , that were at first in common , were unequally divided : The Great , the Wise , or the Strong obtain'd a Principal share ; and either persuaded , or constrain'd all the rest to serve them with their Bodies . Thence sprung all the Arts of convenience , and pleasure , while the one part of men would not be content to live according to the first plainess of Nature : and the other were compell'd to work with their hands , for the ease , and pleasure of their Masters lives , and the support of their own . From these beginnings the Inventions of peace , and war , the delights of Cities , and Palaces , the delicacies of Food , the Curiosities of Clothing , the varieties of recreations took their rise . And these have still continued to increase , either by some casual discoveries , or by Luxury , or else as men have been driven by some new necessities , to pass on farther to attempt new ways of maintaining themselves . This is the most Natural Method of the foundation , and progress of Manual Arts. And they may still be advanc'd to a higher perfection , than they have yet obtain'd , either by the discovery of new matter , to imploy mens hands ; or by a new Transplantation of the same matter , or by handling the old subjects of Manufactures after a new way , in the same places . And First , we have reason to expect , that there may still arise new matter , to be manag'd by human Art , and diligence : And that from the parts of the Earth , that are yet unknown : or from the new discover'd America : or from our own Seas , and Lands , that have bin long search'd into , and Inhabited . If ever any more Countrys which are now hidden from us , shall be reveal'd , it is not to be question'd , but there will be also opened to our observation , very many kinds of living Creatures , of Minerals , of Plants , nay of Handicrafts , with which we have been hitherto unacquainted . This may well be expected if we remember , that there was never yet any Land , discover'd , which has not given us divers new sorts of Animals , and Fruits , of different Features , and shapes , and virtues from our own , or has not supply'd us with some new artificial Engine , and Contrivance . And that our Discoveries may still be inlarg'd to farther Countrys , it is a good proof , that so many spatious shores , and Mountains , and Promontories , appear to our Southern , and Northern Sailors ; of which we have yet no account , but only such as could be taken by a remote prospect at Sea. From whence , and from the Figure of the Earth , it may be concluded , that almost as much space of Ground remains still in the dark , as was fully known in the Times of the Assyrian , or Persian Monarchy . So that without assuming the vain prophetic Spirit , which I lately condemn'd , we may foretell , that the Discovery of another new World is still behind . To accomplish this , there is only wanting the Invention of Longitude , which cannot now be far off , seing it is generally allow'd to be feasible , seing so many rewards are ready to be heap'd on the Inventors ; and ( I will also add ) seing the Royal Society has taken it , into its peculiar care . This if it shall be once accomplish'd , will make well-nigh as much alteration in the World , as the invention of the Needle did before . And then our Posterity may outgo us , as much as we can travail farther than the Ancients ; whose Demy-Gods , and Heroes did esteem it one of their chief exploits , to make a Journy as far as the Pillars of Hercules . Whoever shall think this to be a desperat business , they can only use the same Arguments , wherewith Columbus was at first made ridiculous : if he had bin discorag'd by the Raillery of his adversaries , by the judgment of most Astronomers of his time , and even by the intreaties of his own Companions , but three daies before he had a fight of Land , we had lost the knowledge of half the World at once . And as for the new-discover'd America : 'T is true that has not bin altogether useless to the Mechanic Arts. But still we may ghess , that much more of its bounty is to come , if we consider , that it has not yet bin shewn above Two hundred years : which is scarce enough time , to travail it over , describe , and measure it , much less to pierce into all its secrets . Besides this , a good part of this space was spent in the Conquest , and setling the Spanish Government , which is a season improper for Philosophical discoveries . To this may be added , that the chief design of the Spaniards thither , has bin the transportation of Bullion : which being so profitable , they may well be thought to have overseen many other of its Native Riches . But above all let us reflect on the temper of the Spaniards themselves . They suffer no strangers to arrive there : they permit not the Natives , to know more than becomes their slaves . And how unfit the Spanish humor is , to improve Manufactures , in a Country so distant as the West-Indies ; we may learn by their practice in Spain itself : where they commonly disdain to exercise any Manual Crafts , and permit the profit of them , to be carry'd away by strangers . From all this , we may make this Conclusion , that if ever that vast Tract of Ground shall come to be more familiar to Europe , either by a free Trade , or by Conquest , or by any other Revolution in its Civil affairs : America will appear quite a new thing to us ; and may furnish us with an abundance of Rarities both Natural , and Artificial ; of which we have bin almost as much depriv'd by its present Masters , as if it had still remain'd a Part of the unknown World. But Lastly to come nearer home , we have no ground to despair , but very much more matter , which has bin yet unhandled , may still be brought to light , even in the most civil , and most Peopled Countries : whose Lands have bin throughly measur'd , by the hands of the most exact Surveyors ; whose under-ground Riches have bin accurately pry'd into ; whose Cities , Islands , Rivers , and Provinces , have bin describ'd by the labors of Geographers . It is not to be doubted , but still there may be an infinit number of Creatures , over our heads , round about us , and under our Feet , in the large space of the Air , in the Caverns of the Earth , in the Bowels of Mountains , in the bottoms of Seas , and in the shades of Forests : which have hitherto escap'd all mortal Senses . In this the Microscope alone is enough to silence all opposers . Before that was invented , the chief help that was given to the eies by Glasses , was only to strengthen the dim sight of old Age : But now by the means of that excellent Instrument , we have a far greater number of different kinds of things reveal'd to us , than were contain'd in the visible Univers before : And even this is not yet brought to perfection . The chief labors that are publish'd in this way , have bin the Observations of some Fellows of the Royal Society . Nor have they as yet apply'd it to all subjects , nor tried it in all materials , and Figures of Glass . To the eies therefore there may still be given a vast addition of Objects : And proportionably to all all the other senses . This Mr. Hook has undertaken to make out , that Tasting , Touching , Smelling , and Hearing , are as improveable as the Sight : And from his excellent performances in the one , we may well rely on his promise in all the rest . The next Increas of Manual Arts , which is probable to succeed , may happen by the farther Transplanting , and Communicating of the several Natural Commodities of all Nations , to other Airs , and other Soils , and other ways of Cultivation . That this is not yet finish'd is evident , in that there is no Land so well furnish'd , as to produce all the various sorts of things , which its ground and Temperature is capable to receive : and also because many of the most fertil Countrys contain large spaces , that are utterly barren . This Work then may be farther advanc'd , by three kinds of indeavors . The First by Transplanting out of one Land into another , of the same scituation in respect of the Hevens . This may be tri'd by conveying the Eastern Spices , and other useful Vegetables , into our Western Plantations . Nor can it be imagin'd , why they should thrive in one Indies , and not in the other ; why the the Soil should not be as good where the Sunsets , as where it rises : Seing there are parts of both , which lye under the same influence of that , and the other Celestial Bodies , to whose kindly heat and Neighborhood , the Oriental Nations are suppos'd to owe their advantages . This also may be attempted in our Northern Climats : As for instance , the Flax of which we stand so much in need , may prosper in Ireland , in many vast Tracts of Ground , now only possessed by wild Beasts , or Tories almost as wild . The second Advancement of this Work may be accomplish'd by carrying and transplanting living creatures and Vegetables from one Climat to another . This will be very beneficial , though it will be perform'd with a various success . Sometimes the Soil and the Air being chang'd , will give a new force to the new Guests ; as the Arabian Horse , by mingling with our Breed , produces a more serviceable Race than either of them single . And somtimes the alteration will be for the wors ; as the Vine of France brought into England , and the Horses and Dogs of England into France ; both which are found to degenerat exceedingly : Their Soil , and their Sun , it seems , being fitter to produce things of pleasure and delight ; and our Air and our Earth being more proper to beget valor and strength . The third way of communication to be try'd , is by removing the Plants and the productions of the same Country from one part of it into another ; and by practising every where all the sorts of Husbandry , which are us'd in some places with success . That this is not enough perfected even in England , is manifest to every one that beholds the Kentish Orchards , and the Herefordshire Hedges ; which seem to upbraid the laziness of other Countries , whose High-ways are only fenc'd with Thorns and Briars , or at the best with Hasel ; while theirs are beautifi'd with Apples , Pears , and Cherries . Now then , in every one of these Transplantations , the chief Progress that has hitherto bin made , has bin rather for the collection of Curiosities to adorn Cabinets and Gardens , than for the solidity of Philosophical Discoveries : Yet there may be a prodigious advantage made in them all , both for the one end and the other . And in this it will be found , as in many other things , that if men only intend a little curiosity and delight , they will reap not much more by their pains : But if they regard real use , not only the profit , but a greater delight will also follow thereon . And for our incoragement , whatever attempts of this Nature have succeeded , they have redounded to the great advantage of the Vndertakers . The Orange of China being of late brought into Portugal , has drawn a great Revenew every year from London alone . The Vine of the Rhene taking root in the Canaries , has produc'd a far more delicious juyce , and has made the Rocks and the Sun-burnt Ashes of those Islands , one of the richest spots of Ground in the World. And I will also instance in that which is now in a good forwardness : Virginia has already given Silk for the clothing of our King ; and it may happen hereafter to give Cloaths to a great part of Europe , and a vast Treasure to our Kings : If the Silk-worms shall thrive there ( of which there seems to be no doubt ) the profit will be inexpressible . We may guess at it , by considering what numbers of Caravans , and how many great Cities in Persia , are maintain'd by that Manufacture alone , and what mighty Customs it yearly brings into the Sophi's Revenew . But if both these helps should chance to fail ; if nothing new should ever come into our hands ; and if there could be no farther alteration made by Transplanting ; yet we may still take comfort , and rely on the old matter itself , on which all our present Arts have bin devis'd . This certainly will take away all distrust in this business : For it may be observ'd , that the greatest part of all our New Inventions have not bin rais'd from Subjects before untouch'd ( though they also have given us very many ) but from the most studied and most familiar things , that have bin always in mens hands and eies . For this I shall only instance in Printing , in the Circulation of the Blood , in Mr. Boyl's Engine for the sucking out of Air , in the making of Guns , in the Microscopical Glasses , and in the Pendulum Clocks of Hugenius . What might we have believ'd to be perfect , if not the Art of mens Communicating their thoughts one to another ? What was neerer to them than their Blood , by which their Life subsists ? And what more ready to be found out than its Motion ? In what Subject had the wit of Artificers bin more shewn , than in the variety of Clocks and Watches ? What thing was more in mens view than Glass , thorow which in the East-Countries the very Light itself is admitted , whereby we discern all things else ? What more natural to us than the Air we breath ? with which we form every word to express other things ? What was more studied than the Art of Fighting ? What little Stratagem , or Fortification , or Weapon , could one have thought to have bin conceal'd from the Greeks and Romans , who were so curious in the Discipline of War ? And yet in all these the most obvious things , the greatest changes have bin made by late Discoveries ; which cannot but convince us , that many more are still to come from things that are as common , if we shall not be wanting to our selves . And this we have good reason to trust will be effected , if this Mechanic Genius , which now prevails in these parts of Christendom , shall happen to spread wider amongst our selves , and other Civil Nations ; or if by some good Fate it shall pass farther on to other Countries that were yet never fully civiliz'd . We now behold much of the Northern Coasts of Europe and Asia , and almost all Afric , to continue in the rude state of Nature : I wish I had not an instance neerer home , and that I did not find some parts of our own Monarchy in as bad a condition . But why may we not suppose , that all these may in cours of Time be brought to lay aside the untam'd wildness of their present manners ? Why should we use them so cruelly as to believe , that the goodness of their Creator has not also appointed them their season of polite and happy life , as well as us ? Is this more unlikely to happen , than the change that has been made in the World these last seventeen hundred years ? This has bin so remarkable , that if Aristotle , and Plato , and Demosthenes , should now arise in Greece again , they would stand amaz'd at the horrible divastation of that which was the Mother of Arts. And if Caesar and Tacitus should return to life , they would scarce believe this Britain , and Gaul , and Germany , to be the same which they describ'd : they would now behold them cover'd over with Cities and Palaces , which were then over-run with Forests and Thickets : they would see all manner of Arts florishing in these Countries , where the chief Art , that was practis'd in their time , was that barbarous one of painting their Bodies , to make them look more terrible in Battel . This then being imagin'd , that there may some lucky Tyde of Civility flow into those Lands , which are yet salvage , there will a double improvement thence arise , both in respect of our selves and them : For even the present skilful parts of mankind , will be thereby made more skilful ; and the other will not only increase those Arts which we shall bestow upon them , but will also venture on new serches themselves . If any shall doubt of the first of these Advantages , let them consider , that the spreading of Knowledge wider , does beget a higher and a cleerer Genius in those that injoy'd it before . But the chief Benefit will arise from the New Converts : For they will not only receive from us our old Arts , but in their first vigour will proceed to new ones that were not thought of before . This is reasonable enough to be granted : For seing they come fresh and unwearied , and the thoughts of men being most violent in the first opening of their Fancies ; it is probable they will soon pass over those difficulties about which these people that have bin long Civil , are already tyr'd . To this purpose I might give as many Examples as there have bin different periods of Civilizing ; that those Nations which have bin taught , have prov'd wiser and more dextrous than their Teachers . The Greeks took their first hints from the East ; but out-did them in Music , in Statuary , in Graving , in Limning , in Navigation , in Horsmanship , in Husbandry , as much as the Aegyptians or Assyrians exceeded their unskilful Ancestors in Architecture , Astronomy , or Geometry . The Germans , the French , the Britains , the Spaniards , the modern Italians , had their light from the Romans ; but surpass'd them in most of their own Arts , and well-nigh doubled the ancient stock of Trades deliver'd to their keeping . So then , the whole Prize is not yet taken out of our hands : The Mechamic Invention is not quite worn away ; nor will be , as long as new Subjects may be discovered , as long as our old materials may be alter'd or improv'd , and as long as there remains any corner of the World without Civility . Let us next observe , whether men of different ways of life are capable of performing any thing towards it , besides the Artificers themselves . This will quickly appear undeniable , if we will be convinc'd by Instances : For it is evident , that divers sorts of Manufactures have been given us by men who were not bred up in Trades that resembled those which they discover'd . I shall mention Three ; that of Printing , Powder , and the Bow-Dye . The Admirable Art of Composing Letters was so far from being started by a man of Learning , that it was the Device of a Soldier : And Powder ( to make recompence ) was invented by a Monck , whose cours of life was most avers from handling the Materials of War. The ancient Tyrian Purple was brought to light by a Fisher ; and if ever it shall be recover'd , it is likely to be done by some such accident . The Scarlat of the Moderns is a very beautiful Color ; and it was the production of a Chymist , and not of a Dyer . And indeed the Instances of this kind are so numerous , that I dare in general affirm , That those men who are not peculiarly conversant about any one sort of Arts , may often find out their Rarities and Curiosities sooner , than those who have their minds confin'd wholly to them . If we weigh the Reasons why this is probable , it will not be found so much a Paradox , as perhaps it seems at the first Reading . The Tradesmen themselves , having had their hands directed from their Youth in the same Methods of Working , cannot when they pleas so easily alter their custom , and turn themselves into new Rodes of Practice . Besides this , they chiefly labor for present livelyhood , and therefore cannot defer their Expectations so long , as is commonly requisit for the ripening of any new Contrivance . But especially having long handled their Instruments in the same fashion , and regarded their Materials , with the same thoughts , they are not apt to be surpriz'd much with them , nor to have any extraordinary Fancies , or Raptures about them . These are the usual defects of the Artificers themselves : Whereas the men of freer lives , have all the contrary advantages . They do not approach those Trades , as their dull , and unavoidable , and perpetual employments , but as their Diversions . They come to try those operations , in which they are not very exact , and so will be more frequently subject to commit errors in their proceeding : which very faults , and wandrings will often guid them into new light , and new Conceptions . And lastly there is also some privilege to be allow'd to the generosity of their spirits , which have not bin subdu'd , and clogg'd by any constant toyl , as the others . Invention is an Heroic thing , and plac'd above the reach of a low , and vulgar Genius . It requires an active , a bold , a nimble , a restless mind : a thousand difficulties must be contemn'd , with which a mean heart would be broken : many attempts must be made to no purpose : much Treasure must sometimes be scatter'd without any return : much violence , and vigor of thoughts must attend it : some irregularities , and excesses must be granted it , that would hardly be pardon'd by the severe Rules of Prudence . All which may persuade us , that a large , and an unbounded mind is likely to be the Author of greater Productions , than the calm , obscure , and fetter'd indeavors of the Mechanics themselves : and that as in the Generation of Children , those are usually observ'd to be most sprightly , that are the stollen Fruits of an unlawful Bed ; so in the Generations of the Brains , those are often the most vigorous , and witty , which men beget on other Arts , and not on their own . This came seasonably in , to stop the undeserv'd clamors , which perhaps in this humorous Age , some Tradesmen may raise against the Royal Society , for entring within the compass of their Territories . Wherefore I proceed to my Third Particular , which I have aym'd at in the Two former , that the surest increas remaining to be made in Manual Arts , is to be perform'd by the conduct of Experimental Philosophy . This will appear undeniable when we shall have found , that all other causes of such Inventions are defective : and that for this very reason , becaus the Trials of Art , have bin so little united with the plain labors of mens hands . I have already given this account of the former Arts that we use , that the greatest Part of them has bin produc'd , either by Luxury , or chance , or necessity : all which must be confess'd to be mean , and ignoble causes of the Rational Mechanics . The First of these has bin , that vanity , and intemperance of life , which the delights of Peace , and greatness of Empire have alwayes introduc'd . This has bin the original of very many extravagant Inventions of Pleasure : to whose Promotion , it is not requisit that we should give any help , seing they are already too excessive . And indeed , if we consider the vast number of the Arts of Luxury , compar'd to the sound , and the substantial ones of use : we shall find that the wit of men has bin as much defective in the one , as redundant in the other . It has been the constant error of mens labors in all Ages , that they have still directed them to improve those of pleasure , more than those of profit . How many , and how extravagant have bin the Ornaments about Coaches ? And how few Inventions , about new frames for Coaches , or about Carts , and Ploughs ? What prodigious expence has bin thrown away , about the fashions of Cloaths ? But how little indeavors have there bin , to invent new materials for Cloathing , or to perfect those we have ? The Furniture , and magnificence of Houses , is risen to a wonderful beauty within our memory : but few or none have throughly studied the well ordring of Timber , the hardning of Stone , the improvement of Mortar , and the making of better Bricks . The like may be shewn in all the rest : wherein the solid Inventions are wont to be overwhelm'd by gawdiness , and superfluity ; which vanity has been caus'd by this , that the Artists have chiefly bin guided , by the fancies of the rich , or the yong , or of vain humorists , and not by the Rules , and judgments of men of Knowledge . The Second occasion that has given help to the increas of Mechanics has bin Chance : For in all Ages by some casual accidents , those things have bin reveal'd , which either men did not think of , or else sought for in vain . But of this the Benevolence is irregular , and most uncertain : This indeed can scarce by styl'd the work of a man. The Hart deserves as much prays of Invention , for lighting on the herb , that cures it ; as the man who blindly stumbles on any profitable Work , without foresight , or consideration . The last that I shall allege is necessity . This has given rise to many great Enterprises : and like the cruel Step-Mother of Hercules , has driven men upon Heroic Actions , not out of any tender affection , but hard usage . Nor has it only bin an excellent Mistress to particular men , but even to whole States and Kingdoms . For which reason some have preferr'd a Barren Soil , for the Seat of an Imperial City , before a Fruitful : becaus thereby the inhabitants being compell'd to take pains , and to live industriously , will be secure from the dangerous inchantments of plenty , and ease ; which are fatal to the beginnings of all Common-wealths . Yet the defects of this severe Author of great Works , are very many . It often indeed ingages men in brave attempts , but seldom carryes them on to finish what they begin : It labors at first for want of Bread ; and that being obtain'd it commonly gives over : It rather sharpens than enlarges mens Wits : It sooner puts them upon small shifts , than great designs : It seldom rises to high , or magnanimous things : For the same necessity which makes men inventive , does commonly depress , and fetter their Inventions . And now these Principal causes of Mechanic discoveries being found for the greatest part to be either corrupt , or weak : It is but just , that Reason itself should interpose , and have some place allow'd it in those Arts , which ought to be the chief works of Reason . It is a shame to the dignity of human Nature itself , that either mens lusts should tempt them , or their necessities drive them , or blind fortune should lead them in the dark , into those things in which consists the chief Praerogative of their condition . What greater Privilege have men to boast of than this ; that they have the pow'r of using , directing , changing , or advancing all the rest of the Creatures ? This is the Dominion which God has given us over the Works of his hands . And if we will either answer the expectations of Heven , or deserve so high an honor , we ought rather to manage this Dominion by diligence , and Counsail , than by Chance , or Luxury , or Compulsion . It is impossible for us to administer this power aright , unless we prefer the light of men of Knowledge , to be a constant overseer , and director , of the industry , and Works of those that labor . The Benefits are vast , that will appear upon this conjunction . By this means the Inventions of chance will be spread into all their various uses , and multiply'd into many new advantages : By this the Productions of necessity , will be amplify'd , and compleated : By this those of Luxury , and Wantoness may be reduc'd to some solid ends : By this may be rays'd almost as certain a Method to invent new Mechanics , as now any particular Mechanics can practise , to produce their own Operations : By this the weak minds of the Artists themselves will be strengthen'd , their low conceptions advanc'd , and the obscurity of their shops inlighten'd : By this their thoughts will be directed to better Instruments , and Materials : By this their Poverty will be assisted , and they will be inabled to attempt more costly Trials : By this that will be amended , which has bin hitherto the misfortune of such Inventions , that they have commonly fallen into mens hands , who understand not their Natures , uses , or improvements : By this the conceptions of men of Knowledge , which are wont to soar too high , will be made to descend into the material World : And the flegmatick imaginations of men of Trade , which use to grovell too much on the ground , will be exalted . It was said of Civil Government by Plato , that then the World will be best rul'd , when either Philosophers shall be chosen Kings , or Kings shall have Philosophical minds . And I will affirm the like of Philosophy . It will then attain to perfection , when either the Mechanic Laborers shall have Philosophical heads ; or the Philosophers shall have Mechanical hands : For the proof of this I need only propose one instance , with which I am furnish'd by Antiquity ; and it is of Archimedes : by this example alone , we may at once chastise the sloth of all Ages since his time , and confute the present contemners of Mechanic Knowledge . This Great man was one of the first who apply'd his skill , in the Mathematics , and Phisics , to the practices and motions of Manual Trades . And in these his success was so prodigious , that the true contrivances of his hands did exceed all the Fabulous strength , which either the Ancient stories , or modern Romances have bestow'd on their Heroes . The weights he mov'd were so vast , and the Engines he fram'd had such dreadful effects , that his force could neither be resisted , by Seas , or Mountains , or Fleets , or Armies , which are the greatest powers of Nature , and Men. He alone sustain'd the burden of his falling Country : He alone kept the Romans at a Bay , to whom the whole World was to yield . And perhaps he had come off victorious at last , if he had not contended with the Fatal valour of Marcellus : amongst all whose exploits , these are recorded as the Two greatest , that he first shew'd that Hannibal might be subdu'd ; and that he vanquish'd Syracuse , though it was defended by Archimedes . Thus far I hope the way is cleer as I go : I have some confidence that I have sufficiently prov'd , that the Invention of Trades may still proceed farther , and that by the help of men of free lives , and by this cours of Experiments . But yet the main difficulty continues unremov'd . This arises from the suspicions of the Tradesmen themselves : They are generally infected with the narrowness that is natural to Corporations , which are wont to resist all new comers , as profess'd Enemies to their Privileges : And by these interessed men it may be objected , That the growth of new Inventions and new Artificers , will infallibly reduce all the old ones to poverty and decay . But to take off their fears in this particular , they are to be inform'd , That there are two sorts of Experiments which the Royal Society attempts in Mechanical matters . The first will be employ'd about the revising , changing , and correcting of the old Mechanics themselves : The second , about inventing of New. In the first of these they can have no ground of jealousie ; seing they are not intended to bring others over their heads , but only to beautifie and fasten those which they already injoy . And even this is a work so necessary to be done , that if there were not a continual reparation made in them , they would soon languish , and insensibly consume away into Barbarism : For the Arts of mens hands are subject to the same infirmity with Empire , the best Art of their minds , of which it is truly observ'd , that whenever it comes to stand still , and ceases to advance , it will soon go back and decreas . Hence it appears , that one part of Experiments , and that a very considerable part , is free from their Cavils . Let us then go on to the other kinds , which purpose the striking out of new Mechanics : Of these I will also assert the Innocence , in respect of their predecessors . In few words , the Old Arts are so far from being indanger'd by the New , that they themselves will receive a proportionable increas , as the New shall arise . The warmth and vigour which attends new Discoveries , is seldome wont to confine itself to its own Sphere , but is commonly extended farther to the ornament of its Neighbors . This is apparent in the degrees by which all Nations use to attain to a higher civility . The ordinary method wherein this happens , is the introduction of some one or two New Arts : For they appearing with great activity in the beginning , do not only establish themselves ; but also by stirring and inflaming mens minds , by disgracing the laziness of other Artizans , and provoking them to an aemulation , they are wont to bring an Vniversal light and Beauty on those Inventions into whose company they are brought . It is said of the Moral Virtues , that they have such a mutual dependance , that no man can attain to perfection in any one of them , without some degree of the other . And this also is certain in the Mechanic Arts : The connexion between them is so close , that they generally use to increas in the same measure . There is no Time , nor great City , which perfectly excells in any one of them , but it is thereby made more capable of admitting the rest , or of advancing them higher if they were admitted before . It is true indeed , the increas of Tradesmen is an injury to others , that are bred up in particular Trades , where there is no greater Employment than they can master : But there can never be an overcharge of Trades themselves . That Country is still the richest and most powerful , which entertains most Manufactures . The hands of men employ'd are true Riches : The saving of those hands by inventions of Art , and applying them to other Works , will increase those Riches . Where this is done , there will never a sufficient matter for profit be wanting : For if there be not vent for their productions at home , we shall have it abroad . But where the ways of Life are few , the fountains of Profit will be possess'd by few ; and so all the rest must live in Idleness on which inevitably insues Beggery : Whence it is manifest , that Poverty is caus'd by the fewness of Trades , and not by the multitude . Nor is it enough to overthrow this , to tell us , that by this addition of Laborers all things will become dearer , because more must be maintain'd : For the high rate of things is an Argument of the florishing , and the cheapness of the scarcity of Money , and ill peopling of all Countries . The first is a sign of many Inhabitants , which are true Greatness : The second is only a fit subject for Poets to describe , and to compare to their Golden Age : For where all things are without price or valu , they will be without Arts , or Empire , or Strength . I will explain all this by a Familiar and Domestic Instance . It is probable that there are in England a hundred times more Trades than the Saxons or the Danes found here in their Invasions ; and withal the particular Traders live now more plentifully , and the whole Nation is wonderfully stronger than before . This also may be seen in every particular City : The greater it is ▪ the more kinds of Artificers it contains ; whose neighborhood and number is so far from being an hindrance to each others gain , that still the Tradesmen of most populous Towns are welthier than those who profess the same Crafts in Country Mercats . In England it has of late bin a universal Murmur , that Trade decays ; but the contrary is evident , from the perpetual advancement of the Customs : Whence then arises the complaint ? From hence , that Traders have multiplied above the proportionable increas of Trades : By this means all the old ways of gain are over-stock'd , which would soon be prevented by a constant addition of new . The want of a right apprehending this , has always made the English avers from admitting of new Inventions , and shorter ways of labor , and from naturallizing New-people : Both which are the fatal mistakes that have made the Hollanders exceed us in Riches and Trafic : They receive all Projects , and all People , and have few or no Poor : We have kept them out and suppress'd them , for the sake of the Poor , whom we thereby do certainly make the poorer . And here there is suggested to me a just occasion of lamenting the ill Treatment which has bin most commonly given to Inventors ; not only here in England , but in all Ages and Countries . Nor do they only meet with rough usage from those that envy their honour ; but even from the Artificers themselves , for whose sakes they labor : while those that add some small matter to things begun , are usually inrich'd thereby ; the Discoverers themselves have seldom found any any other entertainment than contempt and impoverishment . The effects of their Industry are wont to be decry'd while they live : The fruits of their Studies are frequently alienated from their Children : The little Tradesmen conspire against them , and indeavor to stop the Springs from whence they themselves receive nourishment : The common titles with which they are wont to be defam'd , are those of Cheats and Projectors . I cannot deny , but many such do often mingle themselves in the noble Throng of Great Inquirers : As of old there were some that imitated Philosophers only in Beard and austerity ; so I grant at this time there may false Experimenters and Inventors arise , who will strive to make themselves admir'd by the loud talking of Mathematical Engines , and Glasses , and Tools ; and by sounding in every place such goodly words as Chymistry , and Agriculture , and Mechanics . But though the folly of such Pretenders cannot be avoided , we must not therefore reject the sober and the judicious Observers . It is better sometimes to indure vanities , than out of too much niceness to lose any real Invention . We ought to do with Philosophical Works , as Ministers of State with Intelligence . It is the wisest cours to give incoragement to all ; left by shewing our selves too scrupulous of being impos'd on by falshoods , we chance to be depriv'd of the knowledge of some important Truths . The next Particular which I resolv'd to handle , is the advantage of Experiments in respect of Physic. On this I intended to dilate in many words , both because of the great weight of the Subject , which concerns the very welfare and health of our lives , and also because it would afford me abundant matter for discours : For certainly it were easy to prove , that there may still a vast progress be made in the Tru Art of Medicine , if either we consider the imperfection of the Method of the Ancient Physicians ; or if we observe the nature of Diseases , which alter , and multiply upon us every Age ; or if we reflect on the Cures themselves , and how little the Invention of new ones has hitherto bin regarded . But as I was entring on this Subject , I perceiv'd that I might safely omit it , seing it is already better perform'd by Mr. Boyl , in his Book of the Vsefulness of Experimental Philosophy . I will therefore withdraw my Pen from this matter , which this Noble Gentleman has manag'd in the best and most powerful way , by using not only the force of Reason , but the conviction of particular Instances . And now with so good an omen as this Gentlemans Example , who has not disdain'd to adorn the honor of his Family with the Studies of Nature ; I will go on to recommend them to the Gentry and Nobility of our Nation . And I am the more incorag'd to make this Address , because I behold , that what I would advise is already in good measure accomplish'd ; so that I shall not only have an occasion to exhort them to proceed , but to commend them also , for their present zeal towards these indeavors . In this indeed I have much reason to applaud the generous Breeding which has been given to the Experimental Knowledge of this Age and Country , above the base and contemptible Education of the Opinions of all former Sects : For now Philosophy being admitted into our Exchange , our Church , our Palaces , and our Court , has begun to keep the best Company , to refine its fashion and appearance , and to become the Employment of the Rich , and the Great , insteed of being the Subject of their scorn : Whereas it was of old for the most part only the Study of the sullen , and the poor , who thought it the gravest part of Science to contemn the use of mankind , and to differ in habit and manners from all others , whom they slighted as madmen and fools . From this arrogant sordidness of such Principles , there could not be expected any Magnificent Works , but only ill-natur'd and contentious Doctrines . Whatever the Poets say of the Moral Wisdom , that it thrives best in Poverty ; it is certain the Natural cannot : for in such mean and narrow conditions men perhaps may learn to despise the World , but never to know it . Now then , I will proceed not so much to exhort , as to confirm the Gentlemen of our Nation , in the prosecution of this Art , to which their Purses and their generous Labors are most necessary . And for their incoragement in this way , I will briefly lay before them the Priveleges they have for such Inquiries , above all the Gentry of our neighbour Nations , and above all the Nobility of former Ages in this Kingdom . One Principal help that they injoy , for the promoting of these Studies of Peace , is the present constitution of the Interest of our Government . The chief design of the Antient English was the glory of spreading their Victories on the Continent : But this was a magnanimous mistake : For by their very Conquests , if they had maintain'd them , this Island had bin ruin'd , and had only become a Province to a greater Empire . But now it is rightly understood , that the English Greatness will never be supported or increased in this Age , by any other Wars but those at Sea : and for these the Service of the Multitude is fitter than of Gentlemen This we have beheld practis'd these last twenty years , wherein our Naval Strength has more than trebled it self : For though some few Gentlemen have still mingled themselves in those gallant actions ; yet the gross of our Fleets have consisted of common men , and of Mariners , who are bred up in the rude toils of such a life . As this Observation may rais us to the greater admiration of their Valor , that such Magnanimity should be found amongst the meanest of the people ; so it should also suggest to our Gentlemen , who by this means are at liberty from the employments of greatest danger , that they ought to undertake these , which will give them as great , though a securer honor . Nor will it be a disgrace to them , that the fighting for their Country is cast on men of lower ranks , if in the mean time they shall strive to inlighten and adorn , while the other defend it : For the same is ordain'd by Nature itself in the order and offices of her works : The Hevenly Bodies appear to move quietly above , to give light , and to cherish the World with a gentle influence ; while the Instruments of War and offence are taken out of the Bowels of the Earth . For the improvement of these Arts of peaceable Fame , they have indeed another Privilege , which can scarce be equall'd by any Kingdom in Europe : and that is the convenience and benefit of being scatter'd in the Country . And in truth , the usual cours of life of the English Gentlemen is so well plac'd between the troublesome nois of pompous Magnificence , and the baseness of avaricious Sordidness ; that the true happiness of living according to the rules and pleasures of uncorrupt Nature , is more in their power than any others . To them , in this way of life , there can nothing offer itself , which may not be turn'd to a Philosophical Vse . Their Country Seats being remov'd from the Tumults of Cities , give them the best opportunity , and freedom of Observations . Their Hospitality , and familiar way of conversing with their Neighborhood , will alwaies supply them with Intelligence . The leasure which their retirements afford them is so great , that either they must spend their thoughts about such attempts , or in more chargeable and less innocent divertisements . If they will consider the Hevens , and the motions of the Stars , they have there a quieter Hemisphere , and a clearer Air for that purpose . If they will observe the generations , breedings , diseases , and Cures of living Creatures : their Stables , their Stalls , their Kennels , their Parks , their Ponds , will give them eternal matter of inquiry . If they would satisfy their minds with the advancing of Fruits , the beautifying , the ripening , the bettering of Plants ; their Pastures , their Orchards , their Groves , their Gardens their Nurseries , will furnish them with perpetual contemplations . They may not only make their business but their very sports most serviceable to Experimental Knowledge . For that if it be rightly educated , will stand in need of such recreations , as much as the Gentlemen themselves : from their hunting , hawking , fishing , and fowling , that is able to receive as much solid profit , as they delight . On both these accounts , the English Gentry has the advantage of those of France , Spain , Italy , or Germany : who are generally either shut up in Towns , and dream away their lives in the diversions of Cities : or else are ingag'd to follow their Princes Wills to forein Wars . Nor do they only excell other Nations in such opportunities , but our own Nobility of all former Times . First they are now far more numerous , and so more may be spar'd from the civil business of their Country . Besides this , they are now bred up , and live in a quite different fashion . The cours of their Ancestors lives was grave , and reserv'd : They convers'd with few , but their own Servants : and seldome travell'd farther than their own Lands : This way serv'd well enough to keep up their State , and their Port : But not to help their understandings . For the formalities of life do often counterfeit Wisdom , but never beget it . Whereas now they are ingag'd in freer rodes of Education : now the vast distance between them , and other orders of men is no more observ'd : now their conversation is large , and general : now the World is become more active , and industrious : now more of them have seen the use , and manners of men , and more apply themselves to Trafic , and business than ever . This alteration has bin caus'd in our memorie , either by so many Families being advanc'd to the highest degrees of Nobility , for their excelling in the Arts of the Gown : or by their frequent intermarriages with Citizens : or by the travails of the King , and the Royal Family : or else by the Civil War itself ; which is alwayes wont to be the cruellest Tyrant , or the best Reformer : either utterly to lay wast , or to civilize , and beautify , and ripen the Arts of all Countries . And still we have reason to expect , that this change will proceed farther , for the better : if our Gentlemen shall more condescend to engage in commerce , and to regard the Philosophy of Nature . The First of these since the King's return , has bin carry'd on with great vigour , by the Foundation of the Royal Company : to which as to the Twin-Sister of the Royal Society , we have reason as we go along , to wish all Prosperity . In both these Institutions begun together , our King has imitated the two most famous Works of the wisest of antient Kings : who at the same time sent to Ophir for Gold , and compos'd a Natural History , from the Cedar to the Shrub . Nor ought our Gentry to be avers from the promoting of Trade , out of any little jealousy , that thereby they shall debase themselves , and corrupt their Blood. For they are to know , that Trafic , and Commerce have given mankind a higher degree than any title of Nobility , even that of Civility , and Humanity itself . And at this time especially above all others , they have no reason to despise Trade as below them , when it has so great an Influence on the very Government of the World. In former ages indeed this was not so remarkeable . The Seats of Empire , and Trade were seldom , or never the same . Tyre , and Sydon , and Cades , and Marseiles had more Trafic , but less command than Rome , or Athens , or Sparta , or Macedon . But now it is quite otherwise . It is now most certain that in those Coasts , whither the greatest Trade shall constantly flow , the greatest Riches , and Power will be establish'd . The caus of this difference between the antient times , and our own , is hard to be discover'd : perhaps it is this , that formerly the greatest part of the World liv'd rudely , on their own Natural Productions : but now so many Nations being Civiliz'd , and living splendidly , there is a far greater consumption of all forein Commodities ; and so the gain of Trade is become great enough to overbalance all other strength : Whether this be the reason , or no , it matters not : But the observation is true . And this we see is sufficiently known to all our Neighbors , who are earnestly bent upon the advancing of Commerce , as the best means , not only to inrich particular Merchants , but to enlarge their Empire . The next thing to be recommended to the Gentlemen of England , has a neer kindred with the other : and that is the Philosophy of Nature , and Arts. For the want of such an easy cours of studies , so many of them have miscarried in their first years , and have ever after abhorr'd all manner of sober Works . What else do signify the universal complaints of those who direct the Education of great mens Children ? Why do they find them so hard to be fix'd to any manner of Knowledge ? Their Teachers indeed are wont to impute it to the delicacy of their breeding , and to their Mothers fondness . But the chief caus of the mischief lyes deeper . They fill their heads with difficult , and unintelligible Notions , which neither afford them pleasure in learning , nor profit in remembring them : they chiefly instruct them in such Arts , which are made for the beaten tracks of professions , and not for Gentlemen . Whereas their minds should be charm'd by the allurements , of sweeter and more plausible Studies : And for this purpose Experiments are the fittest . Their Objects they may feel and behold : Their productions are most popular : Their Method is intelligible , and equal to their capacities : so that in them they may soon become their own Teachers . Nor are they to contemn them for their plainess , and the homely matters , about which they are often employ'd . If they shall think scorn to foul their fingers about them on this account , let them cast their eies back on the Original Nobility of all Countries . And if that be true , that every thing is preserv'd and restor'd by the same means which did beget it at first : they may then be taught , that their present Honor cannot be maintain'd by intemperate pleasures , or the gawdy shews of pomp ; but by true Labors , and Industrious Virtu : Let them reflect on those great men who first made the name of Nobility venerable . And they shall find that amidst the Government of Nations , the dispatch of Armies , and nois of Victories , some of them disdain'd not to work with a Spade , to dig the Earth , and to cultivate with Triumphing hands , the Vine , and the Olive . These indeed were times , of which it were well if we had more footsteps , than in antient Authors . Then the minds of men were innocent , and strong , and bountiful as the Earth in which they labor'd . Then the vices of human Nature were not their Pride , but their Scorn . Then Virtu was itself , neither adulterated by the false Idols of Goodness ; nor puff'd up by the empty forms of Greatness : as since it has bin in some Countries of Europe , which are arriv'd at that corruption of manners , that perhaps some severe Moralists will think it had bin more needful for me to persuade the men of this Age , to continue Men , than to turn Philosophers . But in this History I will forbear all farther complaints , which are scarce acceptable to the humor of this time , even in our Divine , and Moral works , in which they are necessary . I therefore return to that which I undertook , to the agreeableness of this design to all conditions , and degrees of our Nobility . If they require such Studies as are proportionable to the greatness of their Titles : they have here those things to consider , from whence even they themselves fetch the distinctions of their Gentility . The Minerals , the Plants , the Stones , the Planets , the Animals , they bear in their Arms , are the chief Instruments of Heraldry , by which those Houses are exalted above those of the vulgar . And it is a shame for them to boast of the bearing of those Creatures they do not understand . If they value the Antiquity of Families , and long race of Pedigrees : What can be more worthy their consideration , than all the divers lineages of Nature ? These have more proof of their antient descent that any of them can shew . For they have all continued down in a right line , from Cause to Effect ; from the Creation to this day . If they shall confine themselves to the Country , they have this for there cheap diversion . If they return to the City , this will afford them in every Shop occasions to inform their judgments , and not to devour their Estates . If they go forth to public service , to the leading of Armies , or Navies , they have this for their perpetual Counsailor , and very often for their preserver . There are so many Natural , and Mechanical things , to be accurately observ'd by the greatest Captains , as the advantages of different Arms , and ammunitions , the passages of Rivers , the streights of Mountains , the cours of Tydes , the signs of Weather , the Air , the Sun , the Wind , and the like : that though I will not determin the Knowledge of Nature , to be absolutely necessary to the great office of a General ; yet I may venture to affirm that it will often prove a wonderful assistance and ornament , to the cours of Glory which he pursues . All Histories are full of Examples of the great accidents , which have happen'd by the ignorance of chief Commanders in Natural Motions , and effects ; of these I will only instance in Three : The First is of Caesar himself , who had Conquer'd more Countries than most Travailers have seen , and gain'd more Battels than others have read of ; yet he had like to have put a period to all his Victories , by the want of an exact skill in one of the commonest Works of Nature . This he himself relates in his second passage into Britain ; when his Army was so dismay'd at the ebbing of the Sea from their Fleet , believing it to be a Stratagem of their Enemies , that scarce the courage and conduct of Caesar , could hinder them from being terrify'd to their own overthrow , which had bin a fatal misfortune to the Britains , as well as Romans ; becaus from his victorious Arms , we first receiv'd the dawn of Civil Arts. The next instance of this kind is the mischance which befell the Christian Army in Egypt , in the time of the Holy Wars . Their strength was great and irresistible , if they had only understood that which every Egyptian could have taught them the cours , and the Time of the overflowing of the Nile . For the want of that slender knowledge , the bravest men of all Christendome , were led up to the neck in the River , and were forc'd to yield to their Enemies conditions without striking a stroke . This was occasion'd by the stupidity of the Cardinal , who commanded them ; if he had bin less skillful in the Scholemen , and more in Nature , that dreadful disaster had never happen'd . My Third Example of this kind is to be found in the Roman History : The Roman Army was just ready to join Battel , with one of their Enemies : the sign was given for their onset : their force was equal : a terrible combat had like to have insu'd : when on the sudden the Sun was Eclyps'd : of this the Romans were warn'd the day before . But this surpriz'd the other with so great affright , that they were immediately vanquish'd . So that not the bravest Men , nor the greatest Army , nor the best provisions of War got the Victory : but that Party which had the best Natural Philosopher on its side . To this address which I have made to our Nobility , and Gentry , I will add as an appendix another benefit of Experiments , which perhaps it will scarce become me to name amidst so many matters of greater weight : and that is , that their discoveries will be very serviceable to the Wits , and Writers of this , and all future Ages . But this I am provok'd to mention by the consideration of the present Genius of the English Nation ; wherein the study of Wit , and humor of Writing prevails so much , that there are very few conditions , or degrees , or Ages of Men who are free from its infection . I will therefore declare to all those whom this Spirit has possess'd , that their is in the Works of Nature an inexhaustible Treasure of Fancy , and Invention , which will be reveal'd proportionably to the increas of their Knowledge . To this purpose I must premise , that it is requir'd in the best , and most delightful Wit ; that it be founded on such images which are generally known , and are able to bring a strong , and a sensible impression on the mind . The several subjects from which it has bin rays'd in all Times , are the Fables , and Religions of the Antients , the Civil Histories of all Countries , the Customs of Nations , the Bible , the Sciences , and Manners of Men , the several Arts of their hands , and the works of Nature . In all these , where there may be a resemblance of one thing to another , as there may be in all , there is a sufficient Foundation for Wit. This in all its kinds has its increases , heigths , and decays , as well as all other human things : Let us then examin what Parts of it are already exhausted , and what remain new , and untouch'd , and are still likely to be farther advanc'd . The Wit of the Fables and Religions of the Ancient World is well-nigh consum'd : They have already serv'd the Poets long enough ; and it is now high time to dismiss them ; especially seing they have this peculiar imperfection , that they were only Fictions at first : whereas Truth is never so well express'd or amplify'd , as by those Ornaments which are Tru and Real in themselves . The Wit which is rais'd from Civil Histories , and the Customs of Countries , is solid and lasting : The Similitudes it affords are substantial , and equal to the minds of men , being drawn from themselves and their own actions . Of this the wittiest Nations have always made the greatest use ; their writings being adorn'd with a Wit that was free of their own Cities , consisting of Examples , and Apothegms , and Proverbs , derived from their Ancestors . This I allege , because this kind is scarce yet begun in the English Language ; though our own Civil History abounds as much as any other , with great Examples and memorable Events , which may serve for the ornament of Comparison . The Manners and Tempers , and Extravagances of men are a standing and eternal foundation of Wit : This if it be gather'd from particular Observations , is call'd Humor : And the more particular they are , they are still the pleasanter . In this kind I may well affirm that our Nation excells all others , as our Dramatic Poetry may witness . The Wit that may be borrow'd from the Bible is magnificent , and as all the other Treasures of Knowledge it contains , inexhaustible . This may be us'd and allow'd without any danger of prophaness . The Ancient Hethens did the same : They made their Divine Ceremonies the chief Subjects of their Fancies : By that means their Religions had a more awful impression , became more popular , and lasted longer in force than else they would have done . And why may not Christianity admit the same thing , if it be practis'd with sobriety and reverence ? What irreligion can there be in applying some Scripture-expressions to Natural things ? Why are not the one rather exalted and purifi'd , than the other defil'd by such applications ? The very Enthusiasts themselves , who are wont to start at such Wit as Atheistical , are more guilty of its excesses than any other sort of men : For whatever they allege out of the Historical , Prophetical , or Evangelical Writings , and apply it to themselves , their Enemies , or their Country , though they call it the mind of God , yet it is nothing else but Scripture-comparison and Similitude . The Sciences of mens brains are none of the best Materials for this kind of Wit. Very few have happily succeeded in Logical , Metaphysical , Grammatical , nay even scarce in Mathematical Comparisons ; and the reason is , because they are most of them conversant about things remov'd from the Senses , and so cannot surprise the fancy with very obvious , or quick , or sensible delights . The Wit that is founded on the Arts of mens hands is masculine and durable : It consists of Images that are generally observ'd , and such visible things which are familiar to mens minds . This therefore I will reckon as the first sort , which is still improvable by the advancement of Experiments . And to this I will add the Works of Nature , which are one of the best and most fruitful Soils for the growth of Wit. It is apparent , that the defect of the Antients in Natural Knowledge did also streighten their Fancies : Those few things which they knew , they us'd so much , and appli'd so often , that they even almost wore them away by their using . The sweetness of Flowers , and Fruits , and Herbs , they had quite devour'd : They had tir'd out the Sun , and Moon , and Stars with their Similitudes , more than they fancy them to be wearied by their daily journeys round the Hevens . It is now therefore seasonable for Natural Knowledge to come forth , and to give us the understanding of new Virtues and Qualities of things ; which may relieve their fellow-creatures , that have long born the burden alone , and have long bin vex'd by the imaginations of Poets . This charitable assistance Experiments will soon bestow . The Comparisons which these may afford will be intelligible to all , becaus they proceed from things that enter into all mens Senses . These will make the most vigorous impressions on mens Fancies , becaus they do even touch their Eyes , and are neerest to their Nature . Of these the variety will be infinit ; for the particulars are so , from whence they may be deduc'd : These may be always new and unsullied , seing there is such a vast number of Natural and Mechanical things , not yet fully known or improv'd , and by consequence not yet sufficiently apply'd . The use of Experiments to this purpose is evident , by the wonderful advantage that my Lord Bacon receiv'd from them . This excellent Writer was abundantly recompenc'd for his Noble Labors in that Philosophy , by a vast Treasure of admirable Imaginations which it afforded him , wherewith to express and adorn his thoughts about other matters . But I will not confine this Observation to one single Author , though he was one of the first and most artificial Managers of this way of Wit. I will venture to declare in general of the English Tongue , That as it contains a greater stock of Natural and Mechanical Discoveries , so it is also more inrich'd with beautiful Conceptions , and inimitable Similitudes , gather'd from the Arts of mens hands , and the Works of Nature , than ever any other Language could produce . And now I hope what I have here said will prevail somthing with the Wits and Railleurs of this Age , to reconcile their Opinions and Discourses to these Studies : For now they may behold that their Interest is united with that of the Royal Society ; and that if they shall decry the promoting of Experiments , they will deprive themselves of the most fertil Subject of Fancy : And indeed it has bin with respect to these terrible men , that I have made this long digression . I acknowledge that we ought to have a great dread of their power : I confess I believe that New Philosophy need not ( as Caesar ) fear the pale , or the melancholy , as much as the humorous , and the merry : For they perhaps by making it ridiculous , becaus it is new , and becaus they themselves are unwilling to take pains about it , may do it more injury than all the Arguments of our severe and frowning and dogmatical Adversaries . But to gain their good will , I must acquaint them , That the Family of the Railleurs is deriv'd from the same Original with the Philosophers . The Founder of Philosophy is confess'd by all to be Socrates ; and he also was the famous Author of all Irony . They ought therefore to be tender in this matter , wherein the honor of their Common Parent is concern'd : it becomes them to remember , that it is the fault , and not the excellence of Wit , to defile its own Nest , and not to spare its own Friends and Relations , for the sake of a jest . The truth is , The Extremes of Raillery are more offensive than those of Stupidity : It is a work of such a tender and subtil spirit , that it cannot be decently perform'd by all pretenders to it : Nor does it always agree well with the Temper of our Nation ; which as it has a greater corage than to suffer derision , so it has a firmer virtu than to be wholly taken up about deriding of others . Such men are therefore to know , That all things are capable of abuse from the same Topicks by which they may be commended ; they are to consider , That Laughter is the easiest and the slendrest fruit of Wit ; they are to understand , That it proceeds from the observation of the deformity of things ; but that there is a nobler and more masculine pleasure , which is rais'd from beholding their Order and Beauty : From thence they may conclude , how great the difference is between them , and the real Philosophers : For while Nature has only form'd them to be pleas'd with its irregularities and monsters , it has given the other the delight of knowing and studying its most beautiful Works . In plain terms , a universal abuse of every thing , though it may tickle the fancy never so much , is inhuman madness ; as one of the Ancients well expresses it , who calls such mirth humanis Bacchari rebus . If all things were made the subjects of such humour , all worthy designs would soon be laugh'd out of the World ; and for our present sport , our Posterity would become barbarous . All good Enterprises ought to find assistance when they are begun , applaus when they succeed , and even pity and prais if they fail . The true Raillery should be a defence for Good and Virtuous Works , and should only intend the derision of extravagant , and the disgrace of vile and dishonourable things . This kind of Wit ought to have the nature of Salt , to which it is usually compar'd ; which preserves and keeps sweet the good and the sound parts of all Bodies , and only frets , dries up , and destroys those humors which putrify and corrupt . This pleasant but unprofitable sort of men being thus dismiss'd with this fair admonition ; It now follows in the last place , that I examin the Universal Interest of the English Nation , and consider what effect the Works of the Royal Society are like to have upon it , by what means their Labors may serve to encreas our advantages , and correct our imperfections . In the entrance of this Subject there are so many things presented to my thoughts , which are worthy to be declar'd to my Countrymen , that I rather think it ought to be largely manag'd by itself , than to be huddled up in the end of this Treatise : And certainly there is scarce any matter that more deserves to be handled by the best of our English Wits , than the Interest of their Country . I do therefore take the freedom to recommend it to their hands ; and to beseech them to rais their thoughts from slighter businesses , from unmanly flatteries , or vanities of Love , or useless Burlesque , to this grave and this Noble Argument ; and to remember , that if Themistocles was in the right , when he praefer'd the making of a small City great , before the playing on a Fiddle , then certainly it is the bravest employment for a worthy mind , to endeavor to make a great Kingdom greater . There are very many things in the Natural Genius of the English , which qualify them above any other for a Governing Nation . The scituation of our Country is most advantageous for Command : It s native productions are most serviceable for strength and Empire : The disposition of the people is bold in dangers , severe in Discipline , valiant in Arms , virtuous in Life , relenting to the afflicted , and merciful in Conquest . The unfortunat Divisions by which our Force has bin of late distracted , are but of one or two Ages growth ; the Vices to which we are subject are not natural to our Soil , but imported hither from forein Countries : The English Generosity , Fidelity , Magnanimity , Modesty , Integrity , they ow to themselves ; their Luxury , their Debauchery , their Divisions , their Spiritual Schisms , they have receiv'd from abroad . And now what can be a greater work than the management of all these matters ? Here the Writer might have occasion of doing right to the honor of his Country , and yet reproving its faults with a just censure : He might explain the weaknesses and advantages of our Kingdom : He might remove the one , and confirm the other : He might compare the Actions of our Ancestors with the Manners of this Time , and shew by what degrees this dissolution of goodness crept in : He might with a generous and tender hand , apply himself to the cure of our Religious Distempers : He might with irresistible Arguments attempt to amend what is amiss , restore the good , and by the power of Domestic Examples reduce us back to the ancient sincerity of dealing , and innocence of Life , and union of Interests . The desire of seing this work perform'd , sits so much on my mind , that I cannot but once more represent it to the consideration of the many eloquent and judicious Authors , with whom our Nation is now more abundantly furnish'd than ever . But if neither the necessity nor usefulness of the Subject , nor the benefit of their Native Land , will prevail with them to set upon it ; it is my purpose to excite them by another way , which will indeed be hazardous to my own reputation , yet perhaps may take effect . I will try the same stratagem which I have often seen unskilful Singers use , to make those who have excellent voices shew their Art : For as they by ill singing some excellent Tune are wont to provoke the others to sing , when no persuasions could move them ; so do I intend at my first leasure , by ill handling of this Noble Subject , to stir up men of greater abilities to imploy their skill and their judgment about it . Having thus taken this task on my self , it will not be needful here to insist long upon it before hand : I will only in few words declare , That it is the Tru concernment of England to secure itself from the Dominion of Strangers , both Ecclesiastical and Temporal ; to advance its Industry in peaceful Arts ; to increas its people ; to improve its own Manufactures ; to introduce the forein , of which our soil is capable ; to make use of the two Kingdoms that are joyn'd with it under the same Monarch , for those productions which grow not at home ; to obtain a union of mind , both in Civil and Spiritual Matters ; and to preserve the ancient form of Government . Of all these I will only touch upon those parts of our Interest which have reference to the design of the Royal Society . The first thing that ought to be improv'd in the English Nation , is their Industry . This , it is tru , has of late years bin marvellously advanc'd : as may be shewn , by the enlarging of Trafic , the spreading of many Fruits , the plantations of Trees , and the great improvement of Manual Arts. But it is evident , that it may still admit of farther warmth , and activity : as we may conclude , by the want of employment for yonger Brothers , and many other conditions of men ; and by the number of our poor , whom Idleness , and not infirmities do impoverish . The way to compass this , is not alone by Acts of Parliament , and good Laws : whose force will soon be evaded by present Craft , and interpretation , or else will be antiquated by time . This perhaps our Country has found above all others : If our Laborers had bin as diligent , as our Law-givers , we had prov'd the most laborious Nation under Heven . But the tru Method of increasing Industry , is by that cours which the Royal Society has begun in Philosophy , by Works , and endeavors , and not by the praescriptions of words , or Paper Commands . There is nothing whose promoting is so easy as diligence , when it is once set on foot . This does not only propagat works but workers : Though at first it may begin on necessity , yet it will afterwards proceed upon pleasure : So that the farther it goes , the swifter it advances becaus willing works are sooner perform'd than those to which we are compell'd . This I will demonstrate by an instance which I have already alledg'd , and it is of the Hollanders : For we may fetch examples of virtu from our own Countrymen , but of Industry from them . At first they were as lazy as the worst of ours : their hands were unus'd to labor : their manner of life was much like that of the Ancient Britains : their Coasts lay desolat to the Sea , without Bancks , or Towns , or Ships , or harbors : and when the Roman Emperor gather'd Cockles there , perhaps there was litle else worth gathering . But when by the number of their people they were forc'd to look abroad , to Trade , to Fish , to labor in Mechanics ; they soon found the sweetness as well as the toyl of their diligence : their successes and riches still added new heat to their minds ; and thus they have continued improving , till they have not only disgrac'd but terrify'd their Neighbors , by their Industry . Nor will it suffice to tell us , that they ow this activity to the form of their Government . That supposition may presently be confuted by the Example of France , the most absolute Monarchy of Christendome . There it is apparent by the prodigious toyls of their people , both upon the Earth , and in their Shops , that diligence may thrive in a Kingdom , as well as a Common-wealth . And if ever the English will attain to the Mastery of Commerce , not only in discours , but reality : they must begin it by their labors , as well as by their swords : they must do it by awakening their minds , by rouzing themselves from this Lethargy , by action , by trials , by working : Unless this be done , they will in vain be Victorious : At the end of their Wars they will cool again , and lose all the fruits of their Valour . The Arts of peace , and their Improvements , must proceed in equal steps with the success of their Arms : The works of our Citizens , our Plough-men , our Gardners , our Wood-men , our Fishers , our diggers in Mines , must be equally advanc'd with the Triumphs of our Fleets : or else their blood will be shed in vain : they will soon return to the same poverty , and want of Trade , which they strove to avoid . For as Tully professes , neminem video eloquentem factum esse victoriâ : So I will affirm , that we shall never be made Industrious by Victory alone . The Second thing to be corrected in the English humor , is an inclination to every Novelty , and vanity of forein Countries , and a contempt of the good things of our own . This fondness is the usual fault of yong Travailers , but it has also ill effects on men of full Age. For this they are wont to allege the excuse of good Breeding . But if we could not study , or understand our own Country without the imputation of ill manners , good Breeding were the most pernicious thing in the World. For there was never yet any Nation great , which only admir'd the Customs of other people , and wholly made them the Pattern of their imitation . This wandring , and affected humor Experiments will lessen , above all other studies . They will employ our thoughts , about our Native conveniences : they will make us intend our minds , on what is contain'd within our own Seas : and by considering , and handling them more , will also make them more worthy of our consideration . The Third imperfection is on the other extream , and that is a narrowness of mind , and a pusillanimous confining our thoughts to our selves , without regarding any thing that is forein , or believing that any of their Arts , or Customs may be preferr'd before our own . This indeed is a perversness , of which the English are not wholy to be acquitted : it being proper to Islands , and to such Countries that are divided from the rest of the World. This will be cur'd by the effectual Demonstrations that the Society will give , of the benefit of a universal Correspondence , and Communication . And this according to their Method , will be done without falling into the other vice of affecting forein habits , and manners , and gestures . In these the English need not be beholding to others : but in their Fruits , in their Manufactures , in their Engines , in their works in Gold , and Silver , and Brass , and Iron , we may follow their practice , and emulate their Curiosities , without affectation . There is one instance which will shew how our respect to outlandish things is to be regulated . To depend on the French for every litle fashion of Cloaths , and to equal their Nobility in their way of life , is neither for our honor , nor profit . For the difference between their Gentry and ours , and their Commonalty and ours is so great ; that the same manners will not be decent in us , which become them well enough . But to learn from them their skill in Horsemanship , and Arms , their Building , their Cultivation of Fruits , the Parsimony , and Industry of their Tradesmen , is commendable : for in these things we are defective , and they excell . It is therefore the admiration of forein extravagances , and not the imitation of their excellencies that is to be condemn'd . If we will rather obstinately be content with our own store , than borrow what is good from abroad : we flatter our selves with the same foolish imaginations , that all Countrys had while they were barbarous . To them their Acorns , and their Cottages were at first the utmost ends of their ambition . They knew no more , nor aspir'd to any farther addition : But as soon as a new light sprung forth amongst them , they despis'd themselves and their former condition ; and then they first began to understand their wants , when they perceiv'd how they might be supply'd . As long as we find , that all parts of our Country , are not Ingenious , Inventive , and Industrious alike : we cannot praesume , that we have already got beyond all possibility of amendment by others patterns . As long as we behold any Citty , or Province , or Family , or Street of our Neighbors , exceed the worst of ours , I will not say the best in easiness of life , or pleasantness , and smoothness of manners : we have no reason to arrogat too much to our selves ; but we rather should conceive it to be a less disgrace to tread in their footsteps , than to want their perfections . As long as there remains any room for our most civil People to grow more Civil , the Introduction of Forein Inventions is not only pardonable , but necessary : For such is the nature of Civility , that as it increases , it still requires more Arts , though it contents itself with less Forms of living . The Fourth mischief by which the greatness of the English is suppress'd , is a want of union of Interests , and Affections . This is originally caus'd by a Natural reservedness , to which our Temper is inclin'd : but it has bin heighten'd by our Civil differences , and Religious distractions . For the sweetning of such dissentions , it is not best at first to meet , and convers about affairs of state , or spiritual controversies . For those did first occasion our animosities , and the more they are rubb'd , the rawer they will prove . But the most effectual remedy to be us'd is , first to assemble about some calm , and indifferent things , especially Experiments . In them there can be no cause of mutual Exasperations : In them they may agree , or dissent without faction , or fierceness : and so from induring each others company , they may rise to a bearing of each others opnions ; from thence to an exchange of good Offices ; from thence to real Friendship : Till at last by such a Gentle , and easy Method , our several Interests and Sects may come to suffer one another , with the same peaceableness as men of different Trades live one by another in the same Street . Nor is it the least commendation the Royal Society deserves , that designing a union of mens Hands and Reasons , it has proceeded so far in uniting their Affections : For there we behold an unusual sight to the English Nation , that men of disagreeing parties , and ways of life , have forgotten to hate , and have met in the unanimous advancement of the same Works . There the Soldier , the Tradesman , the Merchant , the Scholar , the Gentleman , the Courtier , the Divine , the Presbyterian , the Papist , the Independent , and those of Orthodox Iudgment , have laid aside their names of distinction , and calmly conspir'd in a mutual agreement of labors and desires : A Blessing which seems even to have exceeded that Evangelical Promise , That the Lion and the Lamb shall ly down together : For here they do not only endure each others presence without violence or fear ; but they work and think in company , and confer their help to each other Inventions . The last part of the General Interest of our Nation , in which I will survey the influence of Experiments , is Obedience to the Civil Government : And we ought to be very watchful that they prove not offensive to the Supreme Power : For seing the King has honor'd them with His Royal Patronage , it is but just that the Praerogatives of His Crown should be no losers by their increas . It is indeed a common accusation , which is wont to be made against all manner of Knowledge , by those who have it not , That it renders men mutinous , arrogant , and incapable of Superiors : But if this be admitted , we shall aspers human Nature and Government with the greatest calumny . This weer to affirm , That men can not exercise their Reason without being factious and unruly ; and that Civil Government will be insupportable to all but ignorant men and fools : which is so far from being tru , that it were easie to prove that those Nations which are void of all Arts and Knowledge , cannot be properly said to pay a right Obedience to their Soveraigns ; but that the subjection under which they live , rather deserves to be styl'd the stupidity and slavery of Beasts , than a just and a manly submission . But to limit this Question to the particular kind of Knowledge which is now under debate , it is certain that the skill of Nature ought so little to be suspected for making men pervers and ungovernable , that it is the best praeservative against disobedience . One of the principal Causes of this is a misguided Conscience , and opposing the pretended Dictates of God against the Commands of the Sovereign . This I have already shewn , that these labors will moderat and reform , by abolishing or restraining the fury of Enthusiasm . Another is idle poverty , which drives men into fulleness , melancholy , discontent , and at last into resistance of lawful Authority . To this Experiments will afford a certain cure ; they will take away all pretence of idleness , by a constant cours of pleasant indeavors ; they will employ men about profitable Works , as well as delightful ; by the pleasure of their Discoveries they will wear off the roughness , and sweeten the humorous peevishness of mind , whereby many are sowr'd into Rebellion . But the most fruitful Parent of Sedition is Pride , and a lofty conceit of mens own wisdom ; whereby they presently imagine themselves sufficient to direct and censure all the actions of their Governors . And here that is true in Civil affairs , which I have already quoted out of my Lord Bacon concerning Divine : A litle Knowledge is subject to make men headstrong , insolent , and untractable ; but a great deal has a quite contrary effect , inclining them to be submissive to their Betters , and obedient to the Sovereign Power . The Science that is acquir'd by Disputation , teaches men to cavil well , and to find fault with accurate subtilty ; it gives them a fearless confidence of their own judgments ; it leads them from contending in sport , to oppositions in earnest ; it makes them believe that every thing is to be handled for , and against , in the State , as well as in the Schools . But the unfeign'd and laborious Philosophy gives no countenance to the vain dotages of privat Politicians : that bends its Disciples to regard the benefit of mankind , and not the disquiet : that by the moderation it prescribes to our thoughts about Natural Things , will also take away all sharpness and violence about Civil : The Work of that is so vast , that it cannot be perform'd without the assistance of the Prince : It will not therefore undermine his Authority whose aid it implores : that prescribes a better way to bestow our time , than in contending about litle differences , in which both the Conquerors and the Conquer'd have always reason to repent of their success : That shews us the difficulty of ord'ring the very motions of senseless and irrational things ; and therefore how much harder it is to rule the restless minds of men : That teaches men humility , and acquaints them with their own errors ; and so removes all overweening haughtiness of mind , and swelling imaginations , that they are better able to manage Kingdoms than those who possess them . This without question is the chief root of all the uneasiness of Subjects to their Princes . The World would be better govern'd , if so many did not praesume that they are fit to sustain the cares of Government . Transgression of the Law is Idolatry : The reason of mens contemning all Iurisdiction and Power , proceeds from their Idolizing their own Wit : They make their own Prudence omnipotent ; they suppose themselves infallible ; they set up their own Opinions , and worship them . But this vain Idolatry will inevitably fall before Experimental Knowledge ; which as it is an enemy to all manner of fals superstitions , so especially to that of mens adoring themselves , and their own Fancies . I have now at last brought my Reader , by a tedious compass , to the end of our Journey : And here I desire him to look back , and to make a reflection on the matters of which I have treated . In the first part of my Discours I have alleg'd the Causes by which these Studies were suppress'd in all former Ages ; which have bin Interest of Sects , the violence of Disputations , the plausible Arts of Speech , the Religious Controversies , the Dogmatical Opinions , the poverty of the Vndertakers , and the want of a continual race of Experimenters . In the Second I have shew'd by what steps the Royal Society arose , what it has propos'd to attempt , what cours it has taken to make its Observations universal and perpetual ; what assistance has bin afforded it to that purpose , and about what particulars it has bin conversant . In the Third I have try'd to free it from the false scandals of Ignorance , and the praejudices of several ways of life , and to prove that its effects will more immediatly refer to our own Country . My Reader now beholds an Assembly setled of many eminent men of all Qualities : who have ingag'd to bestow their labors , on a design so public , and so free from all suspicion of mean , or private Interest . What foundation they have within themselves , for defraying the expence of their Trials , and Intelligence , may be ghess'd by their Number , which at this present , amounts very neer to Two Hundred ; as appears by this following Catalogue , which I have rang'd Alphabetically . The King's Majesty Founder , and Patron . His Royal Highness the Duke of York . His Highness Prince Rupert . His Highness Ferdinand Albert , Duke of Brunswick , and Lunenbourgh . The Duke of Albermarle , the Earl of Alesbury , the Earl of Argill , the Lord Ashley , the Lord Annesley , Mr. Ashmole , Sr. Robert Atkins , Mr. Austin , Mons. Auzout , Mr. Awbrey . The Duke of Buckingham , the Lord George Berkeley , the Lord Brereton , Mr. Bagnal , Mr. Bains , Mr. William Balle , Mr. Isaac Barrow , Dr. George Bate , Dr. Bathurst , Dr. Beal , Mons. Beaufort de Fresars , Sr. Iohn Birkinhead , Mr. Blunt , Mr. Boyl , Mr. Brook , Dr. Bruce , Mons. Bullialdus , Mr. Burnet , Sr. Edward Byshe . The Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , the Earl of Clarendon Lord Chancellor of England , the Earl of Carlile , the Earl of Craford , and Lindsay , the Lord Cavendish , the Lord Clifford , Mr. Carkess , Mr. Carteret , Dr. Charleton , Sr. Winstone Churchill , Sr. Iohn Clayton , Sr. Clifford Clifton , Mr. George Cock , Sr. Richard Corbet , Dr. Cotton , Dr. Cox , Mr. Thomas Cox , Mr. Daniel Cox , Mr. Creed , Mr. Crispe , Sr. Iohn Cutler . The Marquess of Dorchester , the Earl of Devonshire , the Earl of Dorset , Mons. Vital de Damas , Sr. George Ent , Mr. Ellise , Mr. Iohn Evelyn , Sr. Francis Fane , Mons. le Febvre , Sr. Iohn Finch , Mr. Henry Ford , Sr. Bernhard Gascoigne , Mr. Ioseph Glanvile , Dr. Glisson , Mr William Godolphin , Mr. Graunt . The Lord Hatton , Mr. Haak , Mr. William Hammond , Mr. William Harrington , Sr. Edward Harley , Sr. Robert Harley , Mr. Harley , Dr. Henshaw , Mons. Hevelius , Mr. Abraham Hill , Mr. Hoar , Dr. Holder , Mr. Hook , Mr. Charles Howard , Mons. Huygens . Mr. Richard Iones , the Earl of Kincardin , Sr. Andrew King , Mr. Edmund King , the Earl of Lindsey , the Lord Bishop of London , Mr. Lake , Sr. Ellis Leighton , Mr. Iames Long , Sr. Iohn Lowther , Mr. Lowther , Mons. Hugues de Lyonne . The Earl of Manchester , Mons. Nicolas Mercator , Dr. More , Dr. Iasper Needham , Dr. Needham , Mr. Thomas Neile , Mr. William Neile , Mr. Nelthorp , Mr. Newburgh , Sr. Thomas Nott , the Earl of Peterburgh , Mr. Packer , Mr. Samuel Parker , Sr. Robert Paston , Dr. Iohn Pearson , Dr. Pell , Sr. William Persall , Sr. Peter Pett , Mr. Peter Pett , Mons. Petit , Sr. William Portman , Mr. Francis Potter , Mr. Povey , Dr. Power , Sr. Richard Powle , Mr. Pepys . The Lord Roberts Lord Privy Seal , the Lord Bishop of Rochester , Mr. Rolt , Mr. Rycaut , the Earl of Sandwich , the Lord Viscount Stafford , the Lord Stermont , Mr. Schroter , Sr. Iames Shaen , Mr. Skippon , Sr. Nicholas Slaney , Mr. Henry Slingsby , Mr. Smethwick . Mr. Edward Smith , Dr. George Smith , Mons. Sorbiere , Sr. Robert Southwell , Mr. Alexander Stanhop , Mr. Thomas Stanley . The Earl of Tweedale , Sr. Gilbert Talbot , Sr. Iohn Talbot , Dr. Terne , Mr. Thomas Thyn , Dr. Thruston , Sr. Samuel Tuke , Sr. Theodore de Vaux , Mr. Vermuyden , Mons. Isaac Vossius . The Lord Bishop of Winchester , Mr. Waller , Dr. Wallis , Mr. Waterhouse , Dr. Whistler , Mr. Ioseph Williamson , Dr. Willis , Mr. Francis Willughby , Mr. Wind , Mr. Winthorp , Mr. Woodford , Mr. Matthew Wren , Dr. Thomas Wren , Sr. Cyril Wyche , Sr. Peter Wyche , Mr. Wylde , the Lord Arch-Bishop of York , the Lord Yester . The present Council are these that follow , William Lord Viscount Brouncker President : which Office has bin annually renew'd to him by Election , out of the true judgment , which the Society has made of his great Abilities in all Natural , and especially Mathematical Knowledge . Mr. William Aerskin , Dr. Peter Ball , Dr. Timothy Clerk , Mr. Daniel Colwall , Dr. Croon , the Lord Bishop of Exeter , Dr. Ionathan Goddard , Mr. Henry Howard of Norfolk , Mr. Henshaw , Mr. Hoskins , Sr. Robert Moray , Sr. Anthony Morgan , Dr. Merret , the Earl of Northampton , Sr. Paul Neile , Mr. Oldenburgh , Sr. VVilliam Petty , Doctor Pope , Dr. Wilkins , Dr. Christopher Wren . In this number perhaps there may some be found , whose employments will not give them leave to promote these Studies , with their own Hands . But it being their part to Contribute joyntly towards the Charge , and to pass judgment on what others shall try : they will appear to be well-nigh as useful , as those that Labor , to the main end of this Enterprize . Whatever Revenew they shall rais , by this or any other means , they intend thereby to make an Establishment for their Curators . To this Office they have already admitted some of their Fellows , whom they will employ according to their Studies and sufficience : Some shall be sent to travail abroad to search for Discoveries : some shall constantly remain in London , and represent their Observations to the weekly Assemblies . The places of their Residence they have appointed to be two : One a College , which they design to build in London , to serve for their Meetings , their Laboratories , their Repository , their Library , and the Lodgings for their Curators : The other the College at Chelsey , which the King has bestow'd on them ; where they have a large Inclosure , to serve for all Experiments of Gardning and Agriculture : and by the neighbourhood of the River they have excellent opportunity of making all Trials that belong to the Water . And now as I have spoken of a Society that prefers Works before Words , so it becomes their History to endeavor after real fruits and effects . I will therefore conclude by recommending again this Vndertaking to the English Nation ; to the bravest People , the most generous Design ; to the most zealous lovers of Liberty ▪ the surest way to randsome the minds of all mankind from Slavery . The Privileges that our Kings Dominions enjoy for this end , appear to be equal'd by no other Country . The men that we have now living to employ , are excellently furnish'd with all manner of abilities : Their Method is already setled , and plac'd out of the reach of calumny or contradiction . The work it self indeed is vast , and almost incomprehensible , when it is consider'd in gross : But they have made it feasible and easie , by distributing the burden . They have shew'n to the World this great secret , That Philosophy ought not only to be attended by a select company of refin'd Spirits . As they desire that its productions should be vulgar , so they also declare , that they may be promoted by vulgar hands . They exact no extraordinary praeparations of Learning : to have sound Senses and Truth , is with them a sufficient Qualification . Here is enough business for Minds of all sizes : And so boundless is the variety of these Studies , that here is also enough delight to recompence the Labors of them all , from the most ordinary capacities , to the highest and most searching Wits . Here first they may take a plain view of all particular things , their kinds , their order , their figure , their place , their motion : And even this naked prospect cannot but fill their thoughts with much satisfaction , seing it was the first pleasure which the Scripture relates God himself to have taken at the Creation ; and that not only once , but at the end of every days work , when he saw all that he had made , and approv'd it to be good . From this they may proceed to survey the difference of their Composition , their Effects , the Instruments of their Beings and Lives , the Subtilty and Structure , the decay and supply of their parts ; wherein how large is the space of their delight , seing the very shape of a Mite and the sting of a Bee appears so prodigious . From hence they may go to apply things together , to make them work one upon another , to imitate their productions , to help their defects , and with the Noblest duty to assist Nature , our common mother , in her Operations : From hence to all the works of mens hands , the divers Artifices of several Ages , the various Materials , the Improvement of Trades , the advancement of Manufactures : In which last alone there is to be found so great content , that many Mighty Princes of the former and present Times , amidst the pleasures of Government , which are no doubt the highest in the World , have striven to excel in some Manual Art. In this spacious field their Observations may wander , And in this whatever they shall meet with , they may call their own . Here they will not only injoy the cold contentment of Learning , but that which is far greater , of Discovering . Many things that have bin hitherto hidden , will arise and expose themselves to their view : Many Methods of advancing what we have already , will come in their way : Nay , even many of the lost Rarities of Antiquity will be hereby restor'd . Of these a great quantity has bin overwhelm'd in the ruines of Time : And they will sooner be retreiv'd by our laboring anew , in the material Subjects whence they first arose , than by our plodding everlastingly on the ancient Writings . Their Inventions may be soonest regain'd the same way by which their Medals and Coins have bin found ; of which the greatest part has bin recover'd , not by those who sought for them on purpose in old rubbish , but by digging up Foundations to rais new Buildings , and by plowing the Ground to sow new Seed . This is the Work we propose to be incorag'd , which at once regards the discovering of new Secrets , and the purifying and repairing all the profitable things of Antiquity . The Supply that is needful to finish it , will neither impoverish Families , nor exhaust a mighty income . So neer is Mankind to its happiness , that so great an Attempt may be plentifully indow'd by a small part of what is spent on any one single Lust , or extravagant Vanity of the Time. So moderat is the Society in their desires of assistance , that as much Charity as is bestow'd in England in one year , for the relief of particular Poverty and Diseases , were enough for ever to sustain a Design , which indeavors to give aid against all the infirmities and wants of human Nature . If now this Enterprise shall chance to fail for want of Patronage and Revenew , the World will not only be frustrated of their present expectations , but will have just ground to despair of any future Labors , towards the increas of the Practical Philosophy . If our Posterity shall find , that an Institution so vigorously begun , and so strengthen'd by many signal advantages , could not support itself : They will have reason in all times to conclude , That the long barreness of Knowledge was not caus'd by the corrupt method which was taken , but by the nature of the Thing itself . This will be the last great indeavor that will be made in this way , if this shall prove ineffectual : and so we shall not only be guilty of our own Ignorance , but of the Errors of all those that come after us . But if ( as I rather believe and praesage ) our Nation shall lay hold of this opportunity , to deserve the applause of Mankind , the force of this Example will be irresistibly praevalent in all Countries round about us ; the State of Christendom will soon obtain a new face ; while this Halcyon Knowledge is breeding , all Tempests will cease : the oppositions and contentious wranglings of Science falsly so call'd , will soon vanish away : the peaceable calmness of mens Iudgments , will have admirable influence on their Manners ; the sincerity of their Vnderstandings will appear in their Actions ; their Opinions will be less violent and dogmatical , but more certain ; they will only be Gods one to another , and not Wolves ; the value of their Arts will be esteem'd by the great things they perform , and not by those they speak : While the old Philosophy could only at the best pretend to the Portion of Nepthali , to give goodly words , the New will have the Blessings of Ioseph the yonger and the belov'd Son ; It shall be like a fruitful Bough , even a fruitful Bough by a Well , whose Branches run over the wall : It shall have the blessings of Heven above , the blessings of the deep that lies under , the blessings of the breasts and of the womb : While the Old could only bestow on us some barren Terms and Notions , the New shall impart to us the uses of all the Creatures , and shall inrich us with all the Benefits of Fruitfulness and Plenty . FINIS . ERRATA . PAge 2. line 17. for Buidings read Buildings . p. 4. l. 32. for Now , New. p. 12. l. 26. for strongster , stronger . p. 27. l. 29. for which , while . p. 42. l. 32. for Acamedy , Academy . p. 75. l. 13. for Invention , Intention . p. 83. l. 8. after there put in may . p. 126. l. 27. for Ducat , Ducal . p. 154. l. 13. for that , shall . p. 156. for axact , exact . p. 242. l. 19. for valies , values . p. 313. l. 32. for more , move . p. 314. l. 20. for Diamets , Diameters . p. 327. l. 23. for and , an . p. 388. l. 16. for the East , these . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61158-e3240 Section 1. The Preface , and Design of this Discourse . Sect. II. The Division of the Discourse . Sect. III. The Philosophy of the East . Sect. IV. The Philosophy of Greece . Sect. V. The Original of the Philosophical Sects . Sect. VI. The Philosophy amongst the Romans . Sect. VII . The Philosophy of the Primitive Church . Sect. VIII . The Philosophy under the Church of Rome . Sect. IX . The Philosophy of the Schole-men . Sect X. The Restoration of Learning . Sect. XI . The Recovery of the Antients . Sect XII . Religious controversies and Arts of Policy . The Philosophy of the Moderns . Sect. XIII . Modern Dogmatists . Sect. XIV . The ill effects of Dogmatical Philosophy . Sect. XV. The Revivers of the Antient Sects ▪ Sect. XVI . Modern Experimenters . Sect. XVII . The Chymists . Sect XVIII . Those that have handled particular Subjects . Sect. XIX . Modern Academies for Language . Sect. XX. A proposal for erecting an English Academy . Sect XXI . The Philosophy of the Arabians . Sect. XXII . A defence of the Royal Society , inrespect of the Antients . Notes for div A61158-e9250 Section I. The Division of the Narration . Sect. II. The Meetings at Oxford . Sect. III. Their first meetings at London . Sect. IV. The beginning of the Royal Society . Sect. V. A model of their whole design . Sect. VI. The qualifications of the Members of the Royal Society . They admit Men of all Religions . Of all Countries . Of all Professions . Sect. VII . It consists chiefly of Gentlemen . The advantages of this . Sect. VIII . A defence of the largeness of their number . Sect. IX . Their course of Inquiry . Their Expence . Sect. X. Their Instruments . Sect. XI . Their matter . Sect. XII . Their Method of Inquiry . Sect XIII . Their way of Inquiry into remote matters . Sect. XIV . Their weekly Assemblies . Sect. XV. The Ceremonies of their meetings . Sect. XVI . Their directing Experiments . Sect. XVII . Their judging of the matter of Fact. Sect. XVIII . Their conjecturing on the Causes . Sect XIX . Their way of Improving . Sect. XX. Their manner of Discourse . Sect. II. Their way of Registring . Sect. XXI . The occasion of the Hindrance of the publishing this History . Sect. XXII . The Third Part of the Narration . Sect XXIII . The Reputation , and correspondence of the R. S. abroad . In France . In Italy . In Germany . In the Low-countries , Visits of Forreiners . Sect XXIV . The incouragements the R. S. has receiv'd at home . From our Citizens . From our Physicians . From our Nobility . From our Statesmen . From our Souldiers . From our Church-men . Sect. XXV . From the Royal Family . Sect. XXVI . Their Councils and Statutes . Sect. XXVII The Kings Example in promoting Experiments . §. XXVIII . And the present Genius of our Nation . Sect. XXIX . The subjects about which they have been emploi'd . Sect. XXX . Their Queries , and Directions . Sect. XXXI Their Proposals and Recommendations . § XXXII . The Relations of things of Nature and Art , they have receiv'd . § XXXIII . The Experiments they have try'd , Of Fire . Of Air ▪ Of Water . Of Metals and Stones . Of Vegetables . Medicinal and Anatomical . Of sensible Qualities . Of other Qualities . Of light , sound , &c. Of Motion . Chymical and Mechanical . Fig. 1. Fig. 3. §. XXXIV . Their Observations . §. XXXV . An Objection answered concerning the uncertainty of Experiments . § XXXVI . The Instruments they have invented . §. XXXVII Their Repository and Library . Their Library . Sect. XXXVIII . Their Discourses and Theories . §. XXXIX . The Histories they have collected . Sect. XL. The Conclusion of this Part. Notes for div A61158-e76450 Sect. I. The Subject and Division of this Third Part. Sect. II. Experiments will not injure Education . Grammar . and Rhetoric . Moral Philosophy . History . The Mathematics . Metaphyscis and Logic. Natural Philosophy . Sect. III. Experiments not dangerous to the Vniversities . Sect. IV. The advantage of an Experimental Education . Sect. V. The use of Experiments to a practical Life . Experiments free from the faults of other sorts of Learning . Sect. VI. The first objection against Learning , That it makes men too disputative . Sect. VII . The second , That it takes up too much time . Sect. VIII . The third objection , That it makes our minds Romantic . Sect. IX . The fourth objection , That it makes men presumptuous & obstinate . Sect. X. The fifth objection , That its pleasure draws men off from business . Sect. XI . The sixth objection , That it makes men regard the times past , and neglect the present . Sect. XI . The seventh objection , That it hinders use . Sect. XIII . Experiments usefull for the cure of mens minds Sect. XIV . Experiments not dangerous to the Christian Religion . Sect. XV. Experiments will not destroy the Doctrine of the Godhead . Sect. XVI . Experiments not injurious to the worship of God. Sect. XVII . Experiments not praejudicial to the doctrine of the Gospel . §. XVIII . Experiments will not overthrow the Doctrine of the Primitive Church . Sect. XIX . Experiments will not hinder the Practice of Religion . Sect. XX. Experiments will not destroy the Doctrine of Prophecies , and Prodigies . Sect. XXI . On his account Experiments are fit for the present Temper of our Nation . Sect. XXII . Experiments not prejudicial to Mortification . Sect. XXIII . Experiments not dangerous to the Church of England . Sect. XXIV . Experiments advantageous to Manual Arts. Sect. XXV . The Manual Arts are still improveable . First by new matter from new Lands . Sect. XXVI . Mechanics improveable by new matter from America . §. XXVII . By new matter from the World. §. XXVIII . Mechanics Improvable by Transplantations . Sect. XXIX . Mechanics improveable by the old matter of Arts. Sect. XXX . Mechanics Improvable by the spreding of civility . Sect. XXXI . Mechanics are improveable by others besides Tradesmen . §. XXXII . Mechanics best Improvable by Experiments . §. XXXIII . The invention of new Mechanics will not injure the old . §. XXXIV . Experiments a proper Study for the Gentlemen of our Nation . § XXXV . Experiments will be beneficial to our wits and Writers . § XXXVIII Experiments advantageous to the Interest of our Nation . § XXXIX . Experimental Knowledge will not hinder Obedience . Sect XL. The Conclusion , being a general Recommendation of this Design .