the tenure of kings and magistrates proving that it is lawfull, and hath been held so through all ages, for any who have the power, to call to account a tyrant, or wicked king, and after due conviction, to depose and put the author, j.m. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the tenure of kings and magistrates proving that it is lawfull, and hath been held so through all ages, for any who have the power, to call to account a tyrant, or wicked king, and after due conviction, to depose and put the author, j.m. milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed by matthew simmons ..., london : . attributed to john milton. cf. halkett and laing ( nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. eng political science -- early works to . divine right of kings. a r (wing m ). civilwar no the tenure of kings and magistrates: proving, that it is lawfull, and hath been held so through all ages, for any, who have the power, to ca milton, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the tenure of kings and magistrates : proving , that it is lawfull , and hath been held so through all ages , for any , who have the power , to call to account a tyrant , or wicked king , and after due conviction , to depose , and put him to death ; if the ordinary magistrate have neglected , or deny'd to doe it . and that they , who of late , so much blame deposing , are the men that did it themselves . the author , j. m. london , printed by matthew simmons , at the gilded lyon in aldersgate street , . the tenure of kings and magistrates . if men within themselves would be govern'd by reason , and not generally give up their understanding to a double tyrannie , of custome from without , and blind affections within , they would discerne better what it is to favour and uphold the tyrant of a nation . but being slaves within doores , no wonder that they strive so much to have the public state conformably govern'd to the inward vitious rule , by which they govern themselves . for indeed none can love freedom heartilie , but good men ; the rest love not freedom , but licence ; which never hath more scope or more indulgence then under tyrants . hence is it that tyrants are not oft offended , nor stand much in doubt of bad men , as being all naturally servile ; but in whom vertue and true worth most is eminent , them they feare in earnest , as by right their masters , against them lies all their hatred and suspicion . consequentlie neither doe bad men hate tirants , but have been alwaies readiest with the falsifi'd names of loyalty and obedience , to colour over their base compliances . and although sometimes for shame , and when it comes to their owne grievances , of purse especially , they would seeme good patriots , and side with the better cause , yet when others for the deliverance of their countrie , endu'd with fortitude and heroick vertue , to feare nothing but the curse written against those that doe the worke of the lord negligently , would goe on to remove , not onely the calamities and thraldomes of a people , but the roots and causes whence they spring , streight these men , and sure helpers at need , as if they hated onely the miseries but not the mischiefes , after they have juggl'd and palter'd with the world , bandied and borne armes against their king , devested him , disanointed him , nay curs'd him all over in thir pulpits , and their pamphlets , to the ingaging of sincere and reall men , beyond what is possible or honest to retreat from , not onely turne revolters from those principles , which onely could at first move them , but lay the staine of disloyaltie , and worse , on those proceedings , which are the necessarie consequences of their owne former actions ; nor disllik'd by themselves , were they manag'd to the intire advantages of their owne faction ; not considering the while that he toward whom they boasted their new fidelitie , counted them accessory , and by those statutes and laws which they so impotently brandish against others , would have doom'd them to a traytors death for what they have done alreadie . 't is true , that most men are apt anough to civill wars and commotions as a noveltie , and for a flash , hot and active ; but through sloth or inconstancie , and weakness of spirit either fainting , ere their owne pretences , though never so just , be halfe attain'd , or through an inbred falshood and wickednesse , betray oft times to destruction with themselves , men of noblest temper join'd with them for causes which they in their rash undertakings were not capable of . if god and a good cause give them victory , the prosecution whereof for the most part , inevitably drawes after it the alteration of lawes , change of government , downfall of princes with their families ; then comes the task to those worthies which are the soule of that enterprize , to bee swett and labour'd out amidst the throng and noises of vulgar and irrationall men . some contesting for privileges , customes , formes , and that old intanglement of iniquitie , their gibrish lawes , though the badge of their ancient slavery . others who have been fiercest against their prince , under the notion of a tyrant , and no meane incendiaries of the warre against him , when god out of his providence and high disposall hath deliver'd him into the hand of their brethren , on a suddaine and in a new garbe of allegiance , which their doings have long since cancell'd ; they plead for him , pity him , extoll him , protest against those that talke of bringing him to the tryall of justice , which is the sword of god , superiour to all mortall things , in whose hand soever by apparent signes his testified wil is to put it . but certainely , if we consider who and what they are , on a suddaine growne so pitifull , wee may conclude , their pity can be no true and christian commiseration , but either levitie and shallownesse of minde , or else a carnall admiring of that worldly pompe and greatness , from whence they see him fall'n ; or rather lastly a dissembl'd and seditious pity , fain'd of industry to beget new commotions . as for mercy , if it bee to a tyrant , under which name they themselves have cited him so oft in the hearing of god , of angels , and the holy church assembl'd , and there charg'd him with the spilling of more innocent blood by farre , then ever nero did , undoubtedly the mercy which they pretend , is the mercy of wicked men ; and their mercies , wee read , are cruelties ; hazarding the welfare of a whole nation , to have sav'd one , whom so oft they have tearm'd agag , and villifying the blood of many jonathans that have sav'd israel ; insisting with much nicenesse on the unnecessariest clause of their covnant ; wherein the feare of change , and the absurd contradiction of a flattering hostilitie had hamperd them , but not scrupling to give away for complements , to an implacable revenge , the heads of many thousand christians more . another sort there is , who comming in the course of these affaires , to have thir share in great actions above the forme of law or custome , at least to give thir voice and approbation , begin to swerve and almost shiver at the majesty and grandeur of som noble deed , as if they were newly enter'd into a great sin ; disputing presidents , formes , & circumstances , when the common wealth nigh perishes for want of deeds in substance , don with just and faithfull expedition . to these i wish better instruction , and vertue equall to their calling ; the former of which , that is to say instruction , i shall indeavour , as my dutie is , to bestow on them ; and exhort them not to startle from the just and pious resolution of adhering with all their assistance to the present parlament and army , in the glorious way wherein justice and victorie hath set them ; the onely warrants through all ages , next under immediate revelation , to exercise supreame power ; in those proceedings which hitherto appeare equall to what hath been don in any age or nation heretofore , justly or magnanimouslie . nor let them be discourag'd or deterr'd by any new apostate scar crowes , who under show of giving counsell , send out their barking monitories and momento's , emptie of ought else but the spleene of a frustrated faction . for how can that pretended counsell , bee either sound or faithfull , when they that give it , see not for madnesse and vexation of their ends lost , that those statutes and scriptures which both falsly and scandalously , they wrest against their friends and associates , would by sentence of the common adversarie , fall first and heaviest upon their owne heads . neither let milde and tender dispositions be foolishly softn'd from their dutie and perseverance with the unmasculine rhetorick of any puling priest or chaplain , sent as a friendly letter of advice , for fashion sake in private , and forthwith publish't by the sender himselfe , that wee may know how much of friend there was in it , to cast an odious envie upon them , to whom it was pretended to be sent in charitie . nor let any man bee deluded by either the ignorance or the notorious hypocrisie and selfe-repugnance of our dancing divines , who have the conscience and the boldnesse , to come with scripture in their mouthes , gloss'd and fitted for thir turnes with a double contradictory sense , transforming the sacred veritie of god , to an idol with two faces , looking at once two several ways ; and with the same quotations to charge others , which in the same case they made serve to justifie themselves . for while the hope to bee made classic and provinciall lords led them on , while pluralities greas'd them thick and deepe , to the shame and scandall of religion , more then all the sects and heresies they exclaime against , then to fight against the kings person , and no lesse a party of his lords and commons , or to put force upon both the houses was good , was lawfull , was no resisting of superiour powers ; they onely were powers not to be resisted , who countenanc'd the good and punish't the evill . but now that thir censorious domineering is not suffer'd to be universall , truth and conscience to be freed , tithes and pluralities to be no more , though competent allowance provided , and the warme experience of large gifts , and they so good at taking them ; yet now to exclude and seize on impeach't members , to bring delinquents without exemption to a faire tribunall by the common nationall law against murder , is now to be no lesse then corah , dathan , and abiram . he who but erewhile in the pulpits was a cursed tyrant , an enemie to god and saints , laden with all the innocent blood split in three kingdomes , and so to bee sought against , is now though nothing penitent or alter'd from his first principles , a lawfull magistrate , a sovrane lord , the lords annointed , not to bee touch'd , though by themselves imprison'd . as if this onely were obedience , to preserve the meere uselesse bulke of his person , and that onely in prison , not in the field , and to disobey his commands , denie him his dignitie and office , every where to resist his power but where they thinke it onely surviving in thir owne faction . but who in particular is a tyrant cannot be determind in a generall discourse , otherwise then by supposition ; his particular charge , and the sufficient proofe of it must determine that : which i leave to magistrates , at least to the uprighter sort of them , and of the people , though in number lesse by many , in whom faction least hath prevaild above the law of nature and right reason , to judge as they finde cause . but this i dare owne as part of my faith , that if such a one there be , by whose commission , whole massacres have been committed on his faithfull subjects , his provinces offerd to pawne or alienation , as the hire of those whom he had sollicited to come in and destroy whole cities and countries ; be hee king , or tyrant , or emperour , the sword of justice is above him ; in whose hand soever is found sufficient power to avenge the effusion , and so great a deluge of inuocent blood . for if all humane power to execute , not accidentally but intendedly , the wrath of god upon evill doers without exception , be of god ; then that power , whether ordinary , or if that faile , extraordinary so executing that intent of god , is lawfull , and not to be resisted . but to unfold more at large this whole question , though with all expedient brevity , i shall here set downe , from first beginning , the originall of kings ; how and wherefore exalted to that dignitie above their brethren ; and from thence shall prove , that turning to tyranny they may bee as lawfully deposd and punishd , as they were at first elected : this i shall doe by autorities and reasons , not learnt in corners among schismes and herisies , as our doubling divines are ready to calumniate , but fetch 't out of the midst of choicest and most authentic learning , and no prohibited authors , nor many heathen , but mosaical , christian , orthodoxal , and which must needs be more convincing to our adversaries , presbyterial . no man who knows ought , can be so stupid to deny that all men naturally were borne free , being the image and resemblance of god himselfe , and were by privilege above all the creatures , borne to command and not to obey : and that they livd so , till from the root of adams transgression , falling among themselves to doe wrong and violence , and foreseeing that such courses must needs tend to the destruction of them all , they agreed by common league to bind each other from mutual injury , and joyntly to defend themselves against any that gave disturbance or opposition to such agreement . hence came citties , townes and common-wealths . and because no faith in all was found sufficiently binding , they saw it needfull to ordaine some authoritie , that might restraine by force and punishment what was violated against peace and common right : this autoritie and power of self-defence and preservation being originally and naturally in every one of them , and unitedly in them all , for ease , for order , and least each man should be his owne partial judge , they communicated and deriv'd either to one , whom for the eminence of his wisdom and integritie they chose above the rest , or to more then one whom they thought of equal deserving : the first was calld a king ; the other magistrates . not to be thir lords and maisters ( though afterward those names in som places were giv'n voluntarily to such as had bin authors of inestimable good to the people ) but , to be thir deputies and commissioners , to execute , by vertue of thir intrusted power , that justice which else every man by the bond of nature and of cov'nant must have executed for himselfe , and for one another . and to him that shall consider well why among free persons , one man by civill right should beare autority and jurisdiction over another , no other end or reason can be imaginable . these for a while governd well , and with much equitie decided all things at thir owne arbitrement : till the temptation of such a power left absolute in thir hands , perverted them at length to injustice and partialitie . then did they who now by tryall had found the danger and inconveniences of committing arbitrary power to any , invent lawes either fram'd or consented to by all , that should confine and limit the autority of whom they chose to govern them : that so man of whose failing they had proof , might no more rule over them , but law and reason abstracted as much as might be from personal errors and frailties . when this would nor serve , but that the law was either not executed , or misapply'd , they were constraind from that time , the onely remedy left them , to put conditions and take oaths from all kings and magistrates at their first instalment to doe impartial justice by law : who upon those termes and no other , receav'd allegeance from the people , that is to say , bond or covnant to obey them in execution of those lawes which they the people had themselves made or assented to . and this oft times with express warning , that if the king or magistrate prov'd unfaithfull to his trust , the people would be disingag'd . they added also counselors and parlaments , not to be onely at his beck , but with him or without him , at set times , or at all times , when any danger threatn●d to have care of the public safety . therefore saith claudius sesell a french statesman , the parlament was set as a bridle to the king ; which i instance rather , because that monarchy is granted by all to be a farre more absolute then ours . that this and the rest of what hath hitherto been spok'n is most true , might be copiously made appeare throughout all stories heathen and christian ; eev'n of those nations where kings and emperours have sought meanes to abolish all ancient memory of the peoples right by their encroachments and usurpations . but i spare long insertions , appealing to the german , french , italian , arragonian , english , and not least the scottish histories : not forgetting this onely by the way , that vvilliam the norman though a conqueror , and not unsworne at his coronation , was compelld a second time to take oath at s. albanes , ere the people would be brought to yeild obedience . it being thus manifest that the power of kings and magistrates is nothing else , but what is onely derivative , transferrd and committed to them in trust from the people to the common good of them all , in whom the power yet remaines fundamentally , and cannot be tak'n from them , without a violation of thir natural birthright , and seeing that from hence aristotle and the best of political writers have defin'd a king , him who governs to the good and profit of his people , and not for his owne ends , it follows from necessary causes that the titles of sovran lord , naturall lord , and the like , are either arrogancies , or flatteries , not admitted by emperors and kings of best note , and dislikt by the church both of jews , isai. . . and ancient christians as appears by tertullian and others . although generally the people of asia and with them the jews also , especially since the time they chose a king , against the advice and counsel of god , are noted by wise authors much inclinable to slavery . secondly , that to say , as is usual , the king hath as good right to his crown and dignitie , as any man to his inheritance , is to make the subject no better then the kings slave , his chattell , or his possession that may be bought and sould , and doubtless if hereditary title were sufficiently inquir'd , the best foundation of it would be found but either in courtesie or convenience . but suppose it to be of right hereditarie , what can be more just and legal , if a subject for certaine crimes be to forfet by law from himselfe and posterity , all his inheritance to the king , then that a king for crimes proportionall , should forfet all his title and inheritance to the people : unless the people must be thought created all for him , he not for them , and they all in one body inferior to him single , which were a kinde of treason against the dignity of mankind to affirm . thirdly it followes , that to say kings are accountable to none but god , is the overturning of all law and goverment . for if they may refuse to give account , then all covnants made with them at coronation ; all oathes are in vaine , and meer mockeries , all lawes which they sweare to keep , made to no purpose ; for if the king feare not god , as how many of them doe not ? we hold then our lives and estates , by the tenure of his meer grace and mercy , as from a god , not a mortall magistrate , a position that none but court parasites or men besotted would maintain . and no christian prince not drunk with high mind , and prouder then those pagan caesars , that deifi'd themselves , would arrogate so unreasonably above human condition , or derogate so basely from a whole nation of men his brethren , as if for him onely subsisting , and to serve his glory , valuing them in comparison of his owne brute will and pleasure no more then so many beasts , or vermine under his feet , not to be reasond with , but to be injurd ; among whom there might be found so many thousand men for wisdome , vertue , nobleness of mind and all other respects , but the fortune of his dignity , farr above him . yet some would perswade us that this absurd opinion was king davids ; because in the psalm he cries out to god , against thee onely have i sinn'd ; as if david had imagind that to murder uriah and adulterate his wife , had bin no sinne against his neighbor , when as that law of moses was to the king expresly , deut. . not to think so highly of himself above his brethren . david therefore by those words could mean no other , then either that the depth of his guiltiness was known to god onely , or to so few as had not the will or power to question him , or that the sin against god was greater beyond compare then against uriah . what ever his meaning were , any wise man will see that the patheticall words of a psalme can be no certaine decision to a point that hath abundantly more certaine rules to goe by . how much more rationally spake the heathen king . demophoon in a tragedy of euripides then these interpret●s would put upon king david , i rule not my people by tyranny , as if they were barbarians , but am my self liable , if i doe unjustly to suffer justly not unlike was the speech of traian the worthy emperor , to one whom he made general of his praetorian forces . take this drawne sword , saith he , to use for me , if i reigne well , if not , to use against me . thus dion relates . and not traian onely , but theodosius the younger a christian emperor and one of the best , causd it to be enacted as a rule undenyable and fit to be acknowledgd by all kings and emperors , that a prince is bound to the laws ; that on the autority of law the autority of a prince depends , & to the laws ought submit . which edict of his remaines yet unrepeald in the code of justinian . l. . tit. . as a sacred constitution to all the succeeding emperors . how then can any king in europe maintaine and write himselfe accountable to none but god , when emperors in thir owne imperiall statutes have writt'n and decreed themselves accountable to law . and indeed where such account is not fear'd , he that bids a man reigne over him above law , may bid as well a savage beast . it follows lastly , that since the king or magistrate holds his autoritie of the people , both originally and naturally for their good in the first place , and not his owne , then may the people as oft as they shall judge it for the best , either choose him or reject him , retaine him or depose him though no tyrant , meerly by the libertie and right of free born men to be govern'd as seems to them best . this , though it cannot but stand with plaine reason , shall be made good also by scripture , deut. . . vvhen thou art come into the land which the lord thy god giveth thee , and shalt say i will set a king over mee , like as all the nations about mee these words confirme us that the right of choosing , yea of changing thir owne goverment is by the grant of god him self in the people . and therefore when they desit'd a king , though then under another forme of goverment , and though thir changing displeasd him , yet he that was himself thir king , and rejected by them , would not be a hindrance to what they inended , furder then by perswasion , but that they might doe therein as they saw good , sam. . onely he reserv'd to himself the nomination of who should reigne over them . neither did that exempt the king as if hee were to god onely accountable , though by his especiall command anointed . therefore david first made a covnant with the elders of israel , and so was by them anointed king , chron. . and jehoiada the priest making jehoash king , made a cov'nant between him and the people , kings . . therefore when roboam at his comming to the crowne , rejected those conditions which the israelites brought him , heare what they answer him , what portion have we in david , or inheritance in the son of jesse . see to thine own house david . and for the like conditions not perform'd , all israel before that time deposd samuell ; not for his own default , but for the misgovement of his sons . but som will say to both these examples , it was evilly don . i answer , that not the latter , because it was expressely allow'd them in the law to set up a king if they pleas'd ; and god himself joynd with them in the work ; though in some sort it was at that time displeasing to him , in respect of old samuell who had governd them uprightly . as livy praises the romans who took occasion from tarquinius a wicked prince to gaine their libertie , which to have extorted , saith hee , from numa or any of the good kings before , had not bin seasonable . nor was it in the former example don unlawfully ; for when roboam had prepar'd a huge army to reduce the israelites , he was forbidd'n by the profet , kings . . thus saith the lord yee shall not goe up , nor fight against your brethren , for this thing is from me . he calls them thir brethren , not rebels , and forbidds to be proceeded against them , owning the thing himselfe , not by single providence , but by approbation , and that not onely of the act , as in the former example , but of the fitt season also ; he had not otherwise forbidd to molest them . and those grave and wise counsellors whom rehoboam first advis'd with , spake no such thing , as our old gray headed flatterers now are wont , stand upon your birth-right , scorne to capitulate , you hold of god , and not of them ; for they knew no such matter , unless conditionally , but gave him politic counsel , as in a civil transaction . therefore kingdom and magistracy , whether supreme or subordinat is calld a human ordinance , pet. . . &c. which we are there taught is the will of god wee should submitt to , so farr as for the punishment of evill doers , and the encouragement of them that doe well . submitt saith he , as free men . and there is no power but of god , saith paul , rom. . as much as to say , god put it into mans heart to find out that way at first for common peace and preservation , approving the exercise therof ; els it contradicts peter who calls the same autority an ordinance of man . it must be also understood of lawfull and just power , els we read of great power in the affaires and kingdomes of the world permitted to the devill : for saith he to christ , luke . . all this power will i give thee and the glory of them , for it is deliverd to me , and to whomsoever i will , i give it : neither did hee ly , or christ gainsay what hee affirm'd : for in the thirteenth of the revelation wee read how the dragon gave to the beast his power , his seat , and great autority : which beast so autoriz'd most expound to be the tyrannical powers and kingdomes of the earth . therfore saint paul in the forecited chapter tells us that such magistrates hee meanes ' , as are , not a terror to the good but to the evill , such as beare not the sword in vaine , but to punish offenders , and to encourage the good . if such onely be mentiond here as powers to be obeyd , and our submission to them onely requird , then doubtless those powers that doe the contrary , are no powers ordaind of god , and by consequence no obligation laid upon us to obey or not to resist them . and it may be well observd that both these apostles , whenever they give this precept , express it in termes not concret but abstract , as logicians are wont to speake , that is , they mention the ordinance , the power , the autoritie before the persons that execute it , and what that power is , lest we should be deceavd , they describe exactly . so that if the power be not such , or the person execute not such power , neither the one nor the other is of god , but of the devill , and by consequence to bee resisted . from this exposition chrysostome also on the same place dissents not ; explaining that these words were not writt'n in behalf of a tyrant . and this is verify'd by david , himself a king , and likeliest to bee author of the psalm . . which saith , shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee . and it were worth the knowing , since kings , and that by scripture boast the justness of thir title , by holding it immediately of god , yet cannot show the t●me when god ever set on the throne them or thir forefathers , but onely when the people chose them ; why by the same reason , since god ascribes as oft to himself the casting down of princes from the throne , it should not be thought as lawful , and as much from god when none are seen to do it but the people , and that for just causes . for if it needs must be a sin in them to depose , it may as likely be a sin to have elected . and contrary if the peoples act in election be pleaded by a king , as the act of god , and the most just title to enthrone him , why may not the peoples act of rejection , be as well pleaded by the people as the act of god , and the most just reason to depose him ? so that we see the title and just right of reigning or deposing in reference to god , is found in scripture to be all one ; visible onely in the people , and depending meerly upon justice and demerit . thus farr hath bin considerd briefly the power of kings and magistrates ; how it was , and is originally the peoples , and by them conferrd in trust onely to bee imployd to the common peace and benefit ; with libertie therfore and right remaining in them to reassume it to themselves , if by kings or magistrats it be abus'd ; or to dispose of it by any alteration , as they shall judge most conducing to the public good . wee may from hence with more ease , and force of argument determin what a tyrant is , and what the people may doe against him . a tyrant whether by wrong or by right comming to the crowne , is he who regarding neither law nor the common good , reigns onely for himself and his faction : thus st. basil among others defines him . and because his power is great , his will boundless and exorbitant , the fulfilling whereof is for the most part accompanied with innumerable wrongs and oppressions of the people , murders , massacres , rapes , adulteries , desolation , and subversion of citties and whole provinces ; look how great a good and happiness a just king is , so great a mischeife is a tyrant ; as hee the public father of his countrie , so this the common enemie . against whom what the people lawfully may doe , as against a common pest , and destroyer of mankinde , i suppose no man of cleare judgement need goe surder to be guided then by the very principles of nature in him . but because it is the vulgar folly of men to desert thir owne reason , and shutting thir eyes to think they see best with other mens , i shall shew by such examples as ought to have most waight with us , what hath bin don is this case heretofore . the greeks and romans as thir prime authors witness held it not onely lawfull , but a glorious and heroic deed , rewarded publicly with statues and garlands , to kill an infamous tyrant at any time without tryal ; and but reason , that he who trod down all law , should not bee voutsaf'd the benefit of law . insomuch that seneca the tragedian brings in hercules the grand suppressor of tyrants , thus speaking , — victima haud ulla amplior potest , magisque opima mactari jovi quam rex iniquus — — there can be slaine no sacrifice to god more accetable then an unjust and wicked king — but of these i name no more , lest it bee objected they were heathen ; and come to produce another sort of men that had the knowledge of true religion . among the jews this custome of tyrant-killing was not unusual . first ehud , a man whom god had raysd to deliver israel from eglon king of moab , who had conquerd and rul'd over them eighteene yeares , being sent to him as an ambassador with a present slew him in his owne house . but hee was a forren prince , an enemie , and ehud besides had special warrant from god . to the first i answer , it imports not whether forren or native : for no prince so native but professes to hold by law ; which when he himselfe overturnes , breaking all the covnants and oaths that gave him title to his dignity , and were the bond and alliance between him and his people , what differs he from an outlandish king or from an enemie ? for looke how much right the king of spaine hath to govern us at all , so much right hath the king of england to govern us tyrannically . if he , though not bound to us by any league , comming from spaine in person to subdue us or to destroy us , might lawfully by the people of england either bee slaine in fight , or put to death in captivity , what hath a native king to plead , bound by so many covnants , benefits and honours to the welfare of his people , why he through the contempt of all laws and parlaments , the onely tie of our obedience to him , for his owne wills sake , and a boasted praerogative unaccountable , after sev'n years warring and destroying of his best subjects , overcom , and yeilded prisoner , should think to scape unquestionable , as a thing divine , in respect of whom so many thousand christians destroy'd should lye unaccounted for , polluting with thir slaughterd carcasses all the land over , and crying for vengeance against the living that should have righted them . who knows not that there is a mutual bond of amity and brotherhood between man and man over all the world , neither is it the english sea that can sever us from that duty and relation : a straiter bond yet there is between fellow-subjects , neighbours , and friends ; but when any of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to another so as hostility 〈…〉 doth the law decree less against them , then oepn enemies and invaders ? or if the law be not present , or too weake , what doth it warrant us to less then single defence or civil warr ? and from that time forward the law of civill defensive warr differs nothing from the law of forren hostility . nor is it distance of place that makes enmitie , but enmity that makes distance . he therefore that keeps peace with me neer or remote of whatsoever nation , is to mee as farr as all civil and human offices an englishman and a nighbour : but if an englishman forgetting all laws , human , civil and religious offend against life and libertie , to him offended and to the law in his behalf , though born in the same womb , he is no better then a turk , a sarasin , a heathen . this is gospel , and this was ever law among equals ; how much rather then in force against any king whatsoever , who in respect of the people is coufessd inferior and not equal : to distinguish therfore of a tyrant by outlandish , or domestic is a weak evasion . to the second that he was an enemie , i answer , what tyrant is not ? yet eglon by the jewes had bin acknowledgd as thir sovran , they had servd him eighteen yeares , as long almost as wee our vvilliam the conqueror , in all which time he could not be so unwise a statesman but to have tak'n of them oaths of fealty and allegeance by which they made themselves his proper subjects , as thir homage and present sent by ehud testifyd . to the third , that he had special warrant to kill eglon in that manner , it cannot bee granted , because not expressd ; t is plain that he was raysd by god to be a deliverer , and went on just principles , such as were then and ever held allowable , to deale so by a tyrant that could no otherwise be dealt with . neither did samuell though a profet , with his owne hand abstain from agag ; a forren enemie no doubt ; but mark the reason , as thy sword hath made women childless ; a cause that by the sentence of law it selfe nullifies all relations . and as the law is between brother and brother , father and son , maister and servant , wherfore not between king or rather tyrant and people ? and whereas jehu had special command to slay jehoram a successive and hereditarie tyrant , it seemes not the less imitable for that ; for where a thing grounded so much on naturall reason hath the addition of a command from god , what does it but establish the lawfulness of such an act . nor is it likely that god who had so many wayes of punishing the house of ahab would have sent a subject against his prince , if the fact in it selfe as don to a tyrant had bin of bad example . and if david refus'd to lift his hand against the lords anointed , the matter between them was not tyranny , but private enmity , and david as a private person had bin his own revenger , not so much the peoples ; but when any tyrant at this day can shew to be the lords anointed , the onely mention'd reason why david with held his hand , he may then but not till then presume on the same privilege . we may pass therfore hence to christian times . and first our saviour himself , how much he favourd tyrants and how much intended they should be found or honourd among christians , declares his minde not obscurely ; accounting thir absolute autoritie no better then gentilisme , yea though they flourishd it over with the splendid name of benefactors ; charging those that would be his disciples to usurp no such dominion ; but that they who were to bee of most autoritie among them , should esteem themselves ministers and servants to the public . matt. . . the princes of the gentiles exercise lordship over them , and mark . . they that seem to rule , saith he , either slighting or accounting them no lawful rulers , but yee shall not be so , but the greatest among you shall be your servant . and although hee himself were the meekest , and came on earth to be so , yet to a tyrant we hear him not voutsafe an humble word : but tell that fox , luc. . and wherfore did his mother the virgin mary give such praise to god in her profetic song , that he had now by the comming of christ cutt down dynasta's or proud monarchs from the throne , if the church , when god manifests his power in them to doe so , should rather choose all miserie and vassalage to serve them , and let them still sit on thir potent seats to bee ador'd for doing mischiefe . surely it is not for nothing that tyrants by a kind of natural instinct both hate and feare none more then the true church and saints of god , as the most dangerous enemies and subverters of monarchy , though indeed of tyranny ; hath not this bin the perpetual cry of courtiers , and court prelates ? whereof no likelier cause can be alleg'd , but that they well discern'd the mind and principles of most devout and zealous men , and indeed the very discipline of church , tending to the dissolution of all tyranny . no marvel then if since the faith of christ receav'd , in purer or impurer times , to depose a king and put him to death for tyranny hath bin accounted so just and requisit , that neighbour kings have both upheld and tak'n part with subjects in the action . and ludovicus pius , himself an emperor , and sonne of charles the great , being made judge , du haillan is my author , between milegast king of the vul●zes and his subjects who had depos'd him , gave his verdit for the subjects , and for him whom they had chos'n in his room . note here that the right of electing whom they please is by the impartial testimony of an emperor in the people . for , said he , a just prince ought to be prefer'd before an unjust , and the end of government before the prerogative . and constantinus leo , another emperor in the byzantine laws saith , that the end of a king is for the general good , which he not performing is but the counterfet of a king . and to prove that some of our owne monarchs have acknowledg'd that thir high office exempted them not from punishment , they had the sword of st. edward born before them by an officer who was calld earle of the palace eev'n at the times of thir highest pomp and solemnitie , to mind them , saith matthew paris , the best of our historians , that if they errd , the sword had power to restraine them . and what restraint the sword comes to at length , having both edge and point , if any sceptic will needs doubt , let him feel . it is also affirm'd from diligent search made in our ancient books of law , that the peers and barons of england had a legall right to judge the king : which was the cause most likely , for it could be no slight cause , that they were call'd his peers , or equals . this however may stand immovable , so long as man hath to deale with no better then man ; that if our law judge all men to the lowest by thir peers , it should in all equity ascend also , and judge the highest . and so much i find both in our own and forren storie , that dukes , earles , and marqueses were at first not hereditary , not empty and vain titles , but names of trust and office , and with the office ceasing , as induces me to be of opinion , that every worthy man in parlament , for the word baron imports no more , might for the public good be thought a fit peer and judge of the king ; without regard had to petty caveats , and circumstances , the chief impediment in high affaires , and ever stood upon most by circumstantial men . whence doubtless our ancestors who were not ignorant with what rights either nature or ancient constitution had endowd them , when oaths both at coronation , and renewd in parlament would not serve , thought it no way illegal to depose and put to death thir tyrannous kings . insomuch that the parlament drew up a charge against richard the second , and the commons requested to have judgement decree'd against him , that the realme might not bee endangerd . and peter martyr a divine of formost rank , on the third of judges approves thir doings . sir thomas smith also a protestant and a statesman in his commonwealth of england putting the question whether it be lawful to rise against a tyrant , answers that the vulgar judge of it according to the event , and the learned according to the purpose of them that do it . but far before those days gildas the most ancient of all our historians , speaking of those times wherein the roman empire decaying quitted and relinquishd what right they had by conquest to this iland , and resign'd it all into the peoples hands , testifies that the people thus re-invested with thir own original right , about the year , both elected them kings , whō they thought best ( the first christian brittish kings that ever raign'd heer since the romans ) and by the same right , when they apprehended cause , usually deposd and put them to death . this is the most fundamental and ancient tenure that any king of england can produce or pretend to ; in comparison of which , all other titles and pleas are but of yesterday . if any object that gildas condemns the britanes for so doing , the answer is as ready ; that he condemns them no more for so doing , then hee did before for choosing such , for saith he , they anointed them kings , not of god , but such as were more bloody then therest . next hee condemns them not at all for deposing or putting them to death , but for doing it over hastily , without tryal or well examining the cause , and for electing others worse in thir room . thus we have here both domestic and most ancient examples that the people of britain have deposd and put to death thir kings in those primitive christian times . and to couple reason with example , if the church in all ages , primitive , romish , or protestant held it ever no less thir duty then the power of thir keyes , though without express warrant of scripture , to bring indifferently both king and peasant under the utmost rigor of thir canons and censures ecclesiastical , eev'n to the smiting him with a final excommunion , if he persist impenitent , what hinders but that the temporal law both may and ought , though without a special text or president , extend with like indifference the civil sword , to the cutting off without exemption him that capitally offends . seeing that justice and religion are from the same god , and works of justice ofttimes more acceptable . yet because that some lately with the tongues and arguments of malignant backsliders have writt'n that the proceedings now in parlament against the king , are without president from any protestant state or kingdom , the examples which follow shall be all protestant and chiefly presbyterian . in the yeare . the duke of saxonie , lantgrave of hessen , and the whole protestant league raysd open warr against charles the fifth thir emperor , sent him a defiance , renounc'd all faith and allegeance toward him , and debated long in counsell whether they should give him so much as the title of caesar . sleidan . l. . let all men judge what this wanted of deposing or of killing , but the power to doe it . in the yeare . the scotch protestants claiming promise of thir queen regent for libertie of conscience , she answering that promises were not to be claim'd of princes beyond what was commodious for them to grant , told her to her face in the parlament then at sterling , that if it were so , they renounc'd thir obedience ; and soone after betooke them to armes . buchanan hist. l. . certainely when allegeance is renounc'd , that very hour the king or queen is in effect depos'd . in the yeare . john kn●x a most famous divine and the reformer of scotland to the presbyterian discipline , at a generall assembly maintaind op'nly in a dispute against lethington the secretary of state , that subjects might and ought execute gods judgements upon thir king ; that the fact of jehu and others against thir king having the ground of gods ordinary command to put such and such offenders to death was not extraordinary , but to bee imitated of all that prefer'd the honour of god to the affection of flesh and wicked princes , that kings , if they offend , have no privilege to be exempted from the punishments of law more then any other subject ; so that if the king be a murderer , adulterer , or idolater , he should suffer not as a king , but as an offender ; and this position hee repeates againe and againe before them . answerable was the opinion of john craig another learned divine , and that lawes made by the tyranny of princes , or the negligence of people , thir posterity might abrogate , and reform all things according to the original institution of common-wealths , and knox being commanded by the nobilitie to write to calvin and other learned men for thir judgements in that question refus'd ; alleging that both himselfe was fully resolv'd in conscience , and had heard thir judgements , and had the same opinion under hand-writing of many the most godly and most learned that he knew in europe ; that if he should move the question to them againe , what should he doe but shew his owne forgetfulness or inconstancy . all this is farr more largely in the ecclesiastic history of scotland l. . with many other passages to this effect all the book over ; set out with diligence by scotchmen of best repute among them at the beginning of these troubles , as if they labourd to inform us what wee were to doe and what they intended upon the like occasion . and to let the world know that the whole church and protestant state of scotland in those purest times of reformation were of the same belief , three years after , they met in the feild mary thir lawful and hereditary queen , took her prisoner yeilding before fight , kept her in prison and the same yeare deposd her . buchan . hist. l. . and four years after that , the scots in justification of thir deposing queen mary , sent embassadors to queen elizabeth , and in a writt'n declaration alleag'd that they had us'd towards her more lenity then shee deservd ; that thir ancestors had heretofore punishd thir kings by death or banishment ; that the scots were a free nation , made king whom they freely chose , and with the same freedome un-kingd him if they saw cause , by right of ancient laws and ceremonies yet remaining , and old customers yet among the high-landers in choosing the head of thir clanns , or families ; all which with many other arguments bore witness that regal power was nothing else but a mutuall covnant or stipulation between king and people . buch. hist. l. . these were scotchmen and presbyterians ; but what measure then have they lately offerd , to think such liberty less beseeming us then themselves , presuming to put him upon us for a maister whom thir law scarce allows to be thir own equall ? if now then we heare them in another straine then heretofore in the purest times of thir church , we may be confident it is the voice of faction speaking in them , not of truth and reformation . in the yeare . the states of holland in a general assembly at the hague , abjur'd all obedience and subjection to philip king of spaine ; and in a declaration justifie thir so doing ; for that by his tyrannous goverment against faith so oft'n giv'n and brok'n he had lost his right to all the belgic provinces ; that therfore they deposd him and declar'd it lawful to choose another in his stead . thuan. l. . from that time , to this no state or kingdom in the world hath equally prosperd : but let them remember not to look with an evil and prejudicial eye upon thir neighbours walking by the same rule . but what need these examples to presbyterians , i meane to those who now of late would seem so much to abhorr deposing , whenas they to all christendom have giv'n the latest and the liveliest example of doing it themselves . i question not the lawfulness of raising warr against a tyrant in defence of religion , or civil libertie ; for no protestant church from the first waldenses of lyons , and languedoc to this day but have don it round , and maintaind it lawfull . but this i doubt not to affirme , that the presbyterians , who now so much condemn deposing , were the men themselves that deposd the king , and cannot with all thir shifting and relapsing , wash off the guiltiness from thir owne hands . for they themselves , by these thir late doings have made it guiltiness , and turnd thir owne warrantable actions into rebellion . there is nothing that so actually makes a king of england , as righful possession and supremacy in all causes both civil and ecclesiastical : and nothing that so actually makes a subject of england , as those two oaths of allegeance and supremacy observd without equivocating , or any mental reservation . out of doubt then when the king shall command things already constituted in church , or state , obedience is the true essence of a subject , either to doe , if it be lawful , or if he hold the thing unlawful , to submit to that penaltie which the law imposes , so long as he intends to remaine a subject . therefore when the people or any part of them shall rise against the king and his autority executing the law in any thing establishd civil or ecclesiastical , i doe nor say it is rebellion , if the thing commanded though establishd be unlawfull , and that they sought first all due means of redress ( and no man is furder bound to law ) but i say it is an absolute renouncing both of supremacy and allegeance , which in one word is an actual and total deposing of the king , and the setting up of another supreme autority over them . and whether the presbyterians have not don all this and much more , they will not put mee , i suppose , to reck'n up a seven yeares story fresh in the memory of all men . have they not utterly broke the oath of allegeance , rejecting the kings command and autority sent them from any part of the kingdom whether in things lawful or unlawful ? have they not abjur'd the oath of supremacy by setting up the parlament without the king , supreme to all thir obedience , and though thir vow and covnant bound them in general to the parlament , yet somtimes adhering to the lesser part of lords and commons that remaind faithful as they terme it , and eev'n of them , one while to the commons without the lords , another while to the lords without the commons ? have they not still declar'd thir meaning , whatever their oath were , to hold them onely for supreme whom they found at any time most yeilding to what they petitiond ? both these oaths which were the straitest bond of an english subject in reference to the king , being thus broke and made voide , it follows undeniably that the king from that time was by them in fact absolutely deposd , and they no longer in reality to be thought his subjects , notwithstanding thir fine clause in the covnant to preserve his person , crown , and dignitie , set there by som dodging casuist with more craft then sinceritie to mitigate the matter in case of ill success , and not tak'n i suppose by any honest man , but as a condition subordinate to every the least particle that might more concern religion , liberty , or the public peace . to prove it yet more plainly that they are the men who have deposd the king , i thus argue . we know that king and subject are relatives , and relatives have no longer being then in the relation ; the relatiō between king and subject can be no other then regal autority and subjection . hence i inferr past their defending , that if the subject who is one relative , takes away the relation , of force he takes away also the other relative ; but the presbyterians who were one relative , that is to say subjects , have for this sev'n years tak'n away the relation , that is to say the kings autoritie , and thir subjection to it , therfore the presbyterians for these sev'n yeares have removd and extinguish the other relative , that is to say the king , or to speake more in brief have depos'd him ; not onely by depriving him the execution of his autoritie , but by conferring it upon others . if then thir oathes of subjection brok'n , new ` supremacy obey'd , new oaths and covnants tak'n , notwitstanding frivolous evasions , have in plaine tearmes unking'd the king , much more then hath thir sev'n yeares warr not depos'd him onely , but outlawd him , and defi'd him as an alien , a rebell to law , and enemie to the state . it must needs be cleare to any man not averse from reason , that hostilitie and subjection are two direct and positive contraries ; and can no more in one subject stand together in respect of the same king , then one person at the same time can be in two remote places . against whom therfore the subject is in act of hostility we may be confident that to him he is in no subjection : and in whom hostility takes place of subjection , for they can by no meanes consist together , to him the king can bee not onely no king , but an enemie . so that from hence wee shall not need dispute whether they have depos'd him , or what they have defaulted towards him as no king , but shew manifestly how much they have don toward the killing him . have they not levied all these warrs against him whether offensive or defensive ( for defence in warr equally offends , and most prudently before hand ) and giv'n commission to slay where they knew his person could not bee exempt from danger ? and if chance or flight had not sav'd him , how oft'n had they killd him , directing thir artillery without blame or prohibition to the very place where they saw him stand ? have they not converted his revenue to other uses , and detain'd from him all meanes of livelyhood , so that for them long since he might have perisht , or have starv'd ? have they not hunted and pursu'd him round about the kingdom with sword and fire ? have they not formerly deny'd to treat with him , and thir now recanting ministers preach'd against him , as a reprobate incurable , an enemy to god and his church markt for destruction , and therfore not to bee treated with ? have they not beseig'd him and to thir power forbid him water and fire , save what they shot against him to the hazard of his life ? yet while they thus assaulted and endangerd it with hostile deeds , they swore in words to defend it with his crown and dignity ; not in order , as it seems now , to a firm and lasting peace , or to his repentance after all this blood ; but simply , without regard , without remorse or any comparable value of all the miseries and calamities sufferd by the poore people , or to suffer hereafter through his obstinacy or impenitence . no understanding man can bee ignorant that covnants are ever made according to the present state of persons and of things ; and have ever the more general laws of nature and of reason included in them , though not express'd . if i make a voluntary covnant as with a man to doe him good , and hee prove afterward a monster to me , i should conceave a disobligement . if i covnant , not to hurt an enemie , in favor of him and forbearance , and hope of his amendment , and he , after that , shall doe me tenfould injury and mischief to what hee had don when i so covnanted , and stil be plotting what may tend to my destruction , i question not but that his after actions release me ; nor know i covnant so sacred that withholds mee from demanding justice on him . howbeit , had not thir distrust in a good cause , and the fast and loos of our prevaricating divines oversway'd , it had bin doubtless better , not to have inserted in a covnant unnecessary obligations , and words not works of a supererogating allegeance to thir enemy ; no way advantageous to themselves , had the king prevail'd , as to thir cost many would have felt ; but full of snare and distraction to our friends , usefull onely , as we now find , to our adversaries , who under such a latitude and shelter of ambiguous interpretation have ever since been plotting and contriving new opportunities to trouble all againe . how much better had it bin , and more becomming an undaunted vertue to have declard op'nly and boldly whom and what power the people were to hold supreme , as on the like occasion protestants have don before , and many conscientious men now in these times have more then once besought the parlament to doe , that they might go on upon a sure foundation , and not with a ridling covnant in thir mouthes , seeming to sweare counter almost in the same breath allegeance and no allegeance ; which doubtless had drawn off all the minds of sincere men from siding with them , had they not discern'd thir actions farr more deposing him then thir words upholding him ; which words made now the subject of cavillous interpretations , stood ever in the covnant by judgement of the more discerning sort an evidence of thir feare not of thir fidelity . what should i return to speak on , of those attempts for which the king himself hath oft'n charg'd the presbyterians of seeking his life , whenas in the due estimation of things they might without a fallacy be sayd to have don the deed outright . who knows not that the king is a name of dignity and office , not of person : who therfore kils a king , must kill him while he is a king . then they certainly who by deposing him have long since tak'n from him the life of a king , his office and his dignity , they in the truest sence may bee said to have killd the king : nor onely by thir deposing and waging warr against him , which besides the danger to his personal life , set him in the fardest opposite point from any vital function of a king , but by thir holding him in prison vanquishd and yeilded into thir absolute and despotic power , which brought him to the lowest degradement and incapacity of the regal name . i say not whose matchless valour next under god , lest the story of thir ingratitude thereupon carry me from the purpose in hand , which is to convince them that they , which i repeat againe , were the men who in the truest sense killd the king , not onely as is provd before , but by depressing him thir king farr below the rank of a subject to the condition of a captive , without intention to restore him , as the chancellour of scotland in a speech told him plainly at newcastle , unless hee granted fully all thir demands , which they knew he never meant . nor did they treat or think of treating with him , till thir hatred to the army that deliverd them , not thir love or duty to the king , joyn'd them secretly with men sentencd so oft for reprobates in thir owne mouthes , by whose suttle inspiring they grew madd upon a most tardy and improper treaty . whereas if the whole bent of thir actions had not bin against the king himselfe , but against his evill councel , as they faind , and publishd , wherefore did they not restore him all that while to the true life of a king , his office , crown , and dignity , when he was in thir power , and they themselves his neerest counselers . the truth therefore is , both that they would not , and that indeed they could not without thir own certaine destruction , having reduc'd him to such a final pass , as was the very death and burial of all in him rhat was regal , and from whence never king of england yet revivd , but by the new re inforcement of his own party , which was a kind of resurrection to him . thus having quitc extinguisht all that could be in him of a king , and from a total privation clad him over like another specifical thing with formes and habitudes destructive to the former , they left in his person dead as to law and all the civil right either of king or subject the life onely of a prilner , a captive and a malefactor . whom the equal and impartial hand of justice finding , was no more to spare then another ordnary man ; not onely made obnoxious to the doome of law by a charge more then once drawn up against him , and his owne confession to the first article at newport , but summond and arraignd in the sight of god and his people , cutst and devoted to perdition worse then any ahab , or antiochus , with exhortation to curse all those in the name of god that made not warr against him , as bitterly as meroz was to be curs'd , that went not out against a canaanitish king , almost in all the sermons , prayers , and fulminations that have bin utterd this sev'n yeares by those clov'n tongues of falshood and dissention , who now , to the stirring up of new discord , acquitt him ; and against thir owne discipline , which they boast to be the throne and scepter of christ , absolve him , unconfound him , though unconverted , unrepentant , unsensible of all thir pretious saints and martyrs whose blood they have so oft layd upon his head : and now againe with a new sovran anointment can wash it all off , as if it were as vile , and no more to be reckn'd for then the blood of so many dogs in a time of pestilence : giving the most opprobrious lye to all the acted zeale that for these many yeares hath filld thir bellies , and fed them fatt upon the foolish people . ministers of sedition , not of the gospell , who while they saw it manifestly tend to civil warr and bloodshed , never ceasd exasperating the people against him ; and now that they see it likely to breed new commotion , cease not to incite others against the people that have savd them from him , as if sedition were thir onely aime whether against him or for him . but god as we have cause to trust , wil put other thoughts into the people , and turn them from looking after these firebrands , of whose fury , and sals prophecies we have anough experience ; and from the murmurs of new discord will incline them to heark'n rather with erected minds to the voice of our supreme magistracy , calling us to liberty and the flourishing deeds of a reformed common-wealth ; with this hope that as god was heretofore angry with the jews who rejected him and his forme of government to choose a king , so that he will bless us , and be propitious to us who reject a king to make him onely our leader , and supreme governour in the conformity as neer as may be of his own ancient government ; if we have at least but so much worth in us to entertaine the sense of our future happiness , and the courage to receave what god voutsafes us : wherin we have the honour to precede other nations who are now labouring to be our followers . for as to this question in hand what the people by thir just right may doe in change of government , or of governour , we see it cleerd sufsiciently ; besides other ample autority eev'n from the mouths of princes themselves . and surely they that shall boast , as we doe , to be a free nation , and not have in themselves the power to remove , or to abolish any governour supreme , or subordinate with the government it self upon urgent causes , may please thir fancy with a ridiculous and painted freedom , fit to coz'n babies ; but are indeed under tyranny and servitude ; as wanting that power , which is the root and sourse of all liberty , to dispose and oeconomize in the land which god hath giv'n them , as maisters of family in thir own house and free inheritance . without which natural and essential power of a free nation , though bearing high thir heads , they can in due esteem be thought no better then slaves and vassals born , in the tenure and occupation of another inheriting lord . whose government , though not illegal , or intolerable , hangs over them as a lotdly scourge , not as a free goverment ; and therfore to be abrogated . how much more justly then may they fling off tyranny , or tyrants ? who being once depos'd can be no more then privat men , as subject to the reach of justice and arraignment as any other transgressors . and certainly if men , not to speak of heathen , both wise and religious have don justice upon tyrants what way they could soonest , how much more mild and human then is it to give them faire and op'n tryall ? to teach lawless kings and all that so much adore them , that not mortal man , or his imperious will , but justice is the onely true sovran and supreme majesty upon earth . let men cease therfore out of faction and hypocrisie to make outcrys & horrid things of things so just and honorable . and if the parlament and military councel do what they doe without president , if it appeare thir duty , it argues the more wisdom , vertue , and magnanimity , that they know themselves able to be a president to others . who perhaps in future ages , if they prove not too degenerat , will look up with honour and aspire toward these exemplary , and matchless deeds of thir ancestors , as to the highest top of thir civil glory and emulation . which heretofore in the persuance of fame and forren dominion spent it self vain-gloriously abroad ; but henceforth may learn a better fortitude to dare execute highest justice on them that shall by force of armes endeavour the oppressing and bereaving ofreligion and thir liberty at home : that no unbridl'd potentate or tyrant , but to his sorrow for the future , may presume such high and irresponsible licence over mankind to havock and turn upside-down whole kingdoms of men as though they were no more in respect of his perverse will then a nation of pismires . as for the party calld presbyterian , of whom i beleive very many to be good & faithful christians , though misled by som of turbulent spirit , i wish them earnestly and calmly not to fall off from thir first principles ; nor to affect rigor and superiority over men not under them ; not to compell unforcible things in religion especially , which if not voluntary , becomes a sin ; nor to assist the clamor and malicious drifts of men whom they themselves have judg'd to be the worst of men , the obdurat enemies of god and his church : nor to dart against the actions of thir brethren , for want of other argument those wrested lawes and scriptures thrown by prelats and malignants against thir own sides , which though they hurt not otherwise , yet tak'n up by them to the condemnation of thir owne doings give scandal to all men and discover in themselves either extreame passion or apostacy . let them not oppose thir best friends and associats who molest them not at all , infringe not the least of thir liberties ; unless they call it thir liberty to bind other mens consciences , but are still secking to live at peace with them and brotherly accord . let them beware an old and perfet enemy , who though he hope by sowing discord to make them his instruments , yet cannot forbeare a minute the op'n threatning of his destind revenge upon them when they have servd his purposes . let them feare therefore , if they bee wise , rather what they have don already , then what remaines to doe , and be warn'd in time they put no confidence in princes whom they have provokd , lest they be added to the examples of those that miserably have tasted the event . stories can inform them how christiern the second , king of denmark not much above a hundred yeares past , driv'n out by his subjects , and receavd againe upon new oaths and conditions , broke through them all to his most bloody revenge ; slaying his chief opposers when he saw his time , both them and thir children invited to a feast for that purpose . how maximilian dealt with those of bruges , though by mediation of the german princes reconcil'd to them by solem and public writings drawn and seald . how the massacre at paris was the effect of that credulous peace which the french protestants made with charles the ninth thir king : and that the main visible cause which to this day hath sav'd the netherlands from utter ruine , was thir finall not belei●ing the perfidious cruelty which as a constant maxim of state hath bin us'd by the spanish kings on thir subjects that have tak'n armes and after trusted them ; as no later age but can testifie , heretofore in belgia it self , and this very yeare in naples . and to conclude with one past exception , though farr more ancient , david after once hee had tak'n armes , never after that trusted saul , though with tears and much relenting he twise promis'd not to hurt him . these instances , few of many , might admonish them both english and scotch not to let thir owne ends , and the driving on of a faction betray them blindly into the snare of those enemies whose revenge looks on them as the men who first begun , fomented and carri'd on beyond the cure of any sonnd or safe accommodation all the evil which hath since unavoidably befall'n them and thir king . i have something also to the divines , though brief to what were needfull ; not to be disturbers of the civil affairs , being in hands better able and more belonging to manage them ; but to study harder and to attend the office of good pastors , knowing that he whose flock is least among them hath a dreadfull charge , not performd by mounting twise into the chair with a formal preachment huddl'd up at the od hours of a whole lazy week , but by incessant pains and watching in season and out of season , from house to house over the soules of whom they have to feed . which if they ever well considerd , how little leasure would they find to be the most pragmatical sidesmen of every popular tumult and sedition ? and all this while are to learne what the true end and reason is of the gospel which they teach ; and what a world it differs from the censorious and supercilious lording over conscience . it would be good also they liv'd so as might perswade the people they hated covetousness , which worse then heresie , is idolatry ; hated pluralities and all kind of simony ; left rambling from benefice to benefice , iike ravnous wolves seeking where they may devour the biggest . of which if som , well and warmely seated from the beginning , be not guilty , t were good they held not conversation with such as are : let them be sorry that being call'd to assemble about reforming the church , they fell to progging and solliciting the parlament , though they had renouncd the name of priests , for a new setling of thir tithes and oblations ; and double lin'd themselves with spiritual places of commoditie beyond the possible discharge of thir duty . let them assemble in consistory with thir elders and deacons , according to ancient ecclesiastical rule , to the preserving of church discipline each in his several charge , and not a pack of clergie men by themselves to belly cheare in thir presumptuous sion , or to promote designes , abuse and gull the simple laity , and stirr up tumult , as the prelats did , for the maintenance of thir pride and avarice . these things if they observe and waite with patience , no doubt but all things will goe well without their importunities or exclamations : and the printed letters which they send subscrib'd with the ostentation of great characters and little moment , would be more considerable then now they are . but if they be the ministers of mammon instead of christ , and scandalize his church with the filty love of gaine , aspiring also to sit the closest and the heaviest of all tyrants , upon the conscience , and fall notoriously into the same sins , whereof so lately and so loud they accus'd the prelates , as god rooted out those immediately before , so will he root out them thir imitators : and to vindicate his own glory and religion , will uncover thir hypocrisie to the open world ; and visit upon thir own heads that curse ye meroz , the very motto of thir pulpits , wherwith so frequently , not as meroz , but more like atheists they have mock'd the vengeance of god , and the zeale of his people . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- jer. . . prov. . . the secrets of government and misteries of state plainly laid open, in all the several forms of government in the christian world / published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the secrets of government and misteries of state plainly laid open, in all the several forms of government in the christian world / published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, ?- . milton, john, - . [ ], p. s.n.], [london : . written by walter raleigh. cf. nuc pre- . first published in as: the cabinet-council: containing the cheif arts of empire, and mysteries of state. place of publication from wing. advertisement: p. [ ]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng political science -- early works to . monarchy -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the secrets of government , and misteries of state , plainly laid open , in all the several forms of government in the christian world . published by john milton , esq printed in the year , . to the reader . having had the manuscript of this treatise , written by sir walter raleigh , many years in my hands , and finding it lately by chance among other books and papers , upon reading thereof , i thought it a kind of injury to withhold longer the work of so eminent an author from the publick ; it being both answerable in 〈◊〉 to other works of his already extant , as far as the subject would permit , and given me for a true copy by a learned man at his death , who had collected several such pieces . john milton . the principal contents . chap. i. the desinition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds page chap. . of sovereign or monarchick government , with its essential marks and specifical differences p. chap. . of monarchies seignioril , exemplisied in the turkish and west-indian empire p. chap. . of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them p. chap. . of monarchies tyrannical p. chap. . of new-found monarchies and principalities , with the means to 〈◊〉 them p. chap. . of councils and counsellors in general p. chap. . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties and democraties p. chap. . of officers and commissioners , with their respective distinctions p. chap. . of magistrates , their qualifications and elections p. chap. . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war p. chap. . extrinsick observations , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decypher their intendments p. chap. . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor p. chap. . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites p. chap. . the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment p. chap. of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated p. chap. . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained p. chap. . of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes , and ways of prevention or discovery p. chap. . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it p. chap. . of diffidence and dissimulation in the management of state affairs p. chap. . of war defensive and invasive ; with iustructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline p. chap. . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions p. chap. . of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick ; with advice how to make an honorable peace p. chap. . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof p. chap. . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events p. chap. . maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations , and historical parallels p. advertisement . the excellent woman described by her true characters , and their opposites . printed for j. watts . the secrets of government , and misteries of state , plainly laid open . chap. i. the definition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds . a common-wealth is a certain sovereign govornment of many families , with those things that are common among them . all common-wealths are either monarchies , aristocraties , or democraties . a monarchy is that state where the sovereignty resteth in the person of one only prince . an aristocraty , is where some small part of the people have in them as a body corporate , the sovereignty and supreme power of the whole state. a democraty , is where all the people have power and authority sovereign . so doth it appear , that the place and person where the sovereignty resteth , doth cause the state to be either a monarchy , an aristocraty , or popular government . chap. ii. of sovereign of monarchick government , with its essential marks , and specifical differences . sovereignty is an absolute and perpetual power in every publick state , and he is properly and only a sovereign , that acknowledgeth no superior or equal , nor holdeth of any other prince , person or power , but god and his own sword. the first mark of sovereignty , is absolute power and authority to command all subjects in general , and every of them in particular , without consent of any other person or persons , either greater or inferior to himself . the second mark of majesty is authority to make war , and conclude peace at his pleasure . the third is power to beslow all honors and chief offices at his pleasure . the fourth mark of sovereignty is appellation . the fifth mark and last , is power to pardon all subjects by rigor of law or otherwise , condemned in life , lands , goods or honors . these powers are not to be imparted to any officer , deputy or other magistrate , but in the prince's absence , and for some urgent occasion . monarchies are of three sorts , signioril , royal and tyrannical . the diversity of monarchies doth not proceed from the nature of the state , but the diverse proceedings of those princes that govern ; for great difference there may be between the nature of the commonwealth and the government thereof . that prince that giveth the magistracies honors and offices without respect of nobility , riches or vertue , may be said to govern popularly . and that monarchy may be said to be governed aristocratically , when the monarch imparteth the principal honors and offices to the noble and rich men only . the same difference there is to be sound in states aristocratical and popular ; for the one and the other may be both signioril or tyrannical . a monarch signioril is he who by force of arms and just war , is made owner of mens bodies and goods , and governeth them as a master of a family governeth base servants and slaves . a monarch royal , is he whose subjects are obedient unto his laws , of god and nature , suffering every subject to enjoy liberty natural , with property in lands and goods , governing as a father governeth his children . a monarch tyrannical , is he who without regard to the law of god or nature , commandeth free-men as slaves and useth their lands and goods as his own . chap. iii. of monarchy signioril , exemplisied in the turkisn and west-indian empire . all people subject to princes , are governed as free-men by their prince , and certain other particular lords of lands and liberties ; who not by the princes commission , but by ancient 〈◊〉 or custom , have inheritance and tenements ; or else they are by one prince and his ministers commanded , which ministers have not by law or ordinance , any authority or interest of themselves , but being like to the people ( base men and slaves ) they command only by commission in the princes name ; and the authority of those ministers doth cease at the princes pleasure , so that the people do not acknowledge any superior but the prince , nor owe any service to other mean lords : so as all the people stand without property in lands or goods ; for example , the empire of turky and the west-indies . the provinces of this monarchy are allotted to sundry magistrates or ministers , and they altered and removed at the princes pleasure ; but it is otherwise in a monarchy royal , because the monarch is there accompanied with many mean lords . and albeit those mean lords are subjects unto the prince , yet have they particular tenants , who may not , without just cause , be dispossessed by the prince ; and those people having had dependency of their lords and their ancestors , do ever beare unto them a certain natural love and dutiful respect ; whoso therefore compareth these principalities , shall perceive , that to conquer a state signioril there is great difficulty , but being conquered , it may easily be maintained ; for the difficulty to conquer such a state , proceedeth from the lack of mean lords to call in and assist the prince that doth invade : who therefore desireth to subdue a nation thus governed , must of force assault all the people , and rather trust in his own strength than the aid of the country . but if he can prevail , then one only fear remaineth , which is the prince's posterity , which necessarily must be extinguished , because the prince's race only hath interest both in the people and soldiers . but to enter a monarchy royal , is an enterprise of no great difficulty , when he that doth enter , hath the friendship and aid of some mean lords to take his part , and prepare the place where he is to arrive . chap. iv. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them . monarchies royal are for the most part ancient and hereditary , and consequently easie to be governed . for it is sufficient for the prince to maintain the old laws , and on occasion temporize with those accidents that happen : such a state cannot be taken from the prince without excessive force , and if it be , it shall be soon recovered . example , england and france . but if a monarchy newly conquered , be annexed unto an old , and not properly ancient , then it is with much more difficulty maintained . first , for that men naturally inclined to variation , are easily induced to take arms against him that newly governeth . secondly , every new prince is forced to exact as well upon those subjects that joyned with him , as those that did resist him , and therefore shall offend both . example , ireland annexed to the crown of england , sicilia and naples to spain . the means to maintain such a monarchy , is , first , to extinguish the race of him that was anciently prince . secondly , to continue all laws and customs in the former force ; for so shall the subject find nothing altered but the prince , and therefore will soon rest contented ; and the rather if that new monarchy , and the ancient dominion of the prince , be of one language : but if the people be of a contrary language and humor , then to hold it , there needeth great industry and fortune ; in that case the best way is , that the prince should inhabit there , as well to incounter all inconveniences proceeding from the subject , as to preserve the people from oppression of his own ministers . another way is , to send thither certain colonies , and plant them in fit places , or else to settle some garisons both of horse and foot ; but colonies are less chargeable to the prince . as for the people inhabitant ( who must necessarily remove , they being a small number and dispossessed ) they cannot have power to offend ; for in that case , this rule or maxim shall be found true , that men must be either kindly intreated , or with all extremity oppressed ; because of light injuries they may be revenged , but of utter oppression they cannot . a third way to hold a conquered dominion , is , to cherish and defend the neighbors of little power , and oppress or keep under those that are most potent ; and above all , to take order that no forreign prince or power do enter ; for it is ever to be looked for , that so many of the nation as are discontented , either for ambition or fear , will be ever ready to bring in strangers : and to conclude this matter of principality annexed , i say it behoveth every prince possessed of such a state , never to increase the power of any potent nighbor , never to oppress those that are of small power , never to permit any forreign potentate to enter , but ever to plant colonies and garisons , or else to make that dominion his chief habitation . chap. v. of monarchies tyrannical . tyrannical princes are not advanced by favor , neither do they trust unto fortune , but by degrees of war , or else by some other indirect means do aspire unto greatness ; and therein do maintain themselves by all ways either honest or dishonest , without respect of justice , conscience or law either of nations or nature : a prince by such impious means aspired , and desiring to hold that he hath gained , will take order that the cruelties he committeth may be done roundly , suddenly , and as it were at an instant ; for if they be executed at leisure and by piece-meal , then will the prince's fears continue long , and the terror in subjects take deeper impression , whose nature is such , that either they must be bound by benefits , or by cruelty made sure from offending : example , dionysius and agathocles . chap. vi. of new found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . some other princes there are , that from private estate have aspired to sovereignty , not by unnatural or impious proceedings as the former , but by vertue and fortune , and being aspired , have found no great difficulty to be maintained ; for such a prince having no other dominion , is forced to settle himself where he is become a prince : but here is to be noted , that albeit such a man be vertuous , yet wanting fortune , his vertue proveth to small purpose , and fortune without vertue doth seldom work any great effect . howsoever it be , a prince being aspired , both by the aid of the one and of the other , shall notwithstanding find some difficulty to hold what he hath gotten ; because he is forced to introduce new laws and new orders of government differing from the old , as well for his own security , as confirmation of the government ; for avoiding of which dangers , he is to consider whether he be of himself able to compel his subjects to obey , or must pray in aid of others : if he can do the first , he needeth not doubt , but being driven to the other , his greatness cannot long continu ; for albeit a matter of no difficulty , it is to perswade a people ; yet to make them constant , is a work well near impossible . example , theseus , cyrus , romulus . the second sort of new princes are such as be aspired by favor or corruption , or by the vertue or greatness of fortune or friends : a prince by any or all these means advanced , and desirous to hold his estate , must indeavor by his own vertue to maintain himself without depending upon any other ; which may be done by this means : first , to assure all enemies from offending . secondly , to win the love and friendship of so many neighbors as possibly he may . thirdly , to compass all designs tending to his honor or profit , and bring them to pass either by fraud or force . fourthly , to make himself honored and followed of captains and soldiers . fifthly , to oppress all those that would or can offend . sixthly , to be obsequious and liberal to friends , magnanimous and terrible to foes . seventhly , to cass all old and unfaithful bands , and entertain new . eighthly , to hold such amity with kings and princes , as they ought reasonably to favor him , or else they would offend ; easily they cannot . example , giovannio , torrigiani , caesar , borgi . the third and last means whereby private persons do aspire to principalities , is not force and violence , but meer good will and favor of men. the cause or occasion thereof , is only vertue or fortune , or at least a certain fortunate craft and wittiness , because he aspireth either by favor of the people , or by favor of the nobility ; for these contrary humors are in all common-wealths to be found . and the reason thereof is , that the great men do ever endeavor to oppress the people , and the people do labor not to be oppressed by them . of these divers appetites one of these three effects do proceed , viz. principality , liberty , or licentious life . principality may come either by love of the multitude , or of the great men ; for when any of these factions do find it self oppressed , then do they soon consent to make one a prince , hoping by his vertue and valor to be defended . example , francesco sforza , alessandro de medici . a prince in this sort aspired , to maintain his estate , must first consider well by which of these factions aforesaid he is advanced ; for if by favor of great men he be aspired , then must he meet with many difficulties ; for having about him divers persons of great quality , and such as were but lately his equals , hardly shall he command them in such sort as it behoveth : but if the prince be advanced by the people , few or none shall hardly disobey him . so it appeareth that a prince made by the multitude , is much more secure than he whom the nobility preferreth ; for common people do not desire to enjoy more than their own , and to be defended from oppression ; but great men do study not only to hold their own , but also to command and insult upon inferiors . note that all monarchies are principalities . but all principalities are not monarchies . chap. vii . of councils , and counsellors in general . a senate or council is a certain lawful assembly of counsellors , to give advice to him or them that have in the commonweale power sovereign . a counsellor is called in the latine senator ; which word signifieth in effect an old man : the grecians and romans also most commonly composed their councils of ancient and expert persons ; for if they , or the greater part of them had been young men , then might the council have more properly been called a juvenate than a senate . the chief and most necessary note required in a counsellor is to have no dependence of any other prince or commonweale ; either oath , homage , natural obligation , pention , or reward : in this point the venetians have been ever most precise , and for that reason , do not admit any cardinal or other clergy-man to be either of or at their councils , therefore when the venetian senate is assembled , the usher being ready to shut the door , cryeth aloud , fuora preti , depart priest. note also that in every state , of what quality soever , a secret or cabinet-council is mainly necessary . chap. viii . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties , and democraties . the king of spain , for the government of his dominions hath seven councils , ( viz. ) the council of the indies , the council of spain , the council of italy and the low countries , the council of war , the council of orders , the council of inquisition , and the council royal. in france are three councils , ( viz. ) the council srivy , the council of judges , which they call presidents et conceliers de parlament , and the great council , which they call assemblies du troys estates . of councils in aristocraties . in venice , beside the senate and great council , are four councils , ( viz. ) the sages of the sea , the sages of the land , the council of tenn , the three presidents of quarantia , and the senate : all which councils do amount to one hundred and twenty persons , with the magistrates . the great council of ragusa consisteth of sixty persons , and hath another privy council of twelve . of councils in democraties . genoua hath three councils : the great council of two hundred , the senate which consisteth of sixty , and the privy council which hath twenty six counsellors : so it doth appear that in all commonwealths , be they monarchies , aristocracies , or popular states . the council-privy is most necessary , and often used ; also this difference is to be noted between the councils in monarchies , and the councils in aristocracies and states popular ; that is to say , that all deliberations fit to be published , are in a monarchy consulted and resolved upon in the council privy , and after ratified by common council ; but in optimacies or popular government the custom is contrary . here also is to be noted , that albeit the use and authority of every senate a privy council is most needful , yet hath it no authority to command but in the name of those in whom the sovereignty resteth : for if counsellors had power to command absolutely , then should they be sovereigns , and consequently all execution at their pleasure ; which may not be without detracting from majesty , which is a thing so sovereign and sacred , as no citizen or subject of what quality soever , may touch or approach thereunto . chap. ix . of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . an officer is a person publick , that hath charge ordinary and limited by law. a commissioner is also a person publick , but his charge is extraordinary and limited by commission . officers are of two sorts , and so be commissioners ; the one hath power to command , and are called magistrates : the other hath authority to execute : so the one and the other are persons publick : yet are not all publick persons either officers or commissioners . commissioners are ordained to govern in provinces , in war , in justice , in disposing the treasure , or some other function concerning the state ; but all commissions do spring and proceed from the sovereign , magistrates and commissioners . and here is to be noted , that every commission ceaseth if he that granted the commission doth dye , or revoke it , or if the commissioners during his commission shall aspire to office and authority equal to his that made it . chap. x. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . a magistrate is an officer having power to command in the state ; and albeit that every magistrate be an officer , yet every officer is not a magistrate , but they only that have power to command . also in making officers of and magistrates in every commonweale , three things are specially to be observed ( viz. ) who doth make them , what men they are that should be made , and the form and manner how they are made . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to him or them in whom the sovereignty resteth ; the second also belongeth to majesty ; yet therein the laws are commonly followed , especially in aristocracies and states popular ; in the one the magistrates are chosen out of the most wealthy or most noble : in the other , elected out of the whole multitude . the form and manner of choosing magistrates in aristocracies and states popular , is either by election , by lot , or by both , and their office is to compel those that do not obey what sovereignty commandeth : for all force of commandment lieth in compulsion . commandment likewise is of two sorts ; the one may be called sovereign and absolute , above laws , above magistrates , and above people . in monarchies such command is proper to the prince only ; in aristocracies it resteth in the nobility : and in democracies the people have that power . the second commandments are subject both to sovereignty and law. here is to be noted , that every magistrate may recall his own commandment , and forbid what he did command , yet cannot revoke that which he hath judged . * also in the presence of the sovereign , all authority of magistrates ceaseth ; and in presence of great magistrates the inferior have no power ; and magistrates equal cannot do any thing but by consent , if his colleagues or fellow-magistrates be present . chap. xi . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war. the first concern matter intrinsick . the second touch matter extrinsick . matters intrinsick are three . the administration of justice . the managing of the treasure . the disposing of things appertaining to war. matters extrinsick are also three . the skill how to deal with neighbors . the diligence to vent their designs . the way how to win so much confidence with some of them , as to be made partaker of whatsoever they mean to enterprise . touching administration of justice . the good and direct administration of justice , is in all places a principal part of government ; for seldom or never shall we see any people discontented and desirous of alteration , where justice is equally administred without respect of persons ; and in every state this consideration is required , but most of all in countries that do front upon other princes , or were lately 〈◊〉 hereunto the princes vigilancy and the magistrates uprightness are especially required ; for oft-tentimes the prince is deceived , and the magistrates corrupted ; it behoveth also the prince to maintain the judges and ministers of justice in their reputation , and yet to have a vigilant eye upon their proceedings , and the rather if their authority do include equity , and from their censure be no appeal ; and if their office be during life , and they are men born and dwelling in the same country ; all these things are duly to be considered of the rince ; for as to call the judges into question , is as it were to disgrace the judicial seat ; so to wink at their corruptions were matter of just discontent to the subject : in this case therefore the prince cannot do more than by his wisdom to make choice of good men ; and being chosen , to hold them in good reputation so as the ordinary course of justice may proceed ; for otherwise great disorder , contempt , and general confusion will ensue thereof . secondly , he is to keep his eye open upon their proceedings ; and lastly to reserve unto himself a supreme power of appellation . touching the treasure . the want of money is in all states very perilous , and most of all in those which are of least strength , and do confine upon nations with whom they have commonly war , or unassured peace , but most perilous of all to those governments which are remote from the prince , or place where they are to be relieved . the means to levy treasure are four. first , the customs and impositions upon all forts of merchandize and traffick is to be looked unto and advanced . secondly , the excessive eating of usury must be suppressed . thirdly , all supersluous charges and expences are to be taken away . lastly , the doings and accounts of ministers are severally to be exammed . touching the matter of custom and impost thereof , assuredly a great prosit is in every state to be raised ; chiefly where peace hath long continued , and where the country affordeth much plenty of commodities to be carried out , and where ports are to receive shipping . the moderating of interest is ever necessary , and chiefly in this age , by reason that money aboundeth in europe ; since the traffick into the indies ; for such men as have money in their hands great plenty , would in no wise imploy the same in merchandize , if lawful it were to receive the utmost usury , being a course of most profit and greatest security . the taking away of superfluous expences is no other thing than a certain wise and laudable parsimony ; which the romans and other well governed states did use . these expences consist in fees , allowances , and wages granted to ministers of little or no necessity ; also in pensions , rewards , entertainments and donaries , with small difficulty to be moderated , or easily to be suppressed . * by abridging or taking away of these needless expences a marvelous profit will be saved for the prince ; but if he continue them , and by imposing upon the people do think to increase his treasure or revenue , besides the loss of their love , he may also hazard their obedience , with many other inconveniences . touching war. whatsoever prince or common-weale is neighbour to any people which can , will , or were wont to offend , it is necessary to have not only all things prepared for defence of his person and country , but also to forecast and use every caution and other diligence : for the inconveniencies which happen to government , are sudden and unlook'd for ; yea , the providence and provision required in this case ought to be such as the expences all other ways imployed must stay to supply the necessity of war. chap xii . extrinsick observation , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decipher their intendments . this first point of matter extrinsick is of such quality as being well handled procureth great good , but otherwise becometh dangerous ; for the proceeding must be divers according to the diversity of the ends which the prince or governor intendeth ; for if he desire to continue peace with his neighbors , one way is to be taken ; but otherwise he is to work that seeketh occasion to break , and to become an enemy to one or more of his neighbors . is he do desire to live peaceably withal , then he is to observe these rules ( viz ) first , to hold and continue firmly all contracts and capitulations . secondly , to shew himself resolved neither to offer nor take the least touch of wrong or injury . thirdly , with all care and favor to further commerce and reciproke traffick for the profit of the subject , and increase of the princes revenue . fourthly , covertly to win so great confidence with neighbors , as in all actions of unkindness among them he may be made umpire . fifthly , to become so well believed with them as he may remove such diffidences as grow to his own disadvantage . sixthly , not to deny protection or aid to them that are the weakest , and chiefly such as do and will endure his fortune . lastly , in favouring , aiding and protecting ( unless necessity shall otherwise so require ) to do it moderately , so as they who are to be aided , become not jealous , and consequently seek adherency elsewhere , which oft-times hath opened way to other neighbors that desire a like occasion . how to prevent their designs . this point in time of war is with great diligence to be looked unto ; also in time of peace to prevent all occasions that may kindle war is behoveful ; for to foresee what may happen to the prejudice of a princes profit or reputation , is a part of great wisdom . the means to attain the intelligence of these things are two . the first is by friends , the next by espials ; the one for the most part faithful , the other not so assured . these matters are well to be considered ; for albeit the nature of man desireth nothing more than curiously to know the doings of others , yet are those things to be handled with so great secrecy and dissimulation as the princes intent be not in any wise suspected , nor the ministers made odious ; for these sometimes to win themselves reputation , do devise causes of difference where no need is , divining of things future which prove to the prejudice of their own prince . to win confidence with neighbors . this is chiefly attained unto by being loved and honored ; for these things do work so many good effects , as daily experience sufficeth without any express example to prove them of great force . the ways to win love and trust , is in all actions to proceed justly , and sometimes to wink at wrongs , or set aside unnecessary revenges ; and if any thing be done not justifiable , or unfit to be allowed , as oftentimes it happeneth , there to lay the blame upon the minister , which must be performed with so great show of revenge and dissimulation , by reproving and punishing the minister , as the princes offended may be satisfied , and believe that the cause of unkindness proceeded from thence . now only it resteth that somewhat should be said touching provision , to the end the people may not be drawn into despair by famine , or extream dearth of victual , chiefly for want of corn , which is one principal consideration to be regarded , according to the italian proverb , pane in piazza , giustitia in palazzo , siverezza per tutto : whereunto i could wish every prince or supreme governor to be thus qualified ( viz. ) facile de audienza : non facilede credenza , desioso de spedition , essemplare in costunii proprii , & inquei de sua casa tale che vorra governare , e non esser governato da altro ; he della raggione . chap. xiii . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . every good and lawful principality is either elective or successive of them election seemeth the more ancient ; but succession in divers respects the better : minore discrimine sumitur princeps quam quaeritur . tac. the chief and only endeavour of every good prince , ought to be the commodity and security of the subjects , as contrariwise the tyrant seeketh his own private profit with the oppression of his people : civium non servitus sed tutela tradita est . sal. to the perfection of every good prince , two things are necessarily required ( viz. ) prudence and vertue ; the one to direct his doings , the other to govern his life : rex eris si recte feceris . hor. the second care which appertaineth to a good prince , is to make his subjects like unto himself ; for thereby he is not only honored , but they also the better governed : facile imperium in bonos . plaut . subjects are made good by two means ( viz. ) by constraint of law , and the princes example ; for in all estates , the people do imitate those conditions whereunto they see the prince enclined : quicquid faciunt principes , praecipere videantur . quintil. all vertues be required in a prince , but justice and clemency are most necessary ; for justice is a habit of doing things justly , as well to himself as others , and giving to every one so much as to him appertaineth : this is that vertue that preserveth concord among men , and whereof they be called good : jus & aequit as vincula civitatum . cic. * it is the quality of this vertue also , to proceed equally and temperately ; it informeth the prince not to surcharge the subjects with infinite laws ; for thereof proceedeth the impoverishment of the subjects and the inriching of lawyers , a kind of men which in ages more ancient , did seem of no necessity : sine causidicis satis foelices olim fuere futuraeque sunt urbes . sal. the next vertue required in princes is clemency , being an inclination of the mind to lenity and compassion , yet tempered with severity and judgment ; this quality is fit for all great personages , but chiefly princes , because their occasion to use it is most ; by it also the love of men is gained : qui vult regnare , languida regnet manu . sen. after clemency , fidelity is expected in all good princes , which is a certain performance and observation of word and promise ; this vertue seemeth to accompany justice , or is as it were the same , and therefore most fit for princes : sanctissimum generis humani bonum . liv. as fidelity followeth justice , so doth modesty accompany clemency ; modesty is a temperature of reason , whereby the mind of man is so governed , as neither in action or opinion he over-deemeth of himself , or any thing that is his ; a quality not common in fortunate folk , and most rare in princes : superbia commune nobilitatis malum . sal. this vertue doth also moderate all external demonstration of insolence , pride and arrogance , and therefore necessary to be known of princes , and all others whom favor or fortune have advanced : impone faelicitati tua fraenos , facilius illam reges . curt. but as princes are to observe the bounds of modesty , so may they not forget the majesty appertaining to their supreme honor , being a certain reverend greatness due to princely vertue and royal state ; a grace and gravity no less beseeming a prince than vertue it self ; for neither over-much famili-arity , nor too great austerity , ought to be used by princes : facilit as autoritatem , severit as amorem minuit . tac. to these vertues we may apply liberality , which doth not only adorn , but highly advance the honor due to princes ; thereby also the good will of men is gained ; for nothing is more fitting a prince's nature than bounty , the same being accompanied with judgment , and performed according to the laws of liberality : perdere multi sciunt , donare nesciunt . tac. it seemeth also that prudence is not only fit , but also , among other vertues , necessary in a prince ; for the daily use thereof is in all humane actions required , and chiesly in matters of state and government : prudentia imperant is propria & unica virtus . arist. the success of all worldly proceedings , doth shew that prudence hath compassed the prosperous event of humane actions , more than force of arms or other power : mens una 〈◊〉 plurium vincit manus . eurip. prudence is either natural , or received from others ; for whoso can counsel himself what is fit to be done , needeth not the advice of others ; but they that want such perfection , and are nevertheless capable , and are willing to know what others inform , ought to be accounted wise enough : laudatissimus est qui cuncta videbit , sed laudandus est is qui paret recte monenti hesiod . chap. xiv . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites . albeit the excellent spirit of some princes be such as doth justly deserve the highest commendation ; yet for that every course of life needeth the aid of men , and the mind of one cannot comprehend the infinite care appertaining to publick affairs ; it behoveth princes to be assisted : magna negotia , adjutoribus egent . tac. the assistants may be properly divided into counsellors and ministers ; the one to advise , the other to execute : without counsel , no kingdom , no state , no private house can stand ; for experience hath proved , that common-weales have prospered so long as good counsel did govern , but when favor , fear or voluptuousness entered , those nations became disordered ; and in the end subject to slavery : quiddam sacrum profecto est consultatio . plato . counsellors are men specially selected to give advice to princes or common-wealths , as well in peace as in war ; the chief qualities required in such men , are fidelity and knowledge ; which two concurring do make them both good and wise , and consequently fit for counsel : prudentis proprium munus recte consulere . arist. the election of counsellors is and ought to be chiefly among men of long experience and grave years ; for as youth is fittest for action in respect of corporal strength ; so elder folk having felt the force of every fortune , and observed the course of worldly proceedings do seem most meet for consultation : consilia senum , facta juvenum . plato . albeit we say that the excellency of wisdom should be in counsellors ; yet do we not require so quick and fiery a conceit as is more apt for innovation than orderly government : hebetiores quam acutiores melius remp. administrant . thucyd. to fidelity and experience we wish that our counsellors should be endued with piety , liberty , constancy , modesty and silence ; for as the aid and assistance of god is that which governeth all good counsels , so liberty of speech , and magnanimous uttering of what is good and fit , is necessary in counsellors . likewise to be constant and not to vary in opinion , either for fear or favor , is very commendable : also as modesty in giving counsel escheweth all offences , and gaineth good will , so secresie is the best and most secure means to govern all publick affairs : res magnae sustineri non possunt ab eo qui tacere nequit . curt. the first obstacle to good counsel is pertinacy or opiniativeness ; a condition far unfit for counsellors ; yet some men are so far in love with their own opiniastre conceits , as that they cannot patiently endure opposition . secondly , discord must from counsellors be removed , because private offence many times impeacheth publick proceedings . thirdly , affection is an enemy to counsel , the same being commonly accompanied with anger , wherewith nothing can be 〈◊〉 or considerately done . lastly , 〈◊〉 seemeth a vice worthy to be 〈◊〉 of all counsellors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 away both fidelity and 〈◊〉 the principal pillars of all good counsel : pessimum veri affectus & judicii venenum , utilitas . tac. to good counsel other impediments there are , which square not with wisdom ; for all crafty and hazarding counsels do seem in the beginning likely to succeed ; but afterwards and chiefly in the end do prove hard and of evil event . it therefore seemeth behoveful to be wary in resolving , and bold in executing : animus vereri qui scit , scit tuto aggredi . pub. another lett to good consultation is immoderate desire , which every wise man must endeavor to restrain : 〈◊〉 pauca recte siunt , circumspectione plurima . thucyd. thirdly , haste is an enemy to good deliberation ; for whoso greedily desireth any thing , proceedeth rashly ; and rash proceeding endeth ever in repentance : scelera impetu , bona consilia mora valescunt . tac. of ministers of state. having already spoken of counsellors , somewhat is to be spoken of ministers ; i mean those that either publickly or privately serve the prince in any function ; in choice of which men , care must be had ; first , that they be persons honestly born ; for no man descended of base parentage may be admitted , unless in him be found some noble and excellent vertue : optimus quisque nobilissimus . plato . secondly , they ought to be of honest condition , and of good fame ; for that common-weale is better and more secure , where the prince is not good , than is that where his ministers are evil. it seemeth therefore that ministers should be men of good quality and blameless : emitur sola virtute potestas . claud. thirdly , consideration is to be had of their capacity and fitness , for that function wherein they are to be used ; for as some men are apt for learning , so others are naturally disposed to arms. also it is necessary that every one square with the office whereunto he is appointed , in which matter some princes have used great caution ; for as they little liked of men excellent , so they utterly detested the vitious ; the one they doubted to trust in regard of themselves , the other were thought a publick indignity to the state. wise men have therefore resolved , that those wits which are neither over-haughty and singular , nor they which be base or dull , are fittest for princes secrets and services ; howsoever we may hereof say with tacitus : nescio quomodo aulica haec comitia affectus dirigit , & fato quodam ac sorte nascendi , ut caetera , ita principum inclinatio in hos , offensio in illos est . tac. and because the course and quality of mens lives serving in court , is of all other the most uncertain and dangerous , great heed and circumspection ought therein to be used ; for whoso serveth negligently , forgetting the dutiful endeavors appertaining to the place , seemeth to take a way of no good speed : quanto quis obsequio promptior , tanto honoribus & opibus extollitur . tac. it shall also become such a man to look well unto his own profit , and behave himself rather boldly than bashfully : malus minister regii imperii pudor . sen. to be modest , and closely to handle all actions , is also a course well beseeming a courtier ; neither shall he do well to attribute any good success to his own vertue or merit , but acknowledge all to proceed from the prince's bounty and goodness , by which means envy is eschewed , and the prince not robbed of his honor : haec est conditio regum , casus tantum adversos hominibus tribuant , secundos virtuti suae . prov. emped . and to conclude these precepts summarily , i say it behoveth all ministers and servants in court to be patient , wary and of sew words : fraudum sedes aula . sen. chap. xv. the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . to govern , is a certain skill how to command and continue subjects in due obedience , so as offend they ought not , or if they will they cannot ; wherein two special things are to be considered ( viz. ) the nature of men , and the nature of the state ; but first the condition of the vulgar must be well conceived : noscenda natura vulgi , & quibus modis temperanter habeatur . tac. the disposition of men is divers ; some are apt to anger , some are hardy , some fearful ; it therefore behoveth the prince to accommodate his government to the humor of people whom he governeth : principis est virtus maxima nosse suos . mart. likewise the nature of commonweals is mutable and subject to change , and kings are not only accompanied with fortune , but also followed with hate , which breedeth a continual diffidence , chiefly towards those that are nearest to majesty : suspectus semper invisusque dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur . tac. moreover the vulgar sort is generally variable , rash , hardy , and void of judgment ; ex opinione multa , ex veritate pauca judicat . cic. to confirm a government , force and arms are of greatest necessity ; by force i mean the guards and arms which princes use for their defence or ornament ; miles in foro , miles in curia principem comitari debet . tac. to this may be added fortisication and strong buildings , in these days much used by new princes , and others also to whom people yield , not willing obedience . in ancient times princes planted colonies as well to suppress rebellion in conquered countries , as to front suspected neighbours : coloniae vera sedes servitutis . tac. the government of princes is also greatly increased by a virtue , which i call a commendable affection in subjects , proceeding of love and authority : these effects do grow from the princes own merit , but their being liveth in the mind of the people ; this love is gained by lenity , liberality , and mercy ; yet is every of them to be tempered : nec aut reverentiam terrore , aut amorem humilitate captibis . plin. affection is also no way sooner won then by liberality , the same being used with judgment and moderation . bellorum sociis , periculorum consortibus , sivi de te bene ac fortiter — — meritis . sen. by indulgence likewise , and pricely affability , the love of men is gain'd ; for the multitude desire no more than necessary food and liberty , to use ordinary recreations : vulgo , sicut pueris , omne ludicrum in pretio est . sen. chap. xvi . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . authority is a certain reverent impression in the minds of subjects and others touching the princes virtue and government ; it resteth chiefly in admiration and fear : ingenita quibusdam gentibus erga reges suos veneratio . curt. authority consisteth in three things : ( viz. ) the form of government , the strength of the kingdom , and the condition of the prince ; for in them all reputation and security resteth : majest as imperii , salutis tutela . curt. whoso desireth to govern well , it behoveth him to use severity , constancy and restraint ; for over much lenity introduceth contempt , and certain hope of impunity ; the condition of men being such as cannot be restrained by shame , yet it is to be commanded by fear : salutaris 〈◊〉 as vinicit inanem speciem 〈◊〉 cic. yet ought severity to be used with great respect and sparingly , because over great terror breedeth desparation : paena ad paucos , metus ad omnes 〈◊〉 cic. to govern constantly is nothing else but to continue the old and ancient laws in force without change or innovation unless exceeding great commodity or urgent necessity shall so require : for where extream punishments are used , reformation is always needful : nocet interdum prisucs rigor & nimia severitas . tac. also to restrain authority is a matter of great necessity and worthy a wise prince ; else he maketh others partakers of the honor and power to himself only due , the same being also dangerous : periculosum privati hominis nomen supra ( immo & juxta ) principes extolli . tac. it seemeth also perilous that great authority given to private men should belong ; for thereby oft-tentimes they are made insolent and apt to innovation : libertatis sive principatus magna custodia est , si magna imperio 〈◊〉 esse non sinas . liv. authority is also reinforced and enlarged by power , without which no prince can either take from others or defend his own : parum tuta sine viribus majestas . liv. chap. xvii . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . power and strength is attained by these five ways , money , arms , counsel , friends and fortune : but of these the first and most sorcible is money : nihil tam 〈◊〉 quod non expugnari pecunia possit . cic. next to money arms are of most use as well to defend as to offend ; to keep , and to conquer ; for oft-tentimes occasion is to be offered as well to take from others , as to hold what is our own : sua retinere private est domus , de 〈◊〉 certare regia laus est . tac. also of great and necessary use is counsel , to devise how arms ought to be employed or enforced : arma concilio temperanda . tac. likewise friends and consederates do greatly increase the virtue of power , the same being such as have both wit and ability to aid : in caducum parietem ne inclina . adri. the last , yet not the least part of power consisteth in fortune ; whereof daily experience may be seen ; for the success of all humane actions seem rather to proceed from fortune than virtue : omni ratione potentior fortuna . curt. to these particularities concerning power , we may add the qualities of the prince , which greatly grace his authority ; these are partly internal , and partly extenal : by the one i mean the virtues of the mind , by the other a certain seemly behavior and comely gesture of the body ; of the first kind i do suppose piety and providence to be the chief , for piety maketh a prince venerable , and like unto god : oportet principem res divinas videri curare serio & ante omnia . arist. providence is a forecast and likely conjectures of things to come , supposed to be in those princes that in their actions proceed slowly and circumspectly , it seemeth also a course of princely discretion to be retired aud not ordinarily to converse with many : autoritatem absentia tueare . suet. chap. xviii . of conspiracy and treason , with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . conspiracy is commonly addressed to the princes person ; treasons are addressed against his government , authority , country , subjects , or places of srength . these mischiefs are easily feared , but hardly eschewed ; for albeit open enemies are openly encountred , yet fraud and subtilty are secret foes , and consequently not to be avoided : occulta pericula neque praevidere neque vitare in promptu est . salust . the danger of conspiracy proceedeth of divers causes , as avarice , infidelity of subjects , ambition in servants , and corruption in soldiers , therefore with great difficulty to be avoided : vitae tuae dominus est , quisquis suam contempsit . sen. notwithstanding it seemeth that either by inquisition , punishment , innocency , or destiny , the evil affection of men may be oft-tentimes discovered : . for whoso will curiously inquire and consider the actions and ordinary speechees of men ( i mean those that be persons of honor and reputation ) may oft-tentimes vent the myne that lurketh in the minds : quoniam rarò nisi male loqunti mali faciunt . lips. . punishment is likewise a thing so terrible that the consideration thereof with the hope of reward doth often discover those dangerous intentions : cruciatu aut praemio cuncta pervia sunt . tac. but as it is wisdom in princes to give ear to informers , so are they not always to be believed ; for hope , envy , hate , or some other passion oft-tentimes draws them to speak untruly : quis innocens esse potest si accusare sufficit ? tac. . the third and likeliest desence against conspiracy is the princes own innocency ; sor never having injured any man , it cannot be thought there liveth any subject so lewd as will endeauor to hurt him : fidelissima custodia principis ipsius innocentia . plin. . the last and best bulward to withstand the force of this mischief we call destiny ; which proceeding from the fountain of divine providence , may be truly called the will of god ; in whose only power it resteth to protect and defend good princes : ille erit a latere tuo , & custodiet pedem tuum ne capiaris . salo. treasons are most commonly enterprized by covetous persons , who preferring private prosit before fame or fidelity , do not fear to enter into any impious action : to this humor ambitious men dissentious , and all such as be desirous of innovation , are inclined : pulcra loquentes iidem in pectore prava struentes . hom. to these offenders no punishment is equal to their impious merit , can be devised , being persons odious as well to friends as foes : proditores etiam in quos anteponunt , invisi sunt . tac. chap. xix . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . having briefly touched the virtues and means whereby princes are maintained in authority and honor , let something be said of the causes from whence their ruine doth proceed ; the chief whereof seemeth to be hate and contempt : hate cometh of fear , which the more common it is , the more dangerous : nulla vis imperii tanta est , quae premente metu possit esse diuturna . cic. the causes of fear are punishments , impositions and rigor ; and therefore it behoveth a prince not only to shun them , but to eschew those actions whereby he may reasonable incur their suspision : sentias enim homines ut metuant aut oderint , non minus opinione & fama , quam certa aliqua ratione moveri . cic. yet punishment , imposition and censure are in all states necessary , although they shew and seem terrible , and consequently breed a certain desperation in subjects , unless they be discreetly and modesty used ; for extream and frequent punishments taste of cruelty ; great and many imposts favor of covetousness ; censure of manners when it exceedeth the quality of offences , doth seem rigour in these matters ; therefore it behoveth the prince to be moderate and 〈◊〉 chiefly in capital punishment , which must be confined within the bounds of justice : sit apud 〈◊〉 parsimonia etiam viliffimi sanguinis . sen. but if for security sake the prince be forced to 〈◊〉 let the same be done with shew of great sorrow and lothness : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 nocum tormento ad castigandum veniat . sen. let all punishments also be slowly executed ; for they that are hastily punished do seem to have been willingly condemned ; neither ought any capital punishment to be inflicted but only that which is profitable to the commonweale , and for example sake : non tam ut ipsi pareant , quam ut alios pereundo deterreant . sen. in punishing also a specil respect must be had , that no shew of content or pleasure be taken therein : forma rabiei est sanguine & vulneribus gaudere . sen. also in punishing , equality must be observed , and the nature of the punishment according to the custom : nec eisdem de causis alii plectantur , alii ne appellentur quidem . cic. but in punishing publick offences wherein a multitude have part , the execution ought to be otherwise , and as it were at an instant , which may haply seem terrible , but in effect is not : frequens vindicta paucorum odium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at . sen. another means to satisfie a people offended is to punish the ministers of cruelty , and with their blood to wash away the common hatred . piaculares publici odii victimae . plin. by this king david did appease the gibeonites . the next cause of discontent cometh of impositions , under which word is comprehended all levies of money , a matter nothing pleasing to people , as that which they esteem equal to their own lives : pecunia anima & sanguis est mortalibus . plaut . first , to remove hate conceived of this cause , there is nothing better then publick expostulation of necessity : for what commonwealth or kingdom can be without tributes ? nulla quies gentium sine armis , nec arma sine stipendiis , nec stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt . tac. the second remedy against hate for impositions is to make moderate levies and rare . for as tiberius the emperor was wont to say , a sheep should be sleeced not slead : qui nimis emungit , elicit 〈◊〉 . tac. thirdly , also to eschew the offence of people , it behoveth the prince to have a vigilant eye on informers , promoters , and such fiscal ministers , whose cruelty and covetous proceedings do oft-tentimes occasion great hate ; but this mischief may be , though hardly , encountred , either by choosing honest officers , or ( proving otherwise ) not only to remain them but to use them as spunges : exprimendi post quam biberint . suet. in all impositions or taxations , no cruelty or force ought to be used , the second cause to kindle hate : and to meet with that mischief , nothing is better than to proceed moderately , and without extremity : ne boves ipsos , mox agros , postremo corpora servitio aut poenae tradant . tac. the fourth remedy is the princes own parsimony , not giving so largely to private persons as thereby to be forced to take from the multitude : magnae opes non tam multa capiendo , quam haud multa perdendo , quaeruntur . maecaenas . the last help against hate is in taxation to proceed equally , indifferently , and without favor or respect ; and that the assessors of taxes may be elected of the meaner sort of people : populis maximam fidem rerum suarum habet . tac. touching censure , which we numbred amongst the causes whereof hate is conceived , much needeth not to be spoken , because the same is discontinued , or rather utterly forgotten ; yet doth it seem a thing necessary , being a certain observation and controlement of such evil manners and disorders , as were not by law corrigible ; these officers were of the romans called magistri pudoris & modestiae . livi. to the function of censures these two things are anciently subject manners , and excess ; under manners i comprehend wantonness , drunkenness , dicing , brawling , perjury , and all such lawdness as modesty condemneth . these disorders were anciently punished by the discretion of censors in all ages and sexes , to the end that idleness might be generally avoided . universa plebs habeat negotia sua , quibus a malo publico detineatur . salust . excess includeth riotousness , expence of money , prodigal house-keeping , banquetting and superfluity in apparel , which things are the mothers of many mischiefs . it also seemeth in some sort perilous to the prince that the subject should exceed either in covetize or consuming : nemo nimis excedat , sive amicorum copia , sine opum . arist. the punishment inflicted upon these sorts of offenders , were either 〈◊〉 or pecuniary punishments : censoris judicium damnato nihil affert nisi ruborem . tac. the first and chiefest means to remove these inconveniences , is the princes own example , whose life being well censured , easily reduceth others to order . vit 〈◊〉 principis censura perpetua . plin. secondly , those disorders may be taken away without danger , if the censures do proceed by degrees and leasurely ; for the nature of man may not suddenly be altered . vitia quaedam tollit facilius princeps , si eorum sit patiens . sen. these are the chiefest rules whereby to esehew hate ; but impossible it is for any prince or minister utterly to avoid it ; for being himself good , he incurreth the offence of all bad folk , if he be evil , good men will hate him ; this danger therefore wise and vertuous princes have little regarded ; because hate may be gained as well by good as evil doing : odia qui nimium timet , regnare nescit . sen. one other means to remove this error , is , to reward the good and well deserving subjects ; for no man can think him cruel , that for love to vertue useth austerity ; which will appear , when he bestoweth bountifully on the good : praemio & poena respublica continetur . solon . the other vice which indangereth the state of princes , we call contempt , being a certain base and vile conceit , which entereth into the subjects , strangers or servants , of the prince and his proccedings ; for the authority of a king may be resembled to the powers of mans mind , whereunto the pland , the feet , the eyes , do by 〈◊〉 obey : vires imperii in consensu obedientium sunt . livi. the causes of contempt do proceed chiefly from the form of government , fortune , or the prince's manners ; the form of government becometh contemptible , when the prince , desiring to be thought merciful , ruleth rather pitifully than justly ; which manner of proceeding taketh away all reverence in the people , and in lieu thereof , entereth liberty , or at least a certain boldness to offend : facultas faciendi quod euilibet visum , non potest comprimere ingenitam singulis hominibus pravitatem . tac. also to be mutable , irresolute , light and inconsiderate in bestowing the honors and offices of state , maketh the prince contemptible : qui praesentibus fruitur , nec in longius consultat . arist. but if contempt be caused by fortune , or as may be said more reasonably , by destiny , and that those friends do fail , who ought in duty to defend the prince and his authority , then is there small hope to esehew contempt : fato obnoxia virius . plaut . the prince's manners do breed contempt , when he yieldeth his affections to sensuality and sloth , or if he incur the suspition of simplicity , cowardise , or any such vice , unworthy the dignity he beareth : common people do sometimes also disesteem the prince for external and light causes , as deformity of person , sickness or such like : mos vulgi est , fortuita & externa ad culpam trahere . tac. chap. xx. of dissidence and dissimulation in the management of state assairs . albeit roundness and plain dealing be most worthy praise , chiesly in private persons ; yet because all men in their actions do not so proceed , it behoveth wise men and princes , above others , at occasions to semble and dissemble ; for as in all actions a prince ought to be slow and advised ; so in consent and believing , haste and facility is most dangerous ; and though credulity be rather an error than a fault , yet for princes it is both unfit and perilous . wherefore it importeth them to be desended with this caution , nihil credendo , atque omnia cavendo . cic. notwithstanding he must not shew himself diffident or distrustful utterly ; but as i wish he should not over-slightly believe all men , so ought he not for small causes distrust every man : multi fallere docuerunt , dum timent falli . sen. dissimulation is as it were begotten by dissidence , a quality in princes of so great necessity , as moved the emperor tiberius to say , nescit regnare , qui nescit dissimulare the necessity of dissimulation is chiefly to be used with strangers and enemies ; it also sheweth a certain discretion in magistrates , sometimes to disguise with friends when no offence doth thereof follow : doli non sunt doli , nisi astu colas . plaut . this kind of craft , albeit in every mans conceit not praisable , is nevertheless tolerable , and for princes and maglstrates ( the same being used to good ends ) very necessary . but those cunnings which are contrary to vertue , ought not of honest men to be used ; neither dare i commend adulation and corruption , though they be often used in court , and are of some learned writers allowed : decipere pro moribus temporum , prudentia est . plin. by great subtilty and frauds , contrary to vertue and piety , i mean perjury and injustice , which though all men in words detest , yet in deeds are used of many , perswading themselves , by cavillations and sophistications , to excuse the impiety of their false oaths ; as it is written of lysander , 〈◊〉 talis , viros jurament is circumvenire 〈◊〉 plut. chap. xxi . of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline . the art military is of all other qualities most necessary for princes , for without it they cannot be defended ; force of men only sufficeth not , unless the same be governed by council , and martial wisdom : duo sunt quibus resp . servatur ; in hostes sortitudo , & domi 〈◊〉 . tac. military knowledge concerneth war , and every war is either forreign or domestical . touching forreign , it must be considered when it must be begun , how to continue it , and when to be ended ; to begin war , a prince is to take heed that the cause be just , and the enterprise advisedly entred into : sunt enim & belli 〈◊〉 pacis jura , justeque ea non 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 gerere debes . livi. the laws of arms are in all common-weales to be duly observed ; for to enter fight rashly and without respect to reason , were beastly ; also to kill or slay would work no better effect , than that all nations should without mercy murder one another : barbaro ritu coedem coede , & sanguinem sanguine expiare . sal. no war therefore is to be made , but such as is just ; and in every just war these three things are to be looked into ( viz. ) that the author be of authority , that the cause be good , and the end just ; for in all states , the prince , or they in whom the sovereignty resteth , are the just authors of war ; others have no such authority : si quis privatim sine publico scito , pacem bejumve fecerit , capitale esto . plato . wars are of two sortt ; defensive and offensive ; the one to resist , the other to invade ; against desence nothing can be said , because it is natural and necessary . est non modo justum sed 〈◊〉 necessariam cum vi vis illat a desenditur . cic. defensive war is of two sorts , either to defend thine own , or thy friends ; for it is reason that every one should keep securely that which to him appertaineth ; and therewith also by arms to defend the liberty of country , parents and friends : nullum bellum a civitate suscipitur nisi aut pro side aut pro salute . cic. the like reason leadeth us to assist and protect friends ; for the common obligation of humanc society doth so require : qui enim non obsistit si potest , injuriae , tam est in vitio , quam si parentes aut patriam , aut socios deserat . cic. invasion is also just and allowable , but not ever ; for whoso hath been robbed , or spoiled of his lands or goods , may lawfully seek repossession by force ; yet so as before any force be used , he first civilly seek restitution , wherein is justice be denied , then is the use of arms necessary : justum bellum quibus necessarium ; & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes . liv. likewise invasion is lawsul against barbarians , whose religion and impiety ought to be abhorred , chiesly if they be potent and apt to offend ; for the cause of such war is compulsion and suppression of evil : cui licentia iniquitatis eripitur , utiliter vincitur . august . finally , to conclude this matter of invasion , i say , that no revenge , no desire of honor or empire , are any lawful causes of war ; but the intent thereof ought to be directed only to defence and security : for wise men do take arms to win peace , and in hope of rest they endure travel : it a bellum suscipiatur ut nihil aliud quam pax quaesita videatur . cic. having said somewhat against unjust war , let us speak of temerity and unadvised war , an enterprise worthy discommendation : omnes bellum sumunt facile , oegerrime desinunt ; nec in ejusdem potestate initium & sinis est . sal. a wise 〈◊〉 rince theresore ought neither to undertake any unlawful invasion , nor without sober and mature deliberation enter into any war , as he that is unwilling to oftend , yet of courage enough to desend : nec provoces bellum , nec timeas . plin. to make war three things are required , money , men and arms ; and to maintain a war , provision and council , are needsul : theresore a wise prince , before he begins a war , doth carefully consider what forces and charge thereunto belongeth : diu apparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius . pub. above all other provisions , care must be had , that bread be not wanting ; for without it neither victory nor life can be looked for : qui frumentum necessariumque commeatum non praeparat , vincitur sine ferro . vegetius . lastly , it behoveth a prince always to have arms in readiness , i mean , harness , horses , weapons , artillery , engines , powder , and every other thing necessary either for service on horse or foot : we may add hereunto ships , and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture of offence or defence ; for these preparations make a prince sormidable , because no man dare do or attempt injury to that king or people , where preparation is ever ready to revenge : que desider at pacem , praeparat bellum . cass. by men we mean a multitude of subjects armed , trained to desend or offend : these are of two sorts , captains and soldiers ; and soldiers are either footmen or horse-men ; the one of great use in the champion , the other in mountainous places ; also for defence or assault of towns or grounds fortisied most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur . tac. for sudden service , horses do seem most meet , and the execution of any enterprise is by them most speedily performed : nevertheless the actions of foot-men do seem most certainly executed , chiesly if they be well armed , and skilfully lead ; for so experience hath of late time proved ; besides , that they are of less expence and of greater number : in universum aestimanti plus in pedite robur . tac. having thus proved , that both horse and foot be necessary , let us remember , that unless they be serviceable , great numbers are to small purpose : manibus opus est bello , non mult is nominibus . livi. to make soldiers serviceable , consisteth in good choice and good discipline ; the one at this day little regarded : emunt militem , non legunt . livi. soldiers ought to be elected out of the most honest and able number of bodies , and every company composed of men known one to the other ; for thereby they are made the more confident : but hereof is small heed taken , for commonly they are purgamenta urbium suarum . curt. touching discipline , it seemeth that thereof the external form , and not the certain substance , is observed : for as in former ages soldiers endeavored to be vertuous and modest , so now they rather study to excel in riot than in martial knowledge : exercitus lingua quam manu promptior , praedator est sociis , & ipsa praeda hostiam . sal. for as much as soldiers are made good by election and choice , it seemeth that the foundation and ground of service consisteth in the discretion and judgment of those that have authority to make election ; yet will we add , that they must be chosen of natural subjects , for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible ; they are also mutinous and cowardly : their custom likewise is to rob , burn and spoil both friends and foes , and to consume the princes treasure : ossa vides regum vacuis exsuct a medullis . juven . but the native soldier is faithful and obedient , resolute in fight , loving to his country , and loyal to his prince : gentes quae sub regibus sunt , pro deo colunt . curt. native soldiers are of two sorts , ( viz. ) they that be in continual pay , and they that are trained ready to serve , but do not withstanding attend their own private affairs , until they be called : the first are for all princes necessary : in pace decus , in bello praesidium . tac. of this sort no great number ought to be , as well to eschew disordor , as also to save expences . the second kind of foot soldiers are to be levied in villages , as people more patient of pains , and fit for the wars ; yet so judiciously disposed as the citizens : odio praesentium & non cupidine mut ationis . tac. touching the number of these extraordinary soldiers , that must be referred to discretion : bellum parare , simul & aerario parcere . to conclude , i say these numbers of ordinary and extraordinary foot ought to be according to the number of the people , not inserting any gentlemen ; for service on horse-back is to them only proper : alas rusticis non tribuo ; in nobilitatem & in divites haec a pauperibus oner a inclines . livi. the most certain notes whereby to conceive the disposition of men fit to become soldiers , are these five , the country where they are born , their age , proportion of body , their quality of mind , and their faculty . touching , first , their country , it is a thing apparently proved , that mountainous regions , or barren places , and northern habitations , do breed wits well disposed to the war : locorum asperitas hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. secondly , the age most apt for the war , was anciently observed to be about eighteen years , and so the romans used : facilius est ad virtutem inslraere novos milites , quaem revocare praeteritos . veget. thirdly , the stature of a soldier ought to be observed : marius liked best the longest bodies ; pyrrhus preferred large and well proportioned men ; but vegetius in his choice , rather esteems strength than stature : 〈◊〉 est fortes milites esse quam grandes . veget. fourthly , the mind or spirit of a soldier ought to be considered , for that mind which is quick , nimble , bold and confident , seemeth apt for war : he is also of good hope , that loveth honor more than ease or profit : in brief , is qui nihil metuit nisi turpem famam . sal. lastly , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath been bred ; for it may be presumed that fishers , fowlers , cooks , and orthers trained up in esseminate arts , are unfit for martial endeavor : and as these men were , in respect of their trade , thought unmeet , so in old time , slaves and masterless-men were repulsed from arms , as persons infamous : sed nunc tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt . veget. how soldiers ought to be chosen , these few words we have spoken , may suffice . let us therefore say somewhat of discipline . choice findeth out soldiers , but discipline doth make and continue them fit for service : paucos viros fortes natura procrear , bona institutione plures reddat industria . veget. discipline is a certain severe confirmation of soldiers in their valor and vertue , and is performed by four means , exercise , order , compulsion and example . the two first appertain to valor , the third to vertue , the last to both : but of exercise , first , i say , that a soldier being chosen , ought to be informed in arms , and used in exercise and action ; the word 〈◊〉 importeth nothing else : exercitus dicitur , quod melius fit exercitando varro . order consisteth in dividing , disposing , and placing of men aptly on all occasions to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct : this matter requireth a large discourse , and therefore i refer it to skilful captains and writers , as polybius , vegetius , dela nonne , and others . compulsion and correction , is that which bridleth and governeth the manners of soldiers ; for no order can be observed amongst them , unless they be continent , modest and abstinent ; for continency is chiesly to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires : degenerat a robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum . tac. the modesty of a soldier is perceived by his words , apparel and actions : for to be a vaunter , or vam-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honor or arms , seeing true vertue is silent : viri militiae nati , factis magni , ad verborum linguaeque certamina , rudes . tac. the apparel of a soldier sheweth modesty , if therein he do not exceed ; for albeit it fitteth well the profession of arms , to be well armed and decently apparelled ; yet all superfluity savoreth of ignorance or vanity : horridum militem esse decet , non coelatum auro argentoque sed ferro . livi. abstincnce is also fit for all soldiers ; for thereby guided , they refrain from violence and insolency ; by that rule also they are informed to govern themselves civilly in the country where they ferve , and likewise in their lodgings : never taking any thing from the owner , nor committing any outrage : vivaut cum provincialibus jure civili , nec insolescat animus qui se sensit armatum . the last mark of discipline we called 〈◊〉 under which word is comprehended reward and punishment : for men are rewarded whensoever they receive for any excellent or singular service , honor or riches : and for evil , they have their due when they taste the punishment thereunto belonging : necessarium est acrius ille dimicet , quem ad opes & dignitates ordo militiae & imperatoris judicium consuevit evehere . veget. likewise as gold and glory belongeth to good and well deserving soldiers ; so pumshment is due to those that be vitious and cowardly ; for nothing holdeth soldiers in obedience so much as the severity of discipline : milites imperatorum potius quam hostem metuere debent . veg. chap. xxii . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . of soldiers let this little suffice , we will now speak of what quality chieftains and leaders ought to be , for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies : militaris turba sine duce , corpus sine spiritu . curt. a chief or general in war , is either of his own authority chief , or a general that commandeth in the name of another . of the first sort are emperors , kings and princes ; of the other , be their deputies , lieutenants , colonels , and indeed all general commanders in the war : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person or by deputy , divers wise men have diversly thought , therefore it may be thus distinguished ; if the war do then only concern some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lieutenant ; but if the whole fortune of a prince do thereupon depend , then is he to command in his own person and not otherwise : dubiis bellorum exemplis summae rerum & imperii seipsum reservat . tac. it therefore importeth the prince sometimes by his own presence , sometimes by his deputation to perform that office ; but however occasion shall require , it ever behoveth that one only commander ought to be , ( for plurality of chieftains doth rarely or never work any good effect ) yet with this caution that he be of experience , and wise : in bellica praesectura major 〈◊〉 habendus peritiae quam virtutis aut morum . arist. the qualities required in a chieftain are these , skill , vertue , providence , authority and fortune : by skill we mean he should be of great knowledge , and long experience , or to make a suffieient captain ; the information of others , or his own reading is not enough : qui norit quis ordo agminis , quae cura exploandi , quantus urgendo trahendove bello modus . cic. military vertue is a certain vigor or force both of body and mind to exercise soldiers as well in fained war as to sight with the enemy ; and summarily a captain ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industrius in agendo , celeris in conficiendo . cic. next to vertue we placed providence as necessary in great captains ; for being of such wisdom , they will not hazard nor commit more to fortune than necessity shall inforce ; yet true it is , fools and vulgar folks , that commend or discommend actions according to success , were wont to say , cunctatio servilis , statim exequi , regium est . but advised and provident captains do think , temerit as praeterquam quod stulta , est etiam infelix . livi. albeit providence be the best mean of good speed , yet some captains of that quality and in skill excelling , have been in their actions unlucky , when others of less sufficiency have marvellously prevailed ; we may therefore reasonably say with cic. quod olim maximo , marcello , scipioni , mario & ceteris magnis imperatoribus non solum propter virtutem , sed etiam propter fortunam soepius imperia mandata , atque exercitus esse commissos . cic. lastly , we wished authority to be in chieftains , for it greatly importeth what opinion or conceit the enemy hath of such a governor , and likewise how much his friends and confederates do esteem him ; but the chief and only means to maintain authority , is austerity and terror : dux authoritatem maximam severitate sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus 〈◊〉 nulli errantium credatur ignoscere . veget. also experience hath proved , that such chieftains as were affable and kind to their soldiers , were much loved , yet did they incur a contempt ; but on the other side , those that commanded severely and terribly , although they gained no good will , yet were they ever obeyed : dux sacilis inutilis . app. chap. xxiii . of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick , with advice how to make an honorable peace . after men found and framed sit for the war , to small or no purpose shall they serve , unles , they be 〈◊〉 by wisdom or good council : mon minus est imperatoris consilio quam vi persicere . tac. council in war is of two sorts , direct council and indirect ; the first sheweth a plain and orderly course for proceeding , as to lay hold on occasion ; for as in all other humane actions occasion 〈◊〉 of great force : occasio in bello solet amplius juvare quam virtus . veget. as occasions presented are means of good success , so fame worketh 〈◊〉 effects in the wars , therefore it 〈◊〉 a captain to be constant , and not 〈◊〉 to believe the vain rumors and report , of men : male imperatur , cum regit vulgus 〈◊〉 suos . sen. confidence is also to be eschewed , for no man is sooner surprised , than he who feareth least ; also contempt of the enemy hath been occasion of great discomfitures , therefore as a captain ought not to fear , so should he not contemn his enemy : nimia fiducia semper obnoxia . aemyl . as security , and overmuch estimation of our own vertue or valor is hurtful , so doth it import every good captain to be well informed , not only of his own forces but also of what strength the enemy is ; likewise it behoveth him to know the situation of the country , and the quality of the people , with every other circumstance . moreover , the generals honor and capacity ought to be known , with the condition and nature of the enemy : impetus acres cunctatione languescunt , aut in persidiam mutantur . tac. temerity in war is also dangerous , sor wise captains were wont not to enterprise any thing without deliberation and good opportunity , unless they were thereunto by necessity inforced : in rebus asperis & tenui spe , fortissima quaque consilia tulissima sunt . livi. some wise men , not superstitiously but discreetly , do think prodigious signs from heaven , or on earth , are not to be neglected , neither are dreams in time of war to be contemned : nam amat benignit as numinis , seu quod merentur homines , seu quod tangitur eorum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendent . aemi . a wise captain will also wait opportunities , and spy out fit times when the enemy is wearied , or pretending fear , draw him into danger ; which advantages , with many other , are gained chiesly by observing of time : quia si in occasionis momento , cujus 〈◊〉 opportunit as , cunct at us paulum fueris , nequicquam mox omissam querare . livi. next the observation of time , the place is to be well considered , whether it be for thine advantage or thine enemies : amplius prodest locus saepe quam virtus . veget. thirdly , it importeth much , that men be well ordered , trained , and prepared for the fight ; for the want of art is cause of many disadvantages , and many times a small supply of choice soldiers on horse-back or foot , doth seem to the enemy very terrible ; likewise a sudden shout or conceit hath amazed a whole army : milites vanis & inanibus , magis quam justis formidinis causis moventur . curt. fourthly , it were to good purpose , that in ordering of men for fight , soldiers of one country or nations , should be ranged together , and above all , to foresee that the least loss of blood be among the natural subjects , and so handle the matter , that the chief slaughter light upon strangers and mercenaries : ingens victoriae decus , citra domesticum sanguinem bellanti . tac. the generals own courage and lively disposition to fight , will greatly animate the multitude of soldiers , as a contrary 〈◊〉 or appearance of fear , will exceedingly amaze and daunt : necesse estad fugam parati sint , qui ducem suum sentiunt desperare . veget. it were also for thy great advantage , that the forces should be ordered for the fight , before the enemy be prepared . first , for that thou maist the better perform , what thou thinkest fit to be done . secondly , that thereby thine own forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assail the enemy , and to begin the fight : plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti . livi. after victory it is not the best policy to execute the enemies with extream cruelty , but proceed moderately , for it shall suffice the victory is thine : clausis ex desperatione crescit audacia , & cum spei nihil est , sumit arma fermido . veget. lastly , i would advise that the general should be wary in his actions , and in every enterprise to frustrate the soldiers from spoils and pillage : saepe obstitit vincentibus pravum inter ipsos certamen , 〈◊〉 hoste spolia consectanda . tac. of direct councils , let that we have said suffice . we will now speak of councils indirect , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems or subtile practices : which manner of proceeding , hath been , in times past , of divers grave writers condemned : vir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & clanculum velit oscidere hoslem . eurip. notwithstanding the opinion of this , and divers other writers worthy credit , it seemeth reasonable , and in piety allowable , that stratagems and subtilties may be used in the war , yet with such caution , as the same may stand with fidelity and honor ; for fraud being used , contrary to contracts and agreements made with the enemy , is mere treachery : as to poyson him or her , a murtherer to kill him , were plain impiety : faederatum injuste fallere , impium . livi. also out of the war covertly to kill a particular enemy by secret assault or practice , is not warrantable , either by faith or honor ; yet to use all crast , cunning and subtilty in open war , is both allowable and praisable ; and so is thought by christian writers : cum justum 〈◊〉 suscipitur , ut aperte pugnet quis aut ex insidiis , nihil ad justitiam interest . aug. the same is also approved by divers authors of good credit : consice sive dolo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cominus euse . the same is also 〈◊〉 by xenophon , reipsa nihil utilius in bello dolis . thus having briefly touched what counsels are required in war , let us consider how victory is to be used , for the end of every good war is peace ; to the enjoying whereof , three things are required , wariness , mercy and modesty ; because over-great confidence may happily impeach the end of good success : res secundae negligentiam creant . livi. i also wish the victory to be handled mercifully , because all conquests are in their own nature cruel enough : and the ire of insolent soldiers , forces the conquered to become desperate : gravissime morsus irritate necessitatis . curt. to proceed modestly , is also and honorable quality in him that conquereth ; for in prosperous fortunes , men do hardly refrain covetous and proud doings ; yea , some good and great captains have in like cases forgotten what did best become them : in rebus secundis etiam 〈◊〉 duces insolescunt . tac. after victory followeth peace : for if war did ever continue , no state or government could stand : therefore how great , or how long soever the war be , the end must be peace ; the name whereof is not only sweet , but also comfortable : pax una triumphis innumeris potior . peace is not only good and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those that are victored : pacem reduci velle victori , expedit , victo necesse est . tac. nevertheless until good and honorable peace be offered , arms may not be laid aside : wherein i wish tully's advice to be followed : bellum gerendum est ; si bellum omittemus , pace nunquam fruemur . livi. in treaty of peace , two things must be considered : first , that the conditions be honorable . to condescend to any base conditions , is unto a princely mind not only great indignity , but also intolerable : cum dignitate potius cadendum , quam cum ignominia serviendum . plut. it also importeth , the peace should be simple , true and unseigned ; for all seigned and dissembling amity is to be doubted : pace suspecta tutius est bellum . mithrid . the fittest season to speak of peace , is either when the war beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equal force ; for if the war continueth , it must behove the weaker to yield to necessity : not unlike the ship-master , who to save himself doth cast the greatest part of his loading into the sea : necessitati pare , quam ne dil quidem superant . livi. finally , having generously defended thy self , and performed all things required in a magnanimous captain , and finding nevertheless thy force insufficient , it cannot be dishonorable to accept peace . wherefore laying aside hatred and hope , which are but weak supporters , thou maist recommend thee and thine to the approved discretion of an honorable enemy : victores secundae res in miserationem ex ira vertunt . livi. now for as as much as every peace promiseth rest and quiet , as well to the victorious as to the victored ; we may add thereunto , that the prince victorious receiveth thereby honor , profit and security . for although his happiness may occasion hope of great success , yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to listen to peace : decorum principi est cum victoriam prope in manibus habeat , pacem non abnuere , ut sciant omnes te & suscipere juste bellum , & finire . livi. it seemeth also the more honorable ; for who so is victorious , doth give peace and not take it : he also sheweth himself discreet by using a moderation in victory , and no extremity in spoiling , which our wise and godly writers have commended : pacem contemnentes , & gloriam appetentes , pacem perdunt & gloriam . bern. peace is also profitable for the victorious , because continual war breedeth weariness , and of violent proceeding desparation and peril cometh : maximi & mortiferi morsus esse solent morientium bestiarum . sen. likewise peace is more assured than any victory . hope of the one is in thine own power ; the other in the hand of god : add thereunto the force of fortune , which hath great power in all humane actions : in rebus secundis nihil in quenquam superbe ac violenter consulere decet , nec praesenti credere fortunae , cum quid vesper seral , incertus sis . sen. also conditions of peace ought to be reasonably and freely bestowed : for no people can live contented under such a law as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax bello bene mutatur . sen. chap. xxiv . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . the greatest and most grievous calamity that can come to any state is civil war ; for therein subjects take arms against their prince or among themselves , whereof followeth a misery more lamentable than can be described . non aet as , non dignit as quenquam protegit , quo minus stupra caedibus , & caedes stupris misceantur . tac. the first cause of civil war proceedeth of destiny , for god in his own divine providence foreseeth many years before , that great and mighty empires shall be ruined . in se magna 〈◊〉 laetis hinc numinarebus crescendi posuere modum / s - / lucan . the second cause is , excess , riot , and dissolute life ; for nothing breedeth civil fury so soon as over great happiness ; also pompous apparel , banquetting and prodigal spending consumeth riches , and plenty is turned into poverty ; for by these means are men brought into desperation . rapacissimo cuique ac perditiffimo , non agri aut 〈◊〉 sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tac. now to consider how destiny might be eschewed , were in vain : for such a remedy no wit or wisdom can devise , being the decree of god , no doubt it is inevitable . ita fato placuit , nullius rei eodem semper loco stare fortunam . sen. there is nothing exempt from the peril of mutation ; the earth , heavens , and whole world is thereunto subject . 〈◊〉 eunt cuncta temporibus ; nasci debent , crescere , extingui . sen. touching the second causes of civil war some remedies may be used , because it proceedeth of faction , sedition or tyranny . i call faction a certain association of divers persons combined to the offence of others . it proceedeth often of private or publick displeasure , and more often of ambition . nemo eorum qui in rep. versantur , quos vincat , sed a quibus vincatur , aspicis . sen. . factions are of two sorts ; for either they consist of many or of few persons : both be dangerous , but the former more apt to take arms ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth arms of foreign forces . . the other faction wherein are fewer partakers , be commonly great personages or men of more importance than ordinary people ; and that proveth most perilous and bloody . nobilium factiones trahunt ad se , & in partes , universum etiam populum . arist. albeit some wise men have held opinion that factions are necessary , yet cannot that conceipt be reasonably maintained , unless it be upon consines , and in such places where conspiracy is feared , which cato in his private family used . semper contentiunculas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter servos callide serebat , suspectum habens nimiam concordiam orum , metuensque . plut. factions against the nobility , are sometimes suppressed by forbidding colors , or unknown bagdes to be worn , also to inhibit names or watch-words of mutinies is necessary , which was mecaenas counsel to augustus ; and aristotle thinketh it fit that laws should be made against the factions of noblemen . nobilium contentiones & partes etiam legibus oportet prohibere conari . arist. another cause of civil war , we call sedition , which is a sudden commotion or assembly of common people against their prince or his magistrates : the original of which disorders may proceed of divers causes , but chiefly of oppression . imminentium periculocum remedium , ipsa pericula arbitrari . arist. again , fear may be the occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injured , and is desirous to prevent it before it cometh . it may proceed also of over great mildness in government . non miseriis licentia sed licentia , tantum concitum turbarum , lascivire magis plebem quam saevire . livi. sedition many times ariseth of poverty , or of the artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no means whereof they can live . semper in civitate , quibus opes nullae sunt , bonis invidem , vetera odere , nova expetunt , odio rerum suarum mutari omnia student . sab. lastly , sedition cometh of tyranny , insolency , or mutinous disposition of certain captains , cavaliers , or ring-leaders of the people ; for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , yet doth it stand firm , until some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per se immobilis . livi. of these movers some are ambitious , who wanting other means to aspire , hope by practice of sedition , to compass their designs ; or else they are unthrifts , who having consumed their own , seek by violence to possess themselves of other mens : or else they are vain and light persons , that without cause or reason , attempt innovation , themselves know not for what . non tam praemiis periculorum , quam ipsis periculis loeti , pro certis & olim partis , nova , ambiguae ancipitia maelunt . thus having told the causes of sedition , i wish the remedies were prepared . omne malum nascens facile opprimitur , inveteratum fit plerumque robustius . cic. the first way to suppress sedition , is eloquence and excellent perswasion , which oft-tentimes worketh great effects among the multitude ; chiesly when it proceedeth from some reverend and grave person , for his wisdom and integrity of life honored : for the prince himself is not to take office in hand , unless necessity so inforce : integra autorit as principis majoribus remediis servetur . tac. if perswasion cannot prevail , then force must compel : but before such violent proceedings , use , art and cunning , either to appease the people , or at least to disunite them ; and rather if the prince do offer fair and promise plausibly . verba apud populum plurimum valent . tac. it is lawful also in such cases for princes to use subtilty ; and the same not prevailing , to wash away the stain thereof with clemency : for when arms laid down , and every one yielded , general punishment were needless . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tac. the last cause of sedition we named tyranny , which is a certain violent government , exceediug the laws of god and nature . the difference between kings and tyrants is this ; the one imployeth arms in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrific those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate . auferre , trucidare , rapere , falsis nominibus imperium , atque ubi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant . tac. the quality of tyrants is to esteem promoters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others . they are also protectors of impious persons , and stand in daily doubt of noble and virtuous men. nobilitas , opes , amissi gestique honores , pro crimine : et ob virtutes certissimum exitium . tac. tyrants do also endeavor to suppress the knowledge of letters and civil life , to the end all arts should be exiled , and barbarism introduced . pellunt sapientiae professores , & omnes bonas artes in exilium agant . tac. these and such like , be the conditions of tyrants , who for the most part are deposed and slain ; for as kings live long and deliver their doininions to their children and postority : so tyrants being feared and hated of all men , cannot continue in their estate . adgenerum cereris sine coede & vulnere pauci descendunt reges & sicca morte tyranni . juvin . the remedies of these mischiefs which proceed from the violence of sach a prince , are persecution or patience . many generous spirits have used the first ; perswading themselves rather to dye , than endure the sight of a tyrant . also the grecians did think it a service acceptable to murther the person of such an impious prince . graeci homines deorum honores tribuebant iis qui tyrannos necaverunt . cic. nevertheless , in christian consideration , the other course is to be taken : let patience therefore incounter this mischief ; for seeing all kings , as well the bad as the good be sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . persecution is not only perilous , but for the most part infortunate : for therefore present revenge is taken by that prince that succeedeth . facinotis ejus ultor est , quisquis successerit . tac. the murther of tyrants is also followed with many inconveniences worse than civil war it self . principes bont , votis expetendi , qualescunque tolerandi . tac. for as fire , floods , and other inevitable plagues are necessarily to be suffered : so evil princes in their covetousness and cruelty ought to be patiently indured , because their office is to command , and subjects must obey . indigna , digna habenda sunt , rex quae facit . sen. and as it is the use of vulgar people to find faults in the long reign of princes ; so the ambition of great subjects is desirous of novelty . proesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucyd. to conclude , we say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience : for so long as men are , so long will vices be . regum ingenia toleranda , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tac. chap. xxv . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . to the perfections of men , three things are necessarily required ; nature , nurture and use : the first giveth capacity , aptness and understanding ; which are graces from above . nurture , is learning , knowledge , art , or order . use , is practice , experience , and orderly observation ; whereof may be conceived , that nature alone susficeth not ; nor can nurture work any good effect , where natural aptness wanteth ; and they can frame no perfection , unless experience be also conjoined . nemo nascitur sapiens , sed fit . sen. ambassadors , negotiants , and generally all other ministers of mean fortune , in conversation with princes and superiors , must use great respect , shewing themselves rather ceremonious than presumptuous , and acknowledge their obligation great , for the favor and grace , they find in those which might command them . it is no wisdom ever to commend or discommend the actions of men by their success ; for oft-tentimes some enterprises attempted by good counsel , end unsortnately ; and others unadvisedly taken in hand , have happy success . who so then commendeth inconsiderate counsels for their fortunate event , thereby encourageth men to jar and discomfort the wiser sort to speak what they know , and by experience have proved . in actions publick , and every other matter of great moment , the beginning is well to be considered : for afterwards it lieth not in our power , without dishonor to abandon what was begun . the time doth not always serve , nor is apt occasion always offered to enterprise what would ; yer who so doth expect every opportunity , shall either attempt nothing at all , or if he do , the same for the most part turneth to his own disadvantage . when any resolution is taken , either with over great haste , or too much affection , seldom it receiveth good success : for he that doth the one , hath no leisure to consider ; the other transporteth the mind so as it cannot conceive more than that which presently presseth . to these we add others , i mean some of them that have leisure , and are void of affection , yet for want of natural capacity , or for continual negligence in their doings , never bring any thing well to pass . who so desireth to be beloved in a commonwealth , must rest content with that which men do give , and the laws allow him to take : so shall he neither incur danger nor envy : for indeed , that which is taken or extorted from others , and not that which is given , doth make men hated . arms , laws and religion , may not in any well governed state be disjoined ; every one of them in particular maintaineth them all united . in actions of war , courage and conduct are of great necessity ; yet all good government consisteth in using the virtues moral ; and in handling the matter of martial policy , it is fit to imitate the proceedings of ancient and approved captains . among mortal men , there is nothing more common than to believe the estate of one man to be better than another ; for hereof it cometh , that every one endeavoreth rather to take from others with travel , than to enjoy his own with rest . the state of princes is good , being well used ; so is the fortune of private men , if therewith they be contented . the rich man liveth happily , so long as he useth his riches temperately ; and the poor man that patiently endureth his wants , is rich enough . whensoever a man is so dangerously distressed , as either proceeding or standing , he liveth in like peril , then doth it behove him in any wise , to resolve upon action . the reason is , that so long as nothing is done , the same accidents that caused his dangers , do still remain in their former force ; but if he endeavor to enterprise somewhat , either he may meet with means to make him secure , or at the hardest , shew himself of so great courage and wit , as he dare and can attempt a way to do it . it seemeth a thing of great difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince or magistrate to eschew the evil speech and bad report of men ; for if they be good and virtuous , then they incur the backbiting of lewd persons ; if evil , then will all good men exclaim against them . all commonwealths ought to desire peace , yet it is necessary ever to be prepared for the war ; because peace disarmed is weak , and without reputation : therefore the poets feign , that pallas the goddess of wisdom did always appear armed . every prince ( well advised ) ought to govern his subjects and servants in such sort , that by his affability and virtue they may be induced rather to serve voluntarily , then for pay or hope of preferment . for otherwise doing , whensoever the prince shall want means to pay , the subjects likewise will fail of good will to serve . but he that faithfully loveth , doth neither in prosperity become arrogant , nor in contrary fortune retire , or complain of the small favor he findeth : for ( till death ) love and life remain at the princes commandment . where poor men find justice , evil men are punish'd , measures and weights be just , youth well nurtured , and old folk free from avarice , there is the commonwealth good and perfect . in war between neighbors , neutrality is commendable ; for by that means we eschew many troubles and great expences , so long as the forces of either side be so equal in strength , as we need not to fear the victory of any : for so long their discord is our security , and oft-tentimes offereth us means to increase our own state and reputation . the chief reasons to move war , are , the sustice of the cause , the facillity of success and the profit of the victory . in all humane actions it behoveth to accommodate the council of men unto present necessity , and never to expose security to manifest peril , nor hope of that which without great difficulty or impossibility cannot be obtained . it is the nature of men , having escaped one extreme , which by force they were constrained long to endure , to run headlong into the other extreme , forgetting that vertue doth always consist in the mean. the multitude is inclined to innovation , and easily induced by false perswasion , and consequently easily transported by seditious leaders . men are naturally disposed to fear those things which threaten danger and terror ; yet unless these perils , by some new accident , be daily revived , that fear by little and little vanisheth , and security recovereth the place . whoso findeth himself contemned , or not respected , becometh discontent ; which humor in generous minds , breedeth oftentimes adventerous imaginations , whereof audacious attempts have followed , chiefly in persons of authority and reputation ; for he that hopeth no good , feareth no evil : yet true it is , that dangerous enterprises , the more they be thought upon , the less hope they give of good success , for which reason conspiracies not suddenly executed , are for the most part revealed or abandoned . all people do naturally imitate the manners of their prince , and observing his proceedings , resolve to hate or love him : but if they happen once to hate the prince , then his doings , good or evil , are afterwards not good ; but if at the beginning he gained the love of the people , then every bad action is reputed a vertue ; as though he could not be induced to do amiss without good cause or reason . greatly are princes deceived , if in the election of ministers , they more respect their own particular affection , than the sufficiency of the person elected . a prince having conquered any new dominion , is thereby rather incumbered than strengthened , unless the same be after well governed ; and seldom is it seen , that a principality , by ill means gotten , hath been long enjoyed . as to the perfection of the whole body , soundness of head only sufficeth not , unless the other members also do their office ; even so it is not enough that a prince be faultless , but it behoveth also that the magistrates and ministers should perform their duty . great princes rarely resist their appetites , as for the most part private men can ; for they being always honored and obeyed , do seldom with patience indure the want of any thing reasonable , as being perswaded that what they desire is just , and that their commandment hath power to remove all difficulties . all men are naturally good , when no respect of profit or pleasure draws them to become evil. but this worlds corruption , and our frailty is such , as easily and often for our particular interest we incline to the worst ; which was the cause that wise law-makers found out reward and punishment ; the one to incite men to good , the other to fear them from being evil. a tyrant indeavoreth to maintain his estate by three means . first , he practiseth to hold all subjects in extreme awe , and to be basely minded , to the end they should want courage to take arms against him . secondly , he kindleth diffidence and discord among the great men ; thereby to remove occasion of conspiracy and combination . lastly , he holdeth them disarmed and idle , so as they neither know nor can attempt any thing against him . to govern , is nothing else but to hold subjects in love and obedience ; for in respect of the end , they ought not , and in regard of the other they cannot attempt any thing contrary to the governor's will and their duty . the laws and ordinances of a common-weale made at the beginning thereof when men were good , do often prove unprofitable when they are become evil ; and therefore new laws are made according to the accidents which happen . the discontent and disorder of people is ever occasioned by the inequality of their goods , because the poorer sort would be made equal to the rich ; but the offence that grows among great men is the desire of honor ; for they being equal , do endeavor to aspire to equal authority . a prince that desireth , by means of his ambassador , to deceive any other price , must first abuse his own ambassador , to the end he should do and speak with more earnestenss , being indeed perswaded that the intent and meaning of his master is simple , which happily would not , were he privy that his prince's meaning were to dissemble . this course is also commonly holden by those , that by imployment of a third person , would perswade any thing feigned or false . for the performance of conditions of treaty of peace , or league of amity , the promises , vows and oaths of princes are of great effect ; and because fidelity in a man is not ever certain , and time doth daily offer occasions of variation , there is no assurance so secure and good , as to stand so prepared , as the enemy may want able means how to offend . to resolve in matters doubtful , or answer requests which we are not willing to grant , the least offensive way is not to use direct denial , but by delays prolong the time , and so in effect , afford good expectation . the old proverb faith , magistratus virum ostendit ; which is no less true than ancient ; for men in such fortune , are occasioned not only to make proof of their sufficiency , but also to discover their affections ; and the more their greatness is , the less respect they have to contain those passions which are natural . albeit great troubles and continual adversity seem insupportable , yet is there nothing more dangerous , than overmuch prosperity ; and being pressed by new appetites , they disturb their own security . in speaking of occurrents doubtful , it is always wisdom to feign ignorance , or at least alledge that we believe them not ; for most commonly they are utterly untrue , or far other than vulgarly is believed . the actions of men are commonly liked or disallowed according to the bad or good success ; attributing that to council which sometimes is due to fortune . the multitude of men were wont to be more pleased with sudden than slow resolutions ; and many times account those enterprises generous , which are rashly and inconsiderately attempted . great difference there is between subjects desperate , and others which are only discontented ; for the one desire nothing but present alteration , which they endeavor with all hazard ; the other wish for innovation , inciting any motion or practice , because their intent is to attend time , and that occasion may present it self . a benefit bestowed on him who thinketh himself greatly injured , doth not suffice to raze the same out of his memory , chiefly if the benefit be given at such time as no mere motion , but necessity may seem the occasion thereof . that peace ought to be desired , which removed suspition , which assureth us from peril , which bringeth quiet certain , and acquitteth us of expences ; but when it worketh contrary effects , it may be called a dangerous war , covered with the name of deceitful trust , not unlike a perilous poyson ministred in lieu of a wholsome medicine . the effect of things , and not external show , or seeming , ought to be regarded ; yet it is credible what great grace is gained by courteous speech and affability ; the reason whereof is , as i suppose , that every man believeth he doth merit more than indeed he is worthy , and consequently holdeth himself injured , whensoever he findeth men not to afford him like estimation . men ought in any wise , to refrain to do or say any thing which may offend , for which respect it were great folly , either in presence or absence , to utter displeasing speech , unless necessity inforceth . the matters whereof counsellors are chiesly to consider , are five , the prince's revenue , peace and war , defence , traffick , and what laws are to be made . in giving council divers things are to be observed ; but amongst them are two of most importance : first , it behoveth , that he who is counselled should be wise ; for seeing counsel is nothing else but a certain considerate discourse of things to be done or not done , if he who is to take counsel be not of discretion , then will he refuse all good advice offered , and rather incline to that which his own fancy affecteth , because the want of judgment draweth him to take i leasure in vain things ; and as one incapable of what is good and true , will follow that which is evil and false : so on the other side , if he that giveth counsel be not faithful , then will he a thousand ways disguise and dissemble the truth , and consequently miscarry the mind of him that is counselled ; yea in the end utterly abuse him . the affairs and proceedings of the world , are so variable , and accompanied with so many chances and changes , as impossible it seemeth to judge what is best ; therefore experience informeth , that the conjectures of the most wise , prove vain and uncertain . i therefore mislike the judgment of those men , that will let slip opportunity of present good ( though it be small ) for fear of a future evil , notwithstanding it be greater unless the evil be very near at hand , or certain . for if that do not follow which is feared , then wilt thou repent to have omitted that which was desired . whensoever a general opinion is conceived , of the singular vertue and knowledge of any man , although he be indeed ignorant , and far unworthy that account , yet it is hard to remove such a settled conceit : the reason is , that men having at the first given credit to common report , do make thereof so deep an impression , as afterwards , without great difficulty , cannot be removed . the bodies of men , munition and money , may justly be called the sinews of war , yet of them the two first are more necessary , for men and arms have means to find money and meat ; but money and meat cannot so easily find soldiers and swords . one wise general having but a thousand men , is more to be feared and esteemed , than twenty commanders of equal authority ; for they being commonly of divers humors , or judging diversly , do never , or very rarely , what is to be done , and consequently lose much time before any resolution can be taken . a prince of mean force , ought not in any wise to adventure his estate upon one days fight ; for if he be victorious he gaineth nothing but glory ; but if he lose , he is utterly ruined . the most part of men are delighted with histories , for the variety of accidents therein contained ; yet are there few that will imitate what they read , and find done by others ; being perswaded that imitation is not only hard but impossible , as though the heavens and men were changed in their motion , or order and power , which they anciently had . the nature of men is such , as will not endeavor any thing good , unless they be forced thereunto ; for where liberty aboundeth , there confusion and disorder follow . it is therefore supposed , that hunger and poverty make men industrious ; but good laws inforce them to be honest ; for if men were of themselves good , then laws were needless . there are two kinds of adulation : the first proceedeth from a subtle malice : the second cometh by an ordinary use of conversation ; the one tendeth to profit and deceiving ; the other hath no farther design , than a respect or fear to offend ; whereunto the most honest are in some sort bound . whoso bindeth himself to flattery , doth thereby bewray his intent , either to gain , or not to lose that he hath . for the person slattered , is always superior to him that doth flatter , or at least one as may in some sort stand him in stead . it may therefore be inferred , that only men of base and miserable condition , and such as cannot help or hurt , be free from flatterers . and contrariwise , magnanimous and fortunate folk , proud men , and such as content themselves with their present estate , are seldom found to be flatterers . every wise prince doth presuppose , that times of trouble may come , and that all such occasions he shall be forced to use the service of men diversly qualified . his study therefore is , in the mean time so to entertain them , as when those storms arise , he may rest assured to command them ; for whosoever perswades himself , by present benefits , to gain the good will of men , when perils are at hand , shall be deceived . in ancient times princes and governors were wont , when peace and security were most like to continue , to find or feign occasions to draw their subjects to fear , to the end that doubt might move them to be more careful of their own well-doing ; for well they knew it a general defect in men , to be reachless , and never willing to use industry ; unless by necessity they were constrained . all histories do shew , and wise politicians do hold it necessary , that for the well governing of every common-weal , it behoveth to presuppose that all men are evil , and will declare themselves so to be , when occasion is offered ; for albeit some inconvenience doth lye hid for a time , it proceedeth from a covert occasion , which for want of experience , was not found , until time the mother of truth discover it . neutrality is always a thing dangerous and disallowable , because it offendeth all parties : he that is strong looketh to be assisted in his greatness ; and he that is weak , not being defended , holdeth himself offended ; the one is not assured from foes , and the other holdeth no friends . albeit neutrality procure present quiet and security , during the troubles of others ; yet after the same falleth out a disadvantage , because it entertaineth a certain falseness , and so in short space will be perceived ; not unlike those men that borrow upon usury ; for albeit they enjoy a certain time , without trouble or charge , yet the same being 〈◊〉 and the day of payment come , they then feel the great danger which their short pleasure hath purchased . whoso examineth all humane actions shall find , that in eschewing one inconvenience , we presently incur another . as for example , if we endeavor to make our dominions mighty , it behoveth to have the same fully replenished with people , and well armed , and so being , they are not easily governed . on the other side , if our country be not well peopled , or disarmed , then it is easily holden in obedience ; yet therewith so weak , that it can neither increase the bounds thereof , nor defend it self . it is therefore necessary , in all our deliberations , to consider what inconvenience is least , and choose that as the best ; for to find all perfect , void and secure of suspect or imperfection , is impossible . a prince being instantly required to take part with other princes , the one being in arms against the other , is he deny both , incurreth suspicion of both , and may be thought to have secret intelligences with one or both of them ; so as either of them shall account him an enemy , and consequently he that proves victorious will be revenged ; and the other holding him suspected , will not acknowledge his friendship . it is the use of men to presume much upon their own merit , and seeing the success of some others to be such , as without cause or desert , are aspired to dignity thereby encouraged , they promised to themselves the like : nevertheless being entred into the course of their design , and finding many crosses and impeachments they do not a little repent their overweening and presumption , but also many times utterly abandon their rash and unadvised enterprize ; neither can i think , that the vertue or sufficiency of any man without the favor of the heavens , can advance him ; for as the poet saith , nec velle juvat , potiusve nocet , si fat a repugnant . whoso serveth a prince far from his presence , shall with great difficulty content him . for if he commit any error , it shall be aggravated : besides that , the instructions sent unto him cannot be particularly conceived , because the state of wordly things doth daily alter . also to serve aloof , is a thing full of danger and far from reward ; which inconvenience may for the most part be avoided by him that attendeth near to his prince's person . let no man that cometh to serve in court , assure himself by his wisdom to be advanced or eschew all encounters . neither is he to bear himself so careless as to commit all to fortune , but be perswaded that this worldly life is like to a voiage by sea ; wherein albeit art with the favor of the wind may do much , yet can we not assure our selves to arrive safe in the haven appointed ; for daily experience doth shew , that some strange ships in the calmest weather , are drowned or impeached by the way , when others much weaker and disarmed pass securely . among men worthy of commendations , those have merited best that first planted true religion : next they that framed kingdoms and commonwealths ; the third place is due to such as have augmented or enlarged their dominions ; lastly , learned men deserve fame and memory : and as every of these are worthy of fame and honor ; so ought they to be accompted infamous that introduce atheism , or the subversion of kingdoms , or are become enemies to learning and virtue . whosoever taketh in hand to govern a multitude either by way of liberty , or principality , and cannot assure himself of those persons that are enimies to that enterprise , doth frame a state of short perseverance : yet true it is that such princes be infortunate , as for their own security are inforced to hold a course extraordinary , and have the multitude their enemy ; for he that hath few foes may with small dishonor be assured ; but he that is generally hated can by no means live assured ; and the more cruelty he useth , the weaker his principality proveth . in commending another man , great moderation is to be used ; for as contumely offendeth him against whom , it is used ; so great praise , besides that it is uttered with danger to his judgment that speaketh it , the same doth oft-tentimes offend him that heareth it . for self-love which commonly possesseth men , causes the good or evil we hear , to be measured with our own . and consequently every man that is touched with like deserts and defects , doth grow offended that his commendation is not set forth , and feareth lest his imperfection should be discovered . it is often , or rather ever seen , that the force of leagues not used in their first heat , becomes cold ; because suspition soon entereth , which in short space will destroy whatsoever was concluded , and may not without long time be rejoined . the power of ambition which possesseth the minds of men , is such , as rarely or never suffereth them to rest : the reason thereof is , that nature hath framed in them a certain disposition to desire all things , but not to obtain them ; so as our desires being greater than our power , therefore following discontenr and evil satisfaction . hereof also proceedeth the variation of fortune ; for some men desiring to get , and others fearing to lose that they had gotten , do occasion one man to injure another , and consequently publick wars do follow ; by means whereof , one country is ruined , and another inlarged . princes of great power , and chiesly those that are inhabitants of the north , having many children , were wont to be much inclined to the wars , as well to win unto themselves honor , as also to get possessions for their sons ; which manner of proceedings did oft-tentimes remove such disturbance as the plurality of brethren bringeth . these and other reasons induced princes to attempt war against those kingdoms , which in cheir opinion seemed easily conquered , or whereunto they can pretend little ; for by colour thereof they may the rather justifie their proceedings . when a prince deferreth to answer an ambassador , it proceedeth from some of these respects ; either because he will take time to resolve himself of somewhat whereof he doubteth , or that he intendeth covertly to deny that which is demanded , or that he esteemeth not the prince that doth demand , or that he disdaineth the person by whom the demand is made , or else that he intendeth to hear from his own ministers to be better resolved : wherefore a discreet negotiator ought in such cases to consider which of these reasons move the prince where he is employed , to entertain him with delays , and make his dispatch accordingly . the sufficiency of good counsellors consistetd in fonr things . first , they ought to be wise and skilful how to handle their affairs , directing all doings to publick commodity . secondly , to be just in their proceedings , giving to every one that which to him appertaineth . thirdly , to be stout , and void both of partial respects and fear . and lastly , to be temperate and moderate in their desires . whoso desireth to govern well and securely , it behoveth him to have a vigilant eye to the proceedings of great princes , and to consider seriously of their designs : for it is matter of small difficulty to live in peace with him who desireth our amity , and provideth for others that endeavor to offend us . the intelligences that princes study to attain , are procured by divers means : some are brought by report , some vented by conversation and sounding , some by means of espials ; but the most sure and credibe occurrents , are those which come from ambassadors , chiesly those that either for the greatness of their prince , or their own virtue , be of most reputation . for those men conversing daily with great personages , and pondering diligently their manners , words , wisdom , and the order of each man's troceedings , yea , of the prince himself , may with commodity attain unto matters of great importance sooner than they that are writers of rumors , or that take upon them to conjecture of things to come . whensoever a people is induced to commit so great an error , as to give reputation to one only man , to the end he should oppress all those great men whom they hate , they thereby give him opportunity to become their prince ; and so being assisted with their favor and aid , he may likewise extinguish all the rest of the nobility ; and they being extirpated , he will also endeavor to tyrannize over the people , by whose help he aspired . so many as are not consenting to the tyranny , rest enemies to the person of the tyrant , who can by no means gain the love of all . for impossible it is , that the riches of any tyrant should be so great , and the honors he can give so many as may satisfie all . hereof it cometh , that those tyrants that are favored of the people , and disfavored of the nobles , are most secure ; because their tyranny is supported with a greater strength ( having the multitude their friends ) then is the tyrant whom the humor of the nobles only hath advanced . a dangerous thing it is in all commonwealths by continual punishing , to hold the minds of subjects in suspition ; for men ever fearing their ruine , will ( without respect ) determine to save them selves , and as men desperate , attempt innovation . all capital executions ought therefore to be executed suddenly , and as it were at one instant , so to assure the minds of men from furher molestations . the intent of every wise prince that maketh war , either by election or ambition , is to gain and hold what is gotten : also to use the matter so as thereby he may inrich himself , and not impoverish his own people or country . he that inlargeth his dominions , doth not always increase his power ; but he that increaseth in force as well as in dominion , shall thereby grow great ; otherwise he gained no more than is shortly to be lost , and consequently he ruineth himself : for who spends more in the war , than he gains by victory , loseth both labor and cost . every prince and commonwealth must above all things take heed , that no necessity how great soever , do perswade him to bring into his dominion any auxiliary soldiers ; because the hardest conditions the enemy can offer , are more easie than is such a resolution . a prince sheweth his ruine at hand , whensoever he beginneth to break the , laws and customs , which are 〈◊〉 have been long time obeyed by the to people of his dominion . that prince which careth to keep himself secure from conspiracy , ought rather to fear those to whom he hath done over-great favors , than them whom he hath much injured : for these want opportunities , the other do not ; and both their desires are as one ; because the appetite of commanding , is always as much or more than the desire of revenge . whensoever a prince discovers a conspiracy , he must well consider the quality thereof , measuring the force of the conspirators with his own ; and finding them many and mighty , the knowledge thereof is to be dissembled , until the princes power be prepared to oppose them ; otherwise he hazardeth his own security . it hath been by long experience found better to send one general to an army , though he be of mean sufficiency , than to give the same authority to two or more excellent personages with equal commission . he that coveteth to be over-much loved , oft-tentimes becomes contemptible ; and he that endeavoreth to be over-much feared , is ever hated : and to hold the mean between them , cannot be exactly done , because nature will not so permit . whoso aspireth to any dignity , must resolve himself to endure the envy of men , and never to be moved for any offence conceived against him , though they that be offended , be his dear friends : neither shall he for the first affront or encounter , relinquish his hope ; for he that constantly maketh head against the assault of fortune , shall after with facility arrive where he designed . in giving council to a prince or commonwealth , and therefore desiring to eschew danger and offence , no other mean is to be taken than that the counsellor shall without passion or perswasion pronounce his opinion , and never to affirm any thing as a resolution , but with modesty to defend that he speaketh ; so as the prince which follows his advice , may seem to do it voluntarily , and not forced by the importunity of him that gave the counsel . a discreet captain being in the field against the enemy , of whose virtue he hath had no proof , ought first by light skirmishes to feel of what virtue he is ; and not to enterprise any general adventnre , to the end that terror or fame should not daunt nor discourage his own soldiers . albeit fraud be in all actions detested , yet is the same in martial enter prises commendible and glorious : for that captain who compasseth his designs by wit or stratagem , is no less commended than he that vanquisheth the enemy by violence and force . in times of extremity , when resolution must be taken for the having or utter loss of the state , then no regard is to be had of justice or injustice , mercy or cruelty , honor or ignominy , but rather setting aside all respects , that course is to be followed which defended the lives and liberties of men. whoso desireth to know what will be hereafter , let him think of that is past ; for the world hath ever been in a circular revolution : whatsoever is now , was heretofore , and things past or present are no other than such as shall be again : redit orbis in orbem . a prince that desireth to obtain any thing at the hand of another , must if it be possible urge a sudden answer , and lay before him that is moved , a necessity to resolve presently , giving him to understand that denial or delays may breed a perilous and sudden indignation . there is nothing more difficult , doubtful and dangerous than to attempt innovation : for he that taketh in hand an enterprize of such quality , maketh all those his enemies which lived well under the old order , and findeth them cold defenders that affect his novelties , which coldness proceedeth chiefly of incredulity ; for men are not easily induced to believe a new thing till experience hath proved it to be good . there is no art nor knowledge so seemly and necessary for a prince as the art military with theordinances and discipline thereof : for that is the only skill required in him that commandeth , and such a virtue as doth not only maintain them that are born princes , but often advanceth private men to that dignity . the deep impressions which old injuries make in the minds of great men cannot with new benefits be razed out ; it is also to be remembred that injuries be done all together : for they offend the less , and will be forgotten the sooner ; but benefits should by little and little be bestowed , so shall the memory of them long continue . a small pleasure or displeasure presently done , doth move more than a great good turn bestowed in times past ; for the taste of things present doth make a deeper impression in the minds of men , than doth the memory of things past , or expectation of things to come . it is a matter of small difficulty to sound the discontentment of other men. for every one doth willingly tell the well and ill deserving of friends , and likewise how much or how little foes can do , if we have patience to hear , which patience is the beginning of all good speed ; but he that delighteth to speak much , and hear little , shall ever inform others more than himself can learn. among other dangers which a prince incurreth by being disarmed , the greatest is , that thereby he becometh contemptible ; for no comparison there is between men armed and them that are disarmed : and no reason there is that he that is armed should yield obedience to him that is disarmed , neither is it like that a prince disarmed can be secure from his own subjects armed . a prince ignorant of martial knowledge , among other misfortunes cannot be esteemed or trusted of his own soldiers ; it behoveth him therefore as well in time of peace as war to exercise arms , which may be done by two means ; the one by action of body , the other by contemplation of mind . the body may be exercised in hunting , hawking , and such like pastimes ; thereby to be made apt to endure travel : his mind likewise may be informed by reading of histories , and the consideration of actions performed by excellent captains , observing the occasion of their victories or losses , to the end he may imitate the one , and eschew the other . he that doth not as other men do , but endeavoureth that which ought to be done , shall thereby rather incur peril than preservation ; for whoso laboureth to be sincerely perfect and good , shall necessarily perish , living among men that are generally evil. a prince that useth liberality to his prejudice , ought not to regard the infamy of miserable , because his parsimony will in time enable him to be liberal , and so may declare himself to be , having by parsimony increased his power , and therefore without imposing upon the people , may defend himself from all such as will make war ; so shall he use liberality to all them from whom he taketh nothing , who are infinite ; and use miserliness to those only to whom he giveth , who are but few . there is nothing that consumeth it self like to librality ; for if it be long used , it taketh away the means to continue it , and consequently doth make men poor and basely minded : or else to eschew poverty , they shall be forced to extortion and become odious . it is better to incur the name of covetous ( which is a scandal without hate ) then with desire to be accounted liberal , deserve the infamy of opperession ( an ignominy accompanied with hatred . ) a prince ought to be slow in believing , and advised in proceeding ; he should also beware not to make himself over much feared , but in all his actions shew great wisdom tempered with curtesie ; so shall not over much considence induce him to be careless , nor over much diffidence render him intolerable . whoso observeth , shall see that man offended , less respect him whom they love , than him whom they fear . for love is maintained by a certain reciproque obligation , which because men are evil , useth to be by every occasion of profit broken . but fear is continued by a certain dread of punishment which never faileth . a prince that holdeth in the field an army wherein are great numbers of soldiers , ought not to care though he be accompted cruel : for without such an opinion conceived , he cannot keep his forces united , nor apt to attempt any enterprize . men for the most , do use rather to judge by their eyes , than by their hands , for every one may see , but few can certainly know . every one seeth what thou seemest to be , but few can understand what thou art indeed ; and these few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of many which have the majesty of estate to defend them . also in the actions of all men , and chiefly princes , from whom is no appellation , the end is ever observed . machiavel . a prince being forced to use the condition of beasts , must among them make choice of the fox and the lyon ; for the lyon cannot take heed of snares , and the fox is easily overcome by the wolves : it behoveth him therefore to be a fox to discover the snares , and a lyon to terrifie the wolves . a prince newly advanced cannot observe those rules , which are the cause that men be accounted good ; be being many times constrained for defence of his state to proceed contrary to promise , contrary to charity , and all vertue ; and consequently it behoveth him to have a mind apt to alteration , as the wind and variation of fortune shall direct ; yet ought he not to abandon the good , if so he can , but be ready to use what is evil , if so he shall be inforced . every prince ought to have two ears , the one intrinsick , in respect of subjects ; the other extrinsick , in respect of forreign potentates , from whom he may be defended with good arms , and good friends : also matters intrinsick will ever stand well , so long as all things abroad rest firm . a prince that is favoured of the multitude , need not to doubt conspiracy ; but contrary wise , where the people is generally discontented and hareth the prince , then may he reasonably doubt every thing , and every person ; for no man is so poor , that wanteth a weapon wherewith to offend . when any occasion is presented to have that thou desirest , fail not to lay hold thereof ; for these worldly things do vary , and that so suddenly , as hard it is to assure our selves of any thing , unless the same be already in hand : on the other side , if any trouble threaten thee , defer it so long as thou mayest ; for time may occasion some accident to remove all dangers . the prince that doubteth the fidelity of his subjects , must of force build fortresses ; but he that feareth foreign force more than his own people , were better to leave them unbuilt . howsoever it be , that prince that desireth generally to be respected and esteemed , must perform some notable enterprise , and give testimony of great vertue and valour . a prince shall do well at all times to be counselled so as no man do presume to give counsel but when the prince doth ask it . it is also to be noted , that he who is not of himself wise , cannot be well counselled of others , unless happily he yield to some wise men the government of his whole affairs . for good counsels from whomsoever they proceed , shall be thought to come from the prince , and not the wisdom of the prince to proceed from the counsel of others . he that taketh delight to be employed in publick affairs , must by all means endeavour to continue in such services : for oft one business dependeth on another , whereunto the florentine proverb may be applied , di cosa , nasae cosa , & it tempole governa . some men have not only desired , but also compassed honour and profit ; yet being in possession of both , were not therewith so satisfied , as they hoped to be ; which being believed , would happily extinguish the immeasurable ambition wherewith many men are possessed . by experience i have learned , that great folly it is to account that ours which we have not , or spend presently in hope of suture gain . therefore merchants , during the adventure of their goods , do not increase domestical expences , but fearing the worst assure what is in hand . for such men as have gained unto themselves reputation and are accounted vertuous , to maintain that conceit , and 〈◊〉 envy , there is nothing better than a life retired from daily conversation , and chiefly of the multitude . fugiat sapiens commercia 〈◊〉 the end that moveth a prince to make war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the euemy : neither is victory desired for other purpose than thereby to become the more mighty , and make the enemy weak : consequently wheresoever thy victory doth impoverish thee , or thy gain therein doth weaken thee , it followeth that either thou pass or undergo that 〈◊〉 whereunto the intention of war was directed . and that prince is by victory 〈◊〉 that can 〈◊〉 the enemies power , and become master of his goods and possessions . and that prince is by victory impoverished when the enemy , notwithstanding he be victored , can still maintain himself , and the spolis and possessions are not taken to the use of the prince victorious , but imparted unto his soldiers . for then may he be thought in his own losing infortunate , and in victory unhappy ; for if he be vanquished , then must he endure the osfence by foes : and being victorious shall be 〈◊〉 to abide the wrong offered by friends ; which as they be less reasonable , so are they also less supportable , because he is still by impositions forced to burthen the subjects , whereof may be inferred . that the prince , having in him any generosity , cannot justly rejoyce at that victory which causeth the subject to lament . who so desireth to obtain any thing , hopeth to compass his desire , either by intreaty , presents , or threatning ; for so shall he , to whom the request is made , be moved either with compassion , profit , or fear : nevertheless , with covetous and cruel men , and such as are in their opinion mighty , none of these can prevail . and consequently in vain do they labour , that go about by suit to stir them to pity , by gifts to gain them , or by threats to fear them . who so is persuaded that any common-weal can continue disunited , doth greatly deceive himself : true it is , that some divisions do maintain the estate , but other do indamage the same . they which do harm , are such as with sects and partakings be accompanied ; they which help without sects and partakings , be maintained . a wise governour therefore , albeit he cannot so exactly foresee but some enemies will arise in the state , yet may he take order that no factions may thereby grow . it is therefore to be noted , that the citizens of every estate , may aspire to reputation , either by private or publick means . reputation by publick means , is gained chiefly in the war , either by obtaining victory in some battle , or surprising of some city ; or else by performing some ambassage deligently , prosperously : but private reputation is gotten by doing favour to this or that man , and protecting them from magistrates , giving them mony , advancing them unworthily to honour and office ; and by great feasts , entertaining the multitude ; of which manner of proceeding , sects , factions and partakings do grow : and as reputation thus gained is dangerous , so the other without faction is profitable ; because the same is founded on common welfare , and no private profit : and albeit among citizens of this sort , will oft arise great hate , yet wanting followers for their particular profit , the state shall not be indangered , but rather strengthned ; for every man endeavouring to deserve well , will hold himself within the bounds of civil life , and by vertuous merits labout to be advanced . to persuade or dissuade particular persons , is a matter of no difficulty : for if words suffice not , yet authority will prevail : but hard and perilous it is to remove a false opinion conceived by a whole multitude , for therein fair speech and no compulsion must be used . the best means which wise captains can use to make their soldiers resolute , is to take from them all hope ; which resolution may also be increased with the love of our country and confidence in the captain : for confidence groweth by the valour of men , and discipline in former victories , and trust reposed in the leader . the love of our country is natural , but the affection we bear to the captain , proceedeth rather from his vertue , than the benefits he hath bestowed . necessity also may do much , and chiefly that where no choice is left , but either overcome by arms or dye in desperation . there is nothing of so great force to hold an army united , as the reputation os the captain , which proceedeth only from his vertue ; for neither dignity nor authority without valour can work that effect . the first care that a captain must have , is to hold his soldiers well punished and paid ; for where payment faileth , punishment ought not to be inflicted : and consequently no reason it is to punish him for robbery , whom want of pay enforceth to shift ; but where the soldier is paid , and not punished ( offending ) then will he , without respect , become insolent towards his captain ; whereof ensue mutinies , discord , and utter ruin. it is a custom , very honourable , not to promise more than thou wilt assuredly perform : yet true it is , that whosoever is denied ( though justly ) doth rest ill-contented ; for men indeed are . not governed by reason : otherwise it is for him that promiseth ; and so good promises shall stand in stead of performance : besides that , he may find excuse enough , because the most part of men are so simple , that fair words alone have power to abuse them , chiefly when they proceed from a person of reputation and authority . the best way , therefore , is not to promise precisely , but entertain the suitors with answers . general , and full of good hope : yet not such as shall directly and absolutely bind . the greatest and most material displeasures that use to arise between the nobility and people , are caused by the diversity of humours , the one labouring to command , the other endeavouring not to obey ; so as all troubles and disorders in every common-weal , do thereof receive nutriment . the city which is maintained rather by factions than laws , so soon as one faction is become strong , and without opposition , the same of necessity must be divided in it self : for those particular causes which were at the first taken , are not of force enough to maintain it . it is the nature of men not to endure any discommodity , unless necessity do thereunto enforce them : which may apparently be perceived by their habitations ; for as the fear of war draweth them to places of strength ( for their defence ) so that peril being past , they do for the most part remove themselves to inhabit countries of more commodity and profit . it may seem strange , and no even measure ( yet approved by experience ) that where many offend , few are punished . also petty errors are severely corrected , but great and grievous crimes be rewarded . in like manner , where many receive wrong , few seek revenge . for injurics universal , are with more patience than particular offences endured . all , or the greatest part of men that have aspired to riches or power , have attained thereunto either by force or fraud : and without they have by craft or cruelty gained , to cover the foulness of their fact , they call purchase as a name more honest . howsoever he , that for want of will or wit useth not those means , must rest in servitude and poverty . the reason thereof is , that as nature hath laid before men the chief of all fortunes , so she disposes them rather to rapine than honest industry , and more subject to bad than good endeavours : hereof it cometh , that one man eateth another , and he that is weakest must always go to the worst . where necessity forceth , boldness is reputed wisdom , and in great enterprises peril is not to be made accompt of . for those attempts that begin with danger , always end with honour , or reward ; also from one peril there is no way to escape , but by entring into another . a wise man ought not to desire to inhabit that country where men have more authority than laws : for indeed that country deserves to be desired where every one may securely enjoy his own ; not that , where with facility it may be taken away ; and that friends for fear to lose their own , are inforced to forsake them . some magistrates either by over great zeal or ignorance take a course of rigour , which being for the present favoured , they are ever the more imployed , as men meet to extirpate inconveniences . but thereby the subjects are often drawn into desperation , and consequently have recourse unto arms , as their uttermost refuge . in this case a wise prince for appeasing the people is sorc'd to disallow his ministers , and sometimes also to inflict publick punishment . a prince naturally suspicious , and having about him persons inclined to envy , is easily induced to mistrust those men that have served him with most sufficiency : which danger they cannot eschew , because they who are worthiest commendation are oftentimes envied by such persons as have access unto the prince . who so cannot endure both envy and hate , must refrain to enterprise great matters : for great honours being desired of many , it behoveth him that aspireth unto them , to be for his dignity envied , and for his authority hated ; which authority , albeit the same be well used , yet they who hate or envy ( persuading themselves it might be better handled ) endeavour to oppress that power , as fearing it will be worse . among other things which worketh the inconveniences of common weals , ambition and desperation are chief ; of both , desperation is worst : for ambition may attend occasion , desperation will not , as that cannot endure delays . historians desiring to write the actions of men , onght to set down the simple truth , and not say any thing for love or hatred : also to chuse such an opportunity for writing as it may be lawful to think what they will , and write what they think , which is a rare happiness of the time. in commending or disallowing the actions of men , it is a course very requisite to consider the beginning , the proceeding , and end : so shall we see the reasons and causes of things , and not their bare events only ; which for the most part are governed by fortune . it is a matter of much necessity , that every man , and chiefly a prince should in his first actions , give some testimony of vertue ; for falling at first into obloquie , do he well or ill , all isill-taken . the custom of the common people is to judge rather by their eyes than by their ears : which is the cause they allow more of external shew than inward vertue : and true it is , where excellency of mind , and beauty of body concur , the commendation due to such a person is far the greater . gratior est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus . a prince or great personage that constantly endureth adversity , deserveth great praise : yet greater commendation is due to him that beareth himself modestly in his happiness . for miseries are ost born with patience , but felicity corrupteth . to be descended of princes , or great personages , is a matter of meer fortune , and so to be esteemed : but adoption proceedeth from the judgment of men , therefore seemeth incorrupt , and seldom abused . it hath been long observed , and is a rule which rarely faileth , that he shall be ever suspected of the prince in possession , whom men account worthy to be a prince in reversion . it hath been a use very ancient to give credit to astrologers , and other such persons , who by their star-learning or blind divination , take upon them to tell of things to come . the reason thereof is , that the most part of men believe that soonest which they least understand ; and if they see the event of a prediction , though it happeneth by meer chance to fall out according to that was premised , thereupon they settle so firm an impression , as albeit many other fail , yet the good conceipt of their cunning cannot be removed . liberality is a vertue which gaineth love , but much are they deceived whom riot in lieu thereof abuseth . to cast away and consume is soon learned , but to give in good order few have the skill . in time of sudden mutiny , conspiracy , and offence of people , the wisest resolution is not to oppose force to prevent fury , but rather give space for the bad to amend , and the good to consent : for treasons prevail on the sudden , but good council gathers forces by leisure . mature deliberation ought ever to be used ; but when arms are to determine , speedy execution is the best : because no delay in that euterprise is sit which cannot be commended before it be ended . who so is pleased to observe the proceedings of men in authority , shall observe that some of them hold a plain course without respect ; others projecting for time to come , do forecast how to hold their present good fortune or at least to escape danger : for they mistrusting present prosperity and fearing a change , prepare beforehand some private friends to oppose against publick hatred : whereof may be inferred , that no care is taken of innocency , but every one studieth how to pass without punishment . in captains and all military commanders , three things are required , vertue , discipline , and authority ; but in private soldiers obedience and courage only sufficeth ; for by due obeying , and no curious scanning the leaders directions are maintained ; and the army in danger is alwaies most valiant , which before the danger is most quiet . let the soldier therefore be well armed and valiantly minded . to advise and direct must be the captains care . it is a matter of no great moment , yet always worthy the noting , that any exterior behaviour , or garment presenting pride or greatness , chiefly in persons lately advanced , though no man be thereby interessed or injured , doth move in others a certain offence : for the nature of man is such , as beholdeth the new prosperity of others with an envious eye , and wisheth a moderation of fortune no where so much as in those we have known in equal degree with our selves . in all enterprises of war ( if present necessity doth not otherwise require ) leisure and deliberation ought to be used ; for often it sufficeth in lieu of wisdom , to take the advantage of other mens solly . all men that are to consider of great actions , ought to be informed whether that which is undertaken be profitable for the commonweal , honourable to themselves , and easie to be effected ; or at least not greatly difficult . also he that persuadeth , is to be examined whether besides bare words and counsel , he will 〈◊〉 his own peril ; and if fortune favour the attempt , to whom the principal glory shall redound . the perils which accompany private enterprises , are far unlike to those which he doth enter that aspireth to principality . for in private attempts a man may pause or proceed as he will : but to him that aspires to empire there remains no middle course , but either by victory to triumph as a prince ; or being vanquished to endure death as a traytor . let no man in his prosperity , give much credit to common applause or service , assured by any of whom in meaner fortune he hath had no experience ; for the base people are learned in no lesson , only without difference of truth or falshood to slatter men in authority , and with shouts and words of great rejoycing make shew of great affection . as overmuch haste is dangerous , so too great delay oftentimes proveth disadvantagious ; for albeit consultation ought to forego action , yet to dispute long and in the end reject the advice of either side , or take a middle course ( which in cases of doubt and danger is worst ) was ever accompted great diseretion . there is no course more comely , nor any resolution so well beseeming a wise man , having made prcos of his own vertue ( and finding in age no fortune due to such effect ) as to retire himself from the court and company ; for so shall he shun the inconveniences of contempt and the discommodity of travel ( jucunda senectuti otia ) yet true it is , that whoso hath lived a prince or governed as a publick person , cannot expect security in a private estate . whensoever danger draweth near , and terror is at hand , all men look about , but none willingly adventure : for in such cases every man will give council , but few will take part of the peril . in common-wealths where sects or partialities be , the leader of any side is able to kindle civil war ; yet is he unable to moderate the victory : for to stir up dissentions and troubles , the worst man most commonly bears the stroke ; but peace and quietness are not established but by men of rare gifts and excellent vertue . it may seem strange and contrary both to courtesie and christian profession , that men are far more mindful of injuries done unto them , than of benefits received by them . the reason thereof is , that thankfulness is accompted a burden , but revenge is sweet , and reckoned a great gain . of reconciled foes , and such as know that our harms were caused by their means , we oft-times expect favour , as persuaded that new friendship will repair the loss of old displeasure : but the matter doth seldom so fall out ; for the quality of man's nature is ever to hate those whom he hath hurt , and love them whom he hath made beholding . quos laeserunt oderunt . tac. to common persons and such as are ignorant in matters of state , every taxation and imposition seemeth heavy or superfluous ; yet the wiser sort know , that the end of all publick endeavour is to confirm people in peace , and peace cannot be maintained without arms , nor arms without pay , nor pay without impositions . as fortunate folk are envied , so are the poor contemned ; which rule reacheth also to princes : the one lives in plenty with war , the other in poverty with peace . for 〈◊〉 is it seen , that those people are assaulted where nothing is to be gained , and whose base beings afford no other spoils than blood and beggery . wisemen have observed that in matter of state , and the managing thereof , three things are especially to be looked unto : the. first is , occasion ; the second , the intentions of other men ; the third , our own affection . for there is nothing that slippeth away so soon as occasion , nothing so difficult as to judge what an other man intendeth ; nor any thing more 〈◊〉 than our own immoderate 〈◊〉 it hath been ever a course observed by wise princes , but much more by arislocracies and popular states , against force and fury of the multitude , to desend themselves with silver and gold. how much more it importeth all princes to lead a vertuous life , and give daily example of piety and justice , appears apparently in the proceedings of the roman bishops ; who by the well-doing of some few of them at the first , became greatly honoured ; but afterwards they became contemptible : for the reverence which men did bear to the sanctity of their lives failing , it was impossible of so contrary manners and examples to look for like effects . the success of the war chiefly dependeth on the reputation of the prince , which declining , the vertue also of the soldiers faileth : likewise the sidelity of the people decayeth , and their mony to maintain the war , ceaseth ; contrarywise , the courage of the enemy is increased , they that stood doubtful become resolved , and every difficulty augmenteth . the authority which princes give , is chiefly in respect of wisdom and valour : yet true it is , that for the most part they account them the wisest men that can best accommodate themselves to their humour . the greatest distress and difficulty which can come to any army , doth proceed of these causes : want of mony , scarcity of victuals , hatred of people , discord of captains , disobedience of soldiers , and their flying to the enemy , either of necessity or free-will . a prince or great magistrate having long maintained the reputation of wisdom and vertue , must take heed that no rash or dangerous resolution do taint the honourable fame of his former life : for to be transported with anger against his own profit , is lightness ; and to esteem small dangers more than great , is want of judgment . a prince or person of great estate , must be wary not to inure the conceit of double dealing : for little sincerity and trust is looked in his actions , of whom there is an opinion of crast and falshood conceived . experience hath always proved , that whatsoever the most part of men desire , rarely cometh to pass : the reason hereof is , that the effects of human actions commonly depend on the will of a few ; and their intentions ever differing from the greater number , the end and success cannot be other than as pleaseth the few that are to direct them . there is nothing more dangerous than to enterprise a war , or other actions of importance upon popular persuasion ; for such expectations are vain , and such designs fallible : also the fury of the multitude is great , when danger is little or far off ; but perils growing great and near , their courage quaileth , as they whose passions have no rule or measure . it is strange to see how apt men are to doubt displeasure threatned by enemies , chiefly when they draw near ; for the people do naturally over-much fear dangers at hand , and esteem less than is fit of things present : also to make small account of those that are far from them , because divers remedies may be hoped as well by time , as other accidents . the offensive words or answers of indignation , proceeding from great princes , ought never to admit displeasure into the minds of them against whom they are spoken : for having by speech uttered a great part of choler , the edge of their deeds becomes the calmer , and more easily appeased : such is the condition of noble and generous spirits . to judge right of other mens merit , seems of great difficulty ; for time and tryal is thereto required : also it is not easie to answer the expectation of men , but ost-times inconsiderate , and not measured in due proportion . it is a part of great discretion to divide the seasons of affairs and vacations : for as it sitteth well a prince or person of dignity in times of audience and judgment , to be grave , heedsul , and austere : so those offices performed , all shew of authority and sad looks ought to be set apart ; for by that means , neither courteous behaviour shall detract from the reverence due to his place , nor severity diminish the love which to his behaviour appertaineth . magistrates must look into all things , but not exact all things to rigor . light faults may be pardoned , but great offences severely 〈◊〉 yet not always proceeding to punishing , but ost contented with repentance . to be bitter in rebuking is also fit for a magistrate , shewing himself sowre to the bad , and sweet to the good ; framing both countenance and condition according to the merit of men , and be persuaded that it is more honest to offend , than to hate . soldiers must be encouraged in all fortunes to stand resolved , and not to be daunted with any passed misadvantage ; ever attending a time and opportunity of revenge ; which commonly cometh to pass where mens minds are united : for common danger must be repelled with union and concord . among other reasons wherewith soldiers are encouraged , necessity and distress doth oft inforce them : for as men of vertue perform the actions of arms for honour , so the coward must do them for his security . all enterprises attempted by arms , are honourable ; but those that are done in countries remote , are more praiseable : for the less they be in knowledge , the greater is the glory to atchieve them . to be truly and faithfully loved , is a thing greatly to be desired ; for terror and fear are weak works of affection : for they being taken away , he that ceaseth to fear , will soon begin to hate ; and as they that by force are kept under , obey with ill will ; so they that govern without line justly , rule against right . some men either deserving to be accounted of excellent wisdom , or singular in that skill whereof they make profession , do ordinarily love the proceedings of others ; taking that advantage of their ill success : yet sure it is , that disaster and unhappy event of some actions , proceed not of disorder , for human imperfection , but from a certain fatal fury , which neither counsel nor constancy of men can withstand . it is a matter of much difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince to maintain the law , civil or military , without severity : for where men hope to be easily pardoned , there are they apt to offend . contrarily , where mens actions are precisely sitted , there do they live in over-great aw , and hatred doth always accompany such severity . the best course therefore is to punish offences severely , and reward vertuous merits liberally ; so shall fear be converted to reverend respect , and none have cause to complain : for as it lies in each man's power to shun offending , so is it in their power also to deserve well , and merit reward . whosoever , aster mature deliberation , hath resolved what course to hold in the action he hath in hand , must not after repent , or fear any difficulty : for such thoughts would break the vigour of the mind , and impeach the proceedings of that which was resolved . and albeit some differences do happily arise , yet must he believe that every other course would have been accompanied with the same or greater impediments . young men for the warmness of their blood , and for not having before-time been deceived by fortune , more willingly enterprise actions rather honourable than severe . but old men as well for that their heat is cooled , as also for having attempted many things in vain , make choice of enterprises severe , rather than those that are followed with fame and glory . the greatness of one prince is nothing else but the ruin and distress of another : likewise his strength is the weakness and oppression of others . some conquests are of such quality , as albeit a victorious captain merit triumphal honour ; yet a modest resusal becomes his greater glory . the dignity of magistrates is not assured without arms ; for when obedience faileth , no other means is left to continue a people united . as willing obedience in subjects is the prince's strength , so is the same their own security : for as by the princes authority the people are governed , so by their consent he is maintained . three things men covet with immoderate desire , lands , riches , and honours ; but as seldom they compass their full content , so are they for the most part to endure a destiny far other than they wished . strange it is , yet by experience proved true , that in time of danger , fortune ( or rather destiny ) so much amazeth the judgment of wise men , as seldom they conceive what resolution is best to be taken . no great free-city can long continue quiet , unless the same be used to foreign assaults : for wanting foes without , some inward enmity will arise , not unlike to strange bodies of men , which being secure from external injury , are nevertheless by their own poise oppressed . as every pilot of ordinary skill knoweth in calm and quiet seas to direct the course of his ship ; so every governor of capacity doth understand how the affairs of state are in peaceable times to be handled : but when tempests are , and subjects bent to sedition ; the one requires an excellent sailer , the other the aid of some excellent wisdom . it oft happens , that publick duty is opposite to private friendship ; so as we are either forced to omit the offices due to our country , or draw our dearest friends into danger : in which case we are to prefer publick respect , before particular obligation . the nature of base people is such , as either they obey slavishly , or command insolently : for liberty being the mark whereat they aim , is by them of that quality , neither moderately desired nor discreetly continued ; and always there are some seditious leaders to be found , who of disorder are inclined to kindle the ire and offence of ignorant people . dux rebus motis , facile invenitur . salust . experience hath oft proved , that men in best fortune , and such as esteem themselves most secure , even then fall soonest into disadventure , because those dangers unfeared be as it were contemned , and not regarded . to enter needless dangers , was ever accounted madness ; yet in times of extream peril and apparent distress , bold and hazardous attempts are greatest security . the divers adventures which happen to men , may well inform , that much better it is , chiefly in arms , to be governed by reason than by fortune . a certain peace is ever accounted better security than victory hoped or expected melior tutiorque certa pax quam sperata victoria . liv. if to our prosperity god were pleased to add the grace of 〈◊〉 we should thereby judge not only of what is past , but also of all that can succeed hereafter . rarely or never can we consider truly of worldly proceedings , unless first we have felt the deceits of fortune . discord or dissention in any state or city , offers opportunity to such men as are ambitious to work their will : for the humor of sects and partialities is such , as the weaker faction doth ever chuse 〈◊〉 to call for aid of strangers , than yield to the dominion of an adverse party . ancient customs may not violently and suddenly be taken away . fortune which altereth all things , will by little and little wear them out of use . to be oft in fight , and converse much with men , breedeth a kinde of satiery : therefore it behoveth persons of great estate and authority to be retired , lest over-much familiarity should detract from the reverence due to honorable estate . the natures of men not content to live according to their fortune and birth , are of all others most prone to envy ; because they hate the vertue and welfare of all such as are in estimation above them . great heed is to be taken , that no citizen or subject , be suffered to aspire to such greatness , as cannot be forced to obey the laws ; and no order there is of more necessity , than that every man of what quality soever , may be without respect accused and judged . for conservation of particular greatness and dignity , there is nothing more noble and glorious , than to have felt the force of every fortune . it is the quality of wise men only , to know how to use prosperity , and never to trust too much to the favors of present happiness . a man well advised in his prosperity , beareth not himself towards others either proud or violent ; nor must he believe in his own present felicity , for the day knows not what the night bringeth : he only is to be reputed a man , whose mind cannot be puft up by prosperity , nor dejected by any adverse fortune . men of cholerick humor are easily moved with insolent speeches , but wise men laugh them to scorn . the way whereby a prince eschues the hate of subjects , is , not to take from them their lands or goods ; yet albeit the blood of some few be tainted , unless the same be accompanied with confiscation ( which a prince is rarely forced to use ) it seldom causeth him to become odious . a rule most cerain it is that he who commands any thing unpleasing , must by severe means cause it to be observed ; and who desireth to be obeyed , must know how to command : and he only knows how to command , that doth compare his own force with those that are to obey ; wherein finding a proportion , then he may boldly proceed , otherwise forbear . in actions of difficulty great courage is to be used , and who so compasseth any thing by violence , cannot maintain it by mildness , nor command by affability : he therefore that is of nature soft , should do best to refrain all extraordinary commands . and in matters ordinary imploy the vertue of his mild spirit ; because ordinary punishments are not imputed to the prince or his magistrates , but to the laws and ordinances of state. when necessity presseth , desperation is deemed wisdom , and generous minds do not account of danger , because those attempts which begin with peril , do for the most part end with glory . he that endeavours to be good among many that are evil , or will uphold that which those labour to pull down of force , worketh his own undoing . all common-wealths alter from order to disorder , from disorder to order again ; for nature having made all worldly things variable , so soon as they have attained their utmost perfection and height , they must descend ; so from good they fall back to evil ; and from evil they return to good . war begets quiet , quiet idleness , idleness disorder , disorder ruin ; likewise ruin order , order vertue , vertue glory and good fortune . wise men have observed that arms were before learning , and captains before philosophers ; for good and well regulated armies having gained victory , established rest and security , whereof the study of letters and liberal sciences ensued . that country deserveth to be loved of all men , which loves all men indifferently , and not that country which respecting the best part , advanceth a few : no man therefore is to be blamed , if for such cause he desire rather to abandon than embrace his country . common wealths are bodies mixt , yet have they of bodies simple some resemblance : and as in these , many infirmities grow , which without violent medicines cannot be cured ; so in the other many mischiefs arise , which a good and godly patient should offend to leave uncured , though therein he use both force and fire . those wars be most just which are most necessary ; and those arms are most merciful where no hope of help remains but in them only . in actions which promise either publick glory , or private honour , men may be reasonably persuaded to adventure life and living , because great hope there is to die with reputation , or live to recover that peace which war hath consumed : but where men are no less oppressed by insolency of commanders , than by insolency of foes , there is the calamity doubled , and of two evils the danger of war seemeth least ; for that hath end , the other is infinite . who so persuades himself to be no less esteemed in evil than good fortune , is deceived : for promises made , during distress , are rarely persormed , unless the same necessity continue . the intent of every prince , or other state that makes war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory for other occasions sought , nor the possessions of the enemy to other end desir'd , than to make themselves mighty , and their enemy weak . it sollows then , that so oft as the victory impoverishes them , or the gains weaken them , either they pass or come short of that mark whereat the war was aimed . ancient and well-governed common-wealths were wont by their conquests to fill the treasuries with gold and silver , to give reward to soldiers , to spare the people from tributes , to make triumphs and publick feasts : but in later times the wars have used , first , to consume the treasure , and after impoverish the people without assuring them from their enemies . a prince or state that leaves promises unperformed , by reason of unexpected impediments , and for no ill intent , ought not to be blamed : neither are such accidents any just cause or colour why friends should abandon their confederates . where magistrates govern justly , subjects obey dutifully ; where private persons grow rich , and princes enlarge their empire ; there is the common-wealth blessed , and the people fortunate . chap. xxvi . maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations and historical parallels . all cities and towns of state are builded either by people dwelling in or about the place where they are builded , or else they are made by strangers : of the first are athens and venice , of the other alexandria and florence . the fortune of every city builded , and vertue of the builder , appeareth by choice of the place , and quality of laws : for as fertile places occasion men to be slothful , unless by good laws they be forced to labour , so barrenness compels them to industry ; which reason induceth wise men to plant habitations in either : examples of the first are ferrara and rome , of the second ragusa and genoa . all laws whereby commonwealths are governed were either made by some one excellent man , and at an instant ; or else they were ordained at sundry times , according to such accidents as befel . example , the laws of sparta made at the beginnig by lycurgus , the laws of rome at sundry times . the government of every city in time becomes corrupt ; principality changeth into tyranny : the optimacy is made the government of the people ; and the popular estate turns to licentious disorder ; which instability or alteration moved some law-makers to take order that in the government of their city there should be a mixture of all three , and was the cause that the policy of sparta continued years , when the popular state of athens endured not one hundred . example , the laws of sparta made by lycurgus , and the laws of athens by solon . whoso taketh in hand to frame any state or government , ought to presuppose that all men are evil , and at occasions will shew themselves so to be . example , the envy of the people of rome to the nobles , and their insolency towards them appeared not so long as the kings governed ; but the tarquins being banished , opportunity was thereby offered , that the malice of the one and the other became discovered . the divers honours of the nobility and people , the one desiring to command , the other not to obey , are the cause of continual troubles , unless some third mean there be of more authority than either , to bridle the force of both . example , the kings in rome expulsed , forthwith arose much mutiny , and could not be suppress'd till the tribum plebis were created ; whose authority wrought the same effect which the kings had done . some states endeavour to enlarge their dominions , and some others labor only to maintain that estate they antiently possessed . example of the first was the city of rome , of the second sparta . all states desiring to live at liberty , think fit that every man should be permitted to accuse any citizen that offendeth , which manner of proceeding works two excellent effects : first , that the people should not dare for fear of accusing to attempt ought against the state ; or if they do , they shall be presently and without respect punished . secondly , by liberty of accusing , every man hath means to utter the offence wherewith he can charge others , which he could not ; unless it were lawful to take such an ordinary course , and consequently be driven to ways extraordinary , particular revenge , or calling in foreign forces . example , coriolanus and appius , claudius at rome , lucanncve at chinsi , francisco valeri in florence . as accusations are in every state necessary , so slanders are dangerous , and worthy of punishment ; the difference betwixt accusations and slanders , is , that the one is publickly performed before magistrates , with good proofs and witnesles to maintain the truth of the accusation ; but slanders are as well publickly performed as dispersed in secret , and places of repair , without witness and justification , so as every man may be slandered , but few are orderly accused . example , appius claudius accused by l. virginius ; furius camillus , slandered by manlius capitolinus . the only means to suppress slander is , to give authority to some persons of repute , to compel every slanderer to become an accuser ; and if the accusation prove true , then to reward the accuser , or at least not to punish him . example , manlius the slanderer of camillus for his untrue information punished . a rule most certain and assured it is , that every kingdom and state at the first well framed , or after well informed , doth take the perfection thereof from the wisdom of some excellent man , who ought not to be blind though in a matter of great moment he happily useth some extraordinary violence or proceedings ; for he that employeth force to mend and not to mar , deserves commendation . example , romulus , lycurgus , cleomenes . there lives no man so simple or wise , so wicked or well-disposed , but prefers those persons that are praiseable before those that are blameable : not withstanding for that well-near all men are beguil'd in discerning what indeed is good , deeming that honourable which in truth is otherwise ; they suffer themselves either willingly or ignorantly to be carried into a course which merits rather infamy than commendation . example , every man wisheth himself timoleon , or agesilaus , rather than dionysius or phalaris ; rather a titus or trajan , than caligula or vitellius . who reads histories treating of great actions shall perceive that good princes indeed are more secure and better defended by the love of the people , and fidelity of counsellors , than were they that entertained many legions and men of war. example , of all those emperours which reigned after caesar until maximiinus , the greatest number were for their vices taken and slain , only galba and pertinax excepted , who were good emperours . a prince of great knowledge both in arms and wisdom , so firmly setleth the foundation of government , as albeit his successor be of the less vertue , yet may he be maintained even by the memory of his predecessor : but if it happen that the third prince prove not more like the first than the second , then all that is past goeth to ruine . example , the martial valour of romulus was the cause that numa might govern safely in peace : which tullus could not have done , had he been unlike to romulus ; nor should bajazet emperour of turky have enjoyed the state of his father mahomet , and left the same to his posterity , if selim his son had not been more like to his grand - father than to bajazet his father . the succession of two excellent princes , chiefly if they be of long life , works wondrous effects : the like is seen in optimacies and popular states , where the governours successively elected be men of great vertue and understanding . example , the first appeared in philip of macedon , and alexander his son , the second in the consuls of rome . in every state , where soldiers are not , the fault thereof proceeds from the governours . wise princes were therefore wont even in times of peace to cause warlike exercises to be used ; for without them the most warlike nations become not only ignorant in martial knowledge , but also effeminate . example , pelopidas & epaminondas in thebes , and king tullus in rome as well in peaceable as troublesome times used the exercise of arms. no prince or state well advised , hazards his whole estate upon the valour of some few persons , nor ought to strength of strait places , where the enemy is to pass . example , tully king of rome , and metius king of alba , condescended that three of their nobility for either side , chosen should enter combate , and that nation which was victorious should command the other . francis the french king going to recover lombardy , was by the switzers attended into two or three places in the mountains , hoping there to repulse him , but the king taking another way , passed securely and prevailed . every state well governed doth reward men of good merit , and punish all offenders ; and if any person of good desert shall wilfully be a delinquent , the same man ought not withstanding his former service , be punisht . example , the same horatto that in combat gained the victory against the albani , having insolently slain his own sister , was notwithstanding his egregious act and the fresh memory thereof , called into trial of his life , and with great difficulty obtained pardon : and manlius who had with great glory saved the capitol , for moving sedition in rome , was after from the same cast down headlong . every wise man having performed any great service to his prince or country , ought to be content with such recompence as it shall please the prince or country to bestow : measuring the same according to the power of the giver , and not the merit of him that receiveth . example , horatius cocles for having lost his hand in defence of the bridge of rome , and mutius scaevola suffering his hand to be burnt for his attempt to kill king porsenna , were rewarded with a small portion of land ; and manlius that defended the capitol from the galleys , had no greater reward than a little measure of meal . ingratitude is a vice so natural and common , as not only private persons , but princes and states also either through covetousness or suspition are there with infected . example , vespasian proclaimed emperor , was chiefly aided by antonius primus , and by his help prevailed against vitellius , in reward of which service vespasian removed him from the command of his army , and gave that honour to mutianus . consalvo ferranoe having taken the kingdom of naples from the french , was first removed from his command of the castles and soldiers , and in the end brought into spain , where in disgrace he ended his life . collatinus tarquinius who with the aid of brutus suppressed the tarquins of rome , and with him pub. valerius were banish'd for no other cause but for being of the name of tarquin , the other because he 〈◊〉 a house upon mount caelio . all errors that great captains commit , are either wilful or ignorant , towards the one and the other of which offenders to use greater lenity than the quality of their offences deserves , seemeth necessary : for men of honour suffer nought by the infamy which evil service doth bring . it is also to be considered that a great captain being cumbred with many cares , cannot proceed in his actions couragiously , if he stand in daily doubt to be punish'd for every error that hapneth . example , sergius and virginius were before veio , the one part of the army on the one side of the city , the other not far from the place . sergius being assaulted by the falisci was not aided by virginius , neither would he require his help , such was the envy the one bare to the other ; and consequently their offence is wilful and worthy of capital punishment . likewise when varro by his ignorance , received an overthrow by hannibal at cannae , he was nevertheless pardoned and honourably welcomed home by the whole senate . whensoever an inconvenience ariseth within or without the state , it seems a resolution more sure to dissemble the knowing thereof , than to seek by sudden violence to suppress it . example , cosmo de medioes having gained extraordinary reputation in florence , the citizens imagined , that to suffer the same to increase was dangerous , and therefore they banished him : which extream proceeding , so offended the friends of cosme , being the stronger , as they sorced the citizens to revoke him , and make him prince of that city . the like hapned in rome , where caesar for his vertue , much admired and followed , became afterwards to be feared ; and they that feared , not considering their force to be inferior to the power of caesar , endeavouring to oppress him , were the occasion of his greater glory . in every republick , an excessive authority given to one or two persons for long time , proveth dangerous , chiefly when the same is not restrained . example , the dictatorship given to caesar for life , was an occasion to oppress the liberties of the romans . the same effect was before that time like to follow the decemvirate , by suffering appius claudius to prolong the time of his dignity . the ambition of men is such , as rarely they will obey when formerly they have commanded ; neither do they willingly accept of mean office , having before sate in higher place : yet the citizens of well-governed states , did not refuse as well to obey as command . example , the victory the romans obtained against the veienti , q. fabius was slain , having the year before been consul : nevertheless he then served in meaner place under c. manilius , and m. fabius his own brother then consul . there is nothing more strange , yet by experience proved true , that men in adverse fortune be much grieved , and in prosperity also discontented ; which is the reason , that not being forced to fight for necessity , they will nevertheless contend for ambition ; and that humour doth as well possess those that live aloft , as others whom fortune holdeth down . example , the people of rome having by the authority of the tribunes obtained to make themselves secure from oppression of the nobility , forthwith required , that the honour and office of state might be also imparted unto them . the like ambition moved them to have their part of lands by force of lex agaria , which was at last the overthrow of the roman liberty . it seemeth that people displeased with some innovations hapned in the state , do sometime without just reasons complain of those that govern : not unlike to a sick man , who deemeth that the physician , not the fever , is the cause of his grief . example , the people of rome were persuaded that the ambition of consuls was the cause of continual war , therefore required that no more consuls should be ; yet they were content that certain tribunes should command with like authority ; so was nothing altered in the government , but the governors title , which alone did courent them . nothing can corrupt and alter the nature of man so much , or so soon as the immoderate desire of honour ; in so much as men of honest minds and vertuous inclinations are sometimes by ambition , drawn to abuse that goodness whereunto they are inclined . example , appius claudius having lived long an enemy to the multitude , hoping by their aid to continue his authority of the decemviri in rome , became their friend , and disfavoured the factions of great men. likewise q. fabius a man of singular vertue , being also called to that dignity by appius's self , adulterated his nature and became like unto him . seldom or never is any people discontented without just cause ; yet if happily they be asked whereof their offence proceedeth , many times for want of some fit man to pronounce their grief , they stand silent . example , the romans at the death of virginia , were gathered together armed upon mount sacro , and being asked by the senate , for what cause they so did ? no answer was made ; until virginio father of the virgin had procured , that twenty of the tribunes might be made to be as head of the people , and confer with the senate . a great folly or rather meer madness it seemeth to desire any thing , and tell before-hand that the end purpose of the desire is evil ; for thereby he sheweth reason why it ought not to be granted . example , the romans required of the senate that appius and the rest of the decemviri should be delivered into their hands , being determined to burn them all alive . the first part of their request seemed reasonable , but the end thereof unreasonable . a course very dangerons it is in all states , by continual accusing and punishing , to hold the subject in doubt and daily fear : for he that stands always looking for some trouble , becometh careless and apt to attempt innovation . example , the decemviri being opprest , the tribunes authorized in their place , endeavoured daily to call in question the most part of the decemviri , and many other citizens also , whereof great inconveniences arose , and much danger would have ensued , had not a decree propounded by m. duillius been made , that for one year no roman citizen should be accused . strange it is to see how men in seeking their own security , lay the injuries which they fear , upon other men ; as though it were necessary , either to offend or to be offended . example , the romans among themselves , united and strong , always endeavoured to offend the nobles ; and the nobles likewise being persuaded they were strong , laboured to oppress the people : which humours were the cause of continual troubles . to make estimation and choice of men fit to govern , the best course is to consider in particular ; otherwise it might be imagined , that among the multitude or meaner people , they being the greatest numbers , might be found some persons of more perfection . example , the people of rome desiring that the consulship might be given among them as men of most merit , did by all means endeavour to obtain that honour ; but being come to election , and every mans vertue particularly considered , there could not be among the multitude only one found fit for so great a place ; and therefore the people themselves consented , that the dignity should still remain as it was . to persuade a multitude to any enterprise , is easie , if that which is persuaded , doth promise either profit or honour ; yet oft under that external apparence lies hid loss or disadvantage . example , the romans persuading themselves that the slow proceeding of fabius maximus in the war , was both chargeable and cowardly , required , that the general of the horse might direct the war ; which course had ruined rome , if the wisdom of fabius had not been . likewise , when hannibal had divers years reigned in italy , one m. centenius penuta , a man of base birth , yet a soldier of some repute , undertook that if he with such voluntiers as would follow him , might have authority to fight , he would within few days deliver hannibal either alive or dead : which offer was by the senate accounted rash , yet for fear to offend the people , granted ; and penula with his soldiers was cut in pieces . to appease a mutiny or tumult in any camp or city , there is no means more speedy or successful , than if some person of great quality and respect , present himself to the people , and by his wisdom lay before them the damage of their discords , persuading them to peace and patience . example , the faction of the frateschi and arratiati in florence ; the one ready to assault the other . franciso soderini , bishop of voterra , in his episcopal habit , went between the parties and appeased them : also count egremont , by the authority of his wisdom and presence , supprest a great mutiny in autwerp , between the martinists and papists . a people corrupted , do rarely or never observe any order or ordinance , unless by force of some prince's power they be thereto inforced ; but where the multitude is incorrupt and religious , all things are done justly , and without compulsion . example , camillus at the victory against the vrienti , vowed that the tenth part of the pillage should be offered to apollo ; but the senate supposing that the people would not consent to so great a contribution , studied to dispense with that vow , and to please apollo and the people also by some other means : whereat the people shewed themselves openly offended , and willingly gave no less than the sum formerly decreed . when the free-cities of germany are occasioned to make mony for any publick service , the magistrates impose one or two in the hundred on every city , which done , every one is sworn to lay down so much as in his own conscience he is able ; and he with his own hand , no other witness being present , casteth the mony into a coffer prepared for the purpose ; which he would not , if his own conscience did not inforce him . when any extraordinary occasion happens to a city or province , some prodigious voice is heard , or some marvelous sights are seen . before t. gracchus general of the roman army was betraid by flavius lucanus , the aruspices discovered two serpents eating the entrails of the beasts sacrificed ; which done , they vanish'd : which vision , as they divined , prognosticated the general 's death : likewise f. savanarola foretold the coming of king charles viii . into italy : and m. sedigitus , when the gauls first came towards rome , informed the senate he heard a voice much louder than any man's , crying aloud , galli veniunt . the multitude of base people is naturally audacious and apt to innovation ; yet unless they be directed by some persons of reputation and wisdom , rarely do they joyn in any action of great import . example , the romans , when their city was taken and sack'd by the gauls , went to veio with determination to dwell there : the senate informed thereof , commanded , that upon great pain every citizen should return to rome , whereat the people at first mocked ; but when every man particularly within himself considered his own peril , all in general determined to obey the magistrates . in the employment of men for service , neither age nor fortune ought so much to be regarded as vertue ; for young men having made trial of their valour , soon become aged , and thereby either unapt or unable to serve : therefore well governed commonwealths , preferred military vertue before any other respect . example , valerius corvinus , with others , made consul the three and twentieth year of his age , and pompey triumphed in his youth . no wise or well-advised prince or other state will undertake without excessive forces to invade the dominions of any other prince , unless he assure himself of some friends there to be a mean , and as it were a gate to prepare his passage . example , the romans by aid of the saguntines . entred spain , the aetoli called them into greece , the hediai into france : likewise the palaeologi incited the turk to come into thrace ; and ludovicus 〈◊〉 occasioned charles the french king to come into italy . a republick desirous to extend the bounds thereof , must endeavour to be fully furnish'd with inhabitants , which may be done both by love and force : love is gained by suffering strangers to inhabit the city securely ; and force compels people to come thither , when other cities and towns near at hand be demolished or desaced : and impossible it is without this order of proceeding . to enlarge any city or make the same of greater power . example , the romans to enlarge their city demolished alba , and many other towns , and therewith also entertained all strangers courtcously : so as rome grew to such greatness , that the city only could arm six hundred and forty thousand men ; but sparta or athens could never exceed twenty thousand , for that lycurgus had inhibited the access of strangers . a commonwealth that consumes more treasure in the war , than it profits in victory , seems to have rather hindred than honoured or inriched the state. a wise captain therefore in his actions , ought as well to profit the republick , as to gain to himself glory . example , the consuls of rome did seldom desire triumph , unless they returned from the war loaden with gold , silver and other rich spoils fit to be delivered into the common treasury . all foreign war 's with princes or other states taken in hand , be either for ambition or desire of glory , or else for necessity . example , the romans for their ambition conquered many nations , with intent only to have the obedience of the people ; yet did they suffer them to hold possession of their houses , and sometimes they were permitted to live only with their old laws . likewise alexander the great endeavoured to suppress many princes for his glory , but did not dispossess the people , nor kill them . otherwise it is where a whole nation inforced by famine or fury of war , abandon their own dwellings , and are forced to inhabit elswhere . example , the goths and other people of the north invaded the roman empire , and many other provinces , whereof their alteration of names did ensue ; as illyria , now called slavonia , england formerly named britain . a common conceit and saying it is , that mony makes the war strong , and is the force and sinews thereof ; as though he who hath most treasure , be also most mighty ; but experience hath apparently shewed the contrary . example , after the death of alexander king of macedon , a multitude of gauls went into greece , and being there arrived , sent certain ambassadors to the king , who supposing to make them afraid of his power , shewed them his treasure , which wrought a contrary effect ; for the gauls , before desirous of peace , resolved then to continue the war , in hope to win that mighty mass of mony. likewise darius should have vanquished alexander , and the greeks might have conquered the romans , if the richer prince might ever by his mony have prevailed . every league made with a prince or republick remote , is weak and rather aideth us with fame than effect , and consequently deceiveth all those that in such amity repose confidence . example , the florentines being assaulted by the king of naples and the pope , prayed aid of the french king ; who being far distant , could not in time succour them : and the cedicini desiring aid of the capuani against the samnites , a people of no force , were deceived . a prince whose people is well arm'd and train'd , shall do better to attend his enemy at home , than by invasion to assault his country : but such princes whose subjects are disarmed , had need to hold the enemy aloof . example , the romans , and in this age the swisses , being well armed , may attend the war at home ; but the carthaginians and italians being not so well furnished , did ever use to seek the enemy . the plurality of commanders in equal authority , is for the most part occasion of slow proceeding in the war. example , there was at one time in rome created four tribuni militares with authority of consuls , viz. t. quintus after his consulship , cajus furius , m. posthumus , and a. cornelius cassius , amongst whom arose so much diversity and contrariety of opinion , as nothing could be done till their authority ceased , and m. aemylius made dictator . a victory obtained by any great captain with the authority of his prince's commission , 〈◊〉 and directions , ought ever to be imputed rather to the wisdom of the prince , than the valour of the captain : which made the emperors of rome to permit no captains ( how great soever his victories were ) to triumph , as before that time the consuls had done ; and even in those days a modest refusal of triumph was commended . example , m. fulvius having gained a great victory against the tuscans , was both by the consent of the senate and people of rome , admitted to triumph ; but the 〈◊〉 of that honour proved his great glory . all they that from private estate have aspired to principality , either by force or fraud be come thereunto , unless the same be given , or by inheritance descended : yet it is rarely seen , that force alone prevaileth , but fraud without force oft-times sufficeth . example , agathocles by such means became prince of 〈◊〉 john galeazzo by abusing his uncle barnabas , gained the dominion of lombardy ; and cyrus circumvented cyaxares his mothers brother , and by that craft aspired to greatness . sudden resolutions are always dangerous ; and no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful delays . example , when hieron prince of syracuse died , the war even then being in great heat between the romans and carthaginians , they of syracusa consulted , whether it were better to follow the fortune of rome or carthage . in which doubt they continued until apollonides , a chief captain of syracusa , laid before them , that so long delay would make them hated both of romans and carthaginians . likewise the florentines being by lewis the twelfth required to give his army passage towards naples , mused so long upon an answer , that he became their enemy , and they forced to recover his favour full dearly . to govern a state is nothing else but to take such order as the subjects may not , or ought not to offend ; which may be done , either by removing from them all means to disobey , or by affording them so great favours , as reasonably they ought not to change their fortune ; for the mean course proveth dangerous . example , the latins being by the valour of camillus overcome , yielded themselves to endure what punishment it pleased the romans to inflict . an ingenious and magnanimous answer being made unto wise magistrates , doth oft obtain both pardon and grace . example , when the privernates had rebelled , and were by force constrained to return to the obedience of the romans , they sent certain of the city unto rome , to desire pardon ; who being brought before the senate , one of the senators asked the privernates , what punishment themselves did think they had deserved : the same , quoth they , which men living in freedom , think they are worthy of . whereto the consul thus replied , quid si poenam remittimus ? qualem nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus ? the privernates answered , si bonam dederitis , & fidelem & perpetuam : si malam , haud diuturnam . which answer was thought to proceed from generous men , and therefore they were not only pardoned , but also honoured and received into the number of the roman citizens . all castles , forcresses , and places of strength , be made for defence , either against the enemy or subject : in the first case they are not necessary , in the second dangerous . for thereby the prince may at his pleasure take occasion to insult upon the subject , when much more seemly he might settle his estate upon the love and good affection of men. example , the castle of millan made by duke francisco sforza , incited his heirs to become insolent ; and consequently they became odious ; which was also the cause that so soon as that city was assaulted , the enemy with facility did possess it . that prince or potentate which builds his severity rather upon the trust he hath in fortresses , than the love of men , shall be deceived : for no place is so strong , as can long defend it self , unless by the love and aid of men it be in time of necessity succoured . example , pope julio having drawn the bentivoli out of bologm , built there a strong castle ; the governor thereof robbed the people , and they there with grieved , in a short time took the castle from him . so after the revolt of genoa , lewis the twelsth came to the recovery thereof , and builded there the strongest fortification of italy , as well for sight as the circumstances inexpugnable . nevertheless the citizens rebelled , and within sixteen months the french were sorced to yield the castle and government to octavio fragosa . to build forts upon places of strength , either for defence of our own , or to hold that which is taken from others , hath ever proved to small purpose . example , the romans having supprest the rebellion of the latins and privernates , albeit they were people warlike , and lovers of liberty ; yet to keep them subject , built there no castle , nor other places fortified : and the lacedemonians did not only forbear to fortifie the towns they conquered , but also left their chief city of sparta unwalled . the necessity or use of fortification is only upon frontiers , or such principal places where princes make their habitation ; to the end the fury of sudden assaults may be staid , and time for succor entertained : otherwise , example , the castle of millan being made to hold the state in obedience , could not so do either for the house of sforza or france . guido ubaldo , duke of velin , driven from his dominion by caesar borgia , so soon as he recovered his country , caused all the forts to be demolished : for by experience be found the love of men was the surest defence , and that fortifications prevailed no less against him than for him . the causes of division and faction in every commonweal proceed most commonly of idleness and peace , and that which unieth , is fear war. example , the 〈◊〉 and elinsci having intelligence of great contention between the nobility and people of rome , thought that a sit opportunity to oppress the one and the other : but the romans informed of such an intention , appeased all do mestick anger , and by the valour of their arms , conducted by gn. manlius and m. fabius defeated the enemies forces . the means to usurp an estate 〈◊〉 is , first before arms be taken , to become , as it were , an arbitrator or a friend indifferent ; and after arms be taken , then to send moderate aid to the weak side , as well to entertain the war between the factions , as also to consume the strength both of the one , and the other ; yet in no wise to employ any great forces , for thereby either party may discover the intents to suppress them . example , the city of pistoia fallen into division , the florentines took occasion sometimes to favor the one , and sometimes the other , that in the end both sides weary of the war , voluntarily yielded to their devotion . philippo viscount , hoping sundry times by occasion of faction to oppress the florentines , did often assault them with great forces , which was the cause that they became reunited ; and consequently the duke deceived of his expectation . a great wisdom it is to resrain opprobrious and injurious speech : for as neither the one nor the other can any whit decrease the enemies force , so doth it move him to greater hate , and more desire to offend . example , gabides , a general of the persians having long besieged amida , became weary , and preparing to abandon the enterprise , raised his camp , which they of the city beholding , began to revile the persians , and from the walls reproved them of cowardise ; which undiscreet words so highly 〈◊〉 gabides , as thereupon he resolved to continue the siege , and within 〈◊〉 days won the city . tiberius gracchus appointed captain of certain bands of men , whom for want of other soldiers the romans entertained , proclaimed in his camp , that no man , upon pain of death , should contumeliously call any soldier slave , either in earnest or jest. nam facetiae asperae quando nimium ex vero traxere , acrem suimem riam 〈◊〉 likewise alexander the great having conquered well near all the east , brought his forces before tyre , they fearing alexander's fury , offered upon honourable considerations to yeild him obedience , only requiring , that neither he nor any of his forces should enter the city , which motion after four months alexander accepted , and so signified by his ambassador , who arriving at tyre was by the proud citizens slain , whereat alexander grew into choler , and being ready to forsake the siege , staid his forces , and in the end sacked the city and put the people to the sword. a prince or any other state being assaulted by an enemy of far more puissance than himself , ought not to refuse any honourable compositions , chiefly when they are offered ; for no conditions can be so base , but shall in some 〈◊〉 turn to advantage and honour of him that accepts them . example , 〈◊〉 . certain florentines procured great forces of spaniards to come thither , as well to reposess the medici then banish'd , as also to sack the city ; promising that so soon as the army of spain did come into the florentine dominion , the faction of medici would be ready armed to receive them . but the spaniards being come , found no forces at all to joyn with them ; and therefore wanting victual , offered composition . the florentines finding the enemy distressed grew insolent and refused peace , whereof followed the loss of prato , and many other inconveniences . the like happened to them of tyre , as before . the denial or delay of justice desired in revenge of injuries either publick or privately offered , is a thing very dangerous to every prince or other state ; for that the party injured doth oft by indirect means , though with hazard of his country and himself , seek satisfaction : example , the complaint which the galli made against the fabii who sent ambassadors in favour of the tossani , not being heard , nor any punishment inflicted upon them for fighting against the law of nations , was the cause that the galli were offended with the states , whereof followed the sack of rome ; and the delay of justice in philip of macedon , for not revenging the incestuous oppression of attalus to pausanias , was the motive to murther that king. whoso endeavours the alteration of any state must of necessity proceed with all severity , and leave some memorable example to those that shall impugn the ordinance of government newly setled . example , when junius brutus had by his great valour banish'd the traquins , and sworn the people that no king should ever reign in rome ; within short time after , many young nobles , among whom was brutus's son , impatient of the equality of the new government , conspired to recall the tarquins ; but brutus thereof informed , caused his own son not only to be condemned to death , but was himself present at the execution . as health and soundness of the hands . legs , and other outward members cannot continue life , unless the heart and vital spirits within be strong and sirm ; so fortifications and frontier-desences do not prevail , unless the whole corps of the kingdom and people be well armed : example , when the emperor came into italy , and had with some difficulty past the confines of the venetians well near without resistance ; his army march'd to venice , and might doubtless have possest the city , had it not been defended with water . likewise the english in their assault of france , excepting a few encounters on the frontiers , found no puissant resistance within the realm . and anno . they forced all that state , and the king himself to tremble , as ost before they had done ; but contrariwise the romans knowing that life lay in the heart , ever held the body of their state strongest : for the nearer the enemy approach'd rome , the better they found the country armed and defended . the desire to command sovereignly is of so great force , as doth not only work in those that are in expectation of principality , but also in them that have no title at all . example , this appetite moved the wife of tarquinius priscus contrary to all natural duty to incite her husband to murder her own father servius , and possess his kingdom , as being persuaded it were much more honourable to be a queen than to be the daughter of a king. the violation of ancient laws , orders and customs , under which people have long time lived , is the chief and only cause whereby princes hazard their estate and royal dignity . example , albeit the deflowring of lucrece was the occasion , yet was it not the cause that moved the romans to take arms against tarquin ; for he having before that fact of sextus his son , governed tyrannically , and taken from the senate all authority , was become odious both to the senate , nobility and people , who finding themselves well-governed , never seek or wish any other liberty or alteration . a prince that desires to live secure from conspiracy , hath cause rather to fear those on whom he hath bestowed over-great riches and honors , than those whom he hath greatly injured ; because they want means to offend ; the other have many opportunities to do it : example , perrenius the prime favorite of commodus the emperor , conspired his death . plautianus did the like to severus , and sejanus to tiberius ; for being advanced to so great honors , riches and offices , as nothing remained desirable but the imperial title , they conspired against the persons of their sovereigns in hope of the dignity ; but in the end they endured that punishment which to such disloyalty and ingratitude appertaineth . an army which wants experience , albeit the captain be expert , is not greatly to be feared ; neither ought an army of well-train'd soldiers to be much esteemed , whose captain is ignorant . example , caesar going into africa against afranius and petraeus whose army was full of old soldiers , said he feared them little , quia 〈◊〉 ad exercitum sine duce . contrariwise , when he went to pharsalia to encounter pompey , he said , ibo ad ducem sine exercitu . a captain general commanding an army ought rather to govern with curtesie and mildness , than with over-much austerity and severity . example , q. and appius claudius being consuls , were appointed to govern the war. to q. was allotted one army which served very dutifully ; but appius commanding the other with great cruelty , was by his soldiers unwillingly obeyed . nevertheless tacitus seems of contrary opinion , saying , plus poena quam obsequium valet . therefore to reconcile these different conceits , i say , that a general having power to command men , either they are confederates or subjects : if confederates or voluntaries , he may not proceed to extream punishment ; if subjects , and his power absolute , they may be governed otherwise ; yet with such respect , as the insolence of the general inforce not the soldiers to hate him . honour may sometime be got as well by the loss as gaining of victory . every man knoweth glory is due to the victor , and we deny not the same priviledge to the vanquished , being able to make proof that the loss proceeded not from his default . neither is it dishonourable to violate those promises whereto the necessity or disadvantage of war inforceth . and forced promises which concern a whole state , are not binding , and rarely or ever kept , nor is the breaker thereby to receive disgrace . example , posthumus the consul having made a dishonourable peace with the samnites , was by them with his whole army sent home disarmed . being arrived at rome , the consul informed the people they were not bound to perform the base conditions he was compelled to yield unto ; albeit , he and those few that promised , were bound to perform them . the senate thereupon concluded to send him prisoner to samno , where he constantly protested the fault to be only his own ; wherefore the people by that peace incurred no dishonour at all : and fortune so much favoured posthumus , as the samnites were content presently to return him to rome ; where he became more glorious for losing the victory , than was pontius at samno for having won the victory . wise men have long observed , that who so will know what shall be , must consider what is past ; for all worldly things hold the same course they had at first . the reason is , that as long as men are possest with the same passions with former ages , consequently of these doings the same effects ensue . example , the almains and french have ever been noted for their avarice , pride , fury and infidelity , and so in divers ages , experience hath proved even to this present : for perfidious dealing the french have given sufficient proof , not only in ancient times , but also in the time of charles viii . who promised to render to the florentines the forts of pisa , but having divers times received mony , held them not with standing in possession . the florentines found the like in the almains ; for in the wars of the visconti , dukes of milan , they prayed aid of the emperor , who promised them great forces ; in consideration whereof , he was to receive of the florentines one hundred thousand crowns in hand , and as much more when his army was arrived in italy , both which payments were performed ; but as soon as the emperor came to verona he devised cavillations of unkindness whereupon he returned home . a prince desirous to obtain any thing of another , must if occasion so permit , urge his demand so earnestly and press for so sudden and present answer , as he who is prest may not have leisure to consider how to excuse himself in denial . example , pope julio endeavoured to drive out of bologna all the bentivoli , in which action he thought the aid of the french recessary , and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neutial ; and by divers 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 them to that 〈◊〉 but not 〈◊〉 any resolute an 〈◊〉 he though 〈◊〉 with those sew 〈◊〉 he had to take his journey to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the venetians 〈◊〉 him they would remain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the french king forthwith sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as searing the popes 〈◊〉 likewise the tuscans having for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aid of the samnites against the romens , took arms suddenly and 〈◊〉 their request which the samnites 〈◊〉 before denied . when a multitude 〈◊〉 all may not be 〈◊〉 because they are too many : to punish part and leave the rest 〈◊〉 were injury to the suflerers ; and to those that escape , an encouragement to offend again ; therefore to eshew all extremity , mean courses have been anciently used . example , when all the wives of the romans conspired to poyson their husbands , a convenient number of them wero punisht , and the rest suffered to pass likewise at the conspiracy of the bacchanals in the time of the macedonian war , wherein many thousands men and women had part , every tenth person only was put to death by lot , although the ossence were general ; by which manner of punishing , he that suffered , complain'd on his fortune ; and he that escaped , was put in fear , that offending again , the same punishment might light upon himself , and therefore would no more offend . a battel or great action in arms ought not to be enterprised without special commission or command from the prince ; otherwise the general incurs great danger . example , 〈◊〉 the dictator punisht the general of the horse in the roman army , for having sought without his 〈◊〉 adthough he had in battle slain enemies without loss of of his own : and caesar commended his captain 〈◊〉 for having refrain'd to fight , though with great advantage he might . also count egmont hazarded the favor of the king his master for giving battel to marshall de thermes , albeit he were victorious : for upon the success of that action the loss or safety of all the low countries depended . to govern without council is not only dangerous in aristocracies and popular states , but unto independent princes an occasion of utter ruin . example , hieron the first king of sicily in all his proceedings used the advice of counsels , and lived fifty years prosperously in peace ; but his grand-child succeeding , refusing all counsel lost his kingdom , and was with all his kinsfolk and friends cruelly slain . in all monarchies the senate or privy-council is or ought to be composed of persons of great dignity , or men of approved wisdom and understanding . example , in polonia no man is counsellor unless he be a palatine , a bishop , a castellan , a captain , or such a one as hath been ambassador : and in turky the title of counsellor is not given but only to the four bassaes. the two cadelesquires , the twelve beglerbegs , and kings son , who in his fathers absence , is as it were a president of the divano or senate . many princes ancient and modern have used to select out of their council , two or three , or four at most , to whom only they did impart their affairs . example , the emperor augustus had maecenas and agrippa ; julius caesar , q. paedius and cor. balbus , whom he only trusted with his cipher and secrets , being counsellors of the cabinet ( as we now call them . ) the alteration of old laws , or introduction of new , are in all states very dangerous , notwithstanding any appearance of profit or publick utility , which moved wise governours to decree , that ancient laws once established might never be called in question . example , the athenians decreed that no law should be propounded to the people without the consent of the senate : the like use is observed in venice , where no petition is preferred to the senate but by advice of the sages ; and among the loerians the custom was , that whosoever presented any new law to be confirmed , should come with a halter about his neck , and be therewith hanged if his request were rejected ; also lycurgus to prevent the alteration of his laws , did swear the people of sparta to observe them untilhis return , and thereupon retired himself into voluntary exile , with intent never to return . when necessity or good reason moves innovation or abolition of laws , a course more secure it is to do it rather by degrees than suddenly . example , the romans finding the laws of the twelve tables unprofitable , suffered them to be observed or neglected at discretion , but would not publickly suppress them for fear of calling other laws into contempt : so did they continue years , and were then cassed by ebutius the tribune . but agis king of lacedemon desirous to revive the laws of lycurgus , long discontinued , 〈◊〉 all men to bring in their evidence and writings to be cancelled , to the end a new partition of lands and goods might be made ; which suddain and violent proceeding proved so 〈◊〉 that it moved a dangerous sedition , wherein he was disposed and with his mother and friends put to death ; which example haply moved the 〈◊〉 not to attempt any thing against the authority of augustino barberino their duke . but after his death , and 〈◊〉 the election of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new ordinances 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ducal authority . whoso hath won to himself so great love and affection , as thereby to become master of the forces , and at his pleasure commands the subjects apt for arms , may also without right or title assure himself of the whole estate . example , hugh capat a subject to the crown of france , being greatly honoured by the soldiers , sound means thereby to prevent charles duke of lorrain of the crown , being right heir by descent from charlemain . and albeit the families of the paleologi , ebrami and turcan . be of the blood royal and right 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 empire , when the 〈◊〉 line shall fail ; yet it is like that 〈◊〉 chief bassa having the love of the 〈◊〉 will usurp the state , because the paleologi and other competitors be far from the turks person , poor and without means to purchase the soldiers favor . a commander general in arms , ought upon pain of great punishment be enjoyned , not to imploy or retain any forces longer than the time of his commission . example , the dictators of rome were in this point so precise , as never any of them dared to transgress the time prefixed , till caesar obtained that dignity should continue in him for life ; which was the cause of his usurpation of the state. also the thebans commanded , that if the general of their army did hold his forces one day longer than the time prefixt , he should thereby incur danger of death : which justice was executed upon epaminondas and pelopidas . banishment of great lords , or citizens of great reputation , hath been in divers places diversly used : for in the one , they were inforced only to absent themselves without further infliction ; in the other , banishment was accompanied with consiscation , a course of great danger . example , in argos , athens , ephesus , and other cities of greece , the citizens puissant in friends , vertue or riches , were many times banish'd for envy or fear , but never or very rarely forced to absent themselves longer than ten years ; and that without loss of goods , which was the cause that never any of them warred against the country : but dion being banish'd syracusa by dionysius junior , and coriolanus from rome , did make mighty wars against their own country . the like was done by the medici in florence . honourable and magnanimous men were wont not only to enterprise great acts , but also to suffer patiently all injuries which foes or fortune could expose them to : as resolved , that no calamity was so great as to make their minds abject , or to forget the dignity appertaining to persons vertuous : example , after the defeat of the roman army upon the river allia , the 〈◊〉 persued the victory even to 〈◊〉 walls : whither being come , and finding the gates open , without any sign of resistance they entred the streets , where all honourable palaces were also unshut , which caused the galli greatly to doubt . nevertheless looking into the houses , they found in every of them a senator set in a chair of state , and in his hand a rod of ivory ; his person was also vested with robes of dignity , which majestick spectacle did marvelously amate the galli , not having before that time seen any such reverend sight ; and therefore did not only refrain to osfer violence , but highly admired the roman courage , chiesly in that fortune . nevertheless at length a rude gall hapned with his hand to touch the white beard of m. papyrius , whereat he taking 〈◊〉 disdain struck him with his rod , in requital whereof the barbarian slew papyrius , and by that example all the other senators and persons of dignity were also slain . albeit the knowledge and study of letters be both commendable and necesssary in all well regulated states ; yet if under so honest pretence , idleness enter , such abuses most seasonably be soreseen and rernoved . example , when deognis and 〈◊〉 two excellent philosophers , were sent ambassadors from athens to the rommans , many of the nobility that besore disposed themselves to arms , allured with their eloquence and marvelous wisdom , began with great admiration to follow them : and in lieu of arms , turned their endeavours to the study of letters , which the wise cato discerning , procured the senate to decree that ( to eschew all inconveniences which so honest idleness might breed ) no philosophers should from thenceforth be received into rome . the honour due to magistrates was anciently much regarded , and contrariwise all irreverent and undutisul behaviour with great severity punish'd . example , the censors of rome degraded a citizen only for having yawned loud in their presence : and another called vectius was slain in the field , for not doing due reverence to a tribune when he past by him . it is also observed , that the son of fab. maximus when he was censor , meeting his father on horseback , and seeing the sarjeans assraid to speak to him to dismount , did himself command him so to do , which command the father cheerfully and willingly obeyed , saying , domestick power must give place to publick authority . tyrannous princes having incurred the universal hate of people , sound no means so meet to preserve them from popular fury , as to execute or deliver into their hands their own chief minions and intimate counsellors . example , tiberius delivered to the people his favourite seianus : nero , tigellinus . henry king of swede committed to their fury his best beloved servant george 〈◊〉 caracalla caused all his flatterers to be slain that had persuaded him to kill his brother . the like was done by caligula , whereby he escaped himself . a prince that rewards or pardons a person that kills another prince , albeit by that means he is aspired to soveraignty , shall thereby both incur great danger and hate , and encourage men therein to attempt the like against 〈◊〉 therefore wise princes have not only lest such services quite 〈◊〉 but also most severely punished them . example , the emperor severus put all those to death that consented to the murder of pertinax ; and alexander the great executed him that slew darius , as abhorring that subject that would lay violent hands on his prince , not withstanding he were an enemy . likewise vitellius put to death all the murderers and conspirators against galba ; and domitian executed his secretary epaphroditus for the murder of nero , although he instantly desired his aid . the vertuous and vitious examples of princes incite subjects to imitate the same qualities ; which rule never or very rarely fails . example , francis the first king of france , and other princes in divers ages and places , had great esteem of learned men ; and forthwith all the princes , nobles , nobility and clergy , disposed themselves so earnestly to study , as before that time had not been seen so many and so great a number of learned men , as well in tongues as sciences . contrariwise , alexander the great , otherwise a prince of great vertue , by his immoderate use of drinking , did draw the greatest number of his court and people also to delight in drunkenness the like effect followed the excessive intemperance of mithridates , king of amasia . the last and not the least considerable , is , to observe how great effects devotion and contempt of human glory worketh in the minds not only of private persons , but of kings and princes also , who have oft abandoned worldly profit , honour and pleasure , to embrace the con templative retired life . example , ramirus king of aragon , verecundus king of spain , charlemain son of carolus martellus , matilda queen of france , amurath king of turbay , with many others . imperio maximus , exemplo major . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * commissions determine in presence of him that granted them . * so henry the fourth of france by putting his courtiers to board-wages was said to make money with his teeth . * the author of the epistle dedicatory to the dutchess of suffolk , prefix'd to mr. latimer's sermons , saith , that lawyers covetousness hath almost devoured england . discipline . tam bene quam male facta praemunt . mart. a supplement to dr. du moulin, treating of the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church of england with a brief vindication of mr. rich. baxter. by j.m. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a supplement to dr. du moulin, treating of the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church of england with a brief vindication of mr. rich. baxter. by j.m. milton, john, - . , [ ] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the year m dc lxxx. [ ] j.m. = john milton. running title reads: means to remove hirelings out of the church. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng du moulin, lewis, - -- early works to . baxter, richard, - -- early works to . church of england -- government -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a supplement to d r. du moulin , treating of the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church of england . with a brief vindication of m r rich. baxter . by i. m. london , printed in the year mdclxxx . a supplement to d r du moulin , treating , of the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church . two things has ever wrought much mischief to the church of god , and the advancement of truth ; force on the one side restraining , and hire on the other side corrupting the teachers thereof . the latter of these is by much the more dangerous ; for under force , though no thank to the forcers ; true religion oft-times best thrives and flowrishes ; but the corruptions of teachers , most commonly the effect or hire , is the very bean of truth in them who are so corrupted . of force not to be used in matters of religion i have already spoken ; and so stated matters of conscience and religion in faith and divine worship and so severed them from blasphemie and heresie ; the one being properly as is dispiteful , the other such as stands not to the rule of scripture , and so both of them not matters of religion , but rather against it , that to them who willyet use force , this only choise can be left ; whether they will force them to believe , to whom it is not given from above , being not forc'd thereto by any principle of the gospel , which now is the only dispensation of god to all men , or whether being protestants , they will punish in those things wherein the protestant religion denies them to be judges , either in themselves infallible , or to the consciences of other men ; or whether lastly , they think fit to punish error supposing they can be in●allible that it is so , being not wilful , but conscientious , and according to the best light of him who errs , grounded on scripture : which kind of error all men religious , or but only reasonable , have thought worthier of pardon ; and take growth thereof to be prevented by spiritual means and church discipline , not by civil laws and outward force ; since it is god only who gives as well to believe aright , as to believe at all ; and by those means which he ordained sufficiently in his church to the full execution of his divine purpose in the gospel . it remains now to speak of hire , the other evil so mischievous in religion ; whereof i promised then to speak further , when i should find god disposing me , and opportunity inviting . opportunity i find now inviting , and apprehend therein the concurrence of god disposing , since the maintainance of church-ministers ; a thing not properly belonging to the magistrate , and yet with such importunity call'd for , and expected from him , is at present under publick debate . wherein least any thing may happen to be determined , and established prejudicial to the right and freedom of church , or advantageous to such as may be found hirelings therein , it will be now most seasonable , and in these matters wherein every christian hath his free suffrage ; no way misbecoming christian meekness to offer freely , without disparagement to the wisest ; such advice as god shall incline him to propound . since heretofore in commonwealths of most fame for government , civil laws were not established till they had been first for certain days published to the view of all men , that who so pleas'd might spake freely his opinion thereof , and give his exceptions , ere the law could pass to a full establishment . and where ought this equity to have more place , than in the liberty which is unseparable from christain religion ? this i am not ignorant will be a work unpleasing to some : but what truth is not hateful to some or other ; as this in likelihood , will be to none but hirelings . and if there be among them , who hold it their duty to speak impartial truth , as the work of their ministry , though not performed without mony ; let them not envy others , who think the same no less their duty by the general office of christianity , to speak truth , as in all reason may be thought , more impartially and unsuspectedly without mony . hire of it self is neither a thing unlawful , nor a word of any evil note , signifying no more than a due recompenee or reward ; as when our saviour saith , the labourer is worthy of his hire . that which makes it so dangerous in the church , and properly makes the hireling , a word always of evil signification ; is either the excess thereof , or the undue manner of giving and taking it . what harm the excess thereof brought to the church ; perhaps was not found by experience till the days of constantine ; who out of his zeal , thinking he could be never too liberally a nursing father of the church ; might be not unfitly said to have either overlaid it or choaked it in the nursing . which was foretold , as is recorded in ecclesiastical tradition ; by a voice heard from heaven , on the very day that those great donations and church revenues were given , crying aloud . this day is poison pour'd into the church . which the event soon after verifi'd , as appears by another no less ancient observation , that religion brought forth wealth , and the daughter devoured the mother . but long ere wealth came into the church , so soon as any gain appeared in religion , hirelings were apparent ; drawn in long before by the very sent thereof . iudas therefore , the first hireling , for want of present hire answerable to his covering , from the small number of the meanness of such as then were the religious , sold the religion it self with the founder thereof ; his master simon magus the next , in hope only that preaching and the gifts of the holy ghost would prove gainful , offered before-hand a sum of mony to obtain them . not long after , as the apostle foretold ; hirelings like wolves came in by herds , acts . . for , i know this , that after my departing , shall grievous wolves enter in among you , not sparing the flock . tit. . . teaching things which they ought not , for lucres sake . . pet. . . and through covetousness make merchandize of you . yet they taught not false doctrine only , but seeming piety ; tim. . . supposing that gain is godliness . neither came they in of themselves only , but invite oft-times by a great audience ; tim , . . for the time will come , when they will not endure sound doctrine , but after their own lusts they will heap to themselves teachers , having itching ears : and they on the other side , as fast heaping to themselves disciples , acts. . . doubtless had as itching palms● pet. . . following the way of balaam , the son of bosor , who loved the wages of unrighteousness . jude . they ran greedily after the error of balaam for reward . thus we see , that not only the excess of hire in welthiest times , but also the undue and vicious taking or giving it ; though but small or mean , as in the primitive times , gave to hirelings occasion , though not intended , yet sufficient , to creep at first into the church . which argues also the difficulty , or rather the impossibility , to remove them quite ; unless every minister were , as st. paul , contented to teach gratis ; but few such are to be found . as therefore we cannot justly take away all hire in the church , because we cannot otherwise quite remove all hirelings ; so are we not for the impossibility of removing them all ; to use therefore no endeavour that few may come in , but rather in regard the evil , do what we can , will always be incumbent and unavoidable ; to use our utmost diligence , how it may be left dangerous . which will be likeliest effected , if we consider , first , what recompence god hath ordained should be given to ministers of the church ; ( for that a recompence ought to be given them , and may by them justly be received , our saviour himself from the very light of reason and of equity hath declar'd : luke . . the labourer is worthy of his hire ) next , by whom ; and lastly , in what manner . what recompence ought to be given to church ministers ; god hath answerably ordained according to that difference which he hath manifestly put between those his two great dispensations , the law and the gospel . under the law he gave them tithes ; under the gospel ; having left all things in his church to charity and christian freedom , he hath given them only what is justly given them . that , as well under the gospel as under the law , say our english divines ; and they only of all protestants ) , is tithes ; and they say true , if any man be so minded to give them of his own tenth or twentieth but that the law therefore of tithes , is in force under the gospel ; all other protestant divines , though equally concerned , yet constantly deny . for though hire to the labourer be of moral and perpetual right ; yet that special kind of hire , the tenth , can be of no right or necessity , but to that special labour for which god ordained it . that special labour , was the levitical and ceremonial service of the tabernacle , numb . . . . wich is now abolished : the right therefore of that special hire must needs be withall abolished , as being also ceremonial , is plain ; not being given to the levites , till they had bin first offered a heave-offering to the lord , ver . . . he then , who by that law brings tithes into the gospel , of necessity brings in withall a sacrifice , and an altar ; without which tithes by that law were unsanctifi'd and polluted , ver . . and therefore never thought on in the first christain times , till ceremonies , altars and oblations , by an ancienter corruption were brought back long before . and yet the iews ever since their tample was destroyed , though they have rabbies and teachers of their law , yet pay no tithes , as having no levites to whom , no temple where to pay them ; no altar whereon to hallow them ; which argues that the iews themselves never thought tithes moral , but ceremonial only . that christians therefore should take them up , when iews have laid them down , must needs be very absurd and preposterous . next , it is as clear in the same chapter , that the priests and levites had not their tithes for their labour only in the tabernacle ; but in regard they were to have no other part nor inheritance in the land , ver . , . and by that means for a tenth lost a twelfth . but our levites undergoing no such law of deprievement , can have no right to any such compensation ; nay , if by this law they will have tithes , can have no inheritance of land , but forfeit what they have : beside , this , tithes were of two sorts , those of every year , and those of every third year : of the former , every one that brought his tithes , was to eat his share . deut . . thou shalt eat before the lord thy god , in the place which he shall choose to place his name there ; the tithe of thy corn , of thy wine , and of thine oyl , &c. nay , though he could not bring his tithe in kind , by reason of his distant dwelling from the tabernacle or temple , but was thereby forc'd to turn it into mony , he was to bestow that mony on whatsoever pleased him , oxen , sheep , wine or strong drink ; and to eat and drink thereof there before the lord , both he and his houshould , ver . , , . as for the tithes of every third year , they were not only given to the levite , but to the stranger , the fatherless and the widow , ver . . . and chap. , , . so that ours , if they will have tithes , must admit of these sharers with them . nay , these tithes were not paid in at all to the levite . but the levite himself was to come with those his fellow-guests , and eat his share of them only at his house , who provided them ; and this not in regard , of his ministerial office , but because he had no part nor inheritance in the land. lastly , the priests and levites , a tribe , were of a different constitution from this of our ministers under the gospel . in them were orders and degrees , both by family , dignity and office , mainly distinguished ; the high priest , his brethren and his sons , to whom the levites themselves paid tithes , and of the best , were eminently superior , num. . , . no protestant , i suppose , will liken one of our ministers to a high priest , but rather to a common levite . unless then , to keep their tithes , they mean to bring back again bishops , archbishops and the whole gang of prelatry , to whom will they themselves pay tithes , as by that law it was sin to them , if they did not , ver . ? certainly , this must needs put them to a deep demurre , while the desire of holding fast their tithes without sin , may tempt them to bring back again bishops as the likeness of that hierarchy that should receive tithes from them , and the desire to pay none , may advise them to keep out of the church all orders above them . but if we have to do at present , as i suppose we have , with true reformed protestants , not with papists or prelates ; it will not be denied that in the gospel there be but two minesterial degrees , presbyters and deacons which if they contend to have any succession , reference or conformity with those two degrees under the law , priests and levites ; it must needs be such , whereby our ministers may be answerable to priests , and our deacons to levites ; by which ru●e of proportion it will follow , that we must pay our tithes to the deacons only , and they only to their ministers . but if it truer yet , that the priesthood of aaron typifi'd a better reality , pet. . . signifying the christian true and holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifice it follow hence , that we are now justly exempt from paying tithes , to any who claim from aaron , since that preisthood is in us now real , which in him was but a shadow . seeing th●● by all this which hath been shewn , that the law of tithes is partly ceremonial , as the work was for the which they were given , partly judicial , not of common , but of particular right to the tribe of levi , nor to them alone , but to the owner also and his houshold , at the time of their offering , and every third year ▪ to the stranger , the fatherless and the widow , their appointed sharers , and that they were a tribe of priests and deacons improperly compared to the constitution of our ministry , and the tithes given by that people to those deacons only : it follows that our ministers at this day , being neither priests nor levites , are not filthy answering to either of them ; can have no just title or pretence to tithes , by any consequence drawn from the law of moses . but they think they have a better plea in the example of melchisedec , who took tithes of abram ere the law was given ; whence they would infer them to be of moral right . but they ought to know , or to remember , that not examples , but express commands oblige our obedince to god or man. next , that whatsoever was done in religion before the law written , is not presently to be counted moral ; when as so many things were then done , both ceremonial and judaically judicial , that we need not doubt to conclude all times before christ , more or less under the ceremonial law. to what end served else those altars and sacrifices , that distinction of clean and unclean entring into the ark , circumcision and the raising up of seed to the elder brother , gen. , ? if these things be not moral , though before the law , how are tithes , though in the example of abram and melchisedec ? . but this instance is so far from being the just ground of a law , that after all circumstances duly weighed , both from gen. . and heb. . it will not be allowed them so much as an example . melchisedec , besides his priestly benediction , brought with him bread and wine sufficient to refresh abram and his whole army ; incited to do so , first , by the secret providence of god , intending him for a type of christ and his priesthood ; next by his due thankfulness and honour to abram ; who had freed his borders of salem from a potent enemy : abram on the other side , honours him with the tenth of all , that is to say ( for he took not sure his whole estate with him to that war. ) of the spoils , heb. . . incited also by the same secret providence , to signifie as grandfather of levi , that the levitical priesthood was excelled by the priesthood of christ. for the giving of a tenth declared it seems in those countrys and times , him the greater who received it . that which next incited him , was partly his gratitude to requi●e the present , partly his reverence to the person and his benediction to his person , as a king and priest also , but not a king. and who unhir'd will be so hardy as to say , that abram at any other time ever paid him tithes , either before or after ; or had then , but for this accidental meeting and obligement ? or that else melchisedec had demanded or exacted them , or took them otherwise , than as the voluntary gift of abram ? but our ministers , though neither priests nor kings more than any other christian , greater in their own esteem than abrams and all his seed , for the verbal labour of a seventh days preachment , not bringing like melchisedec , bread or wine at their own cost ; would not take only at the willing hand of liberality or gratitude , but require and exact as due the tenth , not of spoils , but of our whole estates and labours ; nor once , but yearly . we then it seems by the example of abram must pay tithes to these melchisedecs ; but what if the person of abram can either no way represent us , or will oblige the minister to pay tithes no less than other men ? abram had not only a preist in his loins , but was himself a priest ; and gave tithes to melchisedeck , either as grandfather of levi , or as father of the faithful : if as grandfather ( though he understood it not ) of levi , he oblig'd not us but levi only , the inferiour priest , by that homage ( as the apostle to the hebrews clearly enough explains ) to acknowledg the greater . and they who by melchisedec claim from abram as levi's grandfather , have none to seek their tithes of but the levites , where they can find them . if abram as father of the faithful paid tithes to melchisedec , then certainly the ministers also , if they be of that number , paid in him equally with the rest . which may induce us to believe , that as both abram and melchisedec , so tithes also in that action typical and ceremonial , signifi'd nothing else but that subjection , which all the faithful , both ministers and people owe to christ , our high priest and king. in any literal sense from this example they never will be able to extort , that the people in those days paid tithes to priests ; but this only , that one priest once in his life , of spoils only , and in requi●al partly of a liberal present , partly of a benediction , gave voluntary tithes , not to a greater priest than himself , as far as abram could then understand , but rather to a priest and king joyned in one person . they will reply , perhaps , that if one priest paid tithes to another , it must needs be understood , that the people did no less to the priest. but i shall easily remove that necessity , by remembring them that in those days was no priest , but the father , or the first born of every family ; and by consequence , no people to pay him tithes , but his own children and servants , who had not wherewithal to pay him , but of his own . yet grant that the people then paid tithes ; there will not be the like reason to enjoyn us : they being then under ceremonies , a meer laitie ; we now under christ , a royal priesthood , pet . . as we are coheirs , kings and priests with him , a priest for ever after the order or manner of melchisedec . as therefore abram paid tithes to melchisedec because levi was in him ; so we ought to pay none because the true melchisedec is in us , and we in him : who can pay to none greater , and hath freed us by our union with himself , from all compulsive tributes and taxes in his church . neither doth the collateral place , heb. , make other use of this story , than to prove christ personated by melchisedec , a greater priest than aaron ▪ ver . . now consider how great this man was , &c. and proves not in the least manner , that tithes be of any right to ministers , but the contrary : first , the levites had a commandment to take tithes of the people according to the law , that is of their brethren , though they come out of the loins of abram , ver . . the commandment then was , it seems , to take tithes of the iews only , and according to the law. that law changing of necessity with the priesthood , no other sort of ministers , as they must needs be no other sort , under another priesthood , can receive that tribute of tithes which sell with that law , unless renew'd by any other express command , and according to no other law : no such law is extant . next , melchisedec not as a minister , but as christ himself in person blessed abraham , who had the promises , ver . . and in him blessed all , both ministers and people ; both of the law and the gospel ; that blessing declar'd him greater and better than whom he blessed , ver . . receiving tithes of them all , not as maintainance , which melchisedec needed not , but as a sign of homage to their king and priest : whereas ministers bear not the person of christ in his priesthood or kingship , bless not as he blesses , are not by their blessing greater than abraham , and all the faithful with themselves included in him ; cannot both give and take tithes in abram ; cannot claim to themselves that sign of our allegiance due only to our eternal king and priest , cannot therefore derive tithes from melchisedec . lastly , the eighth verse hath thus : here men that die receive tithes : there he received them , of whom it is witness'd that he lived . which words intimate that as he suffered himself once for us , so he received once of us in abraham ; and in that place the typical acknowledgment of our redemption : which had it been a perpetual annuitie to christ , by him claim'd as his due , levi must haue paid it yearly , as well as then , ver . . and our ministers ought still to some melchisiedec or other , as well now as they did in abraham . but that christ never claim'd any such tenth as his annual due , much less resign'd it to the ministers , his so officious receivers without express commission or assignment , will yet be clearer as we proceed . thus much may at length assure us , that this example of abraham and melchisedec , though i see of late they build most upon it , can so little be the ground of any law to us , that it will not so much avail them as to the autority of an example . of like impertinence is that example of iacob , gen. . . who of his free choise , not enjoyned by any law , vow'd the tenth of all that god should give him : which for ought appears to the contrary , he vow'd as a thing no less indifferent before his vow , than the foregoing part thereof ; that the stone which he had set there for a pillar should be god's house . and to whom vowed he his tenth , but to god ; not to any priest ; for we read of none to him greater than himself : and to god , no doubt , but he paid what vowed ; both in building of that bethel with other altars elsewhere , and the expence of his continual sacrifices , which none but he had right to offer . however therefore he paid his tenth , it could in no likelihood , unless by such an occasion as befel his grandfather , be to any priest. but , say they . all the tithe of the land , whether of the seed of the land , or of the fruit of the tree , is the lords , holy unto the lord ; levit , . . and this before it was given to the levites ; therefore since they ceased . no question ; for the whole earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof , psal. . . and the light of nature shews us no less ; but that the tenth is his , more than the rest , how know i , but as he so declares it ? he declares it so here of the land of canaan only , as by all circumstances appears ; and passes , by deed of gift , this tenth to the levite ; yet so as offered to him first a heave-offering , and confecrated on his altar , numb . . all which i had as little known , but by that evidence . the levites are ceased , the gift returns to the giver . how then can we know that he hath given it to any other , or how can these men presume to take it unoffered first to god , unconsecrated , without an other cllear and express donation ; whereof they shew no evidence or writing●● . besides he hath now alienated that holy land ; who can warrantably affirm that he hath since hallowed the tenth of this land ; which none but god hath power to do or can warrant ? their last proof they cite out of the gospel , which makes as little for them ; matth. . . where our saviour denouncing ●●oe to the scribes and pharisees , who paid tithe so exactly , and omitted weightier matters , tells them , that these they ought to have done that is , to have paid tithes . for our saviour spake then to those who observed the law of moses , which was yet not fully abrogated , till the destruction of the temple . and by the way here we may observe out of their own proof , that the scribes and pharisees though then chief teachers of the people , such at last as were not levites , did not take tithes , but paid them so ; so much less were the scribes and pharisees in those worst times than ours at this day . this is so apparent to the reformed divines of other countrys , that when any one of ours hath attempted in latine to maintain this argument of tithes , though a man would think they might suffer him without opposition in a point equally tending to the advantage of all ministers , yet they forbear not to oppose him , as in a doctrine not fit to pass unoppos'd under the gospel . which shews the modesty , the contentedness of those foreign pastors with the maintainance given them ; their s●ncerity also in the truth , though less gainful , and the avarice of ours ; who through the love of their old papistical tithes , consider not the weak arguments , or rather conjectures and ●urmises which they bring to defend them . on the other side , although it be sufficient to have proved in general , the abolishing of tithes , as part of the judaical or ceremonial law , which is abolished , all , as well as that before as that after moses ; yet i shall further prove them abrogated , by an express ordinance of the gospel , founded not on any type , or that municipal law of moses , but on moral and general equity , given us instead , cor. . , . know you not that they who minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; and they which wait at the altar , are partakers with the altar ? so also the lord hath ordained ; that they who preach the gospel , should live of the gospel . he saith not , should live on things which were of the temple or of the altar , of which were tithes , for that had given them a clear title ; but abrogating that former law of moses , which determined what and how much by a latter ordinance of christ , which leaves the what and how much indefinite and free , so it be sufficient to live on ; he saith , the lord hath so ordained ; that they who preath the gospel , should live of the gospel , which hath neither temple , altar ▪ nor sacrifice . heb. . . for be of whom these things are spoken , pertaineth to another tribe , of which no man give attendance at the altar . his ministers therefore cannot thence have tithes . and where the lord , hath so ordained , we may find easily in more than one evangelist . luke . ▪ , . in the s●me house remain eating and drinking such things as they give : for the labourer is worthy of his hire , &c. and into what city soever you enter , and they receive you ; eat such things as are set before you . to which ordinance of christ it may seem likeliest , that the apostle refers us , both here and tim. . . where he cites this , as the saying of our saviour , that the labourer is worthy of his hire : and both by this place of luke , and that of mar. . , , . it evidently appears , that our saviour ordained no certain maintainance for his apostles or ministers , publickly or privately in house or city received , but that what ever it were , which might suffice to live on ; and this not commanded or proportioned by abram , or by moses , whom he might easily have here cited , as his manner was ; but declared only by a rule of common equity which proportions the hire as well to the abilitie of him who gives , as to the labour of him who receives ; and recommends him only as worthy , not invests him with a legal right . and mark whereon he grounds this ordinance ; not on a perpetual right of tithes from melchisedec , as hirelings pretend , which he never claimed either for himself , or for his ministers , but one the plain and common equity of rewarding the labourer ; worthy sometimes of single , sometimes of double honour , not proportionable by tithes . and the apostle in this forecited chapter to the corinthians , ver . , affirms it to be no great recompence , if carnal things be reaped for spiritual sown ; but to mention tithes , neglects here the fittest occasion , that could be offered him , and leaves the rest free and undermined . certainly if christ or his apostles had approved of tithes , they would have either by writing or tradition recommended them to the church ; and that soon would have appeared in practise of those primitive and the next ages : but for the first three hundred years and more , in all the ecclesiastical story , i find no such doctrine or example ; though error by that time had brought back again priests , altar , and oblations ; and in many other points of religion had miserably judaiz'd the church . so that the defenders of tithes , after a long pomp and tedious preparation out of heathen authors , telling us that tithes were paid to hercules and apollo , which perhaps was imitated from the iews , and as it were be speaking our expectation , that they will bound much more with autorities out of christian story ● have nothing of general approbation to begin with , from the first three or four ages , but that which abundantly serves to the confutation of their tithes , while they confess that church-men in those ages lived meerly upon free-will offerings . neither can they say , that tithes were not then paid for want , of civil magistrates to ordainthem ; for christians had then also lands , and might give out of them what they pleas'd ; and yet of tithes then given we find no mention . and the first christian emperours , who did all things as bishops advis'd them ; suppli'd what was wanting to the clergy , not out of tithes which were never motioned , but out of their own imperial revenues , as is manifest in eusebius , theodoret and sozomen , from constantine to arcadius . hence those ancientest reformed churches of the waldenses , if they rather continued not pure , since the apostle deni'd that tithes were to be given , or that they were even given in the primitive church ; as appears by an ancient tractate inserted in the bohemian history . thus far hath the church been always , whether in her prime , or in her ancientest reformation , from the approving of tithes ; nor without reason , for they might easily perceive , that tithes were fited to the iews only ; a national church of many incomplete synagogues uniting the accomplishment of divine worship in one . temple ; and the levites there had their tithes paid-where they did their bodily work ; to which a particular tribe was set apart by divine appointment , not by the peoples election ; but the christian church is universal ▪ not ti'd to nation , diocess or parish , but consisting of many particular churches compleat in themselves ; gathered not by compulsion ; or the accident of dwelling nigh together ; but by free consent , choosing both their particular church and their church-officers . whereas if tithes be set up , all these christian priviledges will be disturbed and soon lost ; and with them christian liberty . the first autority which our adversaries bring , after , those fabulous apostolio canons , which they dare not insist upon , is a provincial councel held a● cu●●en where they voted tithes to be gods r●●t , in the year three hundred and fifty six ; at the same time perhaps when , the three kings reigned there , and of like autority . for to what purpose do they bring these trivial testimonies , by which they might as well prove altars , candles at noon , and the greatest part of those superstitions fetched from paganism or iud●ism , which the papists inveigled by this fond argument of antiquity , retain to this day ? to what purpose those decrees of i know not what bishops , to a parliament and people who have thrown out both bishops and altars , and promised all reformation by the word of god ? and that altars brought tithes hither , as one corruption begot another , is evident by one of those questions , which the monk a●●tin propounded to the pope , concerning those things which by offerings of the faithful came to the altars as beda writes , l. ●● . if then by these testimonies we must have tithes continued ; we must again have altars . of fathers , by custom so called , they quote ambrose , augustin , and some other ceremonial doctors of the same leaven , whose assertion without pertinent scripture , no reformed church can admit ; and what they vouch , is founded on the law of moses , with which every where pitifully mistaken , they again incorporate the gospel ; as did the rest also of those titular fathers , perhaps an age or two before them , by many rights and ceremonies , both jewish and heathenish introdu●●d ; whereby thinking to gain all , they lost all ; and instead of winning jews and pagans to be christians , by too much condescending they turend christians into jews and pagans . to heap such unconvincing citations as these in religion , whereof the scripture only is our rule , argues not much learning nor judgment ; but the lost labour of much unprofitable reading ; and yet a late ●ot querist for tithes , whom he may know by his wits lying ever beside him in the margent , to be ever besides his wits in the text ; a fierce reformer once , now ranckl'd with a contrary heat , would send us back very reformedly indeed , to learn reformation from tyndarus and rebuffus , two canonical promoters . they produce next , the ancient stitutions of this land , saxon laws , edicts of kings , and their councels from athelstan in the year nine hundred twenty eight , that tithes by t●te were paid ; and might produce from ina above two hundred years before ; that romescot or peters-penny , was by as good statute law paid to the pope from seven hundred twenty five , and almost as long continu'd . and who knows not , that this law of tithes was enacted by those kings and barons , upon the opinion they had of their divine right , as the very words import of edward the confessor , in the close of that law : for so blessed austin preached and taught ; meaning the monk , who first brought the romish religion into england , from gregory the pope . and by the way , i add , that by these laws , imitating the laws of moses ; the third part of tithes only was the priests due ; the other two were appointed for the poor and to adorn or repair churches , as the canons of echbert and elphric witness : concil . brit. if then these laws were founded upon the opinion of divine autority , and that autority be found mistaken , and erroneous , as hach been fully manifested ; it follows , that these laws fall of themselves with their false foundation . but with what face or conscience can they alledge moses , or these laws for tithes , as they now enjoy ; whereof moses ordains the owner , as we heard before , the stranger , the fatherless and the widow partakers with with the levite ; and these fathers which they cite ; and these though romish rather than english laws , allotted both to priest and bishop the third part only . but these our protestant , these our new reformed english presbyterian divines , against their own cited authors , and to the shame of their pretended reformation , would engross to themselves all tithes by statute , and supported more by their wilful obstinacy and desire of filthy lucre , than by these both insufficient and impertinent autorities , would perswade a christian magistracy and parliament , whom we trust god hath restored for a happier reformation , to impose upon us a judaical ceremonial law , and yet from that law to be more irregular and unwarrantable , more complying with a covetous clergy , than any of those popish kings and parliaments alledged . another shift they have to plead that tithes may be moral as well as the sabbath , a tenth of fruits as well as a seaventh of days . i answer , that the prelates who urge this argument , have least reason to use it ; denying morality in the sabbath , and therein better agreeing with reformed churches abroad , than the rest of our divines . as therefore the seaventh day is not moral , but a convenient recourse of worship in fit season ; whether seaventh or other number : so neither is the tenth of our goods , but only a convenient subsistance morally due to ministers , the last and lowest sort of their arguments , that men purchas'd not their tithe with their land and such like pertiforggery , i omit , as refuted suffoiently by others : i omit also their violent and irreligious exactions , related no less credibly : their seising of pots and pans from the poor , who have as good right to tithes as they ; fromsome , the very beds ; their sueing and imprisoning , worse than when the canon law was in force ; worse than when those sons of eli were priests , whose manner was thus to seise their pretended priestly due by force , sam. . , &c. whereby men abhorred the offering of the lord ▪ and it may be feared that many will as much abhor the gospel , if such violence as this be suffered in her ministers , and in that which they also pretend to be the offering of the lord. for those sons of belial within some limits made seisure of what they knew was their own by an undoubted law : but these , from whom there is no sanctuary , seise out of mens grounds , out of mens houses their other goods of double , sometimes of treble value , for that , which did not covetousness and rapine blind them , they know to be not their own by the gospel which they preach . of some more tolerable than these , thus severely god hath spoken ; isa . . &c. they are greedy dogs ; they all look to their own way , every one for his gain , from his quarter . with what anger then will he judge them who stand not looking , but under colour of a divine right , fetch by force that which is not their own , taking his name not in vain , but in violence ? nor content as gehazi was to make a cunning , but a constrained advantage of what their master bids them give freely ▪ how can they but return smitten , worse than that sharking minister , vvitha spiritual leprosie ? and yet they cry out sacriledge , that men vvill not be gull'd and hassl'd the tenth of their estates by giving credit to frivolous pretences of divine right . where did god ever clearly declare to all nations , or in all lands ( and none but fools , part with their estates , without elearest of evidence , on bare supposals and presumptions of them who are the gainers thereby ) that he required the tenth due to him or his son perpetually and in all places ? where did he demand it , that we might certainly know , as in all claims of temporal right , what is just and reasonable ? or if demanded , where did he design it ; or by what evident , conveyance to ministers● unless they can demonstrate this , by more than conjectures ; their title can be no better to tithes , than the titles of gohazi was to those things which by abusing his masters name he rooked from neemen . much less , where did he command that tithes should be fetcht by for●e , where : left not under the gospel whatever his right was , to the free-will offerings of men ? which is the greater sacriledge , to belie divine autoritie , to make the name of christ accessary to violence ; and robbing him of the very honour which he aimed at , in bestowing freely the gospel , to commit simonie and rapine , both secular and ecclesiastical , or on the other side not to give the tenth of civil right and propriety to the tricks and impostures of clergy-men ; contriv'd with all the art and argument that their bellies can invent or suggest , yet so ridiculous and presuming on the peoples dulness or superstition , as to think they prove the divine right of their maintainance by abram , paying tithes to melchisedec , when as melchisedec in that passage rather gave maintenance to abram ; in whom all , both priests and ministers , as well as lay-men , paid tithes , not received them . and because i affirm both ; beginning this first part of my discourse , that god hath given to ministers of the gospel that maintenance only which is justly given them ; let us see a little what hath been thought of that other maintenance besides tithes , which of all protestants , our english divines , either only or most apparently both require and take . those are fees for christnings , marriages , and burials , whi●h though who so will , may give freely , yet being not of right , but of free gift if they be exacted or established ; they become unjust to them who are otherwise maintained ; and of such evil note , that even the council of trent , l. . p. . makes them lyable to the laws against simonie who take or demand fees for the administring of any sacrament ; che la sinodo volendo levare oli abusi vntrodotti , &c. and in the next page with like se●erity condemns the giving or taking for a benefice , and the celebrating of marriages , christnings and burials , for fees exacted or demanded ; nor counts it less simonie to sell the ground or place of burial . and in a state-assembly at orleans , , it was decreed , che non si potesse essiger co●● alcuna , &c. p. ● . that nothing should be exacted for the administring of sacrament● burials , or any other spiritual function . thus much that coun●●l of all others the most popish , and this assembly of papists ; though , by their own principles , in , bondage to the clergy , were induc'd , either by their own reason and shame , or by the light of reformation then shining in upon them ; or rather by the known canons of many councels and synods long before , to condemn of simbnie spiritual fees demanded . for it the minister be maintain'd for his whole ministry ; why should he be twice paid for any part thereof ? why should he , like a servant seek above his wages ? as for christnings , either they themselves call men to baptism ? of men of themselves come : if ministers invite , how ill had it becomed iohn the baptist to demand fees for his baptising , or christ for his christnings ? far less becomes it these now ; with a greediness lower than that of tradesmen , calling passengers to their shop , and yet paid before hand , to ask again , for doing that which those their founders did did freely . if men of themselves come to baptised , they are either brought by such as already pay the minister , or come to be one of his disciples and 〈◊〉 ; of whom to ask a fee as it were for entrance , is a peice of paultry craft or caution , befitting none but beggarly artists . burials and ma●●lages are so 〈◊〉 to be any part of their gain , that they who consider well , i may find them to be no part of their function . at burials their attendance they alleadge on the corps ; all the guests do as much unhir'd ; but their praiers as the grave superst●idusly required : yet if required , their last performance to the deceased of their own fl●ck . but the funeral sermon , at their choise , or if not , an occasion offered them to preach out of season , which is one part of their office . but something must be spoken in praise ▪ if due , their duty ; if undue , their corruption : a peculiar simonie of our divines in england only . but the ground is broken , and especially their unrighteous possession of the channel to sell that ; will not only raise up in judgment the councel of t●ent against them , but will loose them the rest champion of tithes , their zealous antiquary , sir hen. spelman ; who in a book written to that purpose , by many cited canons , and some even of times corruptest in the church , proves that fees exacted or demanded for sacraments , marriages , burials , and especially for interring , are wicked , accursed , simoniacal and abominable . yet thus is the church , for all this noise of reformation , left still unreformed , by the censure of their own synods , a den of theeves and robbers . as for marriages that ministers should not meddle with them , as not sanctif●●d or legitimate without their celebration , i find no ground in scripture , either of precept or example . likeliest it is ; ( which our selden hath well observ'd , l. . c. . ux . eb. ) that in imitation of heathen priests , who were wont at nuptials to use many rites and ceremonies , and especially judging it would be profitable , and the increase of their autority , not to be spectators only in busineses of such concernment to the life of man ; they insmuated that marriage was not holy without their benediction , and for the better colour , made it a sacrament ; being of it self a civil ordinance , a houshold contract , a thing indifferent and free to the whole race of mankind , not as religious , but as men ; best indeed , undertaken to religious ends ; and as the apostle saith , cor. . in the lord. yet not therefore invalid or unholy , without a minister and his pretended necessary hallowing , more than any other act , enterprise or contract of civil life ; which ought all to be done in the lord and to his glory . all which ; ho less than marriage , were by the cunning of priests heretofore , as material to their profit , transacted at the altar . our divines denie it to be a sacrament , yet retain'd the celebration , till prudently a late parliament recovered the civil liberty of marriage from their inchroachment ; and transferred the ratifying and registring thereof , from canonical shop to the proper cognizance of civil magistrates . seeing then , that god hath given to ministers under the gospel , that only which is justly given them , that is to say , a due and moderate livelihood ; the hire of their labour ; and that the heave-offering of tithes is abolished with the altar , yea though not abolished , yet lawless , they injoy them ; their m●lchised●cian right also trivial and groundless ; and both tithes and fees , if exacted or established , unjust or scandalous , we may hope , with them removed , to remov'd hirelings in some good measure , whom these tempting baits by law especially to be recovered , allure into the church . the next thing to be considered in the maintainance of ministers , is by whom it shall be given ? wherein though the l●ght of reason might sufficiently inform us ; it will be best to consult the scripture : gal. . . lt him that is taught in the word , communicate to him that teacheth in all good things ; that is to say , in all manner of gratitude , to his ability . cor. . . if we have sown unto you spiritual things , 〈◊〉 it a great matter if we reap your carnal things ? to whom therefore hath not been sown , from him wherefore should be reap'd ? tim. . . let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour ; especially they who labour in the word and doctrine . by these places we see , was given either by every one in particular who had been instructed , or by all them in common , brought into the church-treasurie and distributed to the ministers according to their several labours ; and that was judged either by some extraordinary person , as timothy , who by the apostle was then left at eph●sus , tim. . or by some to whom the church deputed that care . this is so agreable to reason and so clear ▪ that any one may perceive what iniqiuity and violence hath prevailed sin●● in the church , whereby it hath been so ordered , that they also shall be to recompence the parochial minister , who neither chose him for their teacher , nor have received instruction from him , as being either insufficient , or not resident , or inferiour to whom they follow ; wherein to bar their cho●● is to violate christian liberty . our law-books testifie ; that before the councel of l●teran in the year . and the fifth of our henry or rather before a decretal epistle of pope innoc●nt the third , about . and the first of king iohn , any man might have his tithes to what spiritual person he would : and , as the l. coke notes on that place , instit. part . . that this decretal bound not the subjects of this realm , but as it seem'd just and reasonable . the pope took his reason rightly from the above cited place , cor. . . but falsly suppos'd every one to be instructed by his parish-priest . whether this were then first so decreed , or rather long before ; as may seem by the laws of edgar and canute , that tithes where to be paid , not to whom he would that paid them , but to the cathedral church or the parish priest. it imports not , since the reason which they themselves bring , built on a false supposition , becomes infirm and absurd , that he should reap from me , who sows not to me ; be the cause either his defect or my free choise . but here it will be readily objected ; what if they who are to be instructed be not able to maintain a minister , as in many villages ? i answer , that the scriptures shew in many places what ought to be done herein . first , i offer it to the reason of any man , whether he think the knowledg of christian religion harder than any other art or science to attain . i suppose he will grant that it is far easier , both of it self , and in regard of gods assisting spirit ; not particularly promis'd us to the attainment of any other knowledg , but of this only : since it was preached as well to the shepherds of bethleem by angels ; as to the eastern wife men by that star : and our saviour declares himself anointed to preach the gospel to the poor , luke . . . then surely to their capacitie . they who after him first taught it , were otherwise unlearned men. they who before hus and luther first reformed it , were for the meaness of their condition , called the poor men of lions : and in flanders , at this day , les gueus , which is to say beggars . therefore are the scriptures translated into every vulgar tongue ; as being held in main matters of belief and salvation , plain and easie to the poorest ; and such no less than their teachers have the spirit to guide them in all truth , ioh. . . and . . hence we may conclude , if men be not all their life time under a teacher to learn logic , natural philosophy , ethics or mathematics , which are more difficult ; that certainly it is not necessary to the attainment of christian knowledg , that men should sit all their life long at the feet of a pulpited divine ; while he a lollard indeed over his elbow-cushion , in almost the seaventh part of . or . years , teaches them scarce half the principles of religion , and his sheep oft-times sit the while to as little purpose of benefitting , as the sheep in their pues at smithfield ; and for the most part by some simonie or other , bought a●d sold like them : or if this comparison be too low , like these women , tim. . ever learning and never attaining ; yet not so much through their won fault , as through the unskilful and immethodical teaching of their pastor ; teaching here and there at random , out of this or that text , as his ease or fansie , and oft-times as his stealth guides him . seeing that christian religion may be so easily attain'd , and by meanest capacitles ; it cannot be much difficult to find waies , both how the poor , yea all men may be soon taught what is to be known of christianity , and they who teach them , recompenc'd , first if , ministers of their own accord , who pretend that they are call'd and sent to preach the gospel , those especially who have no particular flock , would imitate our saviour and his disciples , who went preaching through the villages , not only through the cities , mat. . . mark . . luke ● . . acts . . and there preached to the poor as well as to the rich , looking for no recompence but in heaven , iohn . , . look on the fields , for they are white already to harvest ; and he that reapeth receiveth wages , and gathereth fruit unto life eternal . this was their wages . but they will soon reply , we our selves have net wherewithall ; who shall bear the charges of our journey ? to whom it may as soon be answered , that in likelihood they are not poorer , than they who did thus ; and if they have not the same faith , which those disciples had to trust in god and the promise of christ for their maintenance as they did , and yet intrude into the ministery without any livelihood of their own , they cast themselves into a miserable hazard or temptation , and oft-times into a miserable necessity , either to starve or please their master rather than god ; and give men just cause to suspect , that they came neither call'd nor sent from above to preach the word , but from below , by the instinct of their own hunger , to feed upon the church . yet grant it needful to allow them both the charges of their journey , and the hires of their labour : it belong next unto the charity of richer congregations , where most commonly they abound with teachers , to s●nd some of their number to the villages round , as the apostle from ierusalem sent peter and iohn to the city and villages of samaria , acts. . . or as the church at ierusalem sent barnabas to antioch , chap. . . and other churches jonyning , sent luke to travel with paul , ● cor. . . though whether they had their charges born by the church or no , it be not recorded . if it be objected , that this itinerary preaching will not serve to plant the gospel in those places , unless they who are sent , abide there ●●me competent time ; i answer that if they stay there a year or two , which was the longest time usually staid by the apostles in one place , it may 〈◊〉 to teach them , who will attend and learn all the points of religion necessary to salvation ; then sorting them into several congregations of a moderate number , out of the ablest and zealousest among them to create elders ; who exercising and requiring from themselves what they have learned , ( for no learning is retaind without constant exercise and methodical repetition ) may teach and govern the rest ; and so exhorted to continue faithful and stedfast , they may securely be committed to the providence of god , and the guidance of his holy spirit , till god may offer some opportunity to them again , and to confirm them : which when they have done , they have done as much as the apostles were wont to do in propogating the gospel , acts v. . and when they had ordained them elders in every church , and praied with fasting , they commended them to the lord , on whom they believed . and in the same chapter , ver . . . when they had preached the gospel to that city , and had taught many ; they returned again to lystra , and to i●onium and antioch , confirming the souls of the disciples , and exhorting them to continue in the faith. and chap. . . let us go again and visit our brethren . and ver . . he went through syria and cilicia , confirming the churches . to these i might add other helps , which we enjoy now , to make more easie the attainment of christian religion by the meanest : the entire scripture translated into english ; with plenty of notes ; and some where or other , i trust may be found some wholsome body of divinity , as they call it , without school-terms and metaphysical notions , which have obscur'd , rather than explain'd our religion , and made it seem difficult without cause . thus taught once for all ; and thus now and then visited and confirmed , in the most destitute and poorest places of the land , under the government of their own elders , performing all ministerial offices among them , they may be trusted to meet and edifie one nother ; whether in church or chappel , or to save them the trudging of many miles thither , nearer home , though in a houseor ba●r . for notwithstanding the gaudy superstition of some devoted still ignorantly to temple , we may be well assur'd , that he who disdain'd not to be laid in a ma●ger , disdains not to be preached in a barn ; and that by such meetings as these being indeed most apostolical and primitive ; they will in a short time advance more in christian-knowledge and reformation of life , than by the many years preaching of such an incumbent , i may say such an incubus oft-times , as will be meanly hired to abide long in those places . they have this left perhaps to object further , that to send thus and to maintain , though but for a year or two , ministers and teachers in several places , would prove chargeable , to the churches , though in towns and cities round about . to whom again i answer , that it was not thought so by them , who first thus propagated the gospel , though but few in number to us , and much less able to sustain the expence . yet this expence would be much less , then to hire incumbents , or rather incumbrances for a life-time ; and a great means ( which is the subject of this discourse ) to diminish hirelings . but be the expence less or more , if it be found burdensome to the churches , they have in this land an easie remedie in their recourse to the civil magistrate , who hath in his hands the disposal of no small revenues left , perhaps , anciently to superstitious , but meant undoubtedly to good and best uses ; and therefore once made publick , appliable by the present magistrate , to such uses as the church or solid reason from whomsoever shall convince him to think best . and those uses may be , no doubt , much rather than as glebes and augmentations are now bestowed , to grant such requests as these of the churches , or to erect in greater number all over the land , schools , and competent libraries to those schools ; where languages and arts may be taught free together , without the needless , unprofitable and inconvenient removing to another place . so all the land would soon be better civili'zd , and they who are taught freely at the publick cost , might have their education given them on this condition ; that therewith content , they should not gad for preferment out of their own country , but continue there thankful for what they have received freely , bestowing it as freely on their country , without soaring above the meanness wherein they were born . but how they shall live when they are thus bred and dismis'd , will be still the sluggish objection . to which is answered , that those publick foundations may be so instituted , as therein may be at once brought up to a competence of learning , and to an honest trade ; and the hours of teaching so ordered , as their studie may be no hindrance to their labour or other calling ; this was the breeding of st. paul , though born of no mean parents , a free citizen of the roman empire : so little did his trade debase him , that it rather enabled him to use that magnanimitie of preaching the gospel , through asia and europe at his own charges . thus those preachers among the poor waldenses , the ancient stock of our reformation ; without these helps which i speak of ; bred up themselves in trades , ( and especially in physick and surgery , as well as in the study of scripture ( which is the only true theology ) that they might be no burden to the church ; and by the example of christ , might cure both soul and bodie ; through industry joining that to their ministry , which , he joyned to his by gift of the spirit . thus relates peter giles in his history of the waldenses in piedmont . but our ministers think scorn to use a trade , and count it the reproach of this age , that trades-men preach the gospel . it were to be wished they were all trades-men ; they could not then so many of them , for want of another trade , make a trade of their preaching ; and yet they clamor that trades-men preach , and yet they preach while they themselves are the worst trades-men of all . as for church-endowments and possessions ; i meet with none considerable before constantine , but the houses and gardens where they met , and their places of burial : and i perswade me , that from them the ancient waldenses , whom deservedly i cite so often , held , that to endow churches , is an evil thing ; and that the church then fell off , and turned whore , sitting on that beast in the revelation , when under pope sylvester she received those temporal donations : so the forecited tractate of their doctrine testifies . this also their own traditions of that heavenly voice witnes'd , and some of the ancient fathers then living , foresaw and deplor'd . and indeed , how could these endowments thrive better with the church , being unjustly taken by those emperors without suffrage of the people , out of the tributes and publick lands of each city whereby the people became liable to be oppressed with other taxes ? being therefore given for the most part by kings and other publick persons , and so likeliest out of the publick ; and if without the peoples consent , unjustly , however to publick ends of much concernment to the good or evil of a commonwealth ; and in that regard made publick though given by private persons ; or which is worse , given , as the clergy then perswaded men , for their soul's health , a pious gift ; but as the truth was , oft-times a bribe to god or christ for absolution , as they were then taught , from murders , adulteries , and other hainous crimes : what shall be found heretofore given by kings or princes out of the publick , may justly by the magistrate be recall'd and reappropriated to the civil revenue ; what by private or publick persons out of their own , the price for blood or lust , or to such purgatorious and superstitious uses , not only may but ought to be taken off from christ , as a foul dishonour laid upon him , or not impiously given , nor in particular to any one , but in general to the churches good , may be converted to that use , which shall be judged tending more to that end thus did the princes and cities of germany in the first reformation ; and defended their so doing by many reasons , which are set down at large , in sleidan l. . an . , and l. . an . . and l. . an . but that the magistrate , either out of that church-revenue , which remains yet in his hand , or establishing any other maintenance instead of tithe , should take into his own power the stipendiary maintenance instead of church ministers , or compel it by law ; can stand neither with the people right nor with christian liberty , but would suspend the church wholly upon the state , and turn her ministers into state pentioners . and for the magistrate in person of a nursing father to make the church his meer ward , as alwaies in minority , the church to whom he ought as magistrate , esa. . . to bow down his face toward the earth , and lick up the dust of her feet ; her to subject to his political drifts , or conceived opinions by mastering her revenue , and so by his examinant committees , as send her free election of ministers , is neither just nor pious ; no honour done to the church , but a plain dishonour ; and upon her , whose only head is in heaven , yea upon him , who is her only head , sets another in effect , and which is most monstrous , a human on heavenly , a carnal on a spiritual ; a political head on an ecclesiastical body ; which at last by such heterogeneal , such incestuous conjunction , transforms her oft-times into a beast of many heads and many horns . for if the church be of all societies the honest on earth ; and so to be reveng'd by the magistrate ; not to trust her with her own belief and integrity , and therefore not with the keeping , a least with the disposing of what revenue shall be found justly and lawfully her own , is to count the church not a holy congregation , but a pack of giddy or dishonest persons , to be ruled by civil power in sacred affairs . but to proceed further in the truth yet more freely , seeing the christian church is not national , but consisting of many particular congregations , subject to many changes , as well through civil accidents as through schism and various opinions , not to be decided by any outward judge , being matters of conscience , whereby these pretended church-revenues , as they have been ever , so are like to continue endless matter of dis●ention both between the church and magistrate , and the churches among themselves . there will be found no better remedy to these evils , otherwise incurable , than by the incorruptest council of those waldenses , our first reformers , to remove them as a pest , an apple of discord in the church , ( for what else can be the effect of riches and the snare of mony in religion ? ) and to convert them to those more profitable uses above expressed or other such as shall be judged most necessary ; considering that the church of christ was founded in poverty rather than in revenues , stood purest and prospered best without them , received them unlawfully from them who both erroneously and unjustly , sometimes impiously , gave them , and so justly was ensuared and corrupted by them . and least it be thought that these revenues withdrawn and better imployed , the magistrate ought instead to settle by statute some maintenance of ministers , let this be considered first , that it concerns every mans conscience to what religion he contributes : and that the civil magistrate is intrusted with civil rights only , not with conscience , which can have no deputy or representer of it self , but one of the same mind : next , that what each man gives to the minister , he gives either as to god , or as to his teacher ; if as to god , no civil power can justly consecrate to religious uses any part either of civil revenue , which is the peoples ; and must save them from other taxes ; or of any mans propriety , but god by special command , as he did by moses , or the owner himself by voluntary intention , and the perswasion of his giving it to god. forced consecrations out of another mans estate , are no better than forc'd vowes , f●ateful to god , who loves a chearful giver , but more hateful , wrung out o mens purses to maintain a disapproved ministery against their conscience ; however unholy , infamous and dishonourable to his ministers and the free gospel , maintained in such unworthy manner as by violence and extortion : if he give it as to his teacher , what justice or equity compels him to pay for learning that religion which leaves freely to his choise , whether he will learn it or no , whether of this teacher or another , and especially to pay for what he never learned , or approves not ; whereby besides the wound of his conscience , he becomes the less able to recompence his true teacher ? thus far hath been enquired by whom church-ministers ought to be maintained , and hath been proved most natural , most equal and agreeable with scripture , to be by them who receive their teaching ; and by whom , if they be unable . which waies well observ'd , can discourage none but hirelings , and will much lessen their number in the church . it remains lastly to consider in what manner god hath ordained that recompence be given to ministers of the gospel : and by all scripture it will appear that he hath given it them not by civil law and freehold , as they claim , but by the benevolence and free gratitude of such as receive them : luke . , . eating and drinking such things as they give you . if they receive you , eat such things as are set before you , mat. ● , . as ye go , preach , saying , the kingdom of god is at hand , &c. freely ye have received , freely give . if god have ordained ministers to preach freely , whether they receive recompence or not , then certainly he hath forbid both them to compel it for them . but freely given to himself : phil. . , , . ye sent once and again to my necessity . not because i desire a gift ; but i desire fruit that may abound to your account . having received of epaphroditus the things which were sent from you , an odour of sweet smell , a sacrifice acceptable , well pleasing to god. which cannot be from force or unwillingness . the same is said of alms , heb. . . to do good and to communicate , forget not : for with such sacrifices god is well pleased . whence the primitive church thought it no shame to receive all their maintenance as the alms of their auditors . which they who defend tithes , as if it made for their cause , when as it utterly confutes them , omit not to set down at large ; proving to our hands out of origen , tertullian , cyprian , and others , that the clergy lived at first upon the meer benevolence of their hearers : who gave what they gave , not to the clergy , but to the church ; out of which the clergy had their portions given them in baskets ; and were thence called sportularii , basket-clerks : that their portion was a very mean allowance , only for a bare livelihood ; according to those precepts of our saviour , mat. . , &c. the rest was distributed to the poor . they cite also out of prosper , the disciple of st. austin , that such of the clergy as had means of their own , might not without sin partake of church-maintenance ; not receiving thereby food which they abound with , but feeding on the sins of other men : that the holy ghost saith of such clergy-men , they eat the sins of my people : and that a council at antioch , in the year , suffered not either priest or bishop to live on church-maintenance without necessity . thus far tithers themselves have contributed to their own confutation , by confessing that the church lived primitively on alms. and i add , that about the year , constantius the emperor having summoned a general council of bishops to ariminum in italy , and provided for their subsistence there , the british and french bishops judging it not decent to live on the publick , chose rather to be at their own charges . three only out of britain constrained through want , yet refusing offered assistance from the rest , accepted the emperors provision ; judging it more convenient to subsist by publick than by private sustenance . whence we may conclude , that bishops then in this island had their livelihood only from benevolence ; in which regard this relater sulpitius severus , a good author of the same time , highly praises them . and the waldenses , our first reformers , both from the scripture and these primitive examples , maintain'd those among them who bore the office of ministers , by alms only . take their very words from the history written of them in french , part. . l. . c. . la nourriture & ce de quoy nous sommes converts , &c. our food and cloathing is sufficiently administred and given to us by way of gratitude and alms , by the good people whom we teach . if then by alms and benevolence , not by legal force , not by tenure of free-hold or copy-hold : for alms , though just , cannot be compell'd ; and benevolence forc'd is malevolence rather , violent and inconsistent with the gospel ; and declares him no true minister thereof , but a rapacious hireling rather , who by force receiving it , eats the bread of violence and exaction , no holy or just livelihood , no not civilly counted honest : much less beseeming such a spiritual ministry . but , say they , our maintenance is our due , tithes the right of christ , unseparable from the priest , no where repeal'd ▪ if then , not otherwise to be had , by law to be recovered : for though paul were pleased to foregoe his due , and not to use his power , cor. . . yet he had a power , v. and bound not others . i answer first , because i see them still so loath to unlearn their decimal arithmetick and still grasp their tithes as inseparable from a priest , that ministers of the gospel are not priests : and therefore separated from tithes by their own exclusion : being neither called priests in the new testament , nor of any order known in scripture : not of melchisedec , proper to christ only ; not of aaron , as they themselves will confess : and the third priesthood only remaining , is common to all the faithful . but they are ministers of our high priest. true ; but not of his priesthood , as the levites were to aaron : for he performs that whole office himself incommunicably . yet tithes remain , say they , still unreleased , the due of christ : and to whom payable , but to his ministers ? i say again , that no man can so understand them , unless christ in some place or other so claim them . that example of abram argues nothing but his voluntary act : honour once only done , but on what consideration , whether to a priest or to a king , whether due the honor , arbitrary that kind of honor or not , will after all contending be left still in meer conjecture : which must not be permitted in the claim of such a needy and subtle spiritual corporation pretending by divine right to the tenth of all other mens estates : nor can it be allowed by wise men or the verdit of common law. and the tenth part , though once declared holy , is declar'd now to be no holier than the other nine , by that command to peter , act. . , : whereby all distinction of holy and unholy is removed from all things . tithes therefore though claimed , and holy under the law , yet are now released and quitted both by that command to peter , and by this to all ministers , abovecited , luke ; eating and drinking such things as are given in reference to this command : which he calls not holy things or things of the gospel , as if the gospel had any consecrated things in answer to things of the temple , v. , but he calls them your carnal things , v. . without changing their property . and what power had he ? not the power of force but of conscience only , whereby he might lawfully and without scruple live on the gospel : receiving what was given him , as the recompence of his labor . for if christ the master hath professed his kingdom to be not of this world , it suits not with that profession either in him or his ministers to claim temporal right from spiritual respects . he who refused to be the divider of an inheritance between two brethren , cannot approve his ministers by pretended right from him to be dividers of tenths and freeholds out of other mens possessions , making thereby the gospel but a cloak of carnal interest , and , to the contradiction of their master , turning his heavenly kingdom into a kingdom of this world , a kingdom of force and rapin . to whom it will be one day thundered more terribly than to gehazi , for thus dishonouring a far greater master and his gospel , is this a time to receive money and to receive garments and olive-yards and vineyards and sheep and oxen ? the leprosie of naaman linked with that apostolick curse of perishing imprecated on simon magus , may be feared will cleave to such and to their seed for ever . so that when all is done , and belly hath used in vain all her cunning shifts , i doubt not but all true ministers , considering the demonstration of what hath been here proved , will be wise , and think it much more tolerable to hear , that no maintenance of ministers , whether tithes or any other , can be setled by statute : but must be given by them who receive instruction , and freely given , as god hath ordained . and indeed what can be a more honourable maintenance to them , than such , whether alms or willing oblations as these , which being accounted both alike as given to god , the only acceptable sacrifices now remaining , must needs represent him who receives them , much in the care of god and nearly relating to him , when not by worldly force and constraint , but with religious awe and reverence , what is given to god , is given to him , and what to him , accounted as given to god ? this would ▪ be well enough , say they ; but how many will so give ? i answer as many , doubtless , as shall be well taught ; as many as god shall so move . why are ye so distrastful , both of your own doctrine and of gods promises , fulfilled in the experience of those disciples first sent : luke . . . when i sent you without purse and scrip and shoes ; lacked ye any thing ? and they said , nothing . how then came ours , or who sent them thus destitute , thus poor and empty , both of purse and faith ? who stile themselves embassadors of jesus christ ; and seem to be his tithe-gatherers : though an office of their own setting up to his dishonour ; his exacters , his publicans rather , not trusting that he will maintain them in their embassy , unless they bind him to his promise by a statute-law that we shall maintain them . lay down for shame that magnifie title , while ye seek maintenance from the people . it is not the manner of embassadors to ask maintenance of them to whom they are sent . but he who is lord of all things , hath so ordained ; trust him then ; he doubtless will command the people to make good his promise of maintenance more honourably unasked , unracked for . this they know , this they preach , yet believe not ; but think it as impossible without a statute-law to live of the gospel , as if by those words they were bid go eat their bibles , as ezekiel and iohn did their books ; and such doctrines as these are as bitter to their bellies ; but will serve so much the better to discover hirelings , who can have nothing , though but in apperance , just and solid to answer for themselves against what hath been here spoken ; unless perhaps this one remaining pretence , which we shall see either to be false or uningenuous . they pretend that their education , either at school or universitie hath been very chargeable ; and therefore ought to be repaired in future by a plentiful maintenance : whenas it is well known , that the better half of them ; and oft-times poor and pitiful boyes of no merit or promising hopes that might entitle them to the publick provision , but their poverty and unjust favour of friends , have had most of their breeding both at school and universitie by schollarships , exhibitions and fellowships at the publick cost , which might ingage them the rather to give freely , as they have freely received : or if they have miss'd of these helps at the latter place , they have after two or three years left the course of their studies there , if they ever well began them , and undertaken , ( though furnished with little else , but ignorance , boldness and ambition , if with no worse vices ; ) a chaplainship in some gentlemans house , to the frequent imbasing of his sons illiterate and narrow principles . or if they have lived there upon their own , who knows not that seaven years charge of living there , to them who fly not from the government of parents to the license of a universitie , but come seriously to study , is no more than ma● be defrai'd and reimburs'd by one years revenue of an ordinary good benefice ? if they had then means of breeding from their parents , 't is likely they have more now ; and if they have , it needs must be mechanick and uningenuous in them to bring a bill of charges for learning of those liberal arts and sciences , which they have learned ( if they have indeed learned them , as they seldom have ) to their own benefit and accomplishment . but they will say , we had betaken us to some other trade or profession , had we not expected to find a better livelihood by the ministery . this is that which i looked for , to discover them openly , neither true lovers of learning , and so very guilty of it , nor true ministers of the gospel . so long agoe out of date is that old true saying , tim. . . if a man desires a bishoprick , he desires a good work : for now commonly he who desires to be a minister , looks not at the work but at the wages ; and by that lute or lowbel may be told from parish to parish all the town over . but what can be plainer simonie , than thus to be at charges before hand , to no other end than to make ministry double or trebly beneficial ? to whom it might be said as justly as to that simon , thy mony perish with thee ; because thou hast thought the gift of god may be purchas'd with mony : thou hast neither part nor lot in this matter . next , it is a fond error though too much believed among us , to think that the universitie makes a minister of the gospel ; what it may conduce to other arts and sciences , i dispute not now : but that which makes fit a minister , the scripture can best inform us to be only from above ; whence also we are bid to seek them , mat. . . pray ye th●refore to the lord of the harvest , that he will send forth labourers into his harvest . acts . . the flock , over which the holy ghost hath made you over-se●rs . rom. . . how shall they preach , unl●ss they be sent ? by whom sent ? by the universitie , or the magistrate , or their belly ? no surely ; but sent from god only , and that god who is not their belly . and whether he be sent from god , or from simon magus , the inward sense of his calling and spiritual ability will sufficiently tell him ; and that strong obligation felt within him , which was felt by the apostle , will often express from him the same words , cor. . necessitie is laid upon me ; yea , woe is me if i preach not the gospel . not a beggarly necessity , and the woe fear'd otherwife of perpetual want , but such a necessity as made him willing to preach the gospel gratis , and to embrace povertie rather than as a woe to fear it , cor. . god hath set some in the church , first apostles , &c. eph. . . &c. he gave some apostles , &c. for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministrie , for the edifying of the body of christ , till we all come to the unitie of the faith , as he hath made them at the first , so he makes them still , and to the worlds end . . cor. . . who hath also made us fit or able ministers of the new testament . tim. . . the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophesie and the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . these are all the means which we read of required in scripture to the making of a minister . all this is granted , you will say : but yet , that it is also requisite he should be train'd in other learning ▪ which can be no where better had than at universities . i answer , that what learning , either human or divine , can be necessary to a minister , may as easily and less chargeably be had in any private house . how deficient else and to how little purpose , are all those piles of sermons , notes and comments on all parts of the bible , bodies and marrow of divinitie , besides all other sciences in our english tongue ; many of the same books , which in latine they read at the universitie ? and the small necessity of going thither to learn divinitie , i prove first from the most part of themselves , who seldom continue there till they have well got through logick , their first rudiments ; though to say truth , logick also may much better be wanting in disputes of divinitie , than in the subtle debates of lawyers and states-men , who yet seldom or never deal with syllogisms . and those theological disputations there held by professors ; and graduates , are such as tend least of all to the edification or capacitie of the people ; but rather leaven pure doctrine with scholastical trash , than enable a minister to the preaching of the gospel . whence we may also compute , since they come to recknings , the charges of his needful library : which though some shame not to value at ● . may be competently furnished for . if any man for his own curiosity or delight be in books further expensive , that is not to be reckon'd as necessary to his ministerial , either breeding or function . but papists and other adversaries cannot be confuted without fathers and councels , immense volumes and of vast charges . i will shew them therefore a shorter and a better way of confutation , tit. . . holding fast the faithful word as he hath been taught , that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort and to convince gain-sayers ; who are confuted as soon as heard , bringing that which is either not in scripture or against it . to pursue them further through the obscure and intangled word of antiquity ; fathers and councels fighting one against another ; is needless , endless , not requisite in a minister , and refus'd by the first reformers of our religion . and yet we may be confident , if these things are thought needful ; let the state but erect in publick , good store of libraries and there will not want men in the church , who of their own inclinations will become able in this kind against papist or any other adversarie . i have thus at large examined the usual pretences of hirelings , coloured over most commonly with the cause of learning and universities ; as if with divines , learning stood and fell ; wherein for the most part their pittance is so small ▪ and to speak freely , it were much better , there were not one divine in the universitie ; no school-divinitie known , the idle sophastry of monks , the canker of religion ; and that they who intended to be ministers , were trained up in the church only , by the scripture and in the original languages thereof at school ; without fetching the compass of other arts and sciences , more than what they can well learn at secondary leasure and at home . neither speak i this in contempt of learning or the ministry , but hating the common cheats of both ; hating that they who have preached out bishops , prelates and canonists , should , in what serves their own ends , retain their false opinions , their pharasaical leaven , their avarice and closely their ambition , their pluralities , their nonresidences , their odious fees , and use their legal and popish arguments for tithes : that independents should take that name , as they may justly from the true freedom of christian doctrine and church discipline , subject to no superior judge but god only , and seek to be dependents on the magistrate for their maintenance , which two things , independence and state-hire in religion , can never consist long or certainly together . for magistrates at one time or other ; not like these at present our patrons of christian liberty , will pay none but such whom by their committees of examination , they find conformable to their interest and opinions , and hirelings will soon frame themselves to that interest and those opinions , which they see best pleasing to their pay-masters ; and to seem right themselves , will force others as to the truth . but most of all they are to be revil'd and sham'd , who cry out with a distinct voice of notorious hirelings , that if ye settle not our maintenance by law , farewell the gospel ; then which nothing can be uttered more false , more ignominious , and i may say , more blasphemous against our saviour ; who hath promised without this condition , both his holy spirit , and his own presence with his church to the worlds end : nothing more false ( unless with their own mouths they condemn themselves for the unworthiest and most mercenary of all other ministers ) by the experience of years after christ , and the churches at this day , in france , austria polonia , and other places witnessing the contrary , under an adverse magistrate , not a favourable , nothing more ignominious , levelling or rather undervaluing christ beneath mahomet . for if it be thus , how can any christian object it to a turk , that his religion stands by force only ; and not justly fear from him this reply , yours both by force and mony in the judgment of your own preachers . this is that which make atheists sin in the land ; whom they so much complain of ; not the want of maintenance or preachers , as they alleage , but the many hirelings , and cheaters that have the gospel in their hands , hands that still crave , and are never satisfied . likely ministers indeed , to proclaim the faith , or to exhort our trust in god , when they themselves will not trust him to provide for them in the message whereon , they say , he sent them , but threa●en for want of temporal means to desert it ; calling that want of means , which is nothing else but the want of their own faith : and would force us to pay the hire of building our faith to their covetuous incredulity . doubtless , if god only be he who gives ministers to his church till the worlds end , and through the whole gospel never sent us for ministers to the schools of philosophy , but rather bids us beware of such vain deceit col. . . ( which the primitive church , after two or three ages not remembring , brought her self quickly to confusion ) if all the faithful be now holy and royal priesthood , pet. . , . not excluded from the dispensation of things holiest , after free election of the church and imposition of hands , there will not want ministers , elected out of all sorts and orders of men , for the gospel makes no difference from the magistrate himself to the meanest artificer , if god evidently favour him with spiritual gifts , as he can easily and oft hath done ; while those batchelor divines , and doctors of the tippet have been pass'd by : heretofore in the first evangelick times ( it were happy for christendom if it were so again ) ministers of the gospel were by nothing else distinguished f●om other christians but by their knowledge and sanctitie of life ; for which the church elected them to be her teachers and overseers , though not thereby to seperate them from what ever calling she then found them following besides , as the example of st. paul declares , and the first time of christianity . when once they affected to be called a clergy , and became as it were a peculiar tribe of levites , a party , a dictinct order in the common-wealth ; bred up for divines in babling schools and fed at the publick cost ; good for nothing else , but what was good for nothing , they soon grew idle ; that idleness with fulness of bread begat pride and perpetual contention with their feeders , the despis'd laitie , through all ages ever since ; to the perverting of religion , and the disturbance of all christendom . and we may considently conclude , it never will be otherwise , while they are thus upheld undepending on the church , on which alone they anciently depended , and are by they magistrate publickly maintain'd a numerous faction of indigent persons , crept for the most part out of extream want and bad nature , claiming by divine right and freehold the tenth of our estates , to monopolize the ministry as their peculiar , which is free and open to all able christians , elected by any church . under this pretence exempt from all other imployment , and enriching themselves from the publick , they last of all prove common incendiaries , and exalt their horns against the magistrate himself that maintains them ; as the priest or rome did soon after against his benefactor the emperor , and the late presbyters in scotland . of which hireling - crew , together with all the mischiefs , dissentions , troubles , wars meerly of their kindling , christendom might soon rid her self and be happy , if christians would but know their own dignitie , their libertie , their adoption ; and let it not be wondred , if i say their spiritual priesthood , whereby they have all equally access to any ministerial function whenever call'd by their own abilities and the church ; though they never came near commencement or universitie . but while protestants , to avoid the due labour of undertaking their own religion , are o●tent to lodge it in the breast , or rather in the books of a clergy-man , and to take it thence by scraps and mammocks , as he dispences it in his sundays ●dole ; they will be always learning and never knowing , always infants , always either his vassals , as lay-papists are to their priests , or at odds with him . reformed principles give them some light to be not wholly conformable , whence infinite disturbances in the state , as they do , must needs follow . thus much i had to say , and i suppose , what may be enough to them who are not ava●●ciously be●t otherwise , touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church , than which nothing can more conduce to truth , to peace and all happiness both in church and state. if i be not heard nor believed , the event will bear me witness to have spoken truth : and i in the mean while have born my witness not out of season to the church and to my country . finis . paradise regain'd a poem in iv books : to which is added samson agonistes / the author john milton. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) paradise regain'd a poem in iv books : to which is added samson agonistes / the author john milton. milton, john, - . milton, john, - . samson agonistes. [ ], , , [ ] p. printed by j.m. for john starkey ..., london : . first edition. added t.p. and separate paging: samson agonistes, a dramatic poem / the authour john milton. london : printed by j.m. for john starkey ..., . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed , july . . paradise regain'd . a poem . in iv books . to which is added samson agonistes . the author john milton . london , printed by j. m. for john starkey at the mitre in fleetstreet , near temple-bar . mdclxxi . paradise regain'd , a poem . the first book . i who e're while the happy garden sung , by one mans disobedience lost , now sing recover'd paradise to all mankind , by one mans firm obedience fully tri'd through all temptation , and the tempter foil'd in all his wiles , defeated and repuls't , and eden rais'd in the wast wilderness . thou spirit who ledst this glorious eremite into the desert , his victorious field against the spiritual foe , and broughtst him thence by proof the undoubted son of god , inspire , as thou art wont , my prompted song else mute , and bear through highth or depth of natures bounds with prosperous wing full summ'd to tell of deeds above heroic , though in secret done , and unrecorded left through many an age , worthy t' have not remain'd so long unsung . now had the great proclaimer with a voice more awful then the sound of trumpet , cri'd repentance , and heavens kingdom nigh at hand to all baptiz'd : to his great baptism flock'd with aw the regions round , and with them came from nazareth the son of joseph deem'd to the flood jordan , came as then obscure , unmarkt , unknown ; but him the baptist soon descri'd , divinely warn'd , and witness bore as to his worthier , and would have resign'd to him his heavenly office , nor was long his witness unconfirm'd : on him baptiz'd heaven open'd , and in likeness of a dove the spirit descended , while the fathers voice from heav'n pronounc'd him his beloved son. that heard the adversary , who roving still about the world , at that assembly fam'd would not be last , and with the voice divine nigh thunder-struck , th' exalted man , to whom such high attest was giv'n , a while survey'd with wonder , then with envy fraught and rage flies to his place , nor rests , but in mid air to councel summons all his mighty peers , within thick clouds and dark ten-fold involv'd , a gloomy consistory ; and them amidst with looks agast and sad he thus bespake . o ancient powers of air and this wide world , for much more willingly i mention air , this our old conquest , then remember hell our hated habitation ; well ye know how many ages , as the years of men , this universe we have possest , and rul'd in manner at our will th' affairs of earth , since adam and his facil consort eve lost paradise deceiv'd by me , though since with dread attending when that fatal wound shall be inflicted by the seed of eve upon my head , long the decrees of heav'n delay , for longest time to him is short ; and now too soon for us the circling hours this dreaded time have compast , wherein we must bide the stroak of that long threatn'd wound , at least if so we can , and by the head broken be not intended all our power to be infring'd , our freedom and our being . in this fair empire won of earth and air ; for this ill news i bring , the womans seed destin'd to this , is late of woman born , his birth to our just fear gave no small cause , but his growth now to youths full flowr ; displaying all vertue , grace and wisdom to atchieve things highest , greatest , multiplies my fear . before him a great prophet , to proclaim his coming , is sent harbinger , who all invites , and in the consecrated stream pretends to wash off sin , and fit them so purified to receive him pure , or rather to do him honour as their king ; all come , and he himself among them was baptiz'd , not thence to be more pure , but to receive the testimony of heaven , that who he is thenceforth the nations may not doubt ; i saw the prophet do him reverence , on him rising out of the water , heav'n above the clouds unfold her crystal dores , thence on his head a perfect dove descend , whate're it meant , and out of heav'n the sov'raign voice i heard , this is my son belov'd , in him am pleas'd . his mother then is mortal , but his sire , he who obtains the monarchy of heav'n , and what will he not do to advance his son ? his first-begot we know , and sore have felt , when his fierce thunder drove us to the deep ; who this is we must learn , for man he seems in all his lineaments , though in his face the glimpses of his fathers glory shine . ye see our danger on the utmost edge of hazard , which admits no long debate , but must with something sudden be oppos'd , not force , but well couch't fraud , well woven snares , e're in the head of nations he appear their king , their leader , and supream on earth . i , when no other durst , sole undertook the dismal expedition to find out and ruine adam , and the exploit perform'd successfully ; a calmer voyage now will waft me ; and the way found prosperous once induces best to hope of like success . he ended , and his words impression left of much amazement to th' infernal crew , distracted and surpriz'd with deep dismay at these sad tidings ; but no time was then for long indulgence to their fears or grief : unanimous they all commit the care and management of this main enterprize to him their great dictator , whose attempt at first against mankind so well had thriv'd in adam's overthrow , and led thir march from hell's deep-vaulted den to dwell in light , regents and potentates , and kings , yea gods of many a pleasant realm and province wide . so to the coast of jordan he directs his easie steps ; girded with snaky wiles , where he might likeliest find this new-declar'd , this man of men , attested son of god , temptation and all guile on him to try ; so to subvert whom he suspected rais'd to end his raign on earth so long enjoy'd : but contrary unweeting he fulfill'd the purpos'd counsel pre-ordain'd and fixt of the most high , who in full frequence bright of angels , thus to gabriel smiling spake . gabriel this day by proof thou shalt behold , thou and all angels conversant on earth with man or mens affairs , how i begin to verifie that solemn message late , on which i sent thee to the virgin pure in galilee , that she should bear a son great in renown , and call'd the son of god ; then toldst her doubting how these things could be to her a virgin , that on her should come the holy ghost , and the power of the highest o're-shadow her : this man born and now up-grown , to shew him worthy of his birth divine and high prediction , henceforth i expose to satan ; let him tempt and now assay his utmost subtilty , because he boasts and vaunts of his great cunning to the throng of his apostasie ; he might have learnt less over-weening , since he fail'd in job , whose constant perseverance overcame whate're his cruel malice could invent . he now shall know i can produce a man of female seed , far abler to resist all his sollicitations , and at length all his vast force , and drive him back to hell , winning by conquest what the first man lost by fallacy surpriz'd . but first i mean to exercise him in the wilderness , there he shall first lay down the rudiments of his great warfare , e're i send him forth to conquer sin and death the two grand soes , by humiliation and strong sufferance : his weakness shall o'recome satanic strength and all the world , and mass of sinful flesh ; that all the angels and aetherial powers , they now , and men hereafter may discern , from what consummate vertue i have chose this perfect man , by merit call'd my son , to earn salvation for the sons of men . so spake the eternal father , and all heaven admiring stood a space , then into hymns burst forth , and in celestial measures mov'd , circling the throne and singing , while the hand sung with the voice , and this the argument . victory and triumph to the son of god now entring his great duel , not of arms , but to vanquish by wisdom hellish wiles . the father knows the son ; therefore secure ventures his filial vertue , though untri'd , against whate're may tempt , whate're seduce , allure , or terrifie , or undermine . be frustrate all ye stratagems of hell , and devilish machinations come to nought . so they in heav'n their odes and vigils tun'd : mean while the son of god , who yet some days lodg'd in bethabara where john baptiz'd , musing and much revolving in his brest , how best the mighty work he might begin of saviour to mankind , and which way first publish his god-like office now mature , one day forth walk'd alone , the spirit leading ; and his deep thoughts , the better to converse with solitude , till far from track of men , thought following thought , and step by step led on , he entred now the bordering desert wild , and with dark shades and rocks environ'd round , his holy meditations thus persu'd . o what a multitude of thoughts at once awakn'd in me swarm , while i consider what from within i feel my self , and hear what from without comes often to my ears , ill sorting with my present state compar'd . when i was yet a child , no childish play to me was pleasing , all my mind was set serious to learn and know , and thence to do what might be publick good ; my self i thought born to that end , born to promote all truth , all righteous things : therefore above my years , the law of god i read , and found it sweet , made it my whole delight , and in it grew to such perfection , that e're yet my age had measur'd twice six years , at our great feast i went into the temple , there to hear the teachers of our law , and to propose what might improve my knowledge or their own ; and was admir'd by all , yet this not all to which my spirit aspir'd , victorious deeds flam'd in my heart , heroic acts , one while to rescue israel from the roman yoke , then to subdue and quell o're all the earth brute violence and proud tyrannick pow'r , till truth were freed , and equity restor'd : yet held it more humane , more heavenly first by winning words to conquer willing hearts , and make perswasion do the work of fear ; at least to try , and teach the erring soul not wilfully mis-doing , but unware missed ; the stubborn only to destroy . these growing thoughts my mother soon perceiving by words at times cast forth inly rejoyc'd , and said to me apart , high are thy thoughts o son , but nourish them and let them soar to what highth sacred vertue and true worth can raise them , though above example high ; by matchless deeds express thy matchless sire . for know , thou art no son of mortal man , though men esteem thee low of parentage , thy father is the eternal king , who rules all heaven and earth , angels and sons of men , a messenger from god fore-told thy birth conceiv'd in me a virgin , he fore-told thou shouldst be great and sit on david's throne , and of thy kingdom there should be no end . at thy nativity a glorious quire of angels in the fields of bethlehem sung to shepherds watching at their folds by night , and told them the messiah now was born , where they might see him , and to thee they came ; directed to the manger where thou lais't , for in the inn was left no better room : a star , not seen before in heaven appearing guided the wise men thither from the east , to honour thee with incense , myrrh , and gold , by whose bright course led on they found the place , affirming it thy star new grav'n in heaven , by which they knew thee king of israel born . just simeon and prophetic anna , warn'd by vision , found thee in the temple , and spake before the altar and the vested priest , like things of thee to all that present stood . this having heard , strait i again revolv'd the law and prophets , searching what was writ concerning the messiah , to our scribes known partly , and soon found of whom they spake i am ; this chiefly , that my way must lie through many a hard assay even to the death , e're i the promis'd kingdom can attain , or work redemption for mankind , whose sins full weight must be transferr'd upon my head . yet neither thus disheartn'd or dismay'd , the time prefixt i waited , when behold the baptist , ( of whose birth i oft had heard , not knew by sight ) now come , who was to come before messiah and his way prepare . i as all others to his baptism came , which i believ'd was from above ; but he strait knew me , and with loudest voice proclaim'd me him ( for it was shew'n him so from heaven ) me him whose harbinger he was ; and first refus'd on me his baptism to confer , as much his greater , and was hardly won ; but as i rose out of the laving stream , heaven open'd her eternal doors , from whence the spirit descended on me like a dove , and last the sum of all , my father's voice , audibly heard from heav'n , pronounc'd me his , me his beloved son , in whom alone he was well pleas'd ; by which i knew the time now full , that i no more should live obscure , but openly begin , as best becomes the authority which i deriv'd from heaven . and now by some strong motion i am led into this wilderness , to what intent i learn not yet , perhaps i need not know ; for what concerns my knowledge god reveals . so spake our morning star then in his rise , and looking round on every side beheld a pathless desert , dusk with horrid shades ; the way he came not having mark'd , return was difficult , by humane steps untrod ; and he still on was led , but with such thoughts accompanied of things past and to come lodg'd in his brest , as well might recommend such solitude before choicest society . full forty days he pass'd , whether on hill sometimes , anon in shady vale , each night under the covert of some ancient oak , or cedar , to defend him from the dew , or harbour'd in one cave , is not reveal'd ; nor tasted humane food , nor hunger felt till those days ended , hunger'd then at last among wild beasts : they at his sight grew mild , nor sleeping him nor waking harm'd , his walk the fiery serpent fled , and noxious worm , the lion and fierce tiger glar'd aloof . but now an aged man in rural weeds , following , as seem'd , the quest of some stray ewe , or wither'd sticks to gather ; which might serve against a winters day when winds blow keen , to warm him wet return'd from field at eve , he saw approach , who first with curious eye perus'd him , then with words thus utt'red spake . sir , what ill chance hath brought thee to this place so far from path or road of men , who pass in troop or caravan , for single none durst ever , who return'd , and dropt not here his carcass , pin'd with hunger and with droughth ? i ask the rather , and the more admire , for that to me thou seem'st the man , whom late our new baptizing prophet at the ford of jordan honour'd so , and call'd thee son of god ; i saw and heard , for we sometimes who dwell this wild , constrain'd by want , come forth to town or village nigh ( nighest is far ) where ought we hear , and curious are to hear , what happ'ns new ; fame also finds us out . to whom the son of god. who brought me hither will bring me hence , no other guide i seek . by miracle he may , reply'd the swain , what other way i see not , for we here live on tough roots and stubs , to thirst inur'd more then the camel , and to drink go far , men to much misery and hardship born ; but if thou be the son of god , command that out of these hard stones be made thee bread ; so shalt thou save thy self and us relieve with food , whereof we wretched seldom taste . he ended , and the son of god reply'd . think'st thou such force in bread ? is it not written ( for i discern thee other then thou seem'st ) man lives not by bread only , but each word proceeding from the mouth of god ; who fed our fathers here with manna ; in the mount moses was forty days , nor eat nor drank , and forty days eliah without food wandred this barren waste , the same i now : why dost thou then suggest to me distrust , knowing who i am , as i know who thou art ? whom thus answer'd th' arch fiend now undisguis'd . 't is true , i am that spirit unfortunate , who leagu'd with millions more in rash revolt kept not my happy station , but was driv'n with them from bliss to the bottomless deep , yet to that hideous place not so confin'd by rigour unconniving , but that oft leaving my dolorous prison i enjoy large liberty to round this globe of earth , or range in th' air , nor from the heav'n of heav'ns hath he excluded my resort sometimes . i came among the sons of god , when he gave up into my hands uzzean job to prove him , and illustrate his high worth ; and when to all his angels he propos'd to draw the proud king ahab into fraud that he might fall in ramoth , they demuring , i undertook that office , and the tongues of all his flattering prophets glibb'd with lyes to his destruction , as i had in charge . for what he bids i do ; though i have lost much lustre of my native brightness , lost to be belov'd of god , i have not lost to love , at least contemplate and admire what i see excellent in good , or fair , or vertuous , i should so have lost all sense . what can be then less in me then desire to see thee and approach thee , whom i know declar'd the son of god , to hear attent thy wisdom , and behold thy god-like deeds ? men generally think me much a foe to all mankind : why should i ? they to me never did wrong or violence , by them i lost not what i lost , rather by them i gain'd what i have gain'd , and with them dwell copartner in these regions of the world , if not disposer ; lend them oft my aid , oft my advice by presages and signs , and answers , oracles , portents and dreams , wherbey they may direct their future life . envy they say excites me , thus to gain companions of my misery and wo. at first it may be ; but long since with wo never acquainted , now i feel by proof , that fellowship in pain divides not smart , nor lightens aught each mans peculiar load . small consolation then , were man adjoyn'd : this wounds me most ( what can it less ) that man , man fall'n shall be restor'd , i never more . to whom our saviour sternly thus reply'd . deservedly thou griev'st , compos'd of lyes from the beginning , and in lies wilt end ; who boast'st release from hell , and leave to come into the heav'n of heavens ; thou com'st indeed , as a poor miserable captive thrall , comes to the place where he before had sat among the prime in splendour , now depos'd , ejected , emptyed , gaz'd , unpityed , shun'd , a spectacle of ruin or of scorn to all the host of heaven ; the happy place imports to thee no happiness , no joy , rather inflames thy torment , representing lost bliss , to thee no more communicable , so never more in hell then when in heaven . but thou art serviceable to heaven's king. wilt thou impute to obedience what thy fear extorts , or pleasure to do ill excites ? what but thy malice mov'd thee to misdeem ofirghteous job , then cruelly to afflict him with all inflictions , but his patience won ? the other service was thy chosen task , to be a lyer in four hundred mouths ; for lying is thy sustenance , thy food . yet thou pretend'st to truth ; all oracles by thee are giv'n , and what confest more true among the nations ? that hath been thy craft , by mixing somewhat true to vent more lyes . but what have been thy answers , what but dark ambiguous and with double sense deluding , which they who ask'd have seldom understood , and not well understood as good not known ? who ever by consulting at thy shrine return'd the wiser , or the more instruct to flye or follow what concern'd him most , and run not sooner to his fatal snare ? for god hath justly giv'n the nationsup to thy delusions ; justly , since they fell idolatrous , but when his purpose is among them to declare his providence to thee not known , whence hast thou then thy truth , but from him or his angels president in every province , who themselves disdaining to approach thy temples , give thee in command what to the smallest tittle thou shalt say to thy adorers ; thou with trembling fear , or like a fawning parasite obey'st ; then to thy self ascrib'st the truth fore-told . but this thy glory shall be soon retrench'd ; no more shalt thou by oracling abuse the gentiles ; henceforth oracles are ceast , and thou no more with pomp and sacrifice shalt be enquir'd at delphos or elsewhere , at least in vain , for they shall find thee mute . god hath now sent his living oracle into the world , to teach his final will , and sends his spirit of truth henceforth to dwell in pious hearts , an inward oracle to all truth requisite for men to know . so spake our saviour ; but the subtle fiend , though inly stung with anger and disdain , dissembl'd , and this answer smooth return'd . sharply thou hast insisted on rebuke , and urg'd me hard with doings , which not will but misery hath rested from me ; where easily canst thou find one miserable , and not inforc'd oft-times to part from truth ; if it may stand him more in stead to lye , say and unsay , feign , flatter , or abjure ? but thou art plac't above me , thou art lord ; from thee i can and must submiss endure check or reproof , and glad to scape so quit . hard are the ways of truth , and rough to walk , smooth on the tongue discourst , pleasing to th' ear , and tuneable as silvan pipe or song ; what wonder then if i delight to hear her dictates from thy mouth ? most men admire vertue , who follow not her lore : permit me to hear thee when i come ( since no man comes ) and talk at least , though i despair to attain . thy father , who is holy , wise and pure , suffers the hypocrite or atheous priest to tread his sacred courts , and minister about his altar , handling holy things , praying or vowing , and vouchsaf'd his voice to balaam reprobate , a prophet yet inspir'd ; disdain not such access to me . to whom our saviour with unalter'd brow . thy coming hither , though i know thy scope , i bid not or forbid ; do as thou find'st permission from above ; thou canst not more . he added not ; and satan bowing low his gray dissimulation , disappear'd into thin air diffus'd : for now began night with her sullen wing to double-shade the desert , fowls in thir clay nests were couch't ; and now wild beasts came forth the woods to roam . the end of the first book . paradise regain'd . the second book . mean while the new-baptiz'd , who yet remain'd at jordan with the baptist , and had seen him whom they heard so late expresly call'd jesus messiah son of god declar'd , and on that high authority had believ'd , and with him talkt , and with him lodg'd , i mean andrew and simon , famous after known with others though in holy writ not nam'd , now missing him thir joy so lately found , so lately found , and so abruptly gone , began to doubt , and doubted many days , and as the days increas'd , increas'd thir doubt : sometimes they thought he might be only shewn , and for a time caught up to god , as once moses was in the mount , and missing long ; and the great thisbite who onfiery wheels rode up to heaven , yet once again to come . therefore as those young prophets then with care sought lost eliah , so in each place these night to bethabara ; in jerico the city of palms , aenon , and salem old , machaerus and each town or city wall'd on this side the broad lake genezaret , or in perea , but return'd in vain . then on the bank of jordan , by a creek : where winds with reeds , and osiers whisp'ring play plain fishermen , no greater men them call , close in a cottage low together got thir unexpected loss and plaints out breath'd . alas , from what high hope to what relapse unlook'd for are we fall'n , our eyes beheld messiah certainly now come , so long expected of our fathers ; we have heard his words , his wisdom full of grace and truth , now , now , for sure , deliverance is at hand , the kingdom shall to israel be restor'd : thus we rejoyc'd , but soon our joy is turn'd into perplexity and new amaze : for whither is he gone , what accident hath rapt him from us ? will he now retire after appearance , and again prolong our expectation ? god of israel , send thy messiah forth , the time is come ; behold the kings of the earth how they oppress thy chosen , to what highth thir pow'r unjust they have exalted , and behind them cast all fear of thee , arise and vindicate thy glory , freethy people from thir yoke , but let us wait ; thus far he hath perform'd , sent his anointed , and to us reveal'd him , by his great prophet , pointed at and shown , in publick , and with him we have convers'd ; let us be glad of this , and all our fears lay on his providence ; he will not fail nor will withdraw him now , nor will recall , mock us with his blest sight , then snatch him hence , soon we shall see our hope , our joy return . thus they out of their plaints new hope resume to find whom at the first they found unsought : but to his mother mary , when she saw others return'd from baptism , not her son , nor left at jordan , tydings of him none ; within her brest , though calm ; her brest though pure , motherly cares and fears got head , and rais'd some troubl'd thoughts , which she in sighs thus clad . o what avails me now that honour high to have conceiv'd of god , or that salute hale highly favour'd , among women blest ; while i to sorrows am no less advanc't , and fears as eminent , above the lot of other women , by the birth i bore , in such a season born when scarce a shed could be obtain'd to shelter him or me from the bleak air ; a stable was our warmth , a manger his , yet soon enforc't to flye thence into egypt , till the murd'rous king were dead , who sought his life , and missing fill'd with infant blood the streets of bethlehem ; from egypt home return'd , in nazareth hath been our dwelling many years , his life private , unactive , calm , contemplative , little suspicious to any king ; but now full grown to man , acknowledg'd , as i hear , by john the baptist , and in publick shown , son own'd from heaven by his father's voice ; i look't for some great change ; to honour ? no , but trouble , as old simeon plain fore-told , that to the fall and rising he should be of many in israel , and to a sign spoken against , that through my very soul a sword shall pierce , this is my favour'd lot , my exaltation to afflictions high ; afflicted i may be , it seems , and blest ; i will not argue that , nor will repine . but where delays he now ? some great intent conceals him : when twelve years he scarce had seen , i lost him , but so found , as well i saw he could not lose himself ; but went about his father's business ; what he meant i mus'd , since understand ; much more his absence now thus long to some great purpose he obscures . but i to wait with patience am inur'd ; my heart hath been a store-house long of things and sayings laid up , portending strange events . thus mary pondering oft , and oft to mind recalling what remarkably had pass'd since first her salutation heard , with thoughts meekly compos'd awaited the fulfilling : the while her son tracing the desert wild , sole but with holiest meditations fed , into himself descended , and at once all his great work to come before him set ; how to begin , how to accomplish best his end of being on earth , and mission high : for satan with slye preface to return had left him vacant , and with speed was gon up to the middle region of thick air , where all his potentates in council sate ; there without sign of boast , or sign of joy , sollicitous and blank he thus began . princes , heavens antient sons , aethereal thrones , demonian spirits now , from the element each of his reign allotted , rightlier call'd , powers of fire , air , water , and earth beneath , so may we hold our place and these mild seats without new trouble ; such an enemy is ris'n to invade us , who no less threat'ns our expulsion down to hell ; i , as i undertook , and with the vote consenting in full frequence was impowr'd , have found him , view'd him , tasted him , but find far other labour to be undergon then when i dealt with adam first of men , though adam by his wives allurement fell , however to this man inferior far , if he be man by mothers side at least , with more then humane gifts from heaven adorn'd , perfections absolute , graces divine , and amplitude of mind to greatest deeds . therefore i am return'd , lest confidence of my success with eve in paradise deceive ye to perswasion over-sure of like succeeding here ; i summon all rather to be in readiness , with hand or counsel to assist ; lest i who erst thought none my equal , now be over-match'd . so spake the old serpent doubting , and from all with clamour was assur'd thir utmost aid at his command ; when from amidst them rose belial the dislolutest spirit that fell , the sensuallest , and after asmodai the fleshliest incubus , and thus advis'd . set women in his eye and in his walk , among daughters of men the fairest found ; many are in each region passing fair as the noon skie ; more like to goddesses then mortal creatures , graceful and discreet , expert in amorous arts , enchanting tongues perswasive , virgin majesty with mild and sweet allay'd , yet terrible to approach , skill'd to retire , and in retiring draw hearts after them tangl'd in amorous nets . such object hath the power to soft'n and tame severest temper , smooth the rugged'st brow , enerve , and with voluptuous hope dissolve , draw out with credulous desire , and lead at will the manliest , resolutest brest , as the magnetic hardest iron draws . women , when nothing else , beguil'd the heart of wisest solomon , and made him build , and made him bow to the gods of his wives . to whom quick answer satan thus return'd . belial , in much uneven scale thou weigh'st all others by thy self ; because of old thou thy self doat'st on womankind , admiring thir shape , thir colour , and attractive grace , none are , thou think'st , but taken with such toys , before the flood thou with thy lusty crew , false titl'd sons of god , roaming the earth cast wanton eyes on the daughters of men , and coupl'd with them , and begot a race . have we not seen , or by relation heard , in courts and regal chambers how thou lurk'st , in wood or grove by mossie fountain side , in valley or green meadow to way-lay some beauty rare , calisto , clymene , daphne , or semele , antiopa , or amymone , syrinx , many more too long , then lay'st thy scapes on names ador'd , apollo , neptune , jupiter , or pan , satyr , or fawn , or silvan ? but these haunts delight not all ; among the sons of men , how many have with a smile made small account of beauty and her lures , easily scorn'd all her assaults , on worthier things intent ? remember that pellean conquerour , a youth , how all the beauties of the east he slightly view'd , and slightly over-pass'd ; how hee sirnam'd of africa dismiss'd in his prime youth the fair iberian maid . for solomon he liv'd at ease , and full of honour , wealth , high fare , aim'd not beyond higher design then to enjoy his state ; thence to the bait of women lay expos'd ; but he whom we attempt is wiser far then solomon , of more exalted mind , made and set wholly on the accomplishment of greatest things ; what woman will you find , though of this age the wonder and the fame , on whom his leisure will vouchsafe an eye of fond desire ? or should she confident , as sitting queen ador'd on bauties throne , descend with all her winning charms beg'rt to enamour , as the zone of venus once wrought that effect on jove , so fables tell ; how would one look from his majestick brow seated as on the top of vertues hill , discount'nance her despis'd , and put to rout all her array ; her female pride deject , or turn to reverent awe ? for beauty stands in the admiration only of weak minds led captive ; cease to admire , and all her plumes fall flat and shrink into a trivial toy , at every sudden slighting quite abasht : therefore with manlier objects we must try his constancy , with such as have more shew of worth , of honour , glory , and popular praise ; rocks whereon greatest men have oftest wreck'd ; or that which only seems to satisfie lawful desires of nature , not beyond ; and now i know he hungers where no food is to be found , in the wide wilderness ; the rest commit to me , i shall let pass no advantage , and his strength as oft assay . he ceas'd , and heard thir grant in loud acclaim ; then forthwith to him takes a chosen band of spirits likest to himself in guile to be at hand , and at his beck appear , if cause were to unfold some active scene of various persons each to know his part ; then to the desert takes with these his flight ; where still from shade to shade the son of god after forty days fasting had remain'd , now hungring first , and to himself thus said . where will this end ? four times ten days i have pass'd wandring this woody maze , and humane food nor tasted , nor had appetite ; that fast to vertue i impute not , or count part of what i suffer here ; if nature need not , or god support nature without repast though needing , what praise is it to endure ? but now i feel i hunger , which declares , nature hath need of what she asks ; yet god can satisfie that need some other way , though hunger still remain : so it remain without this bodies wasting , i content me , and from the sting of famine fear no harm , nor mind it , fed with better thoughts that feed mee hungring more to do my fathers will. it was the hour of night , when thus the son commun'd in silent walk , then laid him down under the hospitable covert nigh of trees thick interwoven ; there he slept , and dream'd , as appetite is wont to dream , of meats and drinks , natures refreshment sweet ; him thought , he by the brook of cherith stood and saw the ravens with their horny beaks food to elijah bringing even and morn , though ravenous , taught to abstain from what they brought : he saw the prophet also how he fled into the desert , and how there he slept under a juniper ; then how awakt , he found his supper on the coals prepar'd , and by the angel was bid rise and eat , and eat the second time after repose , the strength whereof suffic'd him forty days ; sometimes that with elijah he partook , or as a guest with daniel at his pulse . thus wore out night , and now the herald lark left his ground-nest , high towring to descry the morns approach , and greet her with his song : as lightly from his grassy couch up rose our saviour , and found all was but a dream , fasting he went to sleep , and fasting wak'd . up to a hill anon his steps he rear'd , from whose high top to ken the prospect round , if cottage were in view , sheep-cote or herd ; but cottage , herd or sheep-cote none he saw , only in a bottom saw a pleasant grove , with chaunt of tuneful birds resounding loud ; thither he bent his way , determin'd there to rest at noon , and entr'd soon the shade high rooft and walks beneath , and alleys brown that open'd in the midst a woody scene , natures own work it seem'd ( nature taught art ) and to a superstitious eye the haunt of wood-gods and wood-nymphs ; he view'd it round , when suddenly a man before him stood , not rustic as before , but seemlier clad , as one in city , or court , or palace bred , and with fair speech these words to him address'd . with granted leave officious i return , but much more wonder that the son of god in this wild solitude so long should bide of all things destitute , and well i know , not without hunger . others of some note , as story tells , have trod this wilderness ; the fugitive bond-woman with her son out cast nebaioth , yet found he relief by a providing angel ; all the race of israel here had famish'd , had not god rain'd from heaven manna , and that prophet bold native of thebes wandring here was fed twice by a voice inviting him to eat . of thee these forty days none hath regard , forty and more deserted here indeed . to whom thus jesus ; what conclud'st thou hence ? they all had need , i as thou seest have none . how hast thou hunger then ? satan reply'd , tell me if food were now before thee set , would'st thou not eat ? thereafter as i like the giver , answer'd jesus . why should that cause thy refusal , said the subtle fiend , hast thou not right to all created things , owe not all creatures by just right to thee duty and service , nor to stay till bid , but tender all their power ? nor mention i meats by the law unclean , or offer'd first to idols , those young daniel could refuse ; nor proffer'd by an enemy , though who would scruple that , with want opprest ? behold nature asham'd , or better to express , troubl'd that thou shouldst hunger , hath purvey'd from all the elements her choicest store to treat thee as beseems , and as her lord with honour , only deign to sit and eat . he spake no dream , for as his words had end , our saviour lifting up his eyes beheld in ample space under the broadest shade a table richly spred , in regal mode , with dishes pill'd , and meats of noblest sort and savour , beasts of chase , or fowl of game , in pastry built , or from the spit , or boyl'd , gris-amber-steam'd ; all fish from sea or shore , freshet , or purling brook , of shell or fin , and exquisitest name , for which was drain'd pontus and lucrine bay , and afric coast. alas how simple , to these cates compar'd , was that crude apple that diverted eve ! and at a stately side-board by the wine that fragrant smell diffus'd , in order stood tall stripling youths rich clad , of fairer hew then ganymed or hylas , distant more under the trees now trip'd , now solemn stood nymphs of diana's train , and naiades with fruits and flowers from amalthea's horn , and ladies of th' hesperides , that seem'd fairer then feign'd of old , or fabl'd since of fairy damsels met in forest wide by knights of logres , or of lyones , lancelot or pelleas , or pellenore , and all the while harmonious airs were heard of chiming strings , or charming pipes and winds of gentlest gale arabian odors fann'd from their soft wings , and flora's earliest smells . such was the splendour , and the tempter now his invitation earnestly renew'd . what doubts the son of god to sit and eat ? these are not fruits forbidden , no interdict defends the touching of these viands pure , thir taste no knowledge , works at least of evil , but life preserves , destroys life's enemy , hunger , with sweet restorative delight . all these are spirits of air , and woods , and springs , thy gentle ministers , who come to pay thee homage , and acknowledge thee thir lord : what doubt'st thou son of god ? sit down and eat . to whom thus jesus temperately reply'd : said'st thou not that to all things i had right ? and who withholds my pow'r that right to use ? shall i receive by gift what of my own , when and where likes me best , i can command ? i can at will , doubt not , assoon as thou , command a table in this wilderness , and call swift flights of angels ministrant array'd in glory on my cup to attend : why shouldst thou then obtrude this diligence , in vain , where no acceptance it can find , and with my hunger what hast thou to do ? thy pompous delicacies i contemn , and count thy specious gifts no gifts but guiles . to whom thus answer'd satan malecontent : that i have also power to give thou seest , if of that pow'r i bring thee voluntary what i might have bestow'd on whom i pleas'd , and rather opportunely in this place chose to impart to thy apparent need , why shouldst thou not accept it ? but i see what i can do or offer is suspect ; of these things others quickly will dispose whose pains have earn'd the far fet spoil . with that both table and provision vanish'd quite with sound of harpies wings , and talons heard ; only the importune tempter still remain'd , and with these words his temptation pursu'd . by hunger , that each other creature tames , thou art not to be harm'd , therefore not mov'd ; thy temperance invincible besides , for no allurement yields to appetite , and all thy heart is set on high designs , high actions ; but wherewith to be atchiev'd ? great acts require great means of enterprise , thou art unknown , unfriended , low of birth , a carpenter thy father known , thy self bred up in poverty and streights at home ; lost in a desert here and hunger-bit : which way or from what hope dost thou aspire to greatness ? whence authority deriv'st , what followers , what retinue canst thou gain , or at thy heels the dizzy multitude , longer then thou canst feed them on thy cost ? money brings honour , friends , conquest , and realms ; what rais'd antipater the edomite , and his son herod plac'd on juda's throne ; ( thy throne ) but gold that got him puissant friends ? therefore , if at great things thou wouldst arrive , get riches first , get wealth , and treasure heap , not difficult , if thou hearken to me , riches are mine , fortune is in my hand ; they whom i favour thrive in wealth amain , while virtue , valour , wisdom sit in want . to whom thus jesus patiently reply'd ; yet wealth without these three is impotent , to gain dominion or to keep it gain'd . witness those antient empires of the earth , in highth of all thir flowing wealth dissolv'd : but men endu'd with these have oft attain'd in lowest poverty to highest deeds ; gideon and jephtha , and the shepherd lad , whose off-spring on the throne of juda sat so many ages , and shall yet regain that seat , and reign in israel without end . among the heathen , ( for throughout the world to me is not unknown what hath been done worthy of memorial ) canst thou not remember quintius , fabricius , curius , regulus ? for i esteem those names of men so poor who could do mighty things , and could contemn riches though offer'd from the hand of kings . and what in me seems wanting , but that i may also in this poverty as soon accomplish what they did , perhaps and more ? extol not riches then , the toyl of fools , the wise mans cumbrance if not snare , more apt to slacken virtue , and abate her edge , then prompt her to do aught may merit praise . what if with like aversion i reject riches and realms ; yet not for that a crown , golden in shew , is but a wreath of thorns , brings dangers , troubles , cares , and sleepless nights to him who wears the regal diadem , when on his shoulders each mans burden lies ; for therein stands the office of a king , his honour , vertue , merit and chief praise , that for the publick all this weight he bears . yet he who reigns within himself , and rules passions , desires , and fears , is more a king ; which every wise and vertuous man attains : and who attains not , ill aspires to rule cities of men , or head-strong multitudes , subject himself to anarchy within , or lawless passions in him which he serves . but to guide nations in the way of truth by saving doctrine , and from errour lead to know , and knowing worship god aright , is yet more kingly , this attracts the soul , governs the inner man , the nobler part , that other o're the body only reigns , and oft by force , which to a generous mind so reigning can be no sincere delight . besides to give a kingdom hath been thought greater and nobler done , and to lay down far more magnanimous , then to assume . riches are needless then , both for themselves , and for thy reason why they should be sought to gain a scepter , oftest better miss't . the end of the second book . paradise regain'd . the third book . so spake the son of god , and satan stood a while as mute confounded what to say , what to reply , confuted and convinc't of his weak arguing , and fallacious drift ; at length collecting all his serpent wiles , with soothing words renew'd , him thus accosts . i see thou know'st what is of use to know , what best to say canst say , to do canst do ; thy actions to thy words accord , thy words to thy large heart give utterance due , thy heart conteins of good , wise , just , the perfect shape . should kings and nations from thy mouth consult , thy counsel would be as the oracle urim and thummim , those oraculous gems on aaron's breast : or tongue of seers old infallible ; or wert thou sought to deeds that might requireth ' array of war , thy skill of conduct would be such , that all the world could not sustain thy prowess , or subsist in battel , though against thy few in arms . these god-like vertues wherefore dost thou hide ? affecting private life , or more obscure in savage wilderness , wherefore deprive all earth her wonder at thy acts , thy self the fame and glory , glory the reward that sole excites to high attempts the flame of most erected spirits , most temper'd pure aetherial , who all pleasures else despise , all treasures and all gain esteem as dross , and dignities and powers all but the highest ? thy years are ripe , and over-ripe , the son of macedonian philip had e're these won asia and the throne of cyrus held at his dispose , young scipio had brought down the carthaginian pride , young pompey quell'd the pontic king and in triumph had rode . yet years , and to ripe years judgment mature , quench not the thirst of glory , but augment . great julius , whom now all the world admires the more he grew in years , the more inflam'd with glory , wept that he had liv'd so long inglorious : but thou yet art not too late . to whom our saviour calmly thus reply'd . thou neither dost perswade me to seek wealth for empires sake , nor empire to affect for glories sake by all thy argument . for what is glory but the blaze of fame , the peoples praise , if always praise unmixt ? and what the people but a herd confus'd , a miscellaneous rabble , who extol [ praise , things vulgar , & well weigh'd , scarce worth the they praise and they admire they know not what ; and know not whom , but as one leads the other ; and what delight to be by such extoll'd , to live upon thir tongues and be thir talk , of whom to be disprais'd were no small praise ? his lot who dares be singularly good . th' intelligent among them and the wise are few , and glory scarce of few is rais'd . this is true glory and renown , when god looking on the earth , with approbation marks the just man , and divulges him through heaven to all his angels , who with true applause recount his praises ; thus he did to job , when to extend his fame through heaven & earth , as thou to thy reproach mayst well remember , he ask'd thee , hast thou seen my servant job ? famous he was in heaven , on earth less known ▪ where glory is false glory , attributed to things not glorious , men not worthy of fame . they err who count it glorious to subdue by conquest far and wide , to over-run large countries , and in field great battels win , great cities by assault : what do these worthies , but rob and spoil , burn , flaughter , and enslave peaceable nations , neighbouring , or remote , made captive , yet deserving freedom more then those thir conquerours , who leave behind nothing but ruin wheresoe're they rove , and all the flourishing works of peace destroy , then swell with pride , and must be titl'd gods , great benefactors of mankind , deliverers , worship't with temple , priest and sacrifice ; one is the son of jove , of mars the other , till conquerour death discover them scarce men , rowling in brutish vices , and deform'd , violent or shameful death thir due reward . but if there be in glory aught of good , it may by means far different be attain'd without ambition , war , or violence ; by deeds of peace , by wisdom eminent , by patience , temperance ; i mention still him whom thy wrongs with saintly patience born , made famous in a land and times obscure ; who names not now with honour patient job ? poor socrates ( who next more memorable ? ) by what he taught and suffer'd for so doing , for truths sake suffering death unjust , lives now equal in fame to proudest conquerours . yet if for fame and glory aught be done , aught suffer'd ; if young african for fame his wasted country freed from pun●● rage , the deed becomes unprais'd , the ma● 〈◊〉 least , and loses , though but verbal , his 〈◊〉 shall i seek glory then , as vain me● 〈◊〉 oft not deserv'd ? i seek not mine , 〈◊〉 who sent me , and thereby witness whence i am . to whom the tempter murmuring thus reply'd . think not so slight of glory ; therein least resembling thy great father : he seeks glory , and for his glory all things made , all things orders and governs , nor content in heaven by all his angels glorifi'd , requires glory from men , from all men good or bad , wise or unwise , no difference , no exemption ; above all sacrifice , or hallow'd gift glory he requires , and glory he receives promiscuous from all nations , jew , or greek , or barbarous , nor exception hath declar'd ; from us his foes pronounc't glory he exacts . to whom our saviour fervently reply'd . and reason ; since his word all things produc'd , though chiefly not for glory as prime end , but to shew forth his goodness , and impart his good communicable to every soul freely ; of whom what could he less expect then glory and benediction , that is thanks , the slightest , easiest , readiest recompence from them who could return him nothing else , and not returning that would likeliest render contempt instead , dishonour , obloquy ? hard recompence , unsutable return for so much good , so much beneficence . but why should man seek glory ? who of his own hath nothing , and to whom nothing belongs but condemnation , ignominy , and shame ? who for so many benefits receiv'd turn'd recreant to god , ingrate and false , and so of all true good himself despoil'd , yet , sacrilegious , to himself would take that which to god alone of right belongs ; yet so much bounty is in god , such grace , that who advance his glory , not thir own , them he himself to glory will advance . so spake the son of god ; and here again satan had not to answer , but stood struck with guilt of his own sin , for he himself insatiable of glory had lost all , yet of another plea bethought him soon . of glory as thou wilt , said he , so deem , worth or not worth the seeking , let it pass : but to a kingdom thou art born , ordain'd to sit upon thy father david's throne ; by mothers side thy father , though thy right be now in powerful hands , that will not part easily from possession won with arms ; judaea now and all the promis'd land reduc't a province under roman yoke , obeys tiberius ; nor is always rul'd with temperate sway ; oft have they violated the temple , oft the law with foul affronts , abominations rather , as did once antiochus : and think'st thou to regain thy right by sitting still or thus retiring ? so did not machabens : he indeed retir'd unto the desert , but with arms ; and o're a mighty king so oft prevail'd , that by strong hand his family obtain'd , though priests , the crown , and david's throne usurp'd , with modin and her suburbs once content . if kingdom move thee not , let move thee zeal , and duty ; zeal and duty are not slow ; but on occasions forelock watchful wait . they themselves rather are occasion best , zeal of thy fathers house , duty to free thy country from her heathen servitude ; so shalt thou best fullfil , best verifie the prophets old , who sung thy endless raign , the happier raign the sooner it begins , raign then ; what canst thou better do the while ? to whom our saviour answer thus return'd . all things are best fullfil'd in their due time , and time there is for all things , truth hath said : if of my raign prophetic writ hath told , that it shall never end , so when begin the father in his purpose hath decreed , he in whose hand all times and seasons roul . what if he hath decreed that i shall first be try'd in humble state , and things adverse , by tribulations , injuries , insults , contempts , and scorns , and snares , and violence ; suffering , abstaining , quietly expecting without distrust or doubt , that he may know what i can suffer , how obey ? who best can suffer , best can do ; best reign , who first well hath obey'd ; just tryal e're i merit my exaltation without change or end . but what concerns it thee when i begin my everlasting kingdom , why art thou sollicitous , what moves thy inquisition ? know'st thou not that my rising is thy fall , and my promotion will be thy destruction ? to whom the tempter inly rackt reply'd . let that come when it comes ; all hope is lost of my reception into grace ; what worse ? for where no hope is left , is left no fear ; if there be worse , the expectation more of worse torments me then the feeling can . i would be at the worst ; worst is my port , my harbour and my ultimate repose , the end i would attain , my final good . my error was my error , and my crime my crime ; whatever for it self condemn'd , and will alike be punish'd ; whether thou raign or raign not ; though to that gentle brow willingly i could flye , and hope thy raign , from that placid aspect and meek regard , rather then aggravate my evil state , would stand between me and thy fathers ire ; ( whose ire i dread more then the fire of hell ) a shelter and a kind of shading cool interposition , as a summers cloud . if i then to the worst that can be hast , why move thy feet so slow to what is best , happiest both to thy self and all the world , that thou who worthiest art should'st be thir king ? perhaps thou linger'st in deep thoughts detain'd of the enterprize so hazardous and high ; no wonder , for though in thee be united what of perfection can in man be found , or human nature can receive , consider thy life hath yet been private , most part spent at home , scarce view'd the gallilean towns , and once a year jerusalem , few days short so journ ; and what thence could'st thou observe ? the world thou hast not seen , much less her glory , empires , and monarchs , and thir radiant courts , best school of best experience , quickest in sight in all things that to greatest actions lead . the wisest , unexperienc't , will be ever timorous and loth , with novice modesty ; ( as he who seeking asses found a kingdom ) irresolute , unhardy , unadventrous : but i will bring thee where thou soon shalt quit those rudiments , and see before thine eyes the monarchies of the earth , thir pomp and state ; sufficient introduction to inform thee , of thy self so apt , in regal arts ; and regal mysteries ; that thou may'st know how best their opposition to withstand . with that ( such power was giv'n him then ) he took the son of god upto a mountain high . it was a mountain at whose verdant feet a spatious plain out stretch't in circuit wide lay pleasant ; from his side two rivers flow'd , th' one winding , the other strait and left between fair champain with less rivers interveind , then meeting joyn'd thir tribute to the sea ▪ fertil of corn the glebe , of oyl and wine , with herds the pastures throng'd , with flocks the hills , huge cities and high towr'd , that well might seem the seats of mightiest monarchs , and so large the prospect was , that here and there was room for barren desert fountainless and dry . to this high mountain top the tempter brought . our saviour , and new train of words began . well have we speeded , and o're hill and dale , forest and field , and flood , temples and towers cut shorter many a league ; here thou behold'st assyria and her empires antient bounds , araxes and the caspian lake , thence on as far as indus east , euphrates west , and oft beyond ; to south the persian bay , and inaccessible the arabian drouth : here ninevee , of length within her wall several days journey , built by ninus old , of that first golden monarchy the seat , and ●●t of salmanassar , whose success israel in long captivity still mourns ; there babylon the wonder of all tongues , as antient , but rebuilt by him who twice judah and all thy father david's house led captive , and jerusalem laid waste , till cyrus set them free ; persepolis his city there thou seest , and bactra there ; ecbatana her structure vast there shews , and hecatompylos her hunderd gates , there susa by choaspes , amber stream , the drink of none but kings ; of later fame built by emathian , or by parthian hands , the great seleucia , nisibis , and there artaxata , teredon , tesiphon , turning with easie eye thou may'st behold . all these the parthian , now some ages past , by great arsaces led , who founded first that empire , under his dominion holds from the luxurious kings of antioch won . and just in time thou com'st to have a view of his great power ; for now the parthian king in ctesiphon hath gather'd all his host against the scythian , whose incursions wild have wasted sogdiana ; to her aid he marches now in hast ; see , though from far , his thousands , in what martial equipage they issue forth , steel bows , and shafts their arms of equal dread in flight , or in pursuit ; all horsemen , in which fight they most excel ; see how in warlike muster they appear , in rhombs and wedges , and half moons , and wings . he look't and saw what numbers numberless the city gates out powr'd , light armed troops in coats of mail and military pride ; in mail thir horses clad , yet fleet and strong , prauncing their riders bore , the flower and choice of many provinces from bound to bound ; from arachosia , from candaor east , and margiana to the hyrcanian cliffs of caucasus , and dark iberian dales , from atropatia and the neighbouring plains of adiabene , media , and the south of susiana to balsara's hav'n . he saw them in thir forms of battell rang'd , how quick they wheel'd , and flying behind themshot sharp sleet of arrowie shower against the face of thir pursuers , and overcame by flight ; the field all iron cast a gleaming brown , nor wanted clouds of foot , nor on each horn , cuirassiers all in steel for standing fight ; chariots or elephants endorst with towers of archers , nor of labouring pioners a multitude with spades and axes arm'd to lay hills plain , fell woods , or valleys fill , or where plain was raise hill , or over-lay with bridges rivers proud , as with a yoke ; mules after these , camels and dromedaries , and waggons fraught with utensils of war. such forces met not , nor so wide a camp , when agrican with all his northern powers besieg'd albracca , as romances tell ; the city of gallaphrone , from thence to win the fairest of her sex angelica his daughter , sought by many prowest knights , both paynim , and the peers of charlemane . such and so numerous was thir chivalrie ; at sight whereof the fiend yet more presum'd , and to our saviour thus his words renew'd . that thou may'st know i seek not to engage thy vertue , and not every way secure on no slight grounds thy safety ; hear , and mark to what end i have brought thee hither and shewn all this fair fight ; thy kingdom though foretold by prophet or by angel , unless thou endeavour , as thy father david did , thou never shalt obtain ; prediction still in all things , and all men , supposes means , without means us'd , what it predicts revokes . but say thou wer 't possess'd of david's throne by free consent of all , none opposite , samaritan or jew ; how could'st thou hope long to enjoy it quiet and secure , between two such enclosing enemies roman and parthian ? therefore one of these thou must make sure thy own , the parthian first by my advice , as nearer and of late found able by invasion to annoy thy country , and captive lead away her kings antigonus , and old hyrcanus bound , maugre the roman : it shall be my task to render thee the parthian at dispose ; chuse which thou wilt by conquest or by league . by him thou shalt regain , without him not , that which alone can truly reinstall thee in david's royal seat , his true successour , deliverance of thy brethren , those ten tribes whose off-spring in his territory yet serve in habor , and among the medes dispers't , ten sons of jacob , two of joseph lost thus long from israel ; serving as of old thir fathers in the land of egypt serv'd , this offer sets before thee to deliver . these if from servitude thou shalt restore to thir inheritance , then , nor till then , thou on the throne of david in full glory , from egypt to euphrates and beyond shalt raign , and rome or caesar not need fear . to whom our saviour answer'd thus unmov'd . much ostentation vain of fleshly arm , and fragile arms , much instrument of war long in preparing , soon to nothing brought , before mine eyes thou hast set ; and in my ear vented much policy , and projects deep of enemies , of aids , battels and leagues , plausible to the world , to me worth naught . means i must use thou say'st , prediction else will unpredict and fail me of the throne : my time i told thee , ( and that time for thee were better farthest off ) is not yet come ; when that comes think not thou to find me slack on my part aught endeavouring , or to need thy politic maxims , or that cumbersome luggage of war there shewn me , argument of human weakness rather then of strength . my brethren , as thou call'st them ; those ten tribes i must deliver , if i mean to raign david's true heir , and his full scepter sway to just extent over all israel's sons ; but whence to thee this zeal , where was it then for israel , or for david , or his throne , when thou stood'st up his tempter to the pride of numbring israel , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of threeseore and ten thousand israelites by three days pestilence ? such was thy zeal to israel then , the same that now to me . as for those captive tribes , themselves were they who wrought their own captivity , fell off from god to worship calves , the deities of egypt , baal next and ashtaroth , and all the idolatries of heathen round , besides thir other worse then heathenish crimes ; nor in the land of their captivity humbled themselves , or penitent besought the god of their fore-fathers ; but so dy'd impenitent , and left a race behind like to themselves , distinguishable scarce from gentils , but by circumcision vain , and god with idols in their worship joyn'd . should i of these the liberty regard , who freed , as to their antient patrimony , unhumbl'd , unrepentant , unreform'd , headlong would follow ; and to thir gods perhaps of bethel and of dan ? no , let them serve thir enemies , who serve idols with god. yet he at length , time to himself best known , remembring abraham by some wond'rous call may bring them back repentant and sincere , and at their passing cleave the assyrian flood , while to their native land with joy they hast , as the red sea and jordan once he cleft , when to the promis'd land thir fathers pass'd ; to his due time and providence i leave them . so spake israel's true king , and to the fiend made answer meet , that made void all his wiles so fares it when with truth falshood contends . the end of the third book . paradise regain'd . the fourth book . perplex'd and troubl'd at his bad success the tempter stood , nor had what to reply , discover'd in his fraud , thrown from his hope , so oft , and the perswasive rhetoric that sleek't his tongue , and won so much on eve , so little here , nay lost ; but eve was eve , this far his over-match , who self deceiv'd and rash , before-hand had no better weigh'd the strength he was to cope with , or his own : but as a man who had been matchless held in cunning , over-reach't where least he thought , to salve his credit , and for very spight still will be tempting him who foyls him still , and never cease , though to his shame the more ; or as a swarm of flies in vintage time , about the wine-press where sweet moust is powr'd , beat off , returns as oft with humming sound ; or surging waves against a solid rock , though all to shivers dash't , the assault renew , vain battry , and in froth or bubbles end ; so satan , whom repulse upon repulse met ever ; and to shameful silence brought , yet gives not o're though desperate of success , and his vain importunity pursues . he brought our saviour to the western side of that high mountain , whence he might behold another plain , long but in bredth not wide ; wash'd by the southern sea , and on the north to equal length back'd with a ridge of hills that screen'd the fruits of the earth and seats of men from cold septentrion blasts , thence in the midst divided by a river , of whose banks on each side an imperial city stood , with towers and temples proudly elevate on seven small hills , with palaces adorn'd , porches and theatres , baths , aqueducts , statues and trophees , and triumphal arcs , gardens and groves presented to his eyes , above the highth of mountains interpos'd . by what strange parallax or optic skill of vision multiplyed through air , or glass of telescope , were curious to enquire : and now the tempter thus his silence broke . the city which thou seest no other deem then great and glorious rome , queen of the earth so far renown'd , and with the spoils enricht of nations ; there the capitol thou seest above the rest lifting his stately head on the tarp●ian rock , her cittadel impregnable , and there mount palatine the imperial palace , compass huge , and high the structure , skill of noblest architects , with gilded battlements , conspicuous far , turrets and terrases , and glittering spires . many a fair edifice besides , more like houses of gods ( so well i have dispos'd my aerie microscope ) thou may'st behold outside and inside both , pillars and roofs carv'd work , the hand of fam'd artificers in cedar , marble , ivory or gold. thence to the gates cast round thine eye , and see what conflux issuing forth , or entring in , pretors , proconsuls to thir provinces hasting or on return , in robes of state ; lictors and rods the ensigns of thir power , legions and cohorts , turmes of horse and wings : or embassies from regions far remote in various habits on the appian road , or on the aemilian , some from farthest south , syene , and where the shadow both way falls , meroe nilotic isle , and more to west , the realm of bocchus to the black-moor sea ; from the asian kings and parthian among these , from india and the golden chersoness , and utmost indian isle taprobane , dusk faces with white silken turbants wreath'd : from gallia , gades , and the brittish west , germans and scythians , and sarmatians north beyond danubius to the tauric pool . all nations now to rome obedience pay , to rome's great emperour , whose wide domain in ample territory , wealth and power , civility of manners , arts , and arms , and long renown thou justly may'st prefer before the parthian ; these two thrones except , the rest are barbarous , and scarce worth the sight , shar'd among petty kings too far remov'd ; these having shewn thee , i have shewn thee all the kingdoms of the world , and all thir glory . this emperour hath no son , and now is old , old , and lascivious , and from rome retir'd to capreae an island small but strong on the campanian shore , with purpose there his horrid lusts in private to enjoy , committing to a wicked favourite all publick cares , and yet of him suspicious , hated of all , and hating ; with what ease indu'd with regal vertues as thou art ; appearing , and beginning noble deeds ; might'st thou expel this monster from his throne now made a stye , and in his place ascending a victor , people free from servile yoke ? and with my help thou may'st ; to me the power is given , and by that right i give it thee . aim therefore at no less then all the world , aim at the highest , without the highest attain'd will be for thee no sitting , or not long on david's throne , be propheci'd what will. to whom the son of god unmov'd reply'd . nor doth this grandeur and majestic show of luxury , though call'd magnificence , more then of arms before , allure mine eye , much less my mind ; though thou should'st add to tell thir sumptuous gluttonies , and gorgeous feasts on cittron tables or atlantic stone ; ( for i have also heard , perhaps have read ) their wines of setia , cales , and falerne , chios and creet , and how they quaff in gold , crystal and myrrhine cups imboss'd with gems and studs of pearl , to me should'st tell who thirst and hunger still : then embassies thou shew'st from nations far and nigh ; what honour that , but tedious wast of time to sit and hear so many hollow complements and lies , outlandish flatteries ? then proceed'st to talk of the emperour , how easily subdu'd , how gloriously ; i shall , thou say'st , expel a brutish monster : what if i withal expel a devil who first made him such ? let his tormenter conscience find him out , for him i was not sent , nor yet to free that people victor once , now vile and base , deservedly made vassal , who once just , frugal , and mild , and temperate , conquer'd well , but govern ill the nations under yoke , peeling thir provinces , exhausted all by lust and rapine ; first ambitious grown of triumph that insulting vanity ; then cruel , by thir sports to blood enur'd of fighting beasts , and men to beasts expos'd , luxurious by thir wealth , and greedier still , and from the daily scene effeminate . what wise and valiant man would seek to free these thus degenerate , by themselves enslav'd , or could of inward slaves make outward free ? know therefore when my season comes to sit on david's throne , it shall be like a tree spreading and over-shadowing all the earth , or as a stone that shall to pieces dash all monarchies besides throughout the world , and of my kingdom there shall be no end : means there shall be to this , but what the means , is not for thee to know , nor me to tell . to whom the tempter impudent repli'd . i see all offers made by me how slight thou valu'st , because offer'd , and reject'st : nothing will please the difficult and nice , or nothing more then still to contradict : on the other side know also thou , that i on what i ofser set as high esteem , nor what i part with mean to give for naught ; all these which in a moment thou behold'st , the kingdoms of the world to thee i give ; for giv'n to me , i give to whom i please , no trifle ; yet with this reserve , not else , on this condition , if thou wilt fall down , and worship me as thy superior lord , easily done , and hold them all of me ; for what can less so great a gift deserve ? whom thus our saviour answer'd with disdain . i never lik'd thy talk , thy offers less , now both abhor , since thou hast dar'd to utter the abominable terms , impious condition ; but i endure the time , till which expir'd , thou hast permission on me . it is written the first of all commandments , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and only him shalt serve ; and dar'st thou to the son of god propound to worship thee accurst , now more accurst for this attempt bolder then that on eve , and more blasphemous ? which expect to rue . the kingdoms of the world to thee were giv'n , permitted rather , and by thee usurp't , other donation none thou canst produce : if given , by whom but by the king of kings , god over all supreme ? if giv'n to thee , by thee how fairly is the giver now repaid ? but gratitude in thee is lost long since . wert thou so void of fear or shame , as offer them to me the son of god , to me my own , on such abhorred pact , that i fall down and worship thee as god ? get thee behind me ; plain thou now appear'st that evil one , satan for ever damn'd . to whom the fiend with fear abasht reply'd . be not so sore offended , son of god ; though sons of god both angels are and men , if i to try whether in higher sort then these thou bear'st that title , have propos'd what both from men and angels i receive , tetrarchs of fire , air , flood , and on the earth nations besides from all the quarter'd winds , god of this world invok't and world beneath ; who then thou art , whose coming is foretold to me so fatal , me it most concerns . the tryal hath indamag'd thee no way , rather more honour left and more esteem ; me naught advantag'd , missing what i aim'd . therefore let pass , as they are transitory , the kingdoms of this world ; i shall no more advise thee , gain them as thou canst , or not . and thou thy self seem'st otherwise inclin'd then to a worldly crown , addicted more to contemplation and profound dispute , as by that early action may be judg'd , when slipping from thy mothers eye thou went'st alone into the temple ; there was found among the gravest rabbies disputant on points and questions fitting moses chair , teaching not taught ; the childhood shews the man , as morning shews the day . be famous then by wisdom ; as thy empire must extend , so let extend thy mind o're all the world , in knowledge , all things in it comprehend , all knowledge is not couch't in moses law , the pentateuch or what the prophets wrote , the gentiles also know , and write , and teach to admiration , led by natures light ; and with the gentiles much thou must converse , ruling them by perswasion as thou mean'st , without thir learning how wilt thou with them , or they with thee hold conversation meet ? how wilt thou reason with them , how refute thir idolisms , traditions , paradoxes ? error by his own arms is best evinc't . look once more e're we leave this specular mount westward , much nearer by southwest , behold where on the aegean shore a city stands built nobly , pure the air , and light the soil , athens the eye of greece , mother of arts and eloquence , native to famous wits or hospitable , in her sweet recess , city or suburban , studious walks and shades ; see there the olive grove of academe , plato's retirement , where the attic bird trills her thick-warbl'd notes the summer long , there flowrie hill hymettus with the sound of bees industrious murmur oft invites to studious musing ; there ilissus rouls his whispering stream ; within the walls then view the schools of antient sages ; his who bred great alexander to subdue the world , lyceum there , and painted stoa next : there thou shalt hear and learn the secret power of harmony in tones and numbers hit by voice or hand , and various-measur'd verse , aeolian charms and dorian lyric odes , and his who gave them breath , but higher sung , blind melesigenes thence homer call'd , whose poem phoebus challeng'd for his own . thence what the lofty grave tragoedians taught in chorus or iambic , teachers best of moral prudence , with delight receiv'd in brief sententious precepts , while they treat of fate , and chance , and change in human life ; high actions , and high passions best describing : thence to the famous orators repair , those antient , whose resistless eloquence wielded at will that fierce democratie , shook the arsenal and fulmin'd over greece , to macedon , and artaxerxes throne ; to sage philosophy next lend thine ear , from heaven descended to the low-rooft house of socrates , see there his tenement , whom well inspir'd the oracle pronounc'd wisest of men ; from whose mouth issu'd forth mellifluous streams that water'd all the schools of academics old and new , with those sirnam'd peripatetics , and the sect epicurean , and the stoic severe ; these here revolve , or , as thou lik'st , at home , till time mature thee to a kingdom 's waight ; these rules will render thee a king compleat within thy self , much more with empire joyn'd . to whom our saviour sagely thus repli'd . think not but that i know these things , or think i know them not ; not therefore am i short of knowing what i aught : he who receives light from above , from the fountain of light , no other doctrine needs , though granted true ; but these are false , or little else but dreams , conjectures , fancies , built on nothing firm . the first and wisest of them all profess'd to know this only , that he nothing knew ; the next to fabling-fell and smooth conceits , a third sort doubted all things , though plain sence ; others in vertue plac'd felicity , but vertue joyn'd with riches and long life , in corporal pleasure he , and careless ease , the stoic last in philosophic pride , by him call'd vertue ; and his vertuous man , wise , perfect in himself , and all possessing equal to god , oft shames not to prefer , as fearing god nor man , contemning all wealth , pleasure , pain or torment , death and life , which when he lists , he leaves , or boasts he can , for all his tedious talk is but vain boast , or subtle shifts conviction to evade . alas what can they teach , and not mislead ; ignorant of themselves , of god much more , and how the world began , and how man fell degraded by himself , on grace depending ? much of the soul they talk , but all awrie , and in themselves seek vertue , and to themselves all glory arrogate , to god give none , rather accuse him under usual names , fortune and fate , as one regardless quite of mortal things . who therefore seeks in these true wisdom , finds her not , or by delusion far worse , her false resemblance only meets , an empty cloud . however many books wise men have said are wearisom ; who reads incessantly , and to his reading brings not a spirit and judgment equal or superior , ( and what he brings , what needs he elsewhere seek ) uncertain and unsettl'd still remains , deep verst in books and shallow in himself , crude or intoxicate , collecting toys , and trifles for choice matters , worth a spunge ; as children gathering pibles on the shore . or if i would delight my private hours with music or with poem , where so soon as in our native language can i find that solace ? all our law and story strew'd with hymns , our psalms with artful terms inscrib'd , our hebrew songs and harps in babylon , that pleas'd so well our victors ear , declare that rather greece from us these arts deriv'd ; ill imitated , while they loudest sing the vices of thir deities , and thir own in fable , hymn , or song , so personating thir gods ridiculous , and themselves past shame . remove their swelling epithetes thick laid as varnish on a harlots cheek , the rest , thin sown with aught of profit or delight , will far be found unworthy to compare with sion's songs , to all true tasts excelling , where god is prais'd aright , and godlike men , the holiest of holies , and his saints ; such are from god inspir'd , not such from thee ; unless where moral vertue is express't by light of nature not in all quite lost . thir orators thou then extoll'st , as those the top of eloquence , statists indeed , and lovers of thir country , as may seem ; but herein to our prophets far beneath , as men divinely taught , and better teaching the solid rules of civil government in thir majestic unaffected stile then all the oratory of greece and rome . in them is plainest taught , and easiest learnt , what makes a nation happy , and keeps it so , what ruins kingdoms , and lays cities flat ; these only with our law best form a king. so spake the son of god ; but satan now quite at a loss , for all his darts were spent , thus to our saviour with stern brow reply'd . since neither wealth , nor honour , arms nor arts , kingdom nor empire pleases thee , nor aught by me propos'd in life contemplative , oractive , tended on by glory , or fame , what dost thou in this world ? the wilderness for thee is fittest place , i found thee there , and thither will return thee , yet remember what i foretell thee , soon thou shalt have cause to wish thou never hadst rejected thus nicely or cautiously my offer'd aid , which would have set thee in short time with ease on david's throne ; or throne of all the world , now at full age , fulness of time , thy season , when prophesies of thee are best fullfill'd . now contrary , if i read aught in heaven , or heav'n write aught of fate , by what the stars voluminous , or single characters , in their conjunction met , give me to spell , sorrows , and labours , opposition , hate , attends thee , scorns , reproaches , injuries , violence and stripes , and lastly cruel death , a kingdom they portend thee , but what kingdom , real or allegoric i discern not , nor when , eternal sure , as without end , without beginning ; for no date prefixt directs me in the starry rubric set . so saying he took ( for still he knew his power not yet expir'd ) and to the wilderness brought back the son of god , and left him there , feigning to disappear . darkness now rose , as day-light sunk , and brought in lowring night her shadowy off-spring unsubstantial both , privation meer of light and absent day . our saviour meek and with untroubl'd mind after his aerie jaunt , though hurried sore , hungry and cold betook him to his rest , wherever , under some concourse of shades whose branching arms thick intertwind might shield from dews and damps of night his shelter'd head , but shelter'd slept in vain , for at his head the tempter watch'd , and soon with ugly dreams disturb'd his sleep ; and either tropic now can thunder ; and both ends of heav'n , the clouds from many a horrid rift abortive pour'd fierce rain with lightning mixt , water with fire in ruine reconcil'd : nor slept the winds within thir stony caves , but rush'd abroad from the four hinges of the world , and fell on the vext wilderness , whose tallest pines , though rooted deep as high , and sturdiest oaks bow'd their stiff necks , loaden with stormy blasts , or torn up sheer : ill wast thou shrouded then , o patient son of god , yet only stoodst unfnaken ; nor yet staid the terror there , infernal ghosts , and hellish furies , round shriek'd , environ'd thee , some howl'd , some yell'd , some some bent at thee thir fiery darts , while thou sat'st unappall'd in calm and sinless peace . thus pass'd the night so foul till morning fair came forth with pilgrim steps in amice gray ; who with her radiant finger still'd the roar of thunder , chas'd the clouds , and laid the winds , and grisly spectres , which the fiend had rais'd to tempt the son of god with terrors dire . and now the sun with more effectual beams had chear'd the face of earth , and dry'd the wet from drooping plant , or dropping tree ; the birds who all things now behold more fresh and green , after a night of storm so ruinous , clear'd up their choicest notes in bush and spray to gratulate the sweet return of morn ; nor yet amidst this joy and brightest morn was absent , after all his mischief done , the prince of darkness , glad would also seem of this fair change , and to our saviour came , yet with no new device , they all were spent , rather by this his last affront resolv'd , desperate of better course , to vent his rage , and mad despight to be so oft repell'd , him walking on a sunny hill he found , back'd on the north and west by a thick wood , out of the wood he starts in wonted shape ; and in a careless mood thus to him said . fair morning yet betides thee son of god , after a dismal night ; i heard the rack as earth and skie would mingle ; but my self was distant ; and these flaws , though mortals fear them as dangerous to the pillard frame of heaven , or to the earths dark basis underneath , are to the main as inconsiderable , and harmless , if not wholsom , as a sneeze to mans less universe , and soon are gone ; yet as being oft times noxious where they light on man , beast , plant , wastful and turbulent , like turbulencies in the affairs of men , over whose heads they rore , and seem to point , they oft fore-signifie and threaten ill : this tempest at this desert most was bent ; of men at thee , for only thou here dwell'st . did i not tell thee , if thou didst reject the perfet season offer'd with my aid to win thy destin'd seat , but wilt prolong all to the push of fate , persue thy way of gaining david's throne no man knows when , for both the when and how is no where told , thou shalt be what thou art ordain'd , no doubt ; for angels have proclaim'd it , but concealing the time and means : each act is rightliest done , not when it must , but when it may be best . if thou observe not this , be sure to find , what i foretold thee , many a hard assay of dangers , and adversities and pains , e're thou of israel's scepter get fast hold ; whereof this ominous night that clos'd thee round , so many terrors , voices , prodigies may warn thee , as a sure fore-going sign . so talk'd he , while the son of god went on and staid not , but in brief him answer'd thus . mee worse then wet thou find'st not ; other harr● those terrors which thou speak'st of , did me none ; i never fear'd they could , though noising loud and threatning nigh ; what they can do as signs betok'ning , or ill boding , i contemn as false portents , not sent from god , but thee ; who knowing i shall raign past thy preventing , obtrud'st thy offer'd aid , that i accepting atleast might seem to hold all power of thee , ambitious spirit , and wouldst be thought my god , and storm'st refus'd , thinking to terrifie mee to thy will ; desist , thou art discern'd and toil'st in vain , nor me in vain molest . to whom the fiend now swoln with rage reply'd : then hear , o son of david , virgin-born ; for son of god to me is yet in doubt , of the messiah i have heard foretold by all the prophets ; of thy birth at length announc't by gabriel with the first i knew , and of the angelio song in bethlehem field , on thy birth-night , that sung thee saviour born . from that time seldom have i ceas'd to eye thy infancy , thy childhood , and thy youth , thy manhood last , though yet in private bred ; till at the ford of jordan whither all flock'd to the baptist , i among the rest , though not to be baptiz'd , by voice from heav'n heard thee pronounc'd the son of god belov'd . thenceforth i thought thee worth my nearer view and narrower scrutiny , that i might learn in what degree or meaning thou art call'd the son of god , which bears no single sence ; the son of god i also am , or was , and if i was , i am ; relation stands ; all men are sons of god ; yet thee i thought in some respect far higher so declar'd . therefore i watch'd thy footsteps from that hour , and follow'd thee still on to this wast wild ; where by all best conjectures i collect thou art to be my fatal enemy . good reason then , if i before-hand seek to understand my adversary , who and what he is ; his wisdom , power , intent , by parl , or composition , truce , or league to win him , or win from him what i can . and opportunity i here have had to try thee , sift thee , and confess have found thee proof against all temptation as a rock of adamant , and as a center , firm to the utmost of meer man both wise and good , not more ; for honours , riches , kingdoms , glory have been before contemn'd , and may agen : therefore to know what more thou art then man , worth naming son of god by voice from heav'n , another method i must now begin . so saying he caught him up , and without wing of hippogrif bore through the air sublime over the wilderness and o're the plain ; till underneath them fair jerusalem , the holy city lifted high her towers , and higher yet the glorious temple rear'd her pile , far off appearing like a mount of alabaster , top't with golden spires : there on the highest pinacle he set the son of god ; and added thus in scorn : there stand , if thou wilt stand ; to stand upright will ask thee skill ; i to thy fathers house have brought thee , and highest plac't , highest is best , now shew thy progeny ; if not to stand , cast thy self down ; safely if son of god : for it is written , he will give command concerning thee to his angels , in thir hands they shall up lift thee , lest at any time thou chance to dash thy foot against a stone . to whom thus jesus : also it is written , tempt not the lord thy god , he said and stood . but satan smitten with amazement fell as when earths son antaeus ( to compare small things with greatest ) in irassa strove with joves alcides , and oft foil'd still rose , receiving from his mother earth new strength , fresh from his fall , and fiercer grapple joyn'd , throttl'd at length in the air , expir'd and fell ; so after many a foil the tempter proud , renewing fresh assaults , amidst his pride fell whence he stood to see his victor fall . and as that theban monster that propos'd her riddle , and him , who solv'd it not , devour'd ; that once found out and solv'd , for grief and spight cast her self headlong from th' ismenian steep , so strook with dread and anguish fell the fiend , and to his crew , that sat consulting , brought joyless triumphals of his hop't success , ruin , and desperation , and dismay , who durst so proudly tempt the son of god. so satan fell and strait a fiery globe of angels on full sail of wingflew nigh , who on their plumy vans receiv'd him soft from his uneasie station , and upbore as on a floating couch through the blithe air , then in a flowry valley set him down on a green bank , and set before him spred a table of celestial food , divine , ambrosial , fruits fetcht from the tree of life , and from the fount of life ambrosial drink , that soon refresh'd him wearied , and repair'd what hunger , if aught hunger had impair'd , or thirst , and as he fed , angelic quires sung heavenly anthems of his victory over temptation , and the tempter proud . true image of the father whether thron'd in the bosom of bliss , and light of light conceiving , or remote from heaven , enshrin'd in fleshly tabernacle , and human form , wandring the wilderness , whatever place , habit , or state , or motion , still expressing the son of god , with godlike force indu'd against th'attempter of thy fathers throne , and thief of paradise ; him long of old thou didst debel , and down from heav'n cast with all his army , now thou hast aveng'd supplanted adam , and by vanquishing temptation , hast regain'd lost paradise , and frustrated the conquest fraudulent : he never more henceforth will dare set foot in paradise to tempt ; his snares are broke : for though that seat of earthly bliss be fail'd , a fairer paradise is founded now for adam and his chosen sons , whom thou a saviour art come down to re-install . where they shall dwell secure , when time shall be of tempter and temptation without fear . but thou , infernal serpent , shalt not long rule in the clouds ; like an autumnal star or lightning thou shalt fall from heav'n trod down under his feet : for proof , e're this thou feel'st thy wound , yet not thy last and deadliest wound by this repulse receiv'd , and hold'st in hell no triumph ; in all her gates abaddon rues thy bold attempt ; hereafter learn with awe to dread the son of god : he all unarm'd shall chase thee with the terror of his voice from thy demoniac holds , possession foul , thee and thy legions , yelling they shall flye , and beg to hide them in a herd of swine , lest he command them down into the deep bound , and to torment sent before thir time . hail son of the most high , heir of both worlds , queller of satan , on thy glorious work now enter , and begin to save mankind . thus they the son of god our saviour meek sung victor , and from heavenly feast refresht brought on his way with joy ; hee unobserv'd home to his mothers house private return'd . the end . samson agonistes , a dramatic poem . the author john milton . aristot. poet. cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. tragoedia est imitatio actionis seriae , &c. per misericordiam & metum perficiens talium affectuum lustrationem . london , printed by j. m. for john starkey at the mitre in fleetstreet , near temple-bar . mdclxxi . of that sort of dramatic poem which is call'd tragedy . tragedy , as it was antiently compos'd , hath been ever held the gravest , moralest , and most profitable of all other poems : therefore said by aristotle to be of power by raising pity and fear , or terror , to purge the mind of those and such like passions , that is to temper and reduce them to just measure with a kind of delight , stirr'd up by reading or seeing those passions well imitated . nor is nature wanting in her own effects to make good his assertion : for so in physic things of melancholic hue and quality are us'd against melancholy , sowr against sowr , salt to remove salt humours . hence philosophers and other gravest writers , as cicero , plutarch and others , frequently cite out of tragic poets , both to adorn and illustrate thir discourse . the apostle paul himself thought it not unworthy to insert a verse of euripides into the text of holy scripture , cor. . . and parsus commenting on the revelation , divides the whole book as a tragedy , into acts distinguisht each by a chorus of heavenly harpings and song between . heretofore men in highest dignity have labour'd not a little to be thought able to compose a tragedy . of that honour dionysius the elder was no less ambitious , then before of his attaining to the tyranny . augustus caesar also had begun his ajax , but unable to please his own judgment with what he had begun , left it unfinisht . seneca the philosopher is by some thought the author of those tragedies ( at lest the best of them ) that go under that name . gregory nazianzen a father of the church , thought it not unbeseeming the sanctity of his person to write a tragedy , which he entitl'd , christ suffering . this is mention'd to vindicate tragedy from the small esteem , or rather infamy , which in the account of many it undergoes at this day with other common interludes ; hap'ning through the poets error of intermixing comic stuff with tragic sadness and gravity ; or introducing trivial and vulgar persons , which by all judicious hath bin counted absurd ; and brought in without discretion , corruptly to gratifie the people . and though antient tragedy use no prologue , yet using sometimes , in case of self defence , or explanation , that which martial calls an epistle ; in behalf of this tragedy coming forth after the antient manner , much different from what among us passes for best , thus much before-hand may be epistl'd ; that chorus is here introduc'd after the greek manner , not antient only but modern , and still in use among the italians . in the modelling therefore of this poem , with good reason , the antients and italians are rather follow'd , as of much more authority and fame . the measure of verse us'd in the chorus is of all sorts , call'd by the greeks monostrophic , or rather apolelymenon , without regard had to strophe , antistrophe or epod , which were a kind of stanza's fram'd only for the music , then us'd with the chorus that sung ; not essential to the poem , and therefore not material ; or being divided into stanza's or pauses , they may be call'd allaeostropha . division into act and scene referring chiefly to the stage ( to which this work never was intended ) is here omitted . it suffices if the whole drama be found not produc't beyond the fift act , of the style and uniformitie , and that commonly call'd the plot , whether intricate or explicit , which is nothing indeed but such oeconomy , or disposition of the fable as may stand best with verisimilitude and decorum ; they only will best judge who are not unacquainted with aeschulus , sophocles , and euripides , the three tragic poets unequall'd yet by any , and the best rule to all who endeavour to write tragedy . the circumscription of time wherein the whole drama begins and ends , is according to antient rule , and best example , within the space of hours . the argument . samson made captive , blind , and now in the prison at gaza , there to labour as in a common work-house , on a festival day , in the general cessation from labour , comes forth into the open air , to a place nigh , somewhat retir'd there to sit a while and bemoan his condition . where he happens at length to be visited by certain friends and equals of his tribe , which make the chorus , who seek to comfort him what they can ; then by his old father manoa , who endeavours the like , and withal tells him his purpose to procure his liberty by ransom ; lastly , that this feast was proclaim'd by the philistins as a day of thanksgiving for thir deliverance from the hands of samson , which yet more troubles him . manoa then departs to prosecute his endeavour with the philistian lords for samson's redemption ; who in the mean while is visited by other persons ; and lastly by a publick officer to require his coming to the feast before the lords and people , to play or shew his strength in thir presence ; he at first refuses , dismissing the publick officer with absolute denyal to come ; at length perswaded inwardly that this was from god , he yields to go along with him , who came now the second time with great threatnings to fetch him ; the chorus yet remaining on the place , manoa returns full of joyful hope , to procure e're long his sons deliverance : in the midst of which discourse an ebrew comes in haste confusedly at first ; and afterward more distinctly relating the catastrophe , what samson had done to the philistins , and by accident to himself ; wherewith the tragedy ends . the persons . samson . manoa the father of samson . dalila his wife . harapha of gath. publick officer . messenger . chorus of danites . the scene before the prison in gaza . samson agonistes . sams . a little onward lend thy guiding hand to these dark steps , a little further on ; for yonder bank hath choice of sun or shade , there i am wont to sit , when any chance relieves me from my task of servile toyl , daily in the common prison else enjoyn'd me , where i a prisoner chain'd , scarce freely draw the air imprison'd also , close and damp , unwholsom draught : but here i feel amends , the breath of heav'n fresh-blowing , pure and sweet , with day-spring born ; here leave me to respire . this day a solemn feast the people hold to dagon thir sea-idol , and forbid laborious works , unwillingly this rest thir superstition yields me ; hence with leave retiring from the popular noise , i seek this unfrequented place to find some ease , ease to the body some , none to the mind from restless thoughts , that like a deadly swarm of hornets arm'd , no sooner found alone , but rush upon me thronging , and present times past , what once i was , and what am now . o wherefore was my birth from heaven foretold twice by an angel , who at last in sight of both my parents all in flames ascended from off the altar , where an off'ring burn'd , as in a fiery column charioting his godlike presence , and from some great act or benefit reveal'd to abraham's race ? why was my breeding order'd and prescrib'd as of a person separate to god , design'd for great exploits ; if i must dye betray'd captiv'd , and both my eyes put out , made of my enemies the scorn and gaze ; to grind in brazen fetters under task with this heav'n-gifted strength ? o glorious strength put to the labour of a beast , debas't lower then bondslave ! promise was that i should israel from philistian yoke deliver ; ask for this great deliverer now , and find him eyeless in caza at the mill with slaves , himself in bonds under philistian yoke ; yet stay , let me not rashly call in doubt divine prediction ; what if all foretold had been fulfilld but through mine own default , whom have i to complain of but my self ? who this high gift of strength committed to me , in what part lodg'd , how easily berest me , under the seal of silence could not keep , but weakly to a woman must reveal it , o'recome with importunity and tears . o impotence of mind , in body strong ! but what is strength without a double share of wisdom , vast , unwieldy , burdensom , proudly secure , yet liable to fall by weakest suttleties , not made to rule , but to subserve where wisdom bears command . god , when he gave me strength , to shew withal how slight the gift was , hung it in my hair. but peace , i must not quarrel with the will of highest dispensation , which herein happ'ly had ends above my reach to know : suffices that to me strength is my bane , and proves the sourse of all my miseries ; so many , and so huge , that each apart would ask a life to wail , but chief of all , o loss of sight , of thee i most complain ! blind among enemies , o worse then chains , dungeon , or beggery , or decrepit age ! light the prime work of god to me is extinct , and all her various objects of delight annull'd , which might in part my grief have eas'd , inferiour to the vilest now become of man or worm ; the vilest here excel me , they creep , yet see , i dark in light expos'd to daily fraud , contempt , abuse and wrong , within doors , or without , still as a fool , in power of others , never in my own ; scarce half i seem to live , dead more then half . o dark , dark , dark , amid the blaze of noon , irrecoverably dark , total eclipse without all hope of day ! o first created beam , and thou great word , let there be light , and light was over all ; why am i thus bereav'd thy prime decree ? the sun to me is dark and silent as the moon , when she deserts the night hid in her vacant interlunar cave . since light so necessary is to life , and almost life it self , if it be true that light is in the soul , she all in every part ; why was the sight to such a tender ball as th' eye confin'd ? so obvious and so easie to be quench't , and not as feeling through all parts diffus'd , that she might look at will through every pore ? then had i not been thus exil'd from light ; as in the land of darkness yet in light , to live a life half dead , a living death , and buried ; but o yet more miserable ! my self , my sepulcher , a moving grave , buried , yet not exempt by priviledge of death and burial from worst of other evils , pains and wrongs , but made hereby obnoxious more to all the miseries of life , life in captivity among inhuman foes . but who are these ? for with joint pace i hear the tread of many feet stearing this way ; perhaps my enemies who come to stare at my affliction , and perhaps to insult , thir daily practice to afflict me more . chor. this , this is he ; softly a while , let us not break in upon him ; o change beyond report , thought , or belief ! see how he lies at random , carelesly diffus'd , with languish't head unpropt , as one past hope , abandon'd , and by himself given over ; in slavish habit , ill-fitted weeds o're worn and soild ; or do my eyes misrepresent ? can this be hee , that heroic , that renown'd , irresistable samson ? whom unarm'd withstand ; no strength of man , or fiercest wild beast could who tore the lion , as the lion tears the kid , ran on embattelld armies clad in iron , and weaponless himself , made arms ridiculous , useless the forgery of brazen shield and spear , the hammer'd cuirass , chalybean temper'd steel , and frock of mail adamantean proof ; but safest he who stood aloof , when insupportably his foot advanc't , in scorn of thir proud arms and warlike tools , spurn'd them to death by troops . the bold ascalonite fled from his lion ramp , old warriors turn'd thir plated backs under his heel ; or grovling soild thir crested helmets in the dust . then with what trivial weapon came to hand , the jaw of a dead ass , his sword of bone , a thousand fore-skins fell , the flower of palestin in ramath-lechi famous to this day : then by main force pull'd up , and on his shoulders bore the gates of azza , post , and massie bar up to the hill by hebron , seat of giants old , no journey of a sabbath day , and loaded so ; like whom the gentiles feign to bear up heav'n . which shall i first bewail , thy bondage or lost sight , prison within prison inseparably dark ? thou art become ( o worst imprisonment ! ) the dungeon of thy self ; thy soul ( which men enjoying sight oft without cause com plain'd ) imprison'd now indeed , in real darkness of the body dwells , shut up from outward light to incorporate with gloomy night ; for inward light alas puts sorth no visual beam . o mirror of our fickle state , since man on earth unparallel'd ? the rarer thy example stands , by how much from the top of wondrous glory , strongest of mortal men , to lowest pitch of abject fortune thou art fall'n . for him i reckon not in high estate whom long descent of birth or the sphear of fortune raises ; but thee whose strength , while vertue was her mate , might have subdu'd the earth , universally crown'd with highest praises . sam. i hear the sound of words , thir sense the air dissolves unjointed e're it reach my ear . chor. hee speaks , let us draw nigh . matchless in might , the glory late of israel , now the grief ; we come thy friends and neighbours not unknown from eshtaol and zora's fruitful vale to visit or bewail thee , or if better , counsel or consolation we may bring , salve to thy sores , apt words have power to swage the tumors of a troubl'd mind , and are as balm to fester'd wounds . sam. your coming , friends , revives me , for i learn now of my own experience , not by talk , how counterfeit a coin they are who friends bear in their superscription ( of the most i would be understood ) in prosperous days they swarm , but in adverse withdraw their head not to be found , though sought . yee see , o friends , how many evils have enclos'd me round ; yet that which was the worst now least afflicts me , blindness , for had i sight , confus'd with shame , how could i once look up , or heave the head , who like a foolish pilot have shipwrack't , my vessel trusted to me from above , gloriously rigg'd ; and for a word , a tear , fool , have divulg'd the secret gift of god to a deceitful woman : tell me friends , am i not sung and proverbd for a fool in every street , do they not say , how well are come upon him his deserts ? yet why ? immeasurable strength they might behold in me , of wisdom nothing more then mean ; this with the other should , at least , have paird , these two proportiond ill drove me transverse . chor. tax not divine disposal , wisest men have err'd , and by bad women been deceiv'd ; and shall again , pretend they ne're so wise . deject not then so overmuch thy self , who hast of sorrow thy full load besides ; yet truth to say , i oft have heard men wonder why thou shouldst wed philistian women rather then of thine own tribe fairer , or as fair , at least of thy own nation , and as noble . sam. the first i saw at timna , and she pleas'd mee , not my parents , that i sought to wed , the daughter of an infidel : they knew not that what i montion'd was of god ; i knew from intimate impulse , and therefore urg'd the marriage on ; that by occasion hence i might begin israel's deliverance , the work to which i was divinely call'd ; she proving false , the next i took to wife ( o that i never had ! fond wish too late . ) was in the vale of sorec , dalila , that specious monster , my accomplisht snare . i thought it lawful from my former act , and the same end ; still watching to oppress israel's oppressours : of what now i suffer she was not the prime cause , but i my self , who vanquisht with a peal of words ( o weakness ! ) gave up my fort of silence to a woman . chor. in seeking just occasion to provoke the philistine , thy countries enemy , thou never wast remiss , i bear thee witness : yet israel still serves with all his sons . sam. that fault i take not on me , but transfer on israel's governours , and heads of tribes , who seeing those great acts which god had done singly by me against their conquerours acknowledg'd not ; or not at all consider'd deliverance offerd : i on th' other side us'd no ambition to commend my deeds , the deeds themselves , though mute , spoke loud the dooer ; but they persisted deaf , and would not seem to count them things worth notice , till at length thir lords the philistines with gather'd powers enterd judea seeking mee , who then safe to the rock of etham was retir'd , not flying , but fore-casting in what place to set upon them , what advantag'd best ; mean while the men of judah to prevent the harrass of thir land , beset me round ; i willingly on some conditions came into thir hands , and they as gladly yield me to the uncircumcis'd a welcom prey , bound with two cords ; but cords to me were threds toucht with the flame : on thir whole host i flew unarm'd , and with a trivial weapon fell'd their choicest youth ; they only liv'd who fled . had judah that day join'd , or one whole tribe , they had by this possess'd the towers of gath , and lorded over them whom now they serve ; but what more oft in nations grown corrupt , and by thir vices brought to servitude , then to love bondage more then liberty , bondage with ease then strenuous liberty ; and to despise , or envy , or suspect whom god hath of his special favour rais'd as thir deliverer ; if he aught begin , how frequent to desert him , and at last to heap ingratitude on worthiest deeds ? cho. thy words to my remembrance bring how succoth and the fort of penuel thir great deliverer contemn'd , the matchless gideon in pursuit of madian and her vanquisht kings : and how ingrateful ephraim had dealt with jephtha , who by argument , not worse then by his shield and spear defended israel from the ammonite , had not his prowess quell'd thir pride in that sore battel when so many dy'd without reprieve adjudg'd to death , for want of well pronouncing shibboleth . sam. of such examples adde mee to the roul , mee easily indeed mine may neglect , but gods propos'd deliverance not so . chor. just are the ways of god , and justifiable to men ; unless there be who think not god at all , if any be , they walk obscure ; for of such doctrine never was there school , but the heart of the fool , and no man therein doctor but himself . yet more there be who doubt his ways not just , as to his own edicts , found contradicting , then give the rains to wandring thought , regardless of his glories diminution ; till by thir own perplexities involv'd they ravel more , still less resolv'd , but never find self-satisfying solution . as if they would confine th'interminable , and tie him to his own prescript , who made our laws to bind us , not himself , and hath sull right to exempt whom so itipleases him by choice from national obstriction , without taint of sin , or legal debt ; for with his own laws he can best dispence . he would not else who never wanted means , nor in respect of the enemy just cause to set his people free , have prompted this heroic nazarite , against his vow of strictest purity , to seek in marriage that fallacious bride , unclean , unchaste . down reason then , at least vain reasonings down , though reason here aver that moral verdit quits her of unclean : unchaste was subsequent , her stain not his . but see here comes thy reverend sire with careful step , locks white as doune , old manoah : advise forthwith how thou oughtst to receive him . sam. ay me , another inward grief awak't , with mention of that name renewsth ' assault . man. brethren and men of dan , for such ye seem , though in this uncouth place ; if old respect , as i suppose , towards your once gloried friend , my son now captive , hither hath inform'd your younger feet , while mine cast back with age came lagging after ; say if he be here . chor. as signal now in low dejected state , as earst in highest , behold him where he lies . man. o miserable change ! is this the man , that invincible samson , far renown'd , the dread of israel's foes , who with a strength equivalent to angels walk'd thir streets , none offering fight ; who single combatant duell'd thir armies rank't in proud array , himself an army , now unequal match to save himself against a coward arm'd at one spears length . o ever failing trust in mortal strength ! and oh what not in man deceivable and vain ! nay what thing good pray'd for , but often proves our woe , our bane ? i pray'd for children , and thought barrenness in wedlock a reproach ; i gain'd a son , & such a son as all men hail'd me happy ; who would be now a father in my stead ? o wherefore did god grant me my request , and as a blessing with such pomp adorn'd ? why are his gifts desirable , to tempt our earnest prayers , then giv'n with solemn hand as graces , draw a scorpions tail behind ? for this did the angel twice descend ? for this ordain'd thy nurture holy , as of a plant ; select , and sacred , glorious for a while , the miracle of men : then in an hour ensnar'd , assaulted , overcome , led bound , thy foes derision , captive , poor , and blind into a dungeon thrust , to work with slaves ? alas methinks whom god hath chosen once to worthiest deeds , if he through frailty err , he should not so o'rewhelm , and as a thrall subject him to so foul indignities , be it but for honours sake of former deeds . sam. appoint not heavenly disposition , father , nothing of all these evils hath befall'n me but justly ; i my self have brought them on , sole author i , sole cause : if aught seem vile , as vile hath been my folly , who have profan'd the mystery of god giv'n me under pledge of vow , and have betray'd it to a woman , a canaanite , my faithless enemy . this well i knew , nor was at all surpris'd , but warn'd by oft experience : did not she of timna first betray me , and reveal the secret wrested from me in her highth of nuptial love profest , carrying it strait to them who had corrupted her , my spies , and rivals ? in this other was there found more faith ? who also in her prime of love , spousal embraces , vitiated with gold , though offer'd only , by the sent conceiv'd her spurious first-born ; treason against me ? thrice she assay'd with flattering prayers and sighs , and amorous reproaches to win from me my capital secret , in what part my strength lay stor'd , in what part summ'd , that she might know : thrice i deluded her , and turn'd to sport her importunity , each time perceiving how openly , and with what impudence she purpos'd to betray me , and ( which was worse then undissembl'd hate ) with what contempt she sought to make me traytor to my self ; yet the fourth time , when mustring all her wiles , with blandisht parlies , feminine assaults , tongue-batteries , she surceas'd not day nor night to storm me over-watch't , and wearied out . at times when men seek most repose and rest , i yielded , and unlock'd her all my heart , who with a grain of manhood well resolv'd might easily have shook off all her snares : but foul effeminacy held me yok't her bond-slave ; o indignity , o blot to honour and religion ! servil mind rewarded well with servil punishment ! the base degree to which i now am fall'n , these rags , this grinding , is not yet so base as was my former servitude , ignoble , unmanly , ignominious , infamous , true slavery , and that blindness worse then this , that saw not how degeneratly i serv'd . man. i cannot praise thy marriage choises , son , rather approv'd them not ; but thou didst plead divine impulsion prompting how thou might'st find some occasion to infest our foes . i state not that ; this i am sure ; our foes found soon occasion thereby to make thee thir captive , and thir triumph ; thou the sooner temptation found'st , or over-potent charms to violate the sacred trust of silence deposited within thee ; which to have kept tacit , was in thy power ; true ; and thou bear'st enough , and more the burden of that fault ; bitterly hast thou paid , and still art paying that rigid score . a worse thing yet remains , this day the philistines a popular feast here celebrate in gaza ; and proclaim great pomp , and sacrifice , and praises loud to dagon , as their god who hath deliver'd thee samson bound and blind into thir hand● them out of thine , who slew'st them many a 〈◊〉 . so dagon shall be magnifi'd , and god , besides whom is no god , compar'd with idols , disglorifi'd , blasphem'd , and had in scorn by th' idolatrous rout amidst thir wine ; which to have come to pass by means of thee , samson , of all thy sufferings think the heaviest , of all reproach the most with shame that ever could have befall'n thee and thy fathers house . sam. father , i do acknowledge and confess that i this honour , i this pomp have brought to dagon , and advanc'd his praises high among the heathen round ; to god have brought dishonour , obloquie , and op't the mouths of idolists , and atheists ; have brought scandal to israel , diffidence of god , and doubt in feeble hearts , propense anough before to waver , or fall off and joyn with idols ; which is my chief affliction , shame and sorrow ; the anguish of my soul , that suffers not mine eie to harbour sleep , or thoughts to rest . this only hope relieves me , that the strife with me hath end ; all the contest is now 'twixt god and dagon ; dagon hath presum'd , me overthrown , to enter lists with god , his deity comparing and preferring before the god of abraham . he , be sure , will not connive , or linger , thus provok'd , but will arise and his great name assert : dagon must stoop , and shall e're long receive such a discomfit , as shall quite despoil him of all these boasted trophies won on me , and with confusion blank his worshippers . man. with cause this hope relieves thee , and these words i as a prophecy receive : for god , nothing more certain , will not long defer to vindicate the glory of his name against all competition , nor will long endure it , doubtful whether god be lord , or dagon . but for thee what shall be done ? thou must not in the mean while here forgot lie in this miserable loathsom plight neglected . i already have made way to some philistian lords , with whom to treat about thy ransom : well they may by this have satisfi'd thir utmost of revenge by pains and slaveries , worse then death inflicted on thee , who now no more canst do them harm . sam. spare that proposal , father , spare the trouble of that sollicitation ; let me here , as i deserve , pay on my punishment ; and expiate , if possible , my crime , shameful garrulity . to have reveal'd secrets of men , the secrets of a friend , how hainous had the fact been , how deserving contempt , and scorn of all , to be excluded all friendship , and avoided as a blab , the mark of fool set on his front ? but i gods counsel have not kept , his holy secret presumptuously have publish'd , impiously , weakly at least , and shamefully : a sin that gentiles in thir parables condemn to thir abyss and horrid pains confin'd . man. be penitent and for thy fault contrite , but act not in thy own affliction , son , repent the sin , but if the punishment thou canst avoid , self-preservation bids ; of th' execution leave to high disposal , and let another hand , not thine , exact thy penal forfeit from thy self ; perhaps god will relent , and quit thee all his debt ; who evermore approves and more accepts ( best pleas'd with humble and filial submission ) him who imploring mercy sues for life , then who self-rigorous chooses death as due ; which argues over-just , and self-displeas'd for self-offence , more then for god offended . reject not then what offerd means , who knows but god hath set before us , to return thee home to thy countrey and his sacred house , where thou mayst bring thy off'rings , to avert his further ire , with praiers and vows renew'd . sam. his pardon i implore ; but as for life , to what end should i seek it ? when in strength all mortals i excell'd , and great in hopes with youthful courage and magnanimous thoughts of birth from heav'n foretold and high exploits , full of divine instinct , after some proof of acts indeed heroic , far beyond the sons of anac , famous now and blaz'd , fearless of danger , like a petty god i walk'd about admir'd of all and dreaded on hostile ground , none daring my affront . then swoll'n with pride into the snare i fell of fair fallacious looks , venereal trains , softn'd with pleasure and voluptuous life ; at length to lay my head and hallow'd pledge of all my strength in the lascivious lap of a deceitful concubine who shore me like a tame weather , all my precious fleece , then turn'd me out ridiculous , despoil'd , shav'n , and disarm'd among my enemies . chor. desire of wine and all delicious drinks , which many a famous warriour overturns , thou couldst repress , nor did the dancing rubie sparkling , out-pow'rd , the flavor , or the smell , or taste that cheers the heart of gods and men , allure thee from the cool crystalline stream . sam. where ever fountain or fresh current flow'd against the eastern ray , translucent , pure . with touch aetherial of heav'ns fiery rod i drank , from the clear milkie juice allaying thirst , and refresht ; nor envy'd them the grape whose heads that turbulent liquor fills with fumes . chor. o madness , to think use of strongest wines and strongest drinks our chief support of health , when god with these forbid'n made choice to rear his mighty champion , strong above compare , whose drink was only from the liquid brook . sam. but what avail'd this temperance , not compleat against another object more enticing ? what boots it at one gate to make defence , and at another to let in the foe effeminatly vanquish't ? by which means , now blind , disheartn'd , sham'd , dishonour'd , quell'd , to what can i be useful , wherein serve my nation , and the work from heav'n impos'd , but to sit idle on the houshold hearth , a burdenous drone ; to visitants a gaze , or pitied object , thefe redundant locks robustious to no purpofe clustring down , vain monument of strength ; till length of years and sedentary numness craze my limbs to a contemptible old age obscure . here rather let me drudge and earn my bread , till vermin or the draff of servil food consume me , and oft-invocated death hast'n the welcom end of all my pains . man. wilt thou then serve the philistines with that gift which was expresly giv'n thee to annoy them ? better at home lie bed-rid , not only idle , inglorious , unimploy'd , with age out-worn . but god who caus'd a fountain at thy prayer from the dry ground to spring , thy thirst to allay after the brunt of battel , can as easie cause light again within thy eies to spring , wherewith to serve him better then thou hast ; and i perswade me so ; why else this strength miraculous yet remaining in those locks ? his might continues in thee not for naught , nor shall his wondrous gifts be frustrate thus . sam. all otherwise to me my thoughts portend , that these dark orbs no more shall treat with light , nor th' other light of life continue long , but yield to double darkness nigh at hand : so much i feel my genial spirits droop , my hopes all flat , nature within me seems in all her functions weary of her self ; my race of glory run , and race of shame , and i shall shortly be with them that rest . man. believe not these suggestions which proceed from anguish of the mind and humours black , that mingle with thy fancy . i however must not omit a fathers timely care to prosecute the means of thy deliverance by ransom or how else : mean while be calm , and healing words from these thy friends admit . sam. o that torment should not be confin'd to the bodies wounds and sores with maladies innumerable in heart , head , brest , and reins ; but must secret passage find to th' inmost mind , there exercise all his fierce accidents , and on her purest spirits prey , as on entrails , joints , and limbs , with answerable pains , but more intense , though void of corporal sense . my grief 's not only pain me as a lingring disease , but finding no redress , ferment and rage , nor less then wounds immedicable ranckle , and fester , and gangrene , to black mortification . thoughts my tormenters arm'd with deadly stings mangle my apprehensive tenderest parts , exasperate , exulcerate , and raise dire inflammation which no cooling herb or medcinal liquor can asswage , nor breath of vernal air from snowy alp. sleep hath forsook and giv'n me o're to deaths benumming opium as my only cure . thence faintings , swounings of despair , and sense of heav'ns desertion . i was his nurssing once and choice delight , his destin'd from the womb , promisd by heavenly message twice descending . under his special eie abstemious i grew up and thriv'd amain ; he led me on to mightiest deeds above the nerve of mortal arm against the uncircumcis'd , our enemies . 〈◊〉 hath cast me off as never known , 〈◊〉 those cruel enemies , whom i by his appointment had provok't , left me all helpless with th' irreparable loss of sight , reserv'd alive to be repeated the subject of thir cruelty , or scorn . nor am i in the list of them that hope ; hopeless are all my evils , all remediless ; this one prayer yet remains , might i be heard , no long petition , speedy death , the close of all my miseries , and the balm . chor. many are the sayings of the wise in antient and in modern books enroll'd ; extolling patience as the truest fortitude ; and to the bearing well of all calamities , all chances incident to mans frail life . consolatories writ with studied argument , and much perswasion sought lenient of grief and anxious thought , but with ' afflicted in his pangs thir sound little prevails , or rather seems a tune , harsh , and of dissonant mood from his complaint , unless he feel within some sourse of consolation from above ; secret refreshings , that repair his strength , and fainting spirits uphold . god of our fathers , what is man ! that thou towards him with hand so various , or might i say contrarious , temperst thy providence through his short course , not evenly , as thou rul'st the angelic orders and inferiour creatures mute , irrational and brute . nor do i name of men the common rout , that wandring loose about grow up and perish , as the summer flie , heads without name no more rememberd , but such as thou hast solemnly elected , with gifts and graces eminently adorn'd to some great work , thy glory , and peoples safety , which in part they effect : yet toward these thus dignifi'd , thou oft amidst thir highth of noon , changest thy countenance , and thy hand with no regard of highest favours past from thee on them , or them to thee of service . nor only dost degrade them , or remit to life obscur'd , which were a fair dismission , but throw'st them lower then thou didst exalt them high , unseemly falls in human eie , too grievous for the trespass or omission , oft leav'st them to the hostile sword of heathen and prophane , thir carkasses to dogs and fowls a prey , or else captiv'd : or to the unjust tribunals , under change of times , and condemnation of the ingrateful multitude . if these they scape , perhaps in poverty with sickness and disease thou bow'st them down , painful diseases and deform'd , in crude old age ; though not disordinate , yet causless suffring the punishment of dissolute days , in fine , just or unjust , alike seem miserable , for oft alike , both come to evil end . so deal not with this once thy glorious champion , the image of thy strength , and mighty minister . what do i beg ? how hast thou dealt already ? behold him in this state calamitous , and turn his labours , for thou canst , to peaceful end . but who is this , what thing of sea or land ? femal of sex it seems , that so bedeckt , ornate , and gay , comes this way sailing like a stately strip of tarsus , bound for th' isles of javan or gadier with all her bravery on , and tackle trim , sails fill'd , and streamers waving , courted by all the winds that hold them play , an amber sent of odorous perfume her harbinger , a damsel train behind ; some rich philistian matron she may seem , and now at nearer view , no other certain then dalila thy wife . sam. my wife , my traytress , let her not come near me . cho. yet on she moves , now stands & eies thee fixt , about t' have spoke , but now , with head declin'd like a fair flower surcharg'd with dew , she weeps and words addrest seem into tears dissolv'd , wetting the borders of her silk'n veil : but now again she makes address to speak . dal. with doubtful feet and wavering resolution i came , still dreading thy displeasure , samson , which to have merited , without excuse , i cannot but acknowledge ; yet if tears may expiate ( though the fact more evil drew in the perverse event then i foresaw ) my penance hath not slack'n'd , though my pardon no way assur'd . but conjugal affection prevailing over fear , and timerous doubt hath led me on desirous to behold once more thy face , and know of thy estate . if aught in my ability may serve to light'n what thou suffer'st , and appease thy mind with what amends is in my power , though late , yet in some part to recompense my rash but more unfortunate misdeed . sam. out , out hyaena ; these are thy wonted arts , and arts of every woman false like thee , to break all faith , all vows , deceive , betray , then as repentant to submit , beseech , and reconcilement move with feign'd remorse , confess , and promise wonders in her change , not truly penitent , but chief to try her husband , how far urg'd his patience bears , his vertue or weakness which way to assail : then with more cautious and instructed skill again transgresses , and again submits ; that wisest and best men full oft beguil'd with goodness principl'd not to reject the penitent , but ever to forgive , are drawn to wear out miserable days , entangl'd with a poysnous bosom snake , if not by quick destruction soon cut off as i by thee , to ages an example . dal. yet hear me samson ; not that i endeavour to lessen or extenuate my offence , but that on th' other side if it be weigh'd by it self , with aggravations not surcharg'd , or else with just allowance counterpois'd , i may , if possible , thy pardon find the easier towards me , or thy hatred less . first granting , as i do , it was a weakness in me , but incident to all our sex , curiosity , inquisitive , importune of secrets , then with like infirmity to publish them , both common female faults : was it not weakness also to make known for importunity , that is for naught , wherein consisted all thy strength and safety ? to what i did thou shewdst me first the way . but i to enemies reveal'd , and should not . nor shouldst thou have trusted that to womans frailty e're i to thee , thou to thy self wast cruel . let weakness then with weakness come to parl so near related , or the same of kind , thine forgive mine ; that men may censure thine the gentler , if severely thou exact not more strength from me , then in thy self was found . and what if love , which thou interpret'st hate , the jealousie of love , powerful of sway in human hearts , nor less in mine towards thee , caus'd what i did ? i saw thee mutable of fancy , feard lest one day thou wouldst leave me as her at timna , sought by all means therefore how to endear , and hold thee to me firmest : no better way i saw then by importuning to learn thy secrets , get into my power thy key of strength and safety : thou wilt say , why then reveal'd ? i was assur'd by those who tempted me , that nothing was design'd against thee but safe custody , and hold : that made for me , i knew that liberty would draw thee forth to perilous enterprises , while i at home sate full of cares and fears wailing thy absence in my widow'd bed ; here i should still enjoy thee day and night mine and loves prisoner , not the philistines , whole to my self , unhazarded abroad , fearless at home of partners in my love . these reasons in loves law have past for good , though fond and reasonless to some perhaps ; and love hath oft , well meaning , wrought much wo , yet always pity or pardon hath obtain'd . be not unlike all others , not austere as thou art strong , inflexible as steel . if thou in strength all mortals dost exceed , in uncompassionate anger do not so . sam. how cunningly the sorceress displays her own transgressions , to upbraid me mine ? that malice not repentance brought thee hither , by this appears : i gave , thou say'st , th' example , i led the way ; bitter reproach , but true , i to my self was false e're thou to me , such pardon therefore as i give my folly , take to thy wicked deed : which when thou seest impartial , self-severe , inexorable , thou wilt renounce thy seeking , and much rather confess it feign'd , weakness is thy excuse , and i believe it , weakness to resist philistian gold : if weakness may excuse , what murtherer , what traytor , parricide , incestuous , sacrilegious , but may plead it ? all wickedness is weakness : that plea therefore with god or man will gain thee no remission . but love constrain'd thee ; call it furious rage to satisfie thy lust : love seeks to have love ; my love how couldst thou hope , who tookst the way to raise in me inexpiable hate , knowing , as needs i must , by thee betray'd ? in vain thou striv'st to cover shame with shame , or by evasions thy crime uncoverst more . dal. since thou determinst weakness for no plea in man or woman , though to thy own condemning , hear what assaults i had , what snares besides , what sieges girt me round , e're i consented ; which might have aw'd the best resolv'd of men , the constantest to have yielded without blame . it was not gold , as to my charge thou lay'st , that wrought with me : thou know'st the magistrates and princes of my countrey came in person , sollicited , commanded , threatn'd , urg'd , adjur'd by all the bonds of civil duty and of religion , press'd how just it was , how honourable , how glorious to entrap a common enemy , who had destroy'd such numbers of our nation : and the priest was not behind , but ever at my ear , preaching how meritorious with the gods it would be to ensnare an irreligious dishonourer of dagon : what had i to oppose against such powerful arguments ? only my love of thee held long debate ; and combated in silence all these reasons with hard contest : at length that grounded maxim so rife and celebrated in the mouths of wisest men ; that to the public good private refpects must yield ; with grave authority took full possession of me and prevail'd ; vertue , as i thought , truth , duty so enjoyning . sam. i thought where all thy circling wiles would end ; in feign'd religion , smooth hypocrisie . but had thy love , still odiously pretended , bin , as it ought , sincere , it would have taught thee far other reasonings , brought forth other deeds . i before all the daughters of my tribe and of my nation chose thee from among my enemies , lov'd thee , as too well thou knew'st , too well , unbosom'd all my secrets to thee , not out of levity , but over-powr'd by thy request , who could deny thee nothing ; yet now am judg'd an enemy . why then didst thou at first reccive me for thy husband ? then , as since then , thy countries foe profest : being once a wife , for me thou wast to leave parents and countrey ; nor was i their subject , nor under their protection but my own , thou mine , not theirs : if aught against my life thy countrey sought of thee , it sought unjustly , against the law of nature , law of nations , no more thy countrey , but an impious crew of men conspiring to uphold thir state by worse then hostile deeds , violating the ends for which our countrey is a name so dear ; not therefore to be obey'd . but zeal mov'd thee ; to please thy gods thou didst it ; gods unable to acquit themselves and prosecute their foes but by ungodly deeds , the contradiction of their own deity , gods cannot be : less therefore to be pleas'd , obey'd , or fear'd , these false pretexts and varnish'd colours failing , bare in thy guilt how foul must thou appear ? dal. in argument with men a woman ever goes by the worse , whatever be her cause . sam. for want of words no doubt , or lack of breath , witness when i was worried with thy peals . dal. i was a fool , too rash , and quite mistaken in what i thought would have succeeded best . let me obtain forgiveness of thee , samson , afford me place to shew what recompence towards thee i intend for what i have misdone , misguided ; only what remains past cure bear not too sensibly , nor still insist to afflict thy self in vain : though sight be lost , life yet hath many solaces , enjoy'd where other senses want not their delights at home in leisure and domestic ease , exempt from many a care and chance to which eye-sight exposes daily men abroad . i to the lords will intercede , not doubting thir favourable ear , that i may fetch thee from forth this loathsom prison-house , to abide with me , where my redoubl'd love and care with nursing diligence , to me glad office , may ever tend about thee to old age with all things grateful chear'd , and so suppli'd , that what by me thou hast lost thou least shalt miss . sams . no , no , of my condition take no care ; it fits not ; thou and i long since are twain ; nor think me so unwary or accurst to bring my feet again into the snare where once i have been caught ; i know thy trains though dearly to my cost , thy ginns , and toyls ; thy fair enchanted cup , and warbling charms no more on me have power , their force is null'd , so much of adders wisdom i have learn't to fence my ear against thy sorceries . if in my flower of youth and strength , when all men lov'd , honour'd , fear'd me , thou alone could hate me thy husband , slight me , sell me , and forgo me ; how wouldst thou use me now , blind , and thereby deceiveable , in most things as a child helpless , thence eafily contemn'd , and scorn'd , and last neglected ? how wouldst thou insult when i must live uxorious to thy will in perfet thraldom , how again betray me , bearing my words and doings to the lords to gloss upon , and censuring , frown or smile ? this gaol i count the house of liberty to thine whose doors my feet shall never enter . dal. let me approach at least , and touch thy hand . sam. not for thy life , lest fierce remembrance wake my sudden rage to tear thee joint by joint . at distance i forgive thee , go with that ; bewail thy falshood , and the pious works it hath brought forth to make thee memorable among illustrious women , faithful wives : cherish thy hast'n'd widowhood with the gold of matrimonial treason : so farewel . dal. i see thou art implacable , more deaf to prayers , then winds and seas , yet winds to seas are reconcil'd at length , and sea to shore : thy anger , unappeasable , still rages , eternal tempest never to be calm'd . why do i humble thus my self , and suing for peace , reap nothing but repulse and hate ? bid go with evil omen and the brand of infamy upon my name denounc't ? to mix with thy concernments i desist henceforth , nor too much disapprove my own . fame if not double-fac't is double-mouth'd , and with contrary blast proclaims most deeds , on both his wings , one black , th' other white , bears greatest names in his wild aerie flight . my name perhaps among the circumcis'd in dan , in judah , and the bordering tribes , to all posterity may stand defam'd , with malediction mention'd , and the blot of falshood most unconjugal traduc't . but in my countrey where i most desire , in ecron , gaza , asdod , and in gath i shall be nam'd among the famousest of women , sung at solemn festivals , living and dead recorded , whoto save her countrey from a fierce destroyer , chose above the faith of wedlock-bands , my tomb with odours visited and annual flowers . not less renown'd then in mount ephraim , jael , who with in hospitable guile smote sisera sleeping through the temples nail'd . nor shall i count it hainous to enjoy the public marks of honour and reward conferr'd upon me , for the piety which to my countrey i was judg'd to have shewn . at this who ever envies or repines i leave him to his lot , and like my own . chor. she 's gone , a manifest serpent by her sting discover'd in the end ; till now conceal'd . sam. so let her go , god sent her to debase me , and aggravate my folly who committed to such a viper his most sacred trust of secresie , my safety , and my life . chor. yet beauty , though injurious , hath strange power , after offence returning , to regain love once possest , nor can be easily repuls't , without much inward passion felt and secret sting of amorous remorse . sam. love-quarrels oft in pleasing concord end , not wedlock-trechery endangering life . cho. it is not vertue , wisdom , valour , wit , strength , comliness of shape , or amplest merit that womans love can win or long inherit ; but what it is , hard is to say : harder to hit , ( which way soever men refer it ) much like thy riddle , samson , in one day or seven , though one should musing sit ; if any of these or all , the timnian bride had not so soon preferr'd thy paranymph , worthless to thee compar'd , successour in thy bed , nor both so loosly disally'd thir nuptials , nor this last so trecherously had shorn the fatal harvest of thy head . is it for that such outward ornament was lavish't on thir sex , that inward gifts were left for hast unfinish't , judgment scant , capacity not rais'd to apprehend or value what is best in choice , but oftest to affect the wrong ? or was too much of self-love mixt , of constancy no root infixt , that either they love nothing , or not long ? what e'reit be , to wisest men and best seeming at first all heavenly under virgin veil , soft , modest , meek , demure , once join'd , the contrary she proves , a thorn intestin , far within defensive arms a cleaving mischief ; in his way to vertue adverse and turbulent , or by her charms draws him awry enslav'd with dotage , and his sense deprav'd to folly and shameful deeds which ruin ends . what pilot so expert but needs must wreck embarqu'd with such a stears-mate at the helm ? favour'd of heav'n who finds one vertuous rarely found , that in domestic good combines : happy that house ! his way to peace is smooth : but vertue which breaks through all opposition , and all temptation can remove , most shines and most is acceptable above . therefore gods universal law gave to the man despotic power over his female in due awe , nor from that right to part an hour , smile she or lowre : so shall he least confusion draw on his whole life , not sway'd by female usurpation , nor dismay'd . but had we best retire , i see a storm ? sam. fair days have oft contracted wind and rain . chor. but this another kind of tempest brings . sam. be less abstruse , my riddling days are past . chor. look now for no inchanting voice , nor fear the bait of honied words ; a rougher tongue draws hitherward , i know him by his stride , the giant harapha of gath , his look haughty as is his pile high-built and proud . comes he in peace ? what wind hath blown him hither i less conjecture then when first i saw the sumptuous dalila floating this way : his habit carries peace , his brow defiance . sam. or peace or not , alike to me he comes . chor. his fraught we soon shall know , he now arrives . har. i come not samson , to condole thy chance , as these perhaps , yet wish it had not been , though for no friendly intent . i am of gath , men call me harapha , of stock renown'd as og or anak and the emims old that kiriathaim held , thou knowst me now if thou at all art known . much i have heard of thy prodigious might and feats perform'd incredible to me , in this displeas'd , that i was never present on the place of those encounters , where we might have tri'd each others force in camp or listed field : and now am come to see of whom such noise hath walk'd about , and each limb to survey , if thy appearance answer loud report . sam. the way to know were not to see but taste . har. dost thou already single me ; i thought gives and the mill had tam'd thee ? o that fortune had brought me to the field where thou art fam'd to have wrought such wonders with an asses jaw ; i should have forc'd thee soon wish other arms , or left thy carkass where the ass lay thrown : so had the glory of prowess been recover'd to palestine , won by a philistine from the unforeskinn'd race , of whom thou bear'st the highest name for valiant acts , that honour certain to have won by mortal duel from thee , i lose , prevented by thy eyes put out . sam. boast not of what thou wouldst have done , 〈◊〉 what then thou would'st , thou seest it in thy hand . har. to combat with a blind man i disdain , and thou hast need much washing to be toucht . sam. such usage as your honourable lords afford me assassinated and betray'd , who durst not with thir whole united powers in fight withstand me single and unarm'd , nor in the house with chamber ambushes close-banded durst attaque me , no not sleeping , till they had hir'd a woman with their gold breaking her marriage faith to circumvent me . therefore without feign'd shifts let be assign'd some narrow place enclos'd , where sight may give thee , or rather flight , no great advantage on me ; then put on all thy gorgeous arms , thy helmet and brigandine of brass , thy broad habergeon , vant-brass and greves , and gauntlet , add thy spear a weavers beam , and seven-times-folded shield , i only with an oak'n staff will meet thee , and raise such out-cries on thy clatter'd iron . which long shall not with-hold mee from thy head , that in a little time while breath remains thee , thou oft shalt wish thy self at gath to boast again in safety what thou wouldst have done to samson , but shalt never see gath more . har. thou durst not thus disparage glorious arms which greatest heroes have in battel worn , thir ornament and safety , had not spells and black enchantments , some magicians art arm'd thee or charm'd thee strong , which thou from heaven feigndst at thy birth was giv'n thee in thy hair , where strength can least abide , though all thy hairs were bristles rang'd like those that ridge the back of chaf't wild boars , or ruffl'd porcupines . sam. i know no spells , use no forbidden arts ; my trust is in the living god who gave me at my nativity this strength , diffus'd no less through all my sinews , joints and bones , then thine , while i preserv'd these locks unshorn , the pledge of my unviolated vow . for proof hereof , if dagon be thy god , go to his temple , invocate his aid with solemnest devotion , spread before him how highly it concerns his glory now to frustrate and dissolve these magic spells , which i to be the power of israel's god avow , and challenge dagon to the test , offering to combat thee his champion bold , with th' utmost of his godhead seconded : then thou shalt see , or rather to thy sorrow soon feel , whose god is strongest , thine or mine . har. presume not on thy god , what e're he be , 〈◊〉 he regards not , owns not , hath cut off quite from his people , and delivered up 〈◊〉 thy enemies hand , permitted them 〈…〉 out both thine eyes , and fetter'd send thee 〈…〉 common prison , there to grind among the slaves and asses thy comrades , as good for nothing else , no better service with those thy boyst'rous locks , no worthy match for valour to assail , nor by the sword of noble warriour , so to stain his honour , but by the barbers razor best subdu'd . sam. all these indignities , for such they are from thine , these evils i deserve and more , acknowledge them from god inflicted on me justly , yet despair not of his final pardon whose ear is ever open ; and his eye gracious to re-admit the suppliant ; in confidence whereof i once again defie thee to the trial of mortal fight , by combat to decide whose god is god , thine or whom i with israel's sons adore . har. fair honour that thou dost thy god , in trusting he will accept thee to defend his cause , a murtherer , a revolter , and a robber . sam. tongue-doubtie giant , how dost thou prove me these ? har. is not thy nation subject to our lords ? thir magistrates confest it , when they took thee as a league-breaker and deliver'd bound into our hands : for hadst thou not committed notorious murder on those thirty men at askalon , who never did thee harm , then like a robber stripdst them of thir robes ? the philistines , when thou hadst broke the league , went up with armed powers thee only seeking , to others did no violence nor spoil . sam. among the daughters of the philistines i chose a wife , which argu'd me no foe ; and in your city held my nuptial feast : but your ill-meaning politician lords , under pretence of bridal friends and guests , appointed to await me thirty spies , who threatning cruel death constrain'd the bride to wring from me and tell to them my secret , that solv'd the riddle which i had propos'd . when i perceiv'd all set on enmity , as on my enemies , where ever chanc'd , i us'd hostility , and took thir spoil to pay my underminers in thir coin . my nation was subjected to your lords . it was the force of conquest ; force with force is well ejected when the conquer'd can . but i a private person , whom my countrey as a league-breaker gave up bound , presum'd single rebellion and did hostile acts. i was no private but a person rais'd with strength sufficient and command from heav'n to free my countrey ; if their servile minds me their deliverer sent would not receive , but to thir masters gave me up for nought , th'unworthier they ; whence to this day they serve . i was to do my part from heav'n assign'd , and had perform'd it if my known offence had not disabl'd me , not all your force : these shifts refuted , answer thy appellant though by his blindness maim'd for high attempts , who now defies thee thrice to single fight , as a petty enterprise of small enforce . har. with thee a man condemn'd , a slave enrol'd , due by the law to capital punishment ? to fight with thee no man of arms will deign . sam. cam'st thou for this , vain boaster , to survey me , to descant on my strength , and give thy verdit ? come nearer , part not hence so slight inform'd ; but take good heed my hand survey not thee . har. o baal-zebub ! can my ears unus'd hear these dishonours , and not render death ? sam. no man with-holds thee , nothing from thy hand fear i incurable ; bring up thy van , my heels are fetter'd , but my fist is free . har. this insolence other kind of answer fits . sams . go baffl'd coward , left i run upon thee , though in these chains , bulk without spirit vast , and with one buffet lay thy structure low , or swing thee in the air , then dash thee down to the hazard of thy brains and shatter'd sides . har. by astaroth e're long thou shalt lament these braveries in irons loaden on thee . chor. his giantship is gone somewhat crest-fall'n , stalking with less unconsci'nable strides , and lower looks , but in a sultrie chafe . sam. i dread him not , nor all his giant-brood , though fame divulg'd him father of five sons all of gigantic size , goliah chief . chor. he will directly to the lords , i fear , and with malitious counsel stir them up some way or other yet further to afflict thee . sam. he must allege some cause , and offer'd fight will not dare mention , lest a question rise whether he durst accept the offer or not , and that he durst not plain enough appear'd . much more affliction then already felt they cannot well impose , nor i sustain ; if they intend advantage of my labours the work of many hands , which earns my keeping with no small profit daily to my owners . but come what will , my deadliest foe will prove my speediest friend , by death to rid me hence , the worst that he can give , to me the best . yet so it may fall out , because thir end is hate , not help to me , it may with mine draw thir own ruin who attempt the deed . chor. oh how comely it is and how reviving to the spirits of just men long opprest ! when god into the hands of thir deliverer puts invincible might to quell the mighty of the earth , th' oppressour , the brute and boist'rous force of violent men hardy and industrious to support tyrannic power , but raging to pursue the righteous and all such as honour truth ; he all thir ammunition and feats of war defeats with plain heroic magnitude of mind and celestial vigour arm'd , thir armories and magazins contemns , renders them useless , while with winged expedition swift as the lightning glance he executes his errand on the wicked , who surpris'd lose thir defence distracted and amaz'd . but patience is more oft the exercise of saints , the trial of thir fortitude , making them each his own deliverer , and victor over all that tyrannie or fortune can inflict , either of these is in thy lot , samson , with might endu'd above the sons of men ; but sight bereav'd may chance to number thee with those whom patience finally must crown . this idols day hath bin to thee no day of rest , labouring thy mind more then the working day thy hands , and yet perhaps more trouble is behind . for i descry this way some other tending , in his hand a scepter or quaint staff he bears , comes on amain , speed in his look . by his habit i discern him now a public officer , and now at hand . his message will be short and voluble . off. ebrews , the pris'ner samson here i seek . chor. his manacles remark him , there he fits . off. samson , to thee our lords thus bid me say ; this day to dagon is a solemn feast , with sacrifices , triumph , pomp , and games ; thy strength they know surpassing human rate , and now some public proof thereof require to honour this great feast , and great assembly ; rise therefore with all speed and come along , where i will see thee heartn'd and fresh clad to appear as fits before th' illustrious lords . sam. thou knowst i am an ebrew , therefore tell them , our law forbids at thir religious rites my presence ; for that cause i cannot come . off. this answer , be assur'd , will not content them . sam. have they not sword-players , and ev'ry sort of gymnic artists , wrestlers , riders , runners , juglers and dancers , antics , mummers , mimics , but they must pick me out with shackles tir'd , 〈…〉 labour'd at thir publick mill , 〈…〉 them sport with blind activity ? 〈…〉 not seek occasion of new quarrels on my refusal to distress me more , or make a game of my calamities ? return the way thou cam'st , i will not come . off. regard thy self , this will offend them highly . sam. my self ? my conscience and internal peace . can they think me so broken , so debas'd with corporal servitude , that my mind ever will condescend to such absurd commands ? although thir drudge , to be thir fool or jester , and in my midst of sorrow and heart-grief to shew them feats , and play before thir god , the worst of all indignities , yet on me joyn'd with extream contempt ? i will not come . off. my message was impos'd on me with speed , brooks no delay : is this thy resolution ? sam. so take it with what speed thy message needs . off. i am sorry what this stoutness will produce . sa. perhaps thou shalt have cause to sorrow indeed . chor. consider , samson ; matters now are strain'd up to the highth , whether to hold or break ; he 's gone , and who knows how he may report thy words by adding fuel to the flame ? expect another message more imperious , more lordly thund'ring then thou well wilt bear . sam. shall i abuse this consecrated gift of strength , again returning with my hair after my great transgression , so requite favour renew'd , and add a greater sin by prostituting holy things to idols ; a nazarite in place abominable vaunting my strength in honour to thir dagon ? besides , how vile , contemptible , ridiculous , what act more execrably unclean , prophane ? chor. yet with this strength thou serv'st the philistines , idolatrous , uncircumcis'd , unclean . sam. not in thir idol-worship , but by labour honest and lawful to deserve my food of those who have me in thir civil power . chor. where the heart joins not , outward acts defile not . sam. where outward force constrains , the sentence holds but who constrains me to the temple of dagon , not dragging ? the philistian lords command . commands are no constraints . if i obey them , i do it freely ; venturing to displease god for the fear of man , and man prefer , set god behind : which in his jealousie shall never , unrepented , find forgiveness . yet that he may dispense with me or thee present in temples at idolatrous rites for some important cause , thouneedst not doubt . chor. how thou wilt here come off surmounts my reach . sam. be of good courage , i begin to feel some rouzing motions in me which dispose to something extraordinary my thoughts . i with this messenger will go along , nothing do , be sure , that may dishonour our law , or stain my vow of nazarite . if there be aught of presage in the mind , this day will be remarkable in my life by some great act , or of my days the last . chor. in time thou hast resolv'd , the man returns . off. samson , this second message from our lords to thee i am bid say . art thou our slave , our captive , at the public mill our drudge , and dar'st thou at our sending and command dispute thy coming ? come without delay ; or we shall find such engines to assail and hamper thee , as thou shalt come of force , though thou wert firmlier fastn'd then a rock . sam. i could be well content to try thir art , which to no few of them would prove pernicious : yet knowing thir advantages too many , because they shall not trail me through thir streets like a wild beast , i am content to go . masters commands come with a power resistless to such as owe them absolute subjection ; and for a life who will not change his purpose ? ( so mutable are all the ways of men ) yet this be sure , in nothing to comply scandalous or forbidden in our law. off. i praise thy resolution , doff these links : by this compliance thou wilt win the lords to favour , and perhaps to set thee free . sam. brethren farewel , your company along i will not wish , lest it perhaps offend them to see me girt with friends ; and how the sight of me as of a common enemy , so dreaded once may now exasperate them i know not . lords are lordliest in thir wines and the well-feasted priest then soonest fir'd with zeal , if aught religion seem concern'd : no less the people on thir holy-days impetuous , insolent , unquenchable ; happ'n what may , of me expect to hear nothing dishonourable , impure , unworthy our god , our law , my nation , or my self , the last of me or no i cannot warrant . chor. go , and the holy one of israel be thy guide to what may serve his glory best , & spread his name great among the heathen round : send thee the angel of thy birth , to stand fast by thy side , who from thy fathers field rode up in flames after his message told of thy conception , and be now a shield of fire ; that spirit that first rusht on thee in the camp of dan be efficacious in thee now at need . for never was from heaven imparted measure of strength so great to mortal seed . as in thy wond'rous actions hath been seen . but wherefore comes old manoa in such hast with youthful steps ? much livelier then e're while he seems : supposing here to find his son , or of him bringing to us some glad news ? man. peace with you brethren ; my inducement hither was not at present here to find my son , by order of the lords new parted hence to come and play before them at thir feast . i heard all as i came , the city rings and numbers thither flock , i had no will , lest i should see him forc't to things unseemly . but that which mov'd my coming now , was chiefly to give ye part with me what hope i have with good success to work his liberty . cho. that hope would much rejoyce us to partake with thee ; say reverend sire , we thirst to hear . man. i have attempted one by one the lords either at home , or through the high street passing , with supplication prone and fathers tears to accept of ransom for my son thir pris'ner , some much averse i found and wondrous harsh , contemptuous , proud , set on revenge and spite ; that part most reverenc'd dagon and his priests , others more moderate seeming , but thir aim private reward , for which both god and state they easily would set to sale , a third more generous far and civil , who confess'd they had anough reveng'd , having reduc't thir foe to misery beneath thir fears , the rest was magnanimity to remit , if some convenient ransom were propos'd . what noise or shout was that ? it tore the skie . chor. doubtless the people shouting to behold thir once great dread , captive , & blind before them , or at some proof of strength before them shown . man. his ransom , if my whole inheritance may compass it , shall willingly be paid and numberd down : much rather i shall chuse to live the poorest in my tribe , then richest , and he in that calamitous prison left . no , i am fixt not to part hence without him . ●or his redemption all my patrimony , if need be , i am ready to forgo and quit : not wanting him , i shall want nothing . chor. fathers are wont to lay up for thir sons , thou for thy son art bent to lay out all ; sons wont to nurse thir parents in old age , thou in old age car'st how to nurse thy son. made older then thy age through eye-sight lost . man. it shall be my delight to tend his eyes , and view him sitting in the house , enobl'd with all those high exploits by him atchiev'd , and on his shoulders waving down those locks , that of a nation arm'd the strength contain'd : and i perswade me god had not permitted his strength again to grow up with his hair garrison'd round about him like a camp of faithful souldiery , were not his purpose to use him further yet in some great service , not to sit idle with so great a gift useless , and thence ridiculous about him . and since his strength with eye-sight was not lost , god will restore him eye-sight to his strength . chor. thy hopes are not ill founded nor seem vain of his delivery , and thy joy thereon conceiv'd , agreeable to a fathers love , in both which we , as next participate . man. i know your friendly minds and — o what noise ! mercy of heav'n what hideous noise was that ! horribly loud unlike the former shout . chor. noise call you it or universal groan as if the whole inhabitation perish'd , blood , death , and deathful deeds are in that noise , ruin , destruction at the utmost point . man. of ruin indeed methought i heard the noise , oh it continues , they have slain my son. chor. thy son is rather slaying them , that outcry from slaughter of one foe could not ascend . man. some dismal accident it needs must be ; what shall we do , stay here or run and see ? chor. best keep together here , lest running thither we unawares run into dangers mouth . this evil on the philistines is fall'n , from whom could else a general cry be heard ? the sufferers then will scarce molest us here , from other hands we need not much to fear . a little stay will bring some notice hither , for evil news rides post , while good news baits . and to our wish i see one hither speeding , an ebrew , as i guess , and of our tribe . mess. o whither shall i run , or which way flie the sight of this so horrid spectacle which earst my eyes beheld and yet behold ; for dire imagination still persues me . but providence or instinct of nature seems , or reason though disturb'd , and scarse consulted to have guided me aright , i know not how , to thee first reverend manoa , and to these my countreymen , whom here i knew remaining , as at some distance from the place of horrour , so in the sad event too much concern'd . man. the accident was loud , & heard before thee with rueful cry , yet what it was we hear not , no preface needs , thou seest we long to know . mess. it would burst forth , but i recover breath and sense distract , to know well what i utter . man. tell us the sum , the circumstance defer . mess. gaza yet stands , but all her sons are fall'n , all in a moment overwhelm'd and fall'n . man. sad , but thou knowst to israelites not saddest the desolation of a hostile city . mess. feed on that first , there may in grief be surfet . man. relate by whom . mess. by samson . ( man. that still lessens the sorrow , and converts it nigh to joy . mess. ah manoa i refrain , too suddenly to utter what will come at lasttoosoon ; lest evil tidings with too rude irruption hitting thy aged ear should pierce too deep . man. suspense in news is torture , speak them out . mess. then take the worst in brief , samson is dead . man. the worst indeed , o all my hope 's defeated to free him hence ! but death who sets all free hath paid his ransom now and full discharge . what windy joy this day had i conceiv'd hopeful of his delivery , which now proves abortive as the first-born bloom of spring nipt with the lagging rear of winters frost . yet e're i give the rains to grief , say first , how dy'd he ? death to life is crown or shame . all by him fell thou say'st , by whom fell he , what glorious hand gave samson his deaths wound ? mess. unwounded of his enemies he fell . man. wearied with slaughter then or how ? explain . mess. by his own hands . man. self-violence ? what cause brought him so soon at variance with himself among his foes ? mess. inevitable cause at once both to destroy and be destroy'd ; the edifice where all were met to see him upon thir heads and on his own he pull'd . man. o lastly over-strong against thy self ! a dreadful way thou took'st to thy revenge . more then anough we know ; but while things yet are in confusion , give us if thou canst , eye-witness of what first or last was done , relation more particular and distinct . mess. occasions drew me early to this city , and as the gates i enter'd with sun-rise , the morning trumpets festival proclaim'd through each high street : little i had dispatch't when all abroad was rumour'd that this day samson should be brought forth to shew the people proof of his mighty strength in feats and games ; i sorrow'd at his captive state , but minded not to be absent at that spectacle . the building was a spacious theatre half round on two main pillars vaulted high , with seats where all the lords and each degree of sort , might sit in order to behold , the other side was op'n , where the throng on banks and scaffolds under skie might stand ; i among these aloof obscurely stood . the feast and noon grew high , and sacrifice had fill'd thir hearts with mirth , high chear , & wine , when to thir sports they turn'd . immediately was samson as a public servant brought , in thir state livery clad ; before him pipes and timbre's , on each side went armed guards , both horse and foot before him and behind archers , and slingers , cataphracts and spears . at sight of him the people with a shout rifted the air clamouring thir god with praise , who had made thir dreadful enemy thir thrall . he patient but undaunted where they led him , came to the place , and what was set before him which without help of eye , might be assay'd , to heave , pull , draw , or break , he still perform'd all with incredible , stupendious force , none daring to appear antagonist . at length for intermission sake they led him between the pillars ; he his guide requested ( for so from such as nearer stood we heard ) as over-tir'd to let him lean a while with both his arms on those two massie pillars that to the arched roof gave main support . he unsuspitious led him ; which when samson felt in his arms , with head a while enclin'd , and eyes fast fixt he stood , as one who pray'd , or some great matter in his mind revolv'd . at last with head erect thus cryed aloud , hitherto , lords , what your commands impos'd i have perform'd , as reason was , obeying , not without wonder or delight beheld . now of my own accord such other tryal i mean to shew you of my strength , yet greater ; as with amaze shall strike all who behold . this utter'd , straining all his nerves he bow'd , as with the force of winds and waters pent , when mountains tremble , those two massie pillars with horrible convulsion to and fro , he tugg'd , he shook , till down they came and drew the whole roof after them , with burst of thunder upon the heads of all who sate beneath , lords , ladies , captains , councellors , or priests , thir choice nobility and flower , not only of this but each philistian city round met from all parts to solemnize this feast . samson with these immixt , inevitably pulld down the same destruction on himself ; the vulgar only scap'd who stood without . chor. o dearly-bought revenge , yet glorious ! living or dying thou hast fulfill'd the work for which thou wast foretold to israel , and now ly'st victorious among thy slain self-kill'd not willingly , but tangl'd in the fold , of dire necessity , whose law in death conjoin'd thee with thy slaughter'd foes in number more then all thy life had slain before . semichor . while thir hearts were jocund and sublime , drunk with idolatry , drunk with wine , and fat regorg'd of bulls and goats , chaunting thir idol , and preferring before our living dread who dwells in silo his bright sanctuary : among them he a spirit of phrenzie sent , who hurt thir minds , and urg'd them on with mad desire to call in hast for thir destroyer ; they only set on sport and play unweetingly importun'd thir own destruction to come speedy upon them . so fond are mortal men fall'n into wrath divine , as thir own ruin on themselves to invite , insensate left , or to sense reprobate , and with blindness internal struck . semichor . but he though blind of sight , despis'd and thought extinguish't quite , with inward eyes illuminated his fierie vertue rouz'd from under ashes into sudden flame , and as an ev'ning dragon came , assailant on the perched roosts , and nests in order rang'd of tame villatic fowl ; but as an eagle his cloudless thunder bolted on thir heads . so vertue giv'n for lost , deprest , and overthrown , as seem'd , like that self-begott'n bird in the arabian woods embost , that no second knows nor third , and lay e're while a holocaust , from out her ashie womb now teem'd , revives , reflourishes , then vigorous most when most unactive deem'd , and though her body die , her fame survives , a secular bird ages of lives . man. come , come , no time for lamentation now , nor much more cause , samson hath quit himself like samson , and heroicly hath finish'd a life heroic , on his enemies fully reveng'd , hath left them years of mourning , and lamentation to the sons of caphtor through all philistian bounds . to israel honour hath left , and freedom , let but them find courage to lay hold on this occasion , to himself and fathers house eternal fame ; and which is best and happiest yet , all this with god not parted from him , as was feard , but favouring and assisting to the end . nothing is here for tears , nothing to wail or knock the breast , no weakness , no contempt , dispraise , or blame , nothing but well and fair , and what may quiet us in a death so noble . let us go find the body where it lies sok't in his enemies blood , and from the stream with lavers pure and cleansing herbs wash off the clotted gore . i with what speed the while ( gaza is not in plight to say us nay ) will send for all my kindred , all my friends to fetch him hence and solemnly attend with silent obsequie and funeral train home to his fathers house : there will i build him a monument , and plant it round with shade of laurel ever green , and branching palm , with all his trophies hung , and acts enroll'd in copious legend , or sweet lyric song . thither shall all the valiant youth resort , and from his memory inflame thir breasts to matchless valour , and adventures high : the virgins also shall on feastful days visit his tomb with flowers , only bewailing his lot unfortunate in nuptial choice , from whence captivity and loss of eyes . chor. all is best , though we oft doubt , what th' unsearchable dispose of highest wisdom brings about , and ever best found in the close . oft he seems to hide his face , but unexpectedly returns and to his faithful champion hath in place bore witness gloriously ; whence gaza mourns and all that band them to resist his uncontroulable intent , his servants he with new acquist of true experience from this great event with peace and consolation hath dismist , and calm of mind all passion spent . the end . omissa . page after verse . which ends , not much to fear , insert these . what if his eye-sight ( for to israels god nothing is hard ) by miracle restor'd , he now be dealing dole among his foes , and over heaps of slaughter'd walk his way ? man. that were a joy presumptuous to be thought . chor. yet god hath wrought things as incredible for his people of old ; what hinders now ? man. he can i know , but doubt to think he will ; yet hope would fain subscribe , and tempts belief . after the next verse which begins , a little stay , insert this . chor. of good or bad so great , of bad the sooner ; then follows in order , for evil news , &c. errata in the former poem . page . verse . after being no stop , p. . verse . for destroy , r. subdue , p. . v. . for demuring , r. demurring , p. . v. . for never , r. nearer , p. . v. . for imports , r. imparts , p. . v. . after threat'ns , insert then , p. . v. . for thebes , r. thebez , p. . v. . for pill'd , r. pil'd , p. . v. . no comma after knowledge , but after works , p. . v. . for shower , r. showers , p. . v. . no stop after victor . errata in the latter poem . page . verse . for irresistable , r. irresistible , p. . v. . for complain'd , r. complain , p. . v. . for mention'd , r. motion'd , p. . v. . before , such r. and , p. . v. . no stop at the end , p. . v. . for to , r. with , p. . v. . for divulg'd , r. divulge , p. . v. . for race r. rate , p. . v. . for mimirs , r. mimics , p. . v. . for heard r. here . eikonoklestēs in answer to a book intitl'd eikōn basilikē the portrature his sacred majesty in his solitudes and sufferings the author j.m. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) eikonoklestēs in answer to a book intitl'd eikōn basilikē the portrature his sacred majesty in his solitudes and sufferings the author j.m. milton, john, - . publish'd now the second time and much enlarg'd. [ ], p. printed by t.n. and are to be sold by tho. brewster and g. moule ..., london : . first, eighth and ninth words of title in greek characters. attributed to milton by wing and nuc pre- imprints. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -- i, -- king of england, - . eikon basilike. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ΕΙΚΟΝΟΚΛΑΣΤΗΣ in answer to a book intitl'd ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ , the portrature of his sacred majesty in his solitudes and sufferings . the author j. m prov . . , , . . as a roaring lyon , and a ranging beare , so is a wicked ruler over the poor people . . the prince that wanteth understanding , is also a great oppressor ; but he that hateth covetousness shall prolong his dayes . . a man that doth violence to the blood of any person , shall fly to the pit , let no man stay him . 〈◊〉 conjurat . catilin . regiam imperium , quod initio , conservandae libertatis , atque augendae reipub . causâ fuerat , in superbiam , dominationemque se convertit . regibus boni , quam mali , suspectiores sunt ; semperque his aliena virtus formidolosa est . impunè quaelibet facere , id est regem esse . idem bell. jugurth . publish'd now the second time , and much enlarg'd . london ; printed by t. n. and are to be sold by tho. brewster and g. moule at the three bibles in pauls church-yard near the west-end , . the preface . to descant on the misfortunes of a person fall'n from so high a dignity , who hath also payd his final debt both to nature and his faults , is neither of it self a thing commendable , nor the intention of this discours . neither was it fond ambition , or the vanity to get a name , present ; or with posterity , by writing against a king : i never was so thirsty after fame , nor so destitute of other hopes and means , better and more certaine to attaine it . for kings have gain'd glorious titles from thir fovourers by writing against privat men , as henry the th did against luther ; but no man ever gain'd much honour by writing against a king , as not usually meeting with that force of argument in such courtly antagonists , which to convince might add to his reputation . kings most commonly , though strong in legions , are but weak at arguments ; as they who ever have accustom'd from the cradle to use thir will onely as thir right hand , thir reason alwayes as thir left . whence unexpectedly constrain'd to that kind of combat , they prove but weak and puny adversaries . nevertheless for their sakes who through custom , simplicitie , or want of better teaching , have not more seriously considerd kings , then in the gaudy name of majesty , and admire them and thir doings , as if they breath'd not the same breath with other mortal men , i shall make no scruple to take up ( for it seems to be the challenge both of him and all his party ) to take up this gauntlet , though a kings , in the behalf of libertie , and the common-wealth . and furder , since it appears manifestly the cunning drift of a factious and defeated party , to make the same advantage of his book , which they did before of his regal name and authority , and intend it not so much the defence of his former actions , as the promoting of thir own future designes , making thereby the book thir own rather then the kings , as the benefit now must be thir own more then his , now the third time to corrupt and disorder the mindes of weaker men , by new suggestions and narrations , either falsly or fallaciously representing the state of things , to the dishonour of this present goverment , and the retarding of a generall peace , so needfull to this afflicted nation , and so nigh obtain'd , i suppose it no injurie to the dead , but a good deed rather to the living , if by better information giv'n them , or , which is anough , by onely remembring them the truth of what they themselves know to be heer misaffirm'd , they may be kept from entring the third time unadvisedly into warr and bloodshed . for as to any moment of solidity in the book it self , save only that a king is said to be the author , a name , then which there needs no more among the blockish vulgar , to make it wise , and excellent , and admir'd , nay to set it next the bible , though otherwise containing little els but the common grounds of tyranny and popery , drest up , the better to deceiv , in a new protestant guise , and trimmly garnish'd over , or as to any need of answering , in respect of staid and well-principl'd men , i take it on me as a work assign'd rather , then by me chos'n or affected . which was the cause both of beginning it so late , and finishing it so leasurely , in the midst of other imployments and diversions . and though well it might have seem'd in vaine to write at all ; considering the envy and almost infinite prejudice likely to be stirr'd up among the common sort , against what ever can be writt'n or gainsaid to the kings book , so advantageous to a book it is , only to be a kings , and though it be an irksom labour to write with industrie and judicious paines that which neither waigh'd , nor well read , shall be judg'd without industry or the paines of well judging , by faction and the easy literature of custom and opinion , it shall be ventur'd yet , and the truth not smother'd , but sent abroad , in the native confidence of her single self , to earn , how she can , her entertainment in the world , and to finde out her own readers ; few perhaps , but those few , such of value and substantial worth , as truth and wisdom , not respecting numbers and bigg names , have bin ever wont in all ages to be contented with . and if the late king had thought sufficient those answers and defences made for him in his life time , they who on the other side accus'd his evil goverment , judging that on their behalf anough also hath been reply'd , the heat of this controversie was in likelyhood drawing to an end ; and the furder mention of his deeds , not so much unfortunat as faulty , had in tenderness to his late sufferings , bin willingly forborn ; and perhaps for the present age might have slept with him unrepeated ; while his adversaries , calm'd and asswag'd with the success of thir cause , had bin the less unfavorable to his memory . but since he himself , making new appeale to truth and the world , hath left behind him this book as the best advocat and interpreter of his own actions , and that his friends by publishing , dispersing , commending , and almost adoring it , seem to place therein the chiefe strength and nerves of thir cause , it would argue doubtless in the other party great deficience and distrust of themselves , not to meet the force of his reason in any field whatsoever , the force and equipage of whose armes they have so oft'n met victoriously . and he who at the barr stood excepting against the form and manner of his judicature , and complain'd that he was not heard , neither he nor his friends shall have that cause now to find fault ; being mett and debated with in this op'n and monumental court of his own erecting ; and not onely heard uttering his whole mind at large , but answer'd . which to doe effectually , if it be necessary that to his book nothing the more respect be had for being his , they of his own party can have no just reason to exclaime . for it were too unreasonable that he , because dead , should have the liberty in his book to speak all evil of the parlament ; and they , because living , should be expected to have less freedom , or any for them , to speak home the plain truth of a full and pertinent reply . as he , to acquitt himself , hath not spar'd his adversaries , to load them with all sorts of blame and accusation , so to him , as in his book alive , there will be us'd no more courtship then he uses ; but what is properly his own guilt , not imputed any more to his evil counsellors , ( a cerèmony us'd longer by the parlament then he himself desir'd ) shall be laid heer without circumlocutions at his own dore . that they who from the first beginning , or but now of late , by what unhappines i know not , are so much affatuated , not with his person onely , but with his palpable faults , and dote upon his deformities , may have none to blame but thir own folly , if they live and dye in such a strook'n blindness , as next to that of sodom hath not happ'nd to any sort of men more gross , or more misleading . yet neither let his enemies expect to finde recorded heer all that hath been whisper'd in the court , or alleg'd op'nly of the kings bad actions ; it being the proper scope of this work in hand , not to ripp up and relate the misdoings of his whole life , but to answer only , and refute the missayings of his book . first then that some men ( whether this were by him intended , or by his friends ) have by policy accomplish'd after death that revenge upon thir enemies , which in life they were not able , hath been oft related . and among other examples we finde that the last will of caesar being read to the people , and what bounteous legacies hee had bequeath'd them , wrought more in that vulgar audience to the avenging of his death , then all the art he could ever use , to win thir favor in his life-time . and how much their intent , who publish'd these overlate apologies and meditations of the dead king , drives to the same end of stirring up the people to bring him that honour , that affection , and by consequence , that revenge to his dead corps , which hee himself living could never gain to his person , it appears both by the conceited portraiture before his book , drawn out to the full measure of a masking scene , and sett there to catch fools and silly gazers , and by those latin words after the end , vota dabunt qua bella negarunt ; intimating , that what hee could not compass by warr , he should atchieve by his meditations . for in words which admitt of various sense , the libertie is ours to choose that interpretation which may best minde us of what our restless enemies endeavor , and what wee are timely to prevent . and heer may be well observ'd the loose and negligent curiosity of those who took upon them to adorn the setting out of this book : for though the picture sett in front would martyr him and saint him to befool the people , yet the latin motto in the end , which they understand not , leaves him , as it were a politic contriver to bring about that interest by faire and plausible words , which the force of armes deny'd him . but quaint emblems and devices begg'd from the old pageantry of some twelf-nights entertainment at whitehall , will doe but ill to make a saint or martyr : and if the people resolve to take him sainted at the rate of such a canonizing , i shall suspect thir calendar more then the gregorian . in one thing i must commend his op'nness who gave the title to this book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , the kings image ; and by the shrine he dresses out for him , certainly would have the people come and worship him . for which reason this answer also is intitl'd iconoclastes , the famous surname of many greek emperors , who in thir zeal to the command of god , after long tradition of idolatry in the church , took courage , and broke all superstitious images to peeces . but the people , exorbitant and excessive in all thir motions , are prone ofttimes not to a religious onely , but to a civil kinde of idolatry in idolizing thir kings ; though never more mistak'n in the object of thir worship ; heretofore being wont to repute for saints , those faithful and courageous barons , who lost thir lives in the field , making glorious warr against tyrants for the common liberty ; as simon de momfort earl of leicester , against henry the third ; thomas plantagenet earl of lancaster , against edward the second . but now , with a besotted and degenerate baseness of spirit , except some few , who yet retain in them the old english fortitude and love of freedom , and have testifi'd it by thir matchless deeds , the rest , imbastardiz'd from the ancient nobleness of thir ancestors , are ready to fall flatt and give adoration to the image and memory of this man , who hath offer'd at more cunning fetches to undermine our liberties , and putt tyranny into an art , then any british king before him . which low dejection and debasement of mind in the people , i must confess i cannot willingly ascribe to the natural disposition of an english-man , but rather to two other causes . first , to the prelats and thir fellow-teachers , though of another name and sect , whose pulpit stuff , both first and last , hath bin the doctrin and perpetual infusion of servility and wretchedness to all thir hearers ; whose lives the type of worldliness and hypocrisie , without the least tiue pattern of vertue , righteousness , or self-denial in thir whole practice . i attribute it next to the factious inclination of most men divided from the public by several ends and humors of thir own . at first no man less belov'd , no man more generally condemn'd then was the king ; from the time that it became his custom to break parlaments at home , and either wilfully or weakly to betray protestants abroad , to the beginning of these combustions . all men inveigh'd against him ; all men , except courtvassals , oppos'd him and his tyrannical proceedings ; the cry was universal ; and this full parlament was at first unanimous in thir dislike and protestation against his evil goverment . but when they who sought themselves and not the public , began to doubt that all of them could not by one and the same way attain to thir ambitious purposes , then was the king , or his name at least , as a fit property , first made use of , his doings made the best of , and by degrees justifi'd : which begott him such a party , as after many wiles and struglings with his in ward fears , imbold'n'd him at length to sett up his standard against the parlament . whenas before that time , all his adherents , consisting most of dissolute sword-men and suburb-roysters , hardly amounted to the making up of one ragged regiment strong anough to assault the unarmed house of commons . after which attempt , seconded by a tedious and bloody warr on his subjects , wherein he hath so farr exceeded those his arbitrary violences in time of peace , they who before hated him for his high misgoverment , nay , fought against him with display'd banners in the field , now applaud him and extoll him for the wisest and most religious prince that liv'd . by so strange a method amongst the mad multitude is a sudden reputation won , of wisdom by wilfulness and suttle shifts , of goodness by multiplying evil , of piety by endeavouring to root out true religion . but it is evident that the chief of his adherents never lov'd him , never honour'd either him or his cause , but as they took him to set a face upon thir own malignant designes ; nor bemoan his loss at all , but the loss of thir own aspiring hopes : like those captive women whom the poet notes in his iliad , to have bewaild the death of patroclus in outward show , but indeed thir own condition . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and it needs must be ridiculous to any judgement uninthrall'd , that they who in other matters express so little fear either of god or man , should in this one particular outstripp all precisianism with thir scruples and cases , and fill mens ears continually with the noise of thir conscientious loyaltie and allegeance to the king , rebels in the mean while to god in all thir actions beside : much less that they whose profess'd loyalty and allegeance led them to direct arms against the kings person , and thought him nothing violated by the sword of hostility drawn by them against him , should now in earnest think him violated by the unsparing sword of justice , which undoubtedly so much the less in vain she bears among men , by how much greater and in highest place the offender . els justice , whether moral or political , were not justice , but a fals counterfet of that impartial and godlike vertue . the onely grief is , that the head was not strook off to the best advantage and commodity of them that held it by the hair ; an ingratefull and pervers generation , who having first cry'd to god to be deliver'd from thir king , now murmur against god that heard thir praiers , and cry as loud for thir king against those that deliver'd them . but as to the author of these soliloquies , whether it were undoubtedly the late king , as is vulgarly beleev'd , or any secret coadjutor , and some stick not to name him , it can add nothing , nor shall take from the weight , if any be , of reason which he brings . but allegations , not reasons are the main contents of this book , and need no more then other contrary allegations to lay the question before all men in an eev'n ballance ; though it were suppos'd that the testimony of one man in his own cause affirming , could be of any moment to bring in doubt the autority of a parlament denying . but if these his fair spok'n words shall be heer fairly confronted and laid parallel to his own farr differing deeds , manifest and visible to the whole nation , then surely we may look on them who notwithstanding shall persist to give to bare words more credit then to op'n deeds , as men whose judgement was not rationally evinc'd and perswaded , but fatally stupifi'd and bewitch'd , into such a blinde and obstinate beleef . for whose cure it may be doubted , not whether any charm , though never so wisely murmur'd , but whether any prayer can be available . this however would be remember'd and wel noted , that while the k. instead of that repentance which was in reason and in conscience to be expected from him , without which we could not lawfully re-admitt him , persists heer to maintain and justifie the most apparent of his evil doings , and washes over with a court-fucus the worst and foulest of his actions , disables and uncreates the parlament it self , with all our laws and native liberties that ask not his leave , dishonours and attaints all protestant churches , not prelaticall , and what they piously reform'd , with the slander of rebellion , sacrilege , and hypocrisie ; they who seem'd of late to stand up hottest for the cov'nant , can now sit mute and much pleas'd to hear all these opprobrious things utter'd against thir faith , thir freedom , and themselves in thir own doings made traitors to boot : the divines also , thir wizzards , can be so braz'n as to cry hosanna to this his book , which cries louder against them for no disciples of christ , but of iscariot ; and to seem now convinc'd with these wither'd arguments and reasons heer , the same which in som other writings of that party , and in his own former declarations and expresses , they have so oft'n heertofore endeavour'd to confute and to explode ; none appearing all this while to vindicate church or state from these calumnies and reproaches , but a small handfull of men whom they defame and spit at with all the odious names of schism and sectarism . i never knew that time in england , when men of truest religion were not counted sectaries : but wisdom now , valor , justice , constancy , prudence united and imbodied to defend religion and our liberties , both by word and deed against tyranny , is counted schism and faction . thus in a graceless age things of highest praise and imitation under a right name , to make them infamous and hatefull to the people , are miscall'd . certainly , if ignorance and perversness will needs be national and universal , then they who adhere to wisdom and to truth , are not therfore to be blam'd , for beeing so few as to seem a sect or faction . but in my opinion it goes not ill with that people where these vertues grow so numerous and well joyn'd together , as to resist and make head against the rage and torrent of that boistrous folly and superstition that possesses and hurries on the vulgar sort . this therefore we may conclude to be a high honour don us from god , and a speciall mark of his favor , whom he hath selected as the sole remainder , after all these changes and commotions , to stand upright and stedfast in his cause ; dignify'd with the defence of truth and public libertie ; while others who aspir'd to be the topp of zelots , and had almost brought religion to a kinde of trading monopoly , have not onely by thir late silence and neutrality bely'd thir profession , but founder'd themselves and thir consciences , to comply with enemies in that wicked cause and interest which they have too oft'n curs'd in others , to prosper now in the same themselves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. upon the kings calling this last parlament . that which the king layes down heer as his first foundation , and as it were the head stone of his whole structure , that he call'd this last parlament not more by others advice and the necessity of his affaires , then by his own chois and inclination , is to all knowing men so apparently not true , that a more unlucky and inauspicious sentence , and more betok'ning the downfall of his whole fabric , hardly could have come into his minde . for who knows not that the inclination of a prince is best known either by those next about him , and most in favor with him , or by the current of his own actions . those neerest to this king and most his favorites , were courtiers and prelates ; men whose chief study was to finde out which way the king inclin'd , and to imitate him exactly . how these men stood affected to parlaments , cannot be forgott'n . no man but may remember it was thir continuall exercise to dispute and preach against them ; and in thir common discours nothing was more frequent , then that they hoped the king should now have no need of parlaments any more . and this was but the copy which his parasites had industriously tak'n from his own words and actions , who never call'd a parlament but to supply his necessities ; and having supply'd those , as suddenly and ignominiously dissolv'd it , without redressing any one greevance of the people . somtimes choosing rather to miss of his subsidies , or to raise them by illegal courses , then that the people should not still miss of thir hopes to be releiv'd by parlaments . the first he broke off at his comming to the crown ; for no other cause then to protect the duke of buckingham against them who had accus'd him , besides other hainous crimes , of no less then poysoning the deceased king his father ; concerning which matter the declaration of no more addresses , hath sufficiently inform'd us . and still the latter breaking was with more affront and indignity put upon the house and her worthiest members , then the former : insomuch that in the fifth year of his raign , in a proclamation he seems offended at the very rumor of a parlament divulg'd among the people : as if he had tak'n it for a kind of slander , that men should think him that way exorable , much less inclin'd : and forbidds it as a presumption to prescribe him any time for parlaments , that is to say , either by perswasion or petition , or so much as the reporting of such a rumor ; for other manner of prescribing was at that time not suspected . by which feirce edict , the people , forbidd'n to complain , as well as forc'd to suffer , began from thenceforth to despaire of parlaments . whereupon such illegal actions , and especially to get vast summs of money , were put in practise by the king and his new officers , as monopolies , compulsive knight-hoods , cote , conduct and ship money , the seizing not of one naboths vineyard , but of whole inheritances under the pretence of forrest , or crown lands , corruption and bribery compounded for , with impunities granted for the future , as gave evident proof that the king never meant , nor could it stand with the reason of his affaires , ever to recall parlaments ; having brought by these irregular courses the peoples interest and his own to so direct an opposition , that he might foresee plainly , if nothing but a parlament could save the people , it must necessarily be his undoing . till eight or nine years after , proceeding with a high hand in these enormities , and having the second time levied an injurious warr against his native countrie scotland , and finding all those other shifts of raising money , which bore out his first expedition , now to faile him , not of his own chois and inclination , as any child may see , but urg'd by strong necessities , and the very pangs of state , which his own violent proceedings had brought him to , hee calls a parlament ; first in ireland , which onely was to give him four subsidies , and so to expire ; then in england , where his first demand was but twelve subsidies , to maintain a scotch warr , condemn'd and abominated by the whole kingdom ; promising thir greevances should be consider'd afterward . which when the parlament , who judg'd that warr it self one of thir main greevances , made no hast to grant , not enduring the delay of his impatient will , or els fearing the conditions of thir grant , he breaks off the whole session , and dismisses them and thir greevances with scorn and frustration . much less therfore did hee call this last parlament by his own chois and inclination ; but having first try'd in vaine all undue ways to procure mony , his army , of thir own accord , being beat'n in the north , the lords petitioning , and the general voice of the people almost hissing him and his ill acted regality off the stage , compell'd at length both by his wants , and by his feares , upon meer extremity he summon'd this last parlament . and how is it possible that hee should willingly incline to parlaments , who never was perceiv'd to call them , but for the greedy hope of a whole national bribe , his subsidies , and never lov'd , never fulfill'd , never promoted the true end of parlaments , the redress of greevances , but still put them off , and prolong'd them , whether gratify'd ot not gratify'd ; and was indeed the author of all those greevances . to say therfore that hee call'd this parlament of his own chois and inclination , argues how little truth wee can expect from the sequel of this book , which ventures in the very first period to affront more then one nation with an untruth so remarkable ; and presumes a more implicit faith in the people of england , then the pope ever commanded from the romish laitie ; or els a natural sottishness fitt to be abus'd and ridd'n . while in the judgement of wise men , by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is so manifestly untrue , he hath giv'n a worse foile to his own cause , then when his whole forces were at any time overthrown . they therfore who think such great service don to the kings affairs in publishing this book , will find themselves in the end mistak'n : if sense and right mind , or but any mediocrity of knowledge and remembrance hath not quite forsak'n men . but to prove his inclination to parlaments , he affirms heer to have always thought the right way of them , most safe for his crown , and best pleasing to his people . what hee thought we know not ; but that hee ever took the contrary way wee saw ; and from his own actions we felt long agoe what he thought of parlaments or of pleasing his people : a surer evidence then what we hear now too late in words . he alleges , that the cause of forbearing to convene parlaments , was the sparkes which some mens distempers there studied to kindle . they were indeed not temper'd to his temper ; for it neither was the law , nor the rule by which all other tempers were to bee try'd ; but they were esteem'd and chos'n for the fittest men in thir several counties , to allay and quench those distempers which his own inordinate doings had inflam'd . and if that were his refusing to convene , till those men had been qualify'd to his temper , that is to say , his will , we may easily conjecture what hope ther was of parlaments , had not fear and his insatiat poverty in the midst of his excessive wealth constrain'd him . hee hoped by his freedom , and their moderation to prevent misunderstandings . and wherfore not by their freedom and his moderation ? but freedom he thought too high a word for them ; and moderation too mean a word for himself : this was not the way to prevent misunderstandings . he still fear'd passion and prejudice in other men ; not in himself : and doubted not by the weight of his own reason , to counterpoyse any faction ; it being so easie for him , and so frequent , to call his obstinacy , reason , and other mens reason , faction . wee in the mean while must beleive , that wisdom and all reason came to him by title , with his crown ; passion , prejudice , and faction came to others by being subjects . he was sorry to hear with what popular heat elections were carry'd in many places . sorry rather that court letters and intimations prevail'd no more , to divert or to deterr the people from thir free election of those men , whom they thought best affected to religion and thir countries libertie , both at that time in danger to be lost . and such men they were , as by the kingdom were sent to advise him , not sent to be cavill'd at , because elected , or to be entertaind by him with an undervalue and misprision of thir temper , judgment , or affection . in vain was a parlament thought fittest by the known laws of our nation , to advise and regulate unruly kings , if they , in stead of hearkning to advice , should be permitted to turn it off , and refuse it by vilifying and traducing thir advisers , or by accusing of a popular heat those that lawfully elected them . his own and his childrens interest oblig'd him to seek and to preserve the love and welfare of his subjects . who doubts it ? but the same interest , common to all kings , was never yet available to make them all seek that , which was indeed best for themselves and thir posterity . all men by thir own and thir childrens interest are oblig'd to honestie and justice : but how little that consideration works in privat men , how much less in kings , thir deeds declare best . he intended to oblige both friends and enemies , and to exceed thir desires , did they but pretend to any modest and sober sence ; mistaking the whole business of a parlament . which mett not to receive from him obligations , but justice ; nor he to expect from them thir modesty , but thir grave advice , utter'd with freedom in the public cause . his talk of modesty in thir desires of the common welfare , argues him not much to have understood what he had to grant , who misconceav'd so much the nature of what they had to desire . and for sober sence the expresion was too mean ; and recoiles with as much dishonour upon himself , to be a king where sober sense could possibly be so wanting in a parlament . the odium and offences which some mens rigour , or remissness iu church and state had contracted upon his goverment , hee resolved to have expiated with better laws and regulations . and yet the worst of misdemeanors committed by the worst of all his favourites , in the hight of thir dominion , whether acts of rigor or remissness , he hath from time to time continu'd , own'd , and taken upon himself by public declarations , as oft'n as the clergy , or any other of his instruments felt themselves over burd'n'd with the peoples hatred . and who knows not the superstitious rigor of his sundays chappel , and the licentious remissness of his sundays theater ; accompanied with that reverend statute for dominical jiggs and may-poles , publish'd in his own name , and deriv'd from the example of his father james . which testifies all that rigor in superstition , all that remissness in religion to have issu'd out originally from his own house , and from his own autority . much rather then may those general miscarriages in state , his proper sphear , be imputed to no other person chiefly then to himself . and which of all those oppressive acts , or impositions did he ever disclaim or disavow , till the fatal aw of this parlament hung ominously over him . yet heerh ee smoothly seeks to wipe off all the envie of his evill goverment upon his substitutes , and under officers : and promises , though much too late , what wonders he purpos'd to have don in the reforming of religion ; a work wherein all his undertakings heretofore declare him to have had little or no judgement . neither could his breeding , or his cours of life acquaint him with a thing so spiritual . which may well assure us what kind of reformation we could expect from him ; either som politic form of an impos'd religion , or els perpetual vexation , and persecution to all those that comply'd not with such a form . the like amendment hee promises in state ; not a stepp furder then his reason and conscience told him was fitt to be desir'd ; wishing hee had kept within those bounds , and not suffer'd his own judgement to have binover-borne in some things , of which things one was the earl of straffords execution . and what signifies all this , but that stil his resolution was the same , to set up an arbitrary goverment of his own ; and that all britain was to be ty'd and chain'd to the conscience , judgement , and reason of one man ; as if those gifts had been only his peculiar and prerogative , intal'd upon him with his fortune to be a king. when as doubtless no man so obstinate , or so much a tyrant , but professes to be guided by that which he calls his reason , and his judgement , though never so corrupted ; and pretends also his conscience . in the mean while , for any parlament or the whole nation to have either reason , judgement , or conscience , by this rule was altogether in vaine , if it thwarted the kings will ; which was easie for him to call by any other more plausible name . he himself hath many times acknowledg'd to have no right over us but by law ; and by the same law to govern us : but law in a free nation hath bin ever public reason , the enacted reason of a parlament ; which he denying to enact , denies to govern us by that which ought to be our law ; interposing his own privat reason , which to us is no law. and thus we find these faire and specious promises , made upon the experience of many hard sufferings , and his most mortifi'd retirements , being throughly sifted , to containe nothing in them much different from his former practices , so cross , and so averse to all his parlaments , and both the nations of this iland . what fruits they could in likelyhood have produc'd in his restorement , is obvious to any prudent foresight . and this is the substance of his first section , till wee come to the devout of it , model'd into the form of a privat psalter . which they who so much admire , either for the matter or the manner , may as well admire the arch-bishops late breviary , and many other as good manuals , and handmaids of devotion , the lip-work of every prelatical liturgist , clapt together , and quilted out of scripture phrase , with as much ease , and as little need of christian diligence , or judgement , as belongs to the compiling of any ord'nary and salable peece of english divinity , that the shops value . but he who from such a kind of psalmistry , or any other verbal devotion , without the pledge and earnest of sutable deeds , can be perswaded of a zeale , and true righteousness in the person , hath much yet to learn ; and knows not that the deepest policy of a tyrant hath bin ever to counterfet religious . and aristotle in his politics , hath mentiond that special craft among twelve other tyrannical sophisms . neither want wee examples . andronicus comnenus the byzantine emperor , though a most cruel tyrant , is reported by nicetas to have bin a constant reader of saint pauls epistles ; and by continual study had so incorporated the phrase & stile of that transcendent apostle into all his familiar letters , that the imitation seem'd to vie with the original . yet this availd not to deceave the people of that empire ; who not withstanding his saints vizard , tore him to peeces for his tyranny . from stories of this nature both ancient and modern which abound , the poets also , and som english , have bin in this point so mindfull of decorum , as to put never more pious words in the mouth of any person , then of a tyrant . i shall not instance an abstruse author , wherein the king might be less conversant , but one whom wee well know was the closet companion of these his solitudes , william shakespeare ; who introduces the person of richard the third , speaking in as high a strain of pietie , and mortification , as is utterd in any passage of this book ; and sometimes to the same sense and purpose with some words in this place , i intended , saith he , not onely to oblige my friends but mine enemies . the like saith richard , act. . scen. , i doe not know that englishman alive . with whom my soule is any jott at odds , more then the infant that is borne to night ; i thank my god for my humilitie . other stuff of this sort may be read throughout the whole tragedie , wherein the poet us'd not much licence in departing from the truth of history , which delivers him a deep dissembler , not of his affections onely , but of religion . in praying therfore , and in the outward work of devotion , this king wee see hath not at all exceeded the worst of kings before him . but herein the worst of kings , professing christianism , have by farr exceeded him . they , for ought we know , have still pray'd thir own , or at least borrow'd from fitt authors . but this king , not content with that which , although in a thing holy , is no holy theft , to attribute to his own making other mens whole prayers , hath as it were unhallow'd , and unchrist'nd the very duty of prayer it self , by borrowing to a christian use prayers offer'd to a heathen god. who would have imagin'd so little feare in him of the true all-seeing deitie , so little reverence of the holy ghost , whose office is to dictat and present our christian prayers , so little care of truth in his last words , or honour to himself , or to his friends , or sense of his afflictions , or of that sad howr which was upon him , as immediatly before his death to popp into the hand of that grave bishop who attended him , for a special relique of his saintly exercises , a prayer stol'n word for word from the mouth a of heathen fiction praying to a heathen god ; & that in no serious book , but the vain amatorious poem of s r philip sidneys arcadia ; a book in that kind full of worth and witt , but among religious thoughts , and duties not worthy to be nam'd ; nor to be read at any time without good caution ; much less in time of trouble and affliction to be a christians prayer-book . they who are yet incredulous of what i tell them for a truth , that this philippic prayer is no part of the kings goods , may satisfie thir own eyes at leasure in the d. book of sir philips arcadia p. . comparing pammela's prayer with the first prayer of his majestie , deliverd to dr. juxion immediatly before his death , and entititl'd , a prayer in time of captivity printed in all the best editions of his book . and since there be a crew of lurking raylers , who in thir libels , and thir fitts of rayling up and down , as i hear from others , take it so currishly that i should dare to tell abroad the secrets of thir aegyhtian apis , to gratify thir gall in som measure yet more , which to them will be a kinde of almes ( for it is the weekly vomit of thir gall which to most of them is the sole meanes of thir feeding ) that they may not starv for me , i shall gorge them once more with this digrsestion somwhat larger then before : nothing troubl'd or offended at the working upward of thir sale-venom thereupon , though it happ'n to asperse me ; beeing , it seemes , thir best livelyhood and the only use or good digestion that thir sick and perishing mindes can make of truth charitably told them . however , to the benesit of others much more worth the gaining , i shall proceed in my assertion ; that if only but to tast wittingly of meat or drink offerd to an idol , be in the doctrin of st. paul judg'd a pollution , much more must be his sin who takes a prayer , so dedicated , into his mouth , and offers it to god. yet hardly it can be thought upon ( though how sad a thing ) without som kindof laughter at the manner , and solemn transaction of so gross a cousenage : that he who had trampl'd over us so stately and so tragically should leave the world at last so ridiculously in his exit , as to bequeath among his deifying friends that stood about him such a pretious peece of mockery to be publisht by them , as must needs cover both his and their heads w th shame , if they have any left . certainly they that will , may now see at length how much they were deceiv'd in him , and were ever like to be hereafter , who car'd not , so neer the minute of his death , to deceive his best and deerest freinds with the trumpery of such a prayer , not more secretly then shamefully purloind ; yet giv'n them as the royall issue of his own proper zeal . and sure it was the hand of god to let them fal & be tak'n in such a foolish trapp , as hath exposd them to all derision ; if for nothing els , to throw contempt and disgrace in the sight of all men upon this his idoliz'd book , and the whole rosarie of his prayers ; thereby testifying how little he accepted them from those who thought no better of the living god then of a buzzard idol , fitt to be so servd and worshipt in reversion , with the polluted orts and refuse of arcadia's and romances , without being able to discern the affront rather then the worship of such an ethnic prayer . but leaving what might justly be offensive to god , it was a trespass also more then usual against human right , which commands that every author should have the property of his own work reservd to him after death as well as living . many princes have bin rigorous in laying taxes on thir subjects by the head , but of any king heertofore that made a levy upon thir witt , and seisd it as his own legitimat , i have not whom beside to instance . true it is i lookt rather to have found him gleaning out of books writt'n purposely to help devotion . and if in likelyhood he have borrowd much more out of prayer-books then out of pastorals , then are these painted feathers , that set him off so gay among the people , to be thought few or none of them his own . but if from his divines he have borrow'd nothing , nothing out of all the magazin , and the rheume of thir mellifluous prayers and meditations , let them who now mourn for him as for tamuz , them who howle in thir pulpits , and by thir howling declare themselvs right wolves , remember and consider in the midst of thir hideous faces , when they doe onely not cutt thir flesh for him like those ruefull preists whom eliah mock'd ; that he who was once thir ahab , now thir josiah , though faining outwardly to reverence churchmen , yet heer hath so extremely set at nought both them and thir praying faculty , that being at a loss himself what to pray in captivity , he consulted neither with the liturgie , nor with the directory , but neglecting the huge fardell of all thir honycomb devotions , went directly where he doubted not to find better praying , to his mind with pammela in the countesses arcadia . what greater argument of disgrace & ignominy could have bin thrown with cunning upon the whole clergy , then that the king among all his preistery , and all those numberles volumes of thir theological distillations , not meeting with one man or book of that coate that could befreind him with a prayer in captivity , was forc'd to robb sr. philip and his captive shepherdess of thir heathen orisons , to supply in any fashion his miserable indigence , not of bread , but of a single prayer to god. i say therfore not of bread , for that want may befall a good man , and yet not make him totally miserable : but he who wants a prayer to beseech god in his necessity , t is unexpressible how poor he is ; farr poorer within himself then all his enemies can make him . and the unfitness , the undecency of that pittifull supply which he sought , expresses yet furder the deepness of his poverty . thus much be said in generall to his prayers , and in special to that arcadian prayer us'd in his captivity , anough to undeceave us what esteeme wee are to set upon the rest . for he certainly whose mind could serve him to seek a christian prayer out of a pagan legend , and assume it for his own , might gather up the rest god knows from whence ; one perhaps out of the french astraea , another out of the spanish diana ; amadis and palmerin could hardly scape him . such a person we may be sure had it not in him to make a prayer of his own , or at least would excuse himself the paines and cost of his invention , so long as such sweet rapsodies of heathenism and knighterrantry could yeild him prayers . how dishonourable then , and how unworthy of a christian king were these ignoble shifts to seem holy and to get a saintship among the ignorant and wretched people ; to draw them by this deception , worse then all his former injuries , to go a whooring after him . and how unhappy , how forsook of grace , and unbelovd of god that people who resolv to know no more of piety or of goodnes , then to account him thir cheif saint and martyr , whose bankrupt devotion came not honestly by his very prayers ; but having sharkd them from the mouth of a heathen worshipper , detestable to teach him prayers , sould them to those that stood and honourd him next to the messiah , as his own heav'nly compositions in adversity , for hopes no less vain and presumptuous ( and death at that time so imminent upon him ) then by these goodly reliques to be held a saint and martyr in opinion with the people . and thus farr in the whole chapter we have seen and consider'd , and it cannot but be cleer to all men , how , and for what ends , what concernments , and necessities the late king was no way induc'd , but every way constrain'd to call this last parlament : yet heer in his first prayer he trembles not to avouch as in the eares of god , that he did it with an upright intention , to his glory , and his peoples good : of which dreadfull attestation how sincerely meant , god , to whom it was avow'd , can onely judge ; and he hath judg'd already ; and hath writt'n his impartial sentence in characters legible to all christ'ndom ; and besides hath taught us , that there be som , whom he hath giv'n over to delusion ; whose very mind and conscience is defil'd ; of whom saint paul to titus makes mention . ii. upon the earle of straffords death . this next chapter is a penitent confession of the king , and the strangest , if it be well weigh'd , that ever was auricular . for hee repents heer of giving his consent , though most unwillingly , to the most seasonable and solemn peece of justice , that had bin don of many yeares in the land : but his sole conscience thought the contrary . and thus was the welfare , the safety , and within a little , the unanimous demand of three populous nations to have attended stil on the singularity of one mans opi nionated conscience ; if men had bin always so tame and spiritless ; and had not unexpectedly found the grace to understand , that if his conscience were so narrow and peculiar to it selfe , it was not fitt his authority should be so ample and universall over others . for certainly a privat conscience sorts not with a public calling ; but declares that person rather meant by nature for a private fortune . and this also we may take for truth , that hee whose conscience thinks it sin to put to death a capital offendor , will as oft think it meritorious to kill a righteous person . but let us heare what the sin was that lay so sore upon him , and , as one of his prayers giv'n to dr. juxton testifies , to the very day of his death ; it was his signing the bill of straffords execution : a man whom all men look'd upon as one of the boldest and most impetuous instruments that the king had to advance any violent or illegal designe . he had rul'd ireland , and som parts of england in an arbitrary manner , had indeavour'd to subvert fnndamental lawes , to subvert parlaments , and to incense the king against them ; he had also endeavor'd ▪ to make hostility between england and scotland : he had counceld the king to call over that irish army of papists , which he had cunningly rais'd , to reduce england , as appear'd by good testimony then present at the consultation . for which , and many other crimes alledg'd and prov'd against him in , articles , he was condemnd of high treason by the parlament . the commons by farr the greater number cast him ; the lords , after they had bin satisfi'd in a full discours by the kings sollicitor , and the opinions of many judges deliver'd in thir house , agreed likewise to the sentence of treason . the people universally cri'd out for justice . none were his friends but coutiers , and clergimen , the worst at that time , and most corrupted sort of men ; and court ladies , not the best of women ; who when they grow to that insolence as to appeare active in state affaires , are the certain sign of a dissolute , degenerat , and pusillanimous common-wealth . last of all the king , or rather first , for these were but his apes , was not satisfi'd in conscience to condemn him of high treason ; and declar'd to both houses , that no fears or respects whatsoever should make him alter that resolution founded upon his conscience . either then his resolution was indeed not founded upon his conscience , or his conscience receav'd better imformation , or else both his conscience and this his strong resolution strook saile , notwithstanding these glorious words , to his stronger fear . for within a few dayes after , when the judges at a privie counsel , and four of his elected bishops had pick'd the thorn out of his conscience , he was at length perswaded to signe the bill for straffords execution . and yet perhaps that it wrung his conscience to condemn the earle of high treason is not unlikely : not because he thought him guiltless of highest treason , had half those crimes bin committed against his own privat interest or person , as appear'd plainly by his charge against the six members , but because he knew himself a principal in what the earl was but his accessory , and thought nothing treason against the common-wealth , but against himself only . had he really scrupl'd to sentence that for treason which he thought not treasonable , why did he seeme resolv'd by the judges and the bishops ? and ifby them resolv'd , how comes the scruple heer again ? it was not then , as he now pretends , the importunities of some and the feare of many which made him signe , but the satisfaction giv'n him by those judges & ghostly fathers of his own choosing . which of him shall we believe ? for hee seemes not one , but double ; either heer we must not beleeve him professing that his satisfaction was but seemingly receav'd & out of feare , or els wee may as well beleeve that the scruple was no real scruple , as we can beleeve him heer against himself before , that the satisfaction then receiv'd was no real satisfaction : of such a variable and fleeting conscience what hold can be tak'n ? but that indeed it was a facil conscience ▪ and could dissemble satisfaction when it pleas'd , his own ensuing actions declar'd : being soon after found to have the chief hand in a most detested conspiracy against the parlament and kingdom , as by letters and examinations of percy , goring , and other conspirators came to light ; that his intention was to rescue the earle of strafford , by seizing on the towre of london ; to bring up the english army out of the north , joyn'd with eight thousand irish papists rais'd by strafford , and a french army to be landed at portsmouth against the parlament and thir friends . for which purpose the king , though requested by both houses to disband those irish papists , refus'd to do it , and kept them still in armes to his own purposes . no marvel then , if being as deeply criminous as the earle himself , it stung his conscience to adjudge to death those misdeeds whereof himself had bin the chiefe author : no marvel though in stead of blaming and detesting his ambition , his evil counsel , his violence and oppression of the people , he fall to praise his great abilities ; and with scolastic flourishes beneath the decencie of a king , compares him to the sun , which in all figurative use , and significance beares allusion to a king , not to a subject : no marvel though he knit contradictions as close as words can lye together , not approving in his judgement , and yet approving in his subsequent reason all that strafford did , as driv'n by the necessity of times and the temper of that people ; for this excuses all his misdemeanors : lastly , no marvel that he goes on building many faire and pious conclusions upon false and wicked premises , which deceive the common reader notwell discerning the antipathy of such connexions : but this is themarvel , & may be the astonishment of all that have a conscience , how he durst in the sight of god ( and with the same words of contrition wherwith david repents the murdering of uriah ) repent his lawfull compliance to that just act of not saving him , whom he ought to have deliver'd up to speedy punishment ; though himself the guiltier of the two . if the deed were so sinfull to have put to death so great a malefactor , it would have tak'n much doubtless from the heaviness of his sin , to have told god in his confession , how he labour'd , what dark plots he had contriv'd , into what a league enterd , and with what conspirators against his parlament and kingdoms , to have rescu'd from the claime of justice so notable and so deare an instrument of tyranny : which would have bin a story , no doubt as pleasing in the eares of heav'n , as all these equivocal repentances . for it was feare , and nothing els , which made him faine before both the scruple and the satisfaction of hisconscience , that is to say , of his mind : his first feare pretended conscience that he might be born with to refuse signing ; his latter feare being more urgent made him finde a conscience both to signe and to be satisfy'd . as for repentance it came not on him till a long time after ; when he saw he could have sufferd nothing more , though he had deny'd that bill . for how could he understandingly repent of letting that be treason which the parlament and whole nation so judg'd ? this was that which repented him , to have giv'n up to just punishment so stout a champion of his designes , who might have bin so usefull to him in his following civil broiles . it was a worldy repentance not a conscientious ; or els it was a strange tyranny which his conscience had got over him , to vex him like an evil spirit for doing one act of justice , and by that means to fortifie his resolution from ever doing so any more . that mind must needs be irrecoverably deprav'd , which either by chance or importunity tasting but once of one just deed , spatters at it , and abhorrs the relish ever after . to the scribes and pharises , woe was denounc'd by our saviour , for straining at a gnatt and swallowing a camel ; though a gnatt were to be straind at : but to a conscience with whom one good deed is so hard to pass down , as to endanger almost a choaking , and bad deeds without number though as bigg and bulkie as the ruin of three kingdoms , goe down currently without straining , certainly a farr greater woe appertaines . if his conscience were come to that unnatural dyscra sie , as to digest poyson and to keck at wholsom food , it was not for the parlament , or any of his kingdoms to feed with him any longer . which to concele he would perswade us that the parlament also in their conscience escap'd not some touches of remorse for putting strafford to death , in forbidding it by an after act to be a precedent for the future . but in a fairer construction , that act imply'd rather a desire in them to pacifie the kings mind , whom they perceav'd by this meanes quite alienated : in the mean while not imagining that this after act should be retorted on them to tie up justice for the time to come upon like occasion , whether this were made a precedent or not , no more then the want of such a precedent , if it had bin wanting , had bin available to hinder this . but how likely is it that this after act argu'd in the parlament thir least repenting for the death of strafford , when it argu'd so little in the king himself : who notwithstanding this after act which had his own hand and concurrence , if not his own instigation , within the same yeare accus'd of high treason no less then six members at once for the same pretended crimes which his conscience would not yeeld to think treasonable in the earle . so that this his suttle argument to fast'n a repenting , and by that means a guiltiness of straffords death upon the parlament , concludes upon his own head ; and shews us plainly that either nothing in his judgment was treason against the common-wealth , but onely against the kings person , a tyrannical principle , or that his conscience was a perverse and prevaricating conscience , to scruple that the common-wealth should punish for treasonous in one eminent offender , that w ch he himself sought so vehemently to have punisht in six guiltless persons . if this were that touch of conscience which he bore with greater regrett , then for any sin committed in his life , whether it were that proditory aid sent to rochel and religion abroad , or that prodigality of shedding blood at home , to a million of his subjects lives not valu'd in comparison of one strafford , we may consider yet at last , what true sense and feeling could be in that conscience , and what fitness to be the maister conscience of three kingdoms . but the reason why he labours that wee should take notice of so much tenderness and regrett in his soule for having any hand in straffords death , is worth the marking ere we conclude . he hop'd it would be someevidence before god and man to all posteritie that he was farr from bearing that vast load and guilt of blood layd upon him by others . which hath the likeness of a suttle dissimulation ; bewailing the blood of one man , his commodious instrument , put to death most justly , though by him unwillingly , that we might think him too tender to shed willingly the blood of those thousands , whom he counted rebels . and thus by dipping voluntarily his fingers end , yet with shew of great remorse in the blood of strafford , wherof all men cleer him , he thinks to scape that sea of innocent blood wherein his own guilt inevitably hath plung'd him all over . and we may well perceave to what easie satisfactions and purgations he had inur'd his secret conscience , who thaught , by such weak policies and ostentations as these , to gaine beleif and absolution from understanding men. iii. upon his going to the house of commons . concerning his unexcusable , and hostile march from the court to the house of commons , there needs not much be said . for he confesses it to be an act which most men , whom he calls his enemies cry'd shame upon ; indifferent men grew jealous of and fearfull , and many of his friends resented as a motion rising rather from passion then reason : he himself , in one of his answers to both houses , made profession to be convinc'd that it was a plaine breach of thir privilege : yet heer like a rott'n building newly trimm'd over he represents it speciously and fraudulently to impose upon the simple reader ; and seeks by smooth and supple words not heer only , but through his whole book , to make som beneficial use or other ev'n of his worst miscarriages . these men , saith he , meaning his friends , knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds with which i thought my selfe furnish'd ; to wit , against the five members , whom hee came to dragg out of the house . his best friends indeed knew not , nor could ever know his motives to such a riotous act : and had he himself known any just grounds , he was not ignorant how much it might have tended to his justifying , had he nam'd them in this place , and not conceal'd them . but suppose them real , suppose them known , what was this to that violation and dishonor put upon the whole house , whose very dore forcibly kept op'n , and all the passages neer it he besett with swords and pistols cockt and menac'd in the hands of about three hunderd swaggerers and ruffians , who but expected , nay audibly call'd for the word of onset to beginn a slaughter . he had discover'd as he thought unlawfull correspondencies which they had vs'd , and ingagements to imbroile his kingdomes , and remembers not his own unlawfull correspondencies , and conspiracies with the irish army of papists , with the french to land at portsmouth , and his tampering both with the english and the scotch army , to come up against the parlament : the least of which attempts by whomsoever , was no less then manifest treason against the common-wealth . if to demand justice on the five members were his plea , for that which they with more reason might have demanded justice upon him ( i use his own argument ) there needed not so rough assistance . if hee had resolv'd to bear that repulse with patience , which his queen by her words to him at his return little thought he would have done , wherfore did he provide against it , with such an armed and unusual force ? but his heart serv'd him not to undergoe the hazzard that such a desperate scuffle would have brought him to . but wherfore did he goe at all , it behooving him to know there were two statutes that declar'd he ought first to have acquainted the parlament , who were the accusers , which he refus'd to doe , though still professing to govern by law , and still justifying his attempts against law. and when he saw it was not permitted him to attaint them but by a faire tryal , as was offerd him from time to time , for want of just matter which yet never came to light , he let the business fall of his own accord ; and all those pregnancies , and just motives came to just nothing . he had no temptation of displeasure or revenge against those men : none , but what he thirsted to execute upon them , for the constant opposition which they made against his tyrannous proceedings , and the love and reputation which they therfore had among the people , but most immediatly , for that they were suppos'd the chief by whose activity those . protesting bishops were but a week before committed to the tower. he mist but little to have produc'd writings under some mens own hands . but yet he mist , though thir chambers , trunks , and studies were seal'd up and search'd ; yet not found guilty . providence would not have it so . good providence , that curbs the raging of proud monarchs , as well as of madd multitudes . yet he wanted not such probabilities ( for his pregnant is come now to probable ) as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any kings heart . and thus his pregnant motives are at last prov'd nothing but a tympany , or a queen maries cushion : for in any kings heart , as kings goe now , what shadowie conceit , or groundless toy will not create a jealousie . that he had design'd to assault the house of commons , taking god to witness , he utterly denies ; yet , in his answer to the city , maintaines that any course of violence had bin very justifiable . and we may then guess how farr it was from his designe . however it discover'd in him an excessive eagerness to be aveng'd on them that cross'd him ; and that to have his will , he stood not to doe things never so much below him . what a becomming sight it was to see the king of england one while in the house of commons , by and by in the guild-hall among the liveries and manufactures , prosecuting so greedily the track of five or six fled subjects ; himself not the sollicitor onely , but the pursivant and the apparitor of his own partial cause . and although , in his answers to the parlament , hee hath confess'd , first that his manner of prosecution was illegal , next , that as hee once conceiv'd hec had ground anough to accuse them ; so at length that hee found as good cause to desert any prosecution of them , yet heer he seems to reverse all , and against promise takes up his old deserted accusation , that he might have something to excuse himself , instead of giving due reparation ; which he always refus'd to give them , whom he had so dishonor'd . that i went , saith he of his going to the house of commons , attended with some gentlemen ; gentlemen indeed ; the ragged infantrie of stewes and brothels ; the spawn and shiprack of taverns and dicing houses : and then he pleads it was no unwonted thing for the majesty and safety of a king to be so attended , especially in discontented times . an illustrious majestie no doubt , so attended : a becomming safety for the king of england , plac'd in the fidelity of such guards and champions ; happy times ; when braves and hacksters , the onely contented members of his goverment , were thought the fittest and the faithfullest to defend his person against the discontents of a parlament and all good men. were those the chos'n ones to preserve reverence to him , while he enterd unassur'd , and full of suspicions into his great and faithfull councel ? let god then and the world judge whether the cause were not in his own guilty and unwarrantable doings : the house of commons upon several examinations of this business declar'd it sufficiently prov'd , that the comming of those soldiers , papists and others with the king , was to take away some of thir members , and in case of opposition or denyal , to have fal'n upon the house in a hostile manner , this the king heer denies ; adding a fearful imprecation against his own life , if he purposed any violence or oppression against the innocent , then , saith he , let the enemie persecute my soule , and tred my life to the ground and lay my honor in the dust . what need then more disputing ? he appeal'd to gods tribunal , and behold god hath judg'd , and don to him in the sight of all men according to the verdict of his own mouth . to be a warning to all kings hereafter how they use presumptuously the words and protestations of david , without the spirit and conscience of david . and the kings admirers may heer see thir madness to mistake this book for a monument of his worth and wisdom , when as indeed it is his doomsday booke ; not like that of william the norman his predecessor , but the record and memorial of his condemnation : and discovers whatever hath befal'n him , to have bin hast'nd on from divine justice by the rash and inconsiderat appeal of his own lipps . but what evasions , what pretences , though never so unjust and emptie , will he refuse in matters more unknown , and more involv'd in the mists and intricacies of state , who , rather then not justifie himself in a thing so generally odious , can flatter his integritie with such frivolous excuses against the manifest dissent of all men , whether enemies , neuters , or friends . but god and his judgements have not bin mock'd ; and good men may well perceive what a distance there was ever like to be between him and his parlament , and perhaps between him and all amendment , who for one good deed , though but consented to , askes god forgiveness ; and from his worst deeds don , takes occasion to insist upon his rightecusness . iv. vpon the insolency of the tumults . wee have heer , i must confess , a neat and well-couch'd invective against tumults ; expressing a true feare of them in the author , but yet so handsomly compos'd , and withall so feelingly , that , to make a royal comparison , i beleeve rehoboam the son of solomon could not have compos'd it better . yet rehoboam had more cause to inveigh against them ; for they had ston'd his tribute-gatherer , and perhaps had as little spar'd his own person , had hee not with all speed betak'n him to his charret . but this king hath stood the worst of them in his own house without danger , when his coach and horses , in a panic fear , have bin to seek , which argues that the tumults at whitehall were nothing so dangerous as those at sechem . but the matter heer considerable , is not whether the king , or his houshold rhetorician have made a pithy declamation against tumults , but first whether these were tumults or not , next if they were , whether the king himself did not cause them . let us examin therfore how things at that time stood . the king , as before hath bin prov'd , having both call'd this parlament unwillingly , and as unwillingly from time to time condescended to thir several acts , carrying on a disjoynt and privat interest of his own , and not enduring to be so cross'd and overswaid , especially in the executing of his chief & bold est instrument , the deputy of ireland , first tempts the english army , with no less reward then the spoil of london , to come up , and destroy the parlament . that being discover'd by some of the officers , who , though bad anough , yet abhorr'd so foul a deed , the k. hard'nd in his purpose , tempts them the d time at burrow bridge , promises to pawn his jewels for them , & that they should be mett & assisted ( would they but march on ) w th a gross body of hors under the e. of newcastle . he tempts them yet the third time , though after discovery , & his own abjuration to have ever tempted them , as is affirmd in the declaration of no more addresses . neither this succeeding , he turnes him next to the scotch army ; & by his own credential letters giv'n to oneal and sr john hinderson , baites his temptation with a richer reward ; not only to have the sacking of london , but four northern counties to be made scottish ; w th jewels of great value to be giv'n in pawn thewhile . but neither would the scots , for any promise of reward , be bought to such an execrable and odious treachery ; but with much honesty gave notice of the kings designe , both to the parlament and city of london . the parlament moreover had intelligence , and the people could not but discern , that there was a bitter & malignant party grown up now to such a boldness , as to give out insolent and threatning speeches against the parlament it self . besides this , the rebellion in ireland was now broke out ; and a conspiracy in scotland had bin made , while the king was there , against some chief members of that parlament ; great numbers heer of unknown , and suspicious persons resorted to the city ; the king being return'd from scotland presently dismisses that guard which the parlament thought necessary in the midst of so many dangers to have about them ; and puts another guard in thir place , contrary to the privilege of that high court , and by such a one commanded , as made them no less doubtfull of the guard it self . which they therfore , upon som ill effects thereof first found , discharge ; deeming it more safe to sitt free , though without a guard in op'n danger , then inclos'd with a suspected safety . the people therfore , lest thir worthiest and most faithfull patriots , who had expos'd themselves for the public , and whom they saw now left naked , should want aide , or be deserted in the midst of these dangers , came in multitudes , though unarm'd , to witness thir fidelitie and readiness in case of any violence offer'd to the parlament . the king both envying to see the peoples love thus devolv'd on another object , and doubting lest it might utterly disable him to doe with parlaments as he was wont , sent a message into the city forbidding such resorts . the parlament also both by what was discover'd to them , and what they saw in a malignant party ( some of which had already drawn blood in a fray or two at the court gate , and eev'n at thir own gate , in westminster hall ) conceaving themselves to be still in danger where they sat , sent a most reasonable and just petition to the king , that a guard might be allow'd them out of the city , wherof the kings own chamberlaine , the earl of essex might have command ; it being the right of inferiour courts to make chois of thir own guard. this the king refus'd to doe , and why he refus'd , the very next day made manifest . for on that day it was , that he sallied out from white hall , with those trusty myrmidons , to block up , or give assault to the house of commons . he had , besides all this , begun to fortifie his court , and entertaind armed men not a few ; who standing at his palace gate , revil'd , and with drawn swords wounded many of the people , as they went by unarm'd , and in a peaceable manner , whereof some dy'd . the passing by of a multitude , though neither to saint georges feast , nor to a tilting , certainly of it self was no tumult ; the expression of thir loyalty and stedfastness to the parlament , whose lives and safeties by more then slight rumours they doubted to be in danger , was no tumult . if it grew to be so , the cause was in the king himself and his injurious retinue , who both by hostile preparations in the court , and by actual assailing of the people , gave them just cause to defend themselves . surely those unarmed and petitioning people needed not have bin so formidable to any , but to such whose consciences misgave them how ill they had deserv'd of the people ; and first began to injure them , because they justly fear'd it from them ; and then ascribe that to popular tumult which was occasion'd by thir own provoking . and that the king was so emphatical and elaborat on this theam against tumults , and express'd with such a vehemence his hatred of them , will redound less perhaps , then he was aware , to the commendation of his goverment . for besides that in good goverments they happ'n seldomèst , and rise not without cause , if they prove extreme and pernicious , they were never counted so to monarchy , but to monarchical tyranny ; and extremes one with another are at most antipathy . if then the king so extremely stood in fear of tumults , the inference will endanger him to be the other extreme . thus farr the occasion of this discours against tumults ; now to the discours it self , voluble anough , and full of sentence , but that , for the most part , either specious rather then solid , or to his cause nothing pertinent . he never thought any thing more to presage the mischiefes that ensu'd , then those tumults . then was his foresight but short , and much mistak'n . those tumults were but the milde effects of an evil and injurious raigne ; not signes of mischeifs to come , but seeking releef for mischeifs past ; those signes were to be read more apparent in his rage and purpos'd revenge of those free expostulations , and clamours of the people against his lawless goverment . not any thing , saith he , portends more gods displeasure against a nation then when he suffers the clamours of the vulgar to pass all bounds of law & reverence to authority . it portends rather his dispeasure against a tyrannous king , whose proud throne he intends to overturn by that contemptible vulgar ; the sad cries and oppressions of whom his royaltie regarded not . as for that supplicating people they did no hurt either to law or autority , but stood for it rather in the parlament against whom they fear'd would violate it . that they invaded the honour and freedome of the two houses , is his own officious accusation , not seconded by the parlament , who had they seen cause , were themselves best able to complain . and if they shook & menac'd any , they were such as had more relation to the court , then to the common wealth ; enemies , not patrons of the people . but if thir petitioning unarm'd were an invasion of both houses , what was his entrance into the house of commons , besetting it with armed men , in what condition then was the honour , and freedom of that house ? they forbore not rude deportments , contemptuous words and actions to himself and his court. it was more wonder , having heard what treacherous hostility he had design'd against the city , and his whole kingdome , that they forbore to handle him as people in thir rage have handl'd tyrants heertofore for less offences . they were not a short ague , but a fierce quotidian feaver : he indeed may best say it , who most felt it ; for the shaking was within him ; and it shook him by his own description worse then a storme , worse then an earthquake , belshazzars palsie . had not worse feares , terrors , and envies made within him that commotion , how could a multitude of his subjects , arm'd with no other weapon then petitions , have shak'n all his joynts with such a terrible ague . yet that the parlament should entertaine the least feare of bad intentions from him or his party , he endures not ; but would perswade us that men scare themselves and others without cause ; for he thought feare would be to them a kind of armor , and his designe was , if it were possible , to disarme all , especially of a wise feare and suspicion ; for that he knew would find weapons . he goes on therfore with vehemence to repeat the mischeifs don by these tumults . they first petition'd , then protected , dictate next , and lastly overaw the parlament . they remov'd obstructions , they purg'd the houses , cast out rott'n members . if there were a man of iron , such as talus , by our poet spencer , is fain'd to be the page of justice , who with his iron flaile could doe all this , and expeditiously , without those deceitfull formes and circumstances of law , worse then ceremonies in religion ; i say god send it don , whether by one talus , or by a thousand . but they subdu'd the men of conscience in parlament , back'd and abetted all seditious and schismatical proposals against government ecclesiastical and civil . now wee may perceave the root of his hatred whence it springs . it was not the kings grace or princely goodness , but this iron flaile the people , that drove the bishops out of thir baronies , out of thir cathedrals , out of the lords house , out of thir copes and surplices , and all those papistical innovations , threw down the high commission and star-chamber , gave us a triennial parlament , and what we most desir'd ; in revenge whereof he now so bitterly enveighs against them ; these are those seditious and scismatical proposals , then by him condescended to , as acts of grace , now of another name ; which declares him , touching matters of church and state , to have bin no other man in the deepest of his solitude , then he was before at the highest of his sovrantie . but this was not the worst of these tumults , they plaid the hasty midwives , and would not stay the ripening , but went streight to ripping up , and forcibly cut out abortive votes . they would not stay perhaps the spanish demurring , and putting off such wholsome acts and counsels , as the politic cabin at whitehall had no mind to . but all this is complain'd heer as don to the parlament , and yet we heard not the parlament at that time complaine of any violence from the people , but from him . wherfore intrudes he to plead the cause of parlament against the people , while the parlament was pleading thir own cause against him ; and against him were forc'd to seek refuge of the people ? 't is plaine then that those confluxes and resorts interrupted not the parlament , nor by them were thought tumultuous , but by him onely and his court faction . but what good man had not rather want any thing he most desir'd for the public good , then attain it by such unlawfull and irreligious meanes ; as much as to say , had not rather sit still and let his country be tyranniz'd , then that the people , finding no other remedie , should stand up like men and demand thir rights and liberties . this is the artificialest peece of fineness to perswade men into slavery that the wit of court could have invented . but heare how much betterthe moral of this lesson would befitt the teacher . what good man had not rather want a boundless and arbitrary power , and those fine flowers of the crown , call'd prerogatives , then for them to use force and perpetual vexation to his faithfull subjects , nay to wade for them through blood and civil warr ? so that this and the whole bundle of those following sentences may be apply'd better to the convincement of his own violent courses , then of those pretended tumults . who were the chiefe demagogues to send for those tumults , some alive are not ignorant . setting aside the affrightment of this goblin word ; for the king by his leave cannot coine english as he could money , to be current ( and t is beleev'd this wording was above his known stile and orthographie , and accuses the whole composure to be conscious of som other author ) yet if the people were sent for , emboldn'd and directed by those demagogues , who , saving his greek , were good patriots , and by his own confession men of some repute for parts and pietie , it helps well to assure us there was both urgent cause , and the less danger of thir comming . complaints were made , yet no redress could be obtain'd . the parlament also complain'd of what danger they sate in from another party , and demanded of him a guard , but it was not granted . what marvel then if it chear'd them to see some store of thir friends , and in the roman not the pettifogging sense , thir clients so neer about them ; a defence due by nature both from whom it was offer'd , and to whom ; as due as to thir parents ; though the court storm'd , and fretted to see such honour giv'n to them , who were then best fathers of the common-wealth . and both the parlament and people complain'd , and demanded justice for those assaults , if not murders don at his own dores , by that crew of rufflers , but he , in stead of doing justice on them , justifi'd and abetted them in what they did , as in his public answer to a petition from the city may be read . neither is it slightly to be pass'd over , that in the very place where blood was first drawn in this cause , as the beginning of all that follow'd , there was his own blood shed by the executioner . according to that sentence of divine justice , in the place where dogs lick'd the blood of naboth , shall dogs lick thy blood , eev'n thine . from hence he takes occasion to excuse that improvident and fatal error of his absenting from the parlament . when he found that no declaration of the bishops could take place against those tumults . was that worth his considering , that foolish and self-undoing declaration of twelve cypher bishops , who were immediatly appeacht of treason for that audacious declaring ? the bishops peradventure were now and then pulld by the rochers , and deserv'd another kind of pulling ; but what amounted this to the feare of his own person in the streets ? did he not the very next day after his irruption into the house of commons , then which nothing had more exasperated the people , goe in his coach unguarded into the city ? did hee receave the least affront , much less violence in any of the streets , but rather humble demeanours , and supplications ? hence may be gather'd , that however in his own guiltiness hee might have justly fear'd , yet that hee knew the people so full of aw and reverence to his person , as to dare commit himself single among the thickest of them , at a time when he had most provok'd them . besides in scot-land they had handl'd the bishops in a more robustious manner ; edinburrow had bin full of tumults , two armies from thence had enterd england against him ; yet after all this , he was not fearfull , but very forward to take so long a journey to edinburrow ; which argues first , as did also his rendition afterward to the scotch army , that to england he continu'd still , as he was indeed , a stranger , and full of diffidence ; to the scots onely a native king , in his confidence , though not in his dealing towards them . it shews us next beyond doubting , that all this his feare of tumults was but a meer colour and occasion tak'n of his resolved absence from the parlament , for some other end not difficult to be guess'd . and those instances wherein valour is not to be question'd for not scuffling with the sea , or an undisciplind rabble , are but subservient to carry on the solemn jest of his fearing tumults : if they discover not withall , the true reason why he departed ; onely to turne his slashing at the court gate , to slaughtering in the field ; his disorderly bickering , to an orderly invading : which was nothing els but a more orderly disorder . some suspected and affirm'd , that he meditated a warr when he went first from white hall. and they were not the worst heads that did so , nor did any of his former acts weak'n him to that , as he alleges for himself , or if they had , they cleere him onely for the time of passing them , not for what ever thoughts might come after into his mind . former actions of improvidence or fear , not with him unusual , cannot absolve him of all after meditations , he goes on protesting his no intention to have left white hall , had these horrid tumults giv'n him but faire quarter , as if he himself , his wife and children had bin in peril . but to this anough hath bin answer'd . had this parlament as it was in its first election , namely , with the lord and baron bishops , sate full and free , he doubts not but all had gon well . what warrant this of his to us ? whose not doubting was all good mens greatest doubt . he was resolv'd to heare reason , and to consent so farr as he could comprehend . a hopefull resolution ; what if his reason were found by oft experience to comprehend nothing beyond his own advantages , was this a reason fit to be intrusted with the common good of three nations ? but , saith he , as swine are to gardens , so are tumults to parlaments . this the parlament , had they found it so , could best have told us . in the meane while , who knows not that one great hogg may doe as much mischief in a garden , as many little swine . he was sometimes prone to think that had he call'd this last parlament to any other place in england , the sad consequences might have bin prevented . but change of ayr changes not the mind . was not his first parlament at oxford dissolv'd after two subsidies giv'n him , and no justice receav'd ? was not his last in the same place , where they sat with as much freedom , as much quiet from tumults , as they could desire , a parlament both in his account , and thir own , consisting of all his friends , that fled after him , and suffer'd for him , and yet by him nicknam'd , and casheer'd for a mungrill parlament that vext his queen with thir base and mutinous motions , as his cabinet letter tells us ? wherby the world may see plainly , that no shifting of place , no sifting of members to his own mind , no number , no paucity , no freedom from tumults , could ever bring his arbitrary wilfulness , and tyrannical designes to brook the lest shape or similitude , the lest counterfet of a parlament . finally instead of praying for his people as a good king should doe , hee prayes to be deliver'd from them , as from wild beasts , inundations , and raging seas , that had overborn all loyalty , modesty , laws , justice , and religion . god save the people from such intercessors . v. upon the bill for trienniall parlaments , and for setling this &c. the bill for a triennial parlament was but the third part of one good step toward that which in times past was our annual right . the other bill for setling this parlament was new indeed , but at that time very necessary ; and in the kings own words no more then what the world was fully confirm'd hee might in justice , reason , honour , and conscience grant them ; for to that end he affirms to have don it . but wheras he attributes the passing of them to his own act of grace and willingness , as his manner is to make vertues of his necessities , and giving to himself all the praise , heaps ingratitude upon the parlament , a little memory will sett the cleane contrary before us ; that for those beneficial acts we ow what wee ow to the parlament ; but to his granting them neither praise nor thanks . the first bill granted much less then two former statutes yet in force by edward the third ; that a parlament should be call'd every yeare , or ofter if need were ; nay from a farr ancienter law book call'd the mirror , it is affirm'd in a late treatise call'd rights of the kingdom , that parlaments by our old laws ought twice a year to be at london . from twice in one year to once in three year , it may be soon cast up how great a loss we fell into of our ancient liberty by that act , which in the ignorant and slavish mindes we then were , was thought a great purchase . wisest men perhaps were contented , for the present at least by this act to have recoverd parlaments , w ch were then upon the brink of danger to be forever lost . and this is that which the king preaches heer for a special tok'n of his princely favour , to have abridg'd & over reach'd the people five parts in six of what thir due was , both by ancient statute , and originally . and thus the taking from us all but a triennial remnant of that english freedom which our fathers left us double , in a fair annuity enrowl'd , is set out , and sould to us heer for the gracious , and over liberal giving of a new enfranchisment . how little , may we think , did he ever give us , who in the bill of his pretended givings writes down imprimis that benefit or privilege once in three year giv'n us , which by so giving , he more then twice every year illegally took from us . such givers as give single to take away sixfold , be to our enemies . for certainly this common-wealth , if the statutes of our ancestors be worth ought , would have found it hard and hazardous to thrive under the dammage of such a guilefull liberatie . the other act was so necessary that , nothing in the power of man , more seem'd to be the stay & support of all things from that steep ruin , to which he had nigh brought them , then that act obtain'd . he had by his ill stewardship , and , to say no worse , the needless raising of two armies , intended for a civil war , begger'd both himself and the public : and besides had left us upon the score of his needy enemies , for what it cost them in thir own defence against him . to disingage him and the kingdom , great sums were to be borrow'd , which would never have bin lent , nor could ever be repaid , had the king chanc'd to dissolve this parlament as heertofore . the errors also of his goverment had brought the kingdom to such extremes , as were incapable of all recovery without the absolute continuance of a parlament . it had bin els in vaine to goe about the setling of so great distempers , if hee who first caus'd the malady , might when he pleas'd reject the remedy . notwithstanding all which , that he granted both these acts unwillingly , and as a meer passive instrument , was then visible eev'n to most of those men who now will see nothing . at passing of the former act he himself conceal'd not his unwillingness ; and testifying a general dislike of thir actions , which they then proceeded in with great approbation of the whole kingdom , he told them with a maisterly brow , that by this act he had oblig'd them above what they had deserv'd , and gave a peece of justice to the common wealth six times short of his predecessors , as if he had bin giving som boon or begg'd office to a sort of his desertless grooms . that he pass'd the latter act against his will , no man in reason can hold it questionable . for if the february before he made so dainty , and were so loath to bestow a parlament once in three yeare upon the nation , because this had so oppos'd his courses , was it likely that the may following he should bestow willingly on this parlament an indissoluble sitting , when they had offended him much more , by cutting short and impeaching of high treason his chief favorites ? it was his feare then , not his favor which drew from him that act , lest the parlament , incens'd by his conspiracies against them about the same time discover'd , should with the people have resented too hainously those his doings , if to the suspicion of thir danger from him , he had also added the denyal of this onely meanes to secure themselves . from these acts therfore in which he glories , and wherwith so oft he upbraids the parlament , he cannot justly expect to reape aught but dishonour and dispraise ; as being both unwillingly granted , and the one granting much less then was before allow'd by statute , the other being a testimony of his violent and lawless custom , not onely to break privileges , but whole parlaments ; from which enormity they were constrain'd to bind him first of all his predecessors ; never any before him having giv'n like causes of distrust and jealousie to his people . as for this parlament , how farr he was from being advis'd by them , as he ought , let his own words express . he taxes them with undoing what they found well done : and yet knows they undid nothing in the church but lord bishops , liturgies , ceremonies , high commission , judg'd worthy by all true protestants to bee thrown out of the church . they undid nothing in the state but irregular and grinding courts , the maine grievances to be remov'd ; & if these were the things which in his opinion they found well don , we may againe from hence be inform'd with what unwillingness he remou'd them ; and that those gracious acts wherof so frequently he makes mention , may be english'd more properly acts of feare and dissimulation against his mind and conscience . the bill preventing dissolution of this parlament he calls an unparalell'd act out of the extreme confidence that his subjects would not make ill use of it . but was it not a greater confidence of the people to put into one mans hand so great a power , till he abus'd it , as to summon and dissolve parlaments ? hee would be thankt for trusting them , and ought to thank them rather for trusting him : the trust issuing first from them , not from him . and that it was a meer trust , and not his prerogative , to call and dissolve parlaments at his pleasure , and that parlaments were not to be dissolv'd , till all petitions were heard , all greevances redrest , is not onely the assertion of this parlament , but of our ancient law books , which averr it to be an unwritt'n law of common right , so ingrav'n in the hearts of our ancestors , and by them so constantly enjoy'd and claim'd , as that it needed not enrouling . and if the scots in thir declaration could charge the king with breach of their lawes , for breaking up that parlament without their consent , while matters of greatest moment were depending , it were unreasonable to imagin that the wisdom of england should be so wanting to it self through all ages , as not to provide by som known law writt'n or unwritt'n , against the not calling , or the arbitrary dissolving of parlaments ; or that they who ordain'd thir summoning twice a yeare , or as oft as need requir'd , did not tacitly enact also , that as necessity of affaires call'd them , so the same necessity should keep them undissolv'd , till that were fully satisfi'd . were it not for that , parlaments , and all the fruit and benefit we receave by having them , would turne soon to meer abusion . it appeares then that if this bill of not dissolving were an unparallel'd act , it was a known and common right which our ancestors under other kings enjoyd as firmly as if it had bin grav'n in marble ; and that the infringement of this king first brought it into a writt'n act : who now boasts that , as a great favour don us , which his own less fidelity then was in former kings constrain'd us onely of an old undoubted right to make a new writt'n act. but what needed writt'n acts , when as anciently it was esteem'd part of his crown oath not to dissolve parlaments , till all greevances were consider'd ; wherupon , the old modi of parlament calls it flat perjury , if he dissolve them before ; as i find cited in a booke mention'd at the beginning of this chapter , to which and other law-tractats i referr the more lawyerlie mooting of this point : which is neither my element , nor my proper work heer ; since the book which i have to answer pretends reason , not autoritys and quotations : and i hold reason to be the best arbitrator , and the law of law it self . t is true that good subjects think it not just that the kings condition should be worse by bettering theirs . but then the king must not be at such a distance from the people , in judging what is better and what worse ; which might have bin agreed , had he known ( for his own words condemn him ) as well with moderation to use , as with earnestness to desire his own advantages . a continual parlament he thought would keep the common-wealth in tune . judge common wealth , what proofs he gave , that this boasted profession was ever in his thought . some , saith he , gave out that i repented me of that setling act. his own actions gave it out beyond all supposition . for doubtless it repented him to have establish'd that by law , which he went about so soon after to abrogat by the sword. he calls those acts which he confesses , tended to thir good , not more princely then friendly contributions . as if to doe his dutie were of curtesie , and the discharge of his trust a parcell of his liberality ; so nigh lost in his esteem was the birthright of our liberties , that to give them back againe upon demand stood at the mercy of his contribution . he doubts not but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those acts of confidence . and imputes his sufferings to a contrary cause . not his confidence , but his distrust was that which brought him to those sufferings , from the time that he forsook his parlament ; and trusted them ne're the sooner for what he tells of thir pietie and religious strictness , but rather hated them as puritans , whom he always sought to extirpat . he would have it beleev'd , that to bind his hands by these acts argu'd a very short foresight of things , and extreme fatuity of mind in him , if he had meant a warr. if we should conclude so , that were not the onely argument : neither did it argue that he meant peace , knowing that what he granted for the present out of feare , he might as soon repeale by force , watching his time ; and deprive them the fruit of those acts , if his own designes , wherin he put his trust , took effect . yet he complaines , that the tumults threatn'd to abuse all acts of grace and turne them into wantonness . i would they had turn'd his wantonness into the grace of not abusing scripture . was this becomming such a saint as they would make him , to adulterat those sacred words from the grace of god to the acts of his own grace ? herod was eat'n up os wormes for suffering others to compare his voice to the voice of god ; but the borrower of this phrase gives much more cause of jealousie that he lik'n'd his own acts of grace to the acts of gods grace . from profaneness he scars comes off with perfet sense , i was not then in a capacity to make warr , therfore i intended not : i was not in a capacity , therfore i could not have giv'n my enemies greater advantage then by so unprincely inconstancy to have scatter'd them by armes , whom but lately i had settl'd by parlament . what place could there be for his inconstancy in that thing wherto he was in no capacity ? otherwise his inconstancy was not so un wonted or so nice , but that it would have easily found pretences to scatter those in revenge , whom he settl'd in feare . it had bin a course full of sin as well as of hazzard and dishonour . true , but if those considerations withheld him not from other actions of like nature , how can we beleeve they were of strength sufficient to withhold him from this ? and that they withheld him not , the event soon taught us . his letting some men goe up to the pinnacle of the temple was a temptation to them to cast him down headlong . in this simily we have himself compar'd to christ , the parlament to the devill , and his giving them that act of settling , to his letting them goe up to the pinnacle of the temple . a tottring and giddy act rather then a settling . this was goodly use made of scripture in his solitudes . but it was no pinnacle of the temple , it was a pinnacle of nebuchadnezzars palace , from whence hee and monarchy fell headlong together . he would have others see that all the kingdomes of the world are not worth gaining by the wayes of sin which hazzard the soule ; and hath himself left nothing unhazzarded to keep three . he concludes with sentences that rightly scannd make not so much for him as against him , and confesses that the act of settling was no sin of his will , and wee easily beleeve him , for it hath bin clearly prov'd a sin of his unwillingness . with his orisons i meddle not , for he appeals to a high audit. this yet may be noted , that at his prayers he had before him the sad presage of his ill success , as of a dark and dangerous storme which never admitted his returne to the port from whence he set out . yet his prayer-book no sooner shut , but other hopes flatter'd him ; and thir flattering was his destruction . vi. upon his retirement from westminster . the simily wher with he begins i was about to have found fault with , as in a garb somwhat more poetical then for a statist : but meeting with many straines of like dress in other of his essaies , and hearing him reported a more diligent reader of poets , then of politicians , i begun to think that the whole book might perhaps be intended a peece of poetrie . the words are good , the fiction smooth and cleanly ; there wanted onely rime , and that , they say , is bestow'd upon it lately . but to the argument . i stai'd at white hall till i was driven away by shame more then feare . i retract not what i thought of the fiction , yet heer , i must confess , it lies too op'n . in his messages , and declarations , nay in the whole chapter next but one before this , he affirmes that the danger , wherin his wife , his children , and his own person were by those tumults , was the maine cause that drove him from white hall , and appeales to god as witness : he affirmes heer that it was shame more then feare . and digby , who knew his mind as well as any , tells his new-listed guard , that the principal cause of his majesties going thence , was to save them from being trodd in the dirt . from whence we may discerne what false and frivolous excuses are avow'd sor truth , either in those declarations , or in this penitential book . our forefathers were of that courage and severity of zeale to justice , and thir native liberty , against the proud contempt and misrule of thir kings , that when richard the second departed but from a committie of lords , who sat preparing matter for the parlament not yet assembl'd , to the removal of his evil counselors , they first vanquish'd and put to flight robert de vere his chief favorite ; and then comming up to london with a huge army , requir'd the king then withdrawn for feare , but no furder off then the tower , to come to westminster . which he refusing , they told him flatly , that unless he came , they would choose another . so high a crime it was accounted then , for kings to absent themselves , not from a parlament , which none ever durst , but from any meeting of his peeres and counselors , which did but tend towards a parlament . much less would they have suffer'd that a king , for such trivial and various pretences , one while for feare of tumults , another while for shame to see them , should leav his regal station , and the whole kingdom bleeding to death of those wounds which his own unskilful and pervers goverment had inflicted . shame then it was that drove him from the parlament , but the shame of what ? was it the shame of his manifold errours and misdeeds , and to see how weakly he had plaid the king no ; but to see the barbarous rudeness of those tumults to demand any thing . we have started heer another , and , i beleeve , the truest cause of his deserting the parlament . the worst and strangest of that any thing which the people then demanded , was but the unlording of bishops , and expelling them the house , and the reducing of church discipline to a conformity with other protestant churches : this was the barbarism of those tumults ; and that he might avoid the granting of those honest and pious demands , as well demanded by the parlament as the people , for this very cause , more then for feare , by his own confession heer , he left the city ; and in a most tempestuous season forsook the helme , and steerage of the common-wealth . this was that terrible any thing from which his conscience and his reason chose to run rather then not deny . to be importun'd the removing of evil counselors , and other greevances in church and state , was to him an intollerable oppression . if the peoples demanding were so burd'nsome to him , what was his denial and delay of justice to them ? but as the demands of his people were to him a burd'n and oppression , so was the advice of his parlament esteem'd a bondage ; whose agreeing votes , as he affirmes , were not by any law or reason conclusive to his judgement . for the law , it ordaines a parlament to advise him in his great affaires ; but if it ordaine also that the single judgement of a king shall out-ballance all the wisdom of his parlament , it ordaines that which frustrats the end of its own ordaining . for where the kings judgement may dissent , to the destruction , as it may happ'n , both of himself and the kingdom , there advice , and no furder , is a most insufficient , and frustraneous meanes to be provided by law , in case of so high concernment . and where the main & principal law of common preservation against tyranny is left so fruitless and infirm , there it must needs follow that all lesser laws are to thir severall ends and purposes much more weak , and uneffectual . for that nation would deserv to be renownd and chronicl'd for folly & stupidity , that should by law provide force against privat and petty wrongs , advice only against tyranny and public ruin . it being therfore most unlike a law , to ordain a remedy so slender and unlawlike , to be the utmost meanes of all our safety , or prevention , as advice is , which may at any time be rejected by the sole judgement of one man , the king , and so unlike the law of england , which lawyers say is the quintessence of reason and mature wisdom , wee may conclude that the kings negative voice was never any law , but an absurd and reasonless custom , begott'n and grown up either from the flattery of basest times , or the usurpation of immoderat princes . thus much to the law of it , by a better evidence then rowles and records , reason . but is it possible he should pretend also to reason , that the judgement of one man , not as a wise or good man , but as a king , and oft times a wilfull , proud , and wicked king , should outweigh the prudence , and all the vertue of an elected parlament ? what an abusive thing were it then to summon parlaments , that by the major part of voices greatest matters may be there debated and resolv'd , when as one single voice after that , shalldash all thir resolutions ? he attempts to give a reason why it should , because the whole parlament represents not him in any kind . but mark how little he advances ; for if the parlament represent the whole kingdom , as is sure anough they doe , then doth the king represent onely himself ; and if a king without his kingdom be in a civil sense nothing , then without or against the representative of his whole kingdom he himself represents nothing , and by consequence his judgement and his negative is as good as nothing ; and though we should allow him to be something , yet not equivalent , or comparable to the whole kingdom , and so neither to them who represent it : much less that one syllable of his breath putt into the scales should be more ponderous then the joynt voice and efficacy of a whole parlament , assembl'd by election , and indu'd with the plenipotence of a free nation , to make laws , not to be deny'd laws , and with no more but no , a sleevless reason , in the most pressing times of danger and disturbance , to be sent home frustrat , and remediless . yet heer he maintains to be no furder bound to agree with the votes of both houses , then he sees them to agree with ; the will of god , with his just rights as a king , and the generall good of his people . as to the freedom of his agreeing or not agreeing , limited with due bounds , no man reprehends it ; this is the question heer , or the miracle rather , why his onely not agreeing should lay a negative barr and inhibition upon that which is agreed to by a whole parlament , though never so conducing to the public good or safety ? to know the will of god better then his whole kingdom , whence should he have it ? certainly court-breeding and his perpetual conversation with flatterers , was but a bad schoole . to judge of his own rights could not belong to him , who had no right by law in any court to judge of so much as fellony or treason , being held a party in both these cases , much more in this ; and his rights however should give place to the general good , for which end all his rights were giv'n him . lastly to suppose a clearer insight and discerning of the general good , allotted to his own singular judgement , then to the parlament and all the people , and from that self-opinion of discerning , to deny them that good which they being all freemen seek earnestly , and call for , is an arrogance and iniquity beyond imagination rude and unreasonable : they undoubtedly having most autoritie to judge of the public good , who for that purpose are chos'n out , and sent by the people to advise him . and if it may be in him to see oft the major part of them not in the right , had it not bin more his modestie to have doubted their seeing him more oft'n in the wrong ? hee passes to another reason of his denials , because of some mens hydropic unsatiableness , and thirst of asking , the more they drank , whom no fountaine of regall bountie was able to overcome . a comparison more properly bestow'd on those that came to guzzle in his wine-cellar , then on a freeborn people that came to claime in parlament thir rights and liberties , which a king ought therfore to grant , because of right demanded ; not to deny them for feare his bounty should be exhaust , which in these demands ( to continue the same metaphor ) was not so much as broach'd ; it being his duty , not his bounty to grant these things . he who thus refuses to give us law , in that refusal gives us another law , which is his will , another name also , and another condition ; of freemen to become his vassals . putting off the courtier he now puts on the philosopher , and sententiously disputes to this effect , that reason ought to be vs'd to men , force and terror to beasts ; that he deserves to be a slave who captivates the rationall soverantie of his soule , and liberty of his will to compulsion ; that he would not forfeit that freedome which cannot be deni'd him , as a king , because it belongs to him as a man and a christian , thoughto preserve his kingdom , but rather dye injoying the empire of his soule , then live in such a vassalage as not to use his reason and conscience to like or dislike as a king. which words , of themselves , as farr as they are sense , good and philosophical , yet in the mouth of him who to engross this common libertie to himself , would tred down all other men into the condition of slaves and beasts , they quite loose thir commendation . he confesses a rational sovrantie of soule , and freedom of will in every man , and yet with an implicit repugnancy would have his reason the sovran ofthat sovranty , and would captivate and make useless that natural freedom of will in all other men but himself . but them that yeeld him this obedience he so well rewards , as to pronounce them worthy to be slaves . they who have lost all to be his subjects , may stoop and take up the reward . what that freedom is , which cannot be deni'd him as a king , because it belongs to him as a man , and a christian , i understand not . if it be his negative voice , it concludes all men who have not such a negative as his against a whole parlament , to be neither men , nor christians : and what was he himself then , all this while that we deni'd it him as a king ? will hee say that hee enjoy'd within himself the less freedom for that ? might not he , both as a man , and as a christian have raignd within himself , in full sovranty of soule , no man repining , but that his outward and imperious will must invade the civil liberties of a nation ? did wee therfore not permit him to use his reason or his conscience , not permitting him to bereave us the use of ours ? and might not he have enjoy'd both , as a king , governing us as free men by what laws we our selves would be govern'd ? it was not the inward use of his reason and of his conscience that would content him , but to use them both as a law over all his subjects , in whatever he declar'd as a king to like or dislike . which use of reason , most reasonless and unconseionable , is the utmost that any tyrant ever pretended over his vassals . in all wise nations the legislative power , and the judicial execution of that power have bin most commonly distinct , and in several hands : but yet the former supreme , the other subordinat . if then the king be only set up to execute the law , which is indeed the highest of his office : he ought no more to make or forbidd the making of any law agreed upon in parlament , then other inferior judges , who are his deputies . neither can he more reject a law offerd him by the commons , then he can new make a law which they reject . and yet the more to credit and uphold his cause , he would seeme to have philosophie on his side ; straining her wise dictates to unphilosophical purposes . but when kings come so low , as to fawn upon philosophie , which before they neither valu'd nor understood , t is a signe that failes not , they are then put to thir last trump . and philosophie as well requites them , by not suffering her gold'n sayings either to become their lipps , or to be us'd as masks and colours of injurious and violent deeds . so that what they presume to borrow from her sage and vertuous rules , like the riddle of sphinx not understood , breaks the neck of thir own cause . but now againe to politics , he cannot think the majestie of the crowne of england to be bound by any coronation oath in a blind and brutish formalitie , to consent to whatever its subjects in parlament shall require . what tyrant could presume to say more , when he meant to kick down all law , goverment , and bond of oath ? but why he so desires to absolve himself the oath of his coronation would be worth the knowing . it cannot but be yeelded , that the oath which bindes him to performance of his trust , ought in reason to contain the summ of what his chief trust and office is . but if it neither doe enjoyn , nor mention to him , as a part of his duty , the making or the marring of any law or scrap of law , but requires only his assent to to those laws which the people have already chos'n , or shall choose ( for so both the latin of that oath , and the old english , and all reason admits , that the people should not lose under a new king what freedom they had before ) then that negative voice so contended for , to deny the passing of any law which the commons choose , is both against the oath of his coronation , and his kingly office. and if the king may deny to pass what the parlament hath chos'n to be a law , then doth the king make himself superiour to his whole kingdom ; which not onely the general maxims of policy gainsay , but eev'n our own standing laws , as hath bin cited to him in remonstrances heertosore , that the king hath two superiours , the law and his court of parlament . but this he counts to be a blind and brutish formality , whether it be law , or oath , or his duty , and thinks to turn itoff with wholsom words and phrases , which he then first learnt of the honest people , when they were so oft'n compell'd to use them against those more truely blind and brutish formalities thrust upon us by his own command , not in civil matters onely but in spiritual . and if his oath to perform what the people require , when they crown him , be in his esteem a brutish formality , then doubtless those other oaths of allegiance and supremacy , tak'n absolute on our part , may most justly appear to us in all respects as brutish and as formal ; and so by his own sentence no more binding to us then his oath to him . as for his instance in case he and the house of peers attempted to enjoyne the house of commons , it beares no equalitie ; for hee and the peers represent but themselves , the commons are the whole kingdom . thus he concludes his oath to be fully discharg'd in governing by laws already made , as being not bound to pass any new , if his reason bids him deny . and so may infinite mischeifs grow , and he with a pernicious negative may deny us all things good , or just , or safe , wherof our ancestors in times much differing from ours , had either no fore sight , or no occasion to foresee ; while our general good and safety shall depend upo the privat and overweening reason of one obstinat man ; who against all the kingdom , if he list , will interpret both the law and his oath of coronation by the tenor of his own will. which he himself confesses to be an arbitrary power , yet doubts not in his argument to imply , as if he thought it more fit the parlament should be subject to his will , then he to their advice , a man neither by nature nor by nurture wise . how is it possible that he in whom such principles as these were so deep rooted , could ever , though restor'd again , have raign'd otherwise then tyrannically . he objects that force was but a slavish method to dispell his error . but how oft'n shall it be answer'd him that no force was us'd to dispell the error out of his head , but to drive it from off our necks : for his error was imperious , and would command all other men to ronounce thir own reason and understanding , till they perish'd under the injunction of his all-ruling error . he alleges the uprightness of his intentions to excuse his possible failings ; a position fals both in law and divinity : yea contrary to his own better principles , who affirmes in the twelfth chapter , that the goodness of a mans intention , will not excuse the scandall , and contagion of his example . his not knowing , through the corruption of flattery and court principles , what he ought to have known , will not excuse his not doing what he ought to have don : no more then the small skill of him who undertakes to be a pilot , will excuse him to be misledd by any wandring starr mistak'n for the pole. but let his intentions be never so upright , what is that to us ? what answer for the reason and the national rights which god hath giv'n us , if having parlaments , and laws and the power of making more to avoid mischeif , wee suffer one mans blind intentions to lead us all with our eyes op'n to manifest destruction . and if arguments prevaile not with such a one , force is well us'd ; not to carry on the weakness of our counsels , or to convince his error , as he surmises , but to acquitt and rescue our own reason , our own consciences from the force and prohibition laid by his usurping error upon our liberties & understandings . never thing pleas'd him more then when his judgement concurr'd with theirs . that was to the applause of his own judgement , and would as well have pleas'd any selfconceited man. yea in many things he chose rather to deny himself then them . that is to say in trifles . for of his own interests and personal rights he conceavs himself maister . to part with , if he please , not to contest for , against the kingdom which is greater then he , whose rights are all subordinat to the kingdoms good : and in what concernes truth , justice , the right of church or his crown , no man shall gaine his consent against his mind . what can be left then for a parlament , but to sit like images , while he still thus either with incomparable arrogance assumes to himself the best abilitie of judging for other men what is truth , justice , goodness , what his own , or the churches right , or with unsufferable tyranny restraines all men from the enjoyment of any good , which his judgement , though erroneous , thinks not fit to grant them ; notwithstanding that the law and his coronal oath requires his undeniable assent to what laws the parlament agree upon . he had rather wear a crown of thorns with our saviour . many would be all one with our saviour , whom our saviour will not know . they who govern ill those kingdoms which they had a right to , have to our saviours crown of thornes no right at all . thornes they may find anow , of thir own gathering , and thir own twisting : for thornes and snares , saith solomon , are in the way of the froward ; but to weare them as our saviour wore them is not giv'n to them that suffer by thir own demerits . nor is a crown of gold his due who cannot first wear a crown of lead ; not onely for the weight of that great office , but for the compliance which it ought to have with them who are to counsel him , which heer he termes in scorne an imbased flexibleness to the various and oft contrary dictates of any factions . meaning his parlament ; for the question hath bin all this while between them two . and to his parlament , though a numerous and chois assembly of whom the land thought wisest , he imputes rather then to himself , want of reason , neglect of the public , interest of parties , and particularitie of private will and passion ; but with what modesty or likelihood of truth it will be wearisom to repeat so oft'n . he concludes with a sentence faire in seeming , but fallacious . for if the conscience be ill edifi'd , the resolution may more befitt a foolish then a christian king , to preferr a self-will'd conscience before a kingdoms good ; especially in the deniall of that which law and his regal office by oath bids him grant to his parlament , and whole kingdom rightfully demanding . for we may observe him throughout the discours to assert his negative power against the whole kingdom ; now under the specious plea of his conscience and his reason , but heertofore in a lowder note , without us , or against our consent , the votes of either or of both houses together , must not , cannot , shall not , declar. may . . with these and the like deceavable doctrines he levens also his prayer . vii . vpon the queens departure . to this argument we shall soon have said ; for what concerns it us to hear a husband divul●… his houshold privacies , extolling to others the ver●…tues of his wife ; an infirmity not seldom incident to those who have least cause . but how good shee was a wife , was to himself , and be it left to his own fancy ; how bad a subject , is not much disputed . and being such , it need be made no wonder , though shee left a protestant kingdom with as little honour as her mother left a popish . that this is the first example of any protestant subjects that haue tak'n up armes against thir king a protestant , can be to protestants no dishonour ; when it shal be heard that he first levied warr on them , and to the interest of papists more then of protestants . he might have giv'n yet the precedence of making warr upon him to the subjects of his own nation ; who had twice oppos'd him in the op'n feild , long ere the english found it necessary to doe the like . and how groundless , how dissembl'd is that feare , least shee , who for so many yeares had bin averse from the religion of her husband , and every yeare more and more , before these disturbances broke out , should for them be now the more alienated from that to which we never heard shee was inclin'd . but if the feare of her delinquency and that justice which the protestants demanded on her , was any cause of heralienating the more , to have gain'd her by indirect means had bin no advantage to religion ; much less then was the detriment to loose her furder off . it had bin happy if his own actions had not giv'n cause of more scandal to the protestants , then what they did against her could justly scandalize any papist . them who accus'd her , well anough known to be the parlament , he censures for men yet to seeke thir religion , whether doctrine , discipline , or good manners ; the rest he soothes with the name of true english protestants , a meer scismatical name , yet he so great an enemy of scism . he ascribes rudeness and barbarity worse then indian to the english parlament , and all vertue to his wife , in straines that come almost to sonnetting : how fitt to govern men , undervaluing and aspersing the great counsel of his kingdom , in comparison of one woman . examples are not farr to seek , how great mischeif and dishonour hath befall'n to nations under the government of effeminate and uxorious magistrates . who being themselves govern'd and overswaid at home under a feminine usurpation , cannot but be farr short of spirit and autority without dores , to govern a whole nation . her tarrying heer he could not think safe among them who were shaking hands with allegiance to lay faster hold on religion ; and taxes them of a duty rather then a crime , it being just to obey god rather then man , and impossible to serve two maisters . i would they had quite shak'n off what they stood shaking hands with ; the fault was in thir courage , not in thir cause . in his prayer , he prayes that the disloyaltie of his protestant subjects may not be a hindrance to her love of the true religion ; and never prays that the dissoluteness of his court , the scandals of his clergy , the unsoundness of his own judgement , the lukewarmness of his life , his letter of compliance to the pope , his permitting agents at rome , the popes nuntio , and her jesuited mother here , may not be found in the sight of god farr greater hindrances to her conversion . but this had bin a suttle prayer indeed , and well pray'd , though as duely as a pater-noster , if it could have charm'd us to sit still , and have religion and our liberties one by one snatch'd from us , for fear least rising to defend our selves , wee should fright the queen a stiff papist from turning protestant . as if the way to make his queen a protestant had bin to make his subjects more then half way papists . he prays next that his constancy may be an antidote against the poyson of other mens example . his constancy in what ? not in religion , for it is op'nly known that her religion wrought more upon him , then his religion upon her , and his op'n favouring of papists , and his hatred of them call'd puritants , the ministers also that prayd in churches for her conversion , being checkt from court , made most men suspect she had quite perverted him . but what is it that the blindness of hypocrisy dares not doe ? it dares pray , and thinks to hide that from the eyes of god , which it cannot hide from the op'n view of man. viii . upon his repulse at hull , and the fate of the hothams . hull , a town of great strength and opportunitie both to sea and land affaires , was at that time the magazin of all those armes which the king had bought with mony most illegally extorted from his subjects of england , to use in a causless and most unjust civil warr against his subjects of scotland . the king in high discontent and anger had left the parlament and was gon toward the north ; the queen into holland , where she pawn'd and set to sale the crown-jewels ( a crime heretofore counted treasonable in kings ) and to what intent these summs were rais'd , the parlament was not ignorant . his going northward in so high a chafe they doubted was to possess himself of that strength , which the storehouse and situation of hull might add suddenly to his malignant party . having first therefore in many petitions earnestly pray'd him to dispose and settle , with consent of both houses , the military power in trusty hands , and he as oft refusing , they were necessitated by the turbulence and danger of those times to put the kingdom by thir own autority into a posture ofdefence ; and very timely sent sir john hotham a member of the house , and knight of that county , to take hull into his custody , and some of the train'd bands to his assistance . for besides the general danger they had , before the kings going to york , notice giv'n them of his privat commissions to the earl of newcastle , and to colonel legg , one of those imploid to bring the army up against the parparlament ; who had already made som attempts , & the latter of them under a disguise , to surprise that place for the kings party . and letters of the lord digby were intercepted , wherin was wisht that the k. would declare himself , and retire to some safe place ; other information came from abroad , that hull was the place design'd for some new enterprise . and accordingly digby himself not long after , with many other commanders , and much forrain ammunition landed in those parts . but these attempts not succeeding , and that town being now in custody of the parlament , he sends a message to them , that he had firmely resolv'd to go in person into ireland ; to chastise those wicked rebels ( for these and wors words he then gave them ) and that toward this work he intended forthwith to raise by his commissions , in the counties neere westchester , a guard for his own person , consisting of . foot , and . horse , that should be arm'd from his magazin at hull . on the other side , the parlament forseeing the kings drift , about the same time send him a petition , that they might have leave for necessary causes to remoove the magazin of hull to the towre of london ; to which the king returnes his denial ; and soon after going to hull , attended with about . horse , requires the governour to deliver him up the town ; wherof the governour besought humbly to be excus'd , till he could send notice to the parlament who had intrusted him ; wherat the king much incens'd proclaims him traitor before the town walls ; and gives immediat order to stop all passages between him and the parlament . yet he himself dispatches post after post to demand justice , as upon a traitor : using a strange iniquitie to require justice upon him whom he then way layd and debari'd from his appearance . the parlament no sooner understood what had pass'd , but they declare that sir john hotham had don no more then was his duty , and was therfore no traitor . this relation , being most true , proves that which is affirm'd heer to be most fals ; seeing the parlament , whom he accounts his greatest enemies , had more confidence to abett and own what sir john hotham had don , then the king had confidence to let him answer in his own behalf . to speake of his patience , and in that solemn manner , he might better have forborne ; god knows saith he , it affected me more with sorrow for others then with anger for my self ; nor did the affront trouble me so much as their sin . this is read , i doubt not , and beleev'd : and as there is some use of every thing , so is there of this book , were it but to shew us , what a miserable , credulous , deluded thing that creature is , which is call'd the vulgar ; who notwithstanding what they might know , will beleeve such vain-glories as these . did not that choleric , and vengefull act of proclaiming him traitor before due process of law , having bin convinc'd so late before of his illegallity with the five members , declare his anger to be incens'd ? doth not his own relation confess as much ? and his second message left him fuming three dayes after , and in plaine words testifies bis impatience of delay till hotham be severely punish'd , for that which he there termes an insupportable affront . surely if his sorrow for sir john hothams sin were greater then his anger for the affront , it was an exceeding great sorrow indeed , and wondrous charitable . but if it stirr'd him so vehemently to have sir john hotham punisht , and not at all , that we heare , to have him repent , it had a strange operation to be call'd a sorrow for his sin . hee who would perswade us of his sorrow for the sins of other men , as they are sins , not as they are sin'd against himself , must give us first some testimony of a sorrow for his own sins , and next for such sins of other men as cannot be suppos'd a direct injury to himself . but such compunction in the king no man hath yet observ'd ; and till then , his sorrow for sir john hothams sin will be call'd no other then the resentment of his repulse ; and his labour to have the sinner onely punish'd , will be call'd by a right name , his revenge . and the hand of that cloud which cast all soon after into darkness and disorder , was his own hand . for assembling the inhabitants of york-shire , and other counties , horse and foot , first under colour of a new guard to his person , soon after , being suppli'd with ammunition from holland , bought with the crown jewels , he begins an op'n warr by laying seige to hull . which town was not his own , but the kingdoms ; and the armes there , public armes , bought with the public mony , or not his own . yet had they bin his own by as good right as the privat house and armes of any man are his own , to use either of them in a way not privat , but suspicious to the common-wealth , no law permitts . but the king had no proprietie at all either in hull or in the magazin . so that the following maxims which he cites of bold and disloyall undertakers may belong more justly to whom he least meant them . after this he againe relapses into the praise of his patience at hull , and by his overtalking of it , seems to doubt either his own conscience , or the hardness of other mens beleif . to me , the more he praises it in himself , the more he seems to suspect that in very deed it was not in him ; and that the lookers on so likewise thought . thus much of what he suffer'd by hotham , and with what patience ; now of what hotham suffer'd , as he judges , for opposing him . he could not but observe how god not long after pleaded and aveng'd his cause . most men are too apt , and commonly the worst of men , so to interpret and expound the judgements of god , and all other events of providence or chance , as makes most to the justifying of thir own cause , though never so evill ; and at tribute all to the particular favour of god towards them . thus when saul heard that david was in keilah , god , saith he , hath deliver'd him into my hands , for he is shut in . but how farr that king was deceav'd in his thought that god was favouring to his cause , that story unfolds ; and how little reason this king had to impute the death of hotham to gods avengement of his repuls at hull , may easily be seen . for while hotham continu'd faithfull to his trust , no man more safe , more successfull , more in reputation then hee . but from the time he first sought to make his peace with the king , and to betray into his hands that town , into which before he had deny'd him entrance , nothing prosper'd with him . certainly had god purpos'd him such an end for his opposition to the king , he would not have deferr'd to punish him till then when of an enemy he was chang'd to be the kings friend , nor have made his repentance and amendment the occasion of his ruin . how much more likely is it , since he fell into the act of disloyalty to his charge , that the judgement of god concurr'd with the punishment of man , and justly cut him off for revolting to the king. to give the world an example , that glorious deeds don to ambitious ends , find reward answerable , not to thir outward seeming , but to thir inward ambition . in the mean while what thanks he had from the king for revolting to his cause , and what good opinion for dying in his service , they who have ventur'd like him , or intend , may heer take notice . hee proceeds to declare , not onely in general wherfore gods judgement was upon hotham , but undertakes by fansies , and allusions to give a criticism upon every particular . that his head was divided from his body , because his heart was divided from the king : two heads cut off in one family for affronting the head of the common-wealth ; the eldest son being infected with the sin of his father , against the father of his countrie . these petty glosses and conceits on the high and secret judgements of god , besides the boldness of unwarrantable commenting , are so weake and shallow , and so like the quibbl's of a court sermon , that we may safely reck'n them either fetcht from such a pattern , or that the hand of some houshold preist foisted them in ; least the world should forget how much he was a disciple of those cymbal doctors . but that argument by which the author would commend them to us , discredits them the more . for if they be so obvious to every fancy , the more likely to be erroneous , and to misconceive the mind of those high secrecies , wherof they presume to determin . for god judges not by human fansy . but however god judg'd hotham , yet he had the kings pitty ; but marke the reason how preposterous ; so farr he had his pitty , as he thought he at first acted more against the light of his conscience then many other men in the same cause . questionless they who act against conscience , whether at the barr of human , or divine justice , are pittied least of all . these are the common grounds and verdicts of nature , wherof when he who hath the judging of a whole nation , is found destitute , under such a governour , that nation must needs be miserable . by the way he jerkes at some mens reforming to models of religion , and that they think all is gold of pietie that doth but glister with a shew of zeale . we know his meaning ; and apprehend how little hope there could be of him from such language as this : but are sure that the pietie of his prelatic modell , glister'd more upon the posts and pillars which thir zeale and fervencie guilded over , then in the true workes of spiritual edification . he is sorry that hotham felt the justice of others , and fell not rather into the hands of his mercy . but to cleare that , he should have shewn us what mercy he had ever vs'd to such as fell into his hands before , rather then what mercy he intended to such as never could come to aske it . vvhatever mercy one man might have expected , t is too well known , the whole nation found none ; though they besought it oft'n , and so humbly ; but had bin swallow'd up in blood and ruin , to set his privat will above the parlament , had not his strength faild him . yet ctemenoy he counts a debt , which he ought to pay to those that crave it ; since we pay not any thing to god for his mercy , but prayers and praises . by this reason we ought as freely to pay all things to all men ; for of all that we receive from god , what doe we pay for , more then prayers and praises ? we look'd for the discharge of his office , the payment of his dutie to the kingdom , and are payd court payment with empty sentences , that have the sound of gravity , but the significance of nothing pertinent . yet again after his mercy past and granted , he returnes back to give sentence upon hotham ; and whom he tells us he would so fain have sav'd alive , him he never leaves killing with a repeated condemnation , though dead long since . it was ill that sombody stood not neer to whisper him , that a reiterating judge is worse then a tormentor . he pitties him , he rejoyces not , he pitties him again , but still is sure to brand him at the taile of his pitty , with som ignominious mark either of ambition or disloyaltie . and with a kind of censorious pitty , aggravats rather then less'ns or conceals the fault : to pitty thus is to triumph . he assumes to foreknow that after times will dspute whether hotham were more infamous at hull or at tower-hill . what knew he of after times , who while he sits judging and censuring with out end the fate of that unhappy father and his son at towerhill , knew not that the like fate attended him , before his own palace gate ; and as little knew whether after times reserve not a greater infamy to the story of his own life and raigne . he saies but over again in his prayer , what his sermon hath preacht ; how acceptably to those in heav'n we leave to be decided by that precept which forbidds vaine repetitions . sure anough it lies as heavie as he can lay it , upon the head of poore hotham . needs he will fast'n upon god a peece of revenge as done for his sake ; and takes it for a favor , before he know it was intended him : which in his closet had bin excusable , but in a writt'n and publish'd prayer , too presumptuous . ecclesiastes hath a right name for such kind of sacrifices . going on he prayes thus , let not thy justice prevent the objects and opportunities of my mercy . to folly , or to blasphemy , or to both shall we impute this ? shall the justice of god give place , and serv to glorifie the mercies of a man ? all other men , who know what they ask , desire of god that thir doings may tend to his glory ; but in this prayer god is requir'd that his justice would forbeare to prevent , and as good have said to intrench upon the glory of a mans mercy . if god forbeare his justice it must be , sure , to the magnifying of his own mercy : how then can any mortal man , without presumption little less then impious , take the boldness to aske that glory out of his hand . it may be doubted now by them who understand religion , whether the king were more unfortunat in this his prayer , or hotham in those his sufferings . ix . upon the listing and raising armies , &c. it were an endless work to walk side by side with the verbosity of this chapter ; onely to what already hath not bin spok'n , convenient answer shall be giv'n . hee begins againe with tumults ; all demonstration of the peoples love and loyaltie to the parlament was tumult ; thir petitioning , tumult ; thir defensive armies were but listed tumults , and will take no notice that those about him , those in a time of peace listed into his own house , were the beginners of all these tumults ; abusing and assaulting not onely such as came peaceably to the parlament at london , but those that came petitioning to the king himself at york . neither did they abstain from doing violence and outrage to the messengers sent from parlament ; he himself either count nancing , or conniving at them . he supposes that his recess gave us confidence that he might be conquer'd . other men suppose both that , and all things els , who knew him neither by nature warlike , nor experienc'd , nor fortunate ; so farr was any man that discern'd aught , from esteeming him unconquerable ; yet such are readiest to imbroile others . but he had a soule invincible . what praise is that ? the stomach of a child is ofttimes invincible to all correction . the unteachable man hath a soule to all reason and good advice invincible ; and he who is intractable , he whom nothing can perswade , may boast himself invincible ; whenas in some things to be overcome is more honest and laudable then to conquer . he labours to have it thought that his fearing god more then man was the ground of his sufferings ; but he should have known that a good principle not rightly understood , may prove as hurtfull as a bad ; and his feare of god may be as faulty as a blind zeale . he pretended to feare god more then the parlament ; who never urg'd him to doe otherwise ; he should also have fear'd god more then he did his courtiers and the bishops , who drew him , as they pleas'd , to things inconsistent with the feare of god. thus boasted saul to have perform'd the commandment of god , and stood in it against samuel ; but it was found at length that he had fear'd the people more then god , in saving those fatt oxen for the worship of god , which were appointed for destruction . not much unlike , if not much wors , was that fact of his , who for feare to displease his court , and mungrel clergy , with the dissolutest of the people , upheld in the church of god , while his power lasted , those beasts of amalec , the prelats against the advice of his parlament and the example of all reformation ; in this more unexcusable then saul , that saul was at length convinc'd , he to the howr of death fix'd in his fals perswasion ; and sooths himself in the flattering peace of an erroneous and obdurat conscience , singing to his soul vain psalms of exultation , as if the parlament had assail'd his reason with the force of arms , and not lie on the contrary their reason with his armes ; which hath bin prov'd already , and shall be more heerafter . he twitts them with his acts of grace ; proud , and unself-knowing words in the mouth of any king , who affects not to be a god , and such as ought to be as odious in the ears of a free nation . for if they were unjust acts , why did he grant them as of grace ? if just , it was not of his grace , but of his duty and his oath to grant them . a glorious king he would be , though by his sufferings : but that can never be to him whose sufferings are his own doings . he faines a hard chois put upon him either to kill his own subjects or be kill'd . yet never was king less in danger of any violence from his subjects , till he unsheath'd his sword against them ; nay long after that time , when he had spilt the blood of thousands , they had still his person in a foolish veneration . hee complaines , that civil warr must be the fruits of of his seventeen yeares raigning with such a measure of justice , peace , and plenty , and religion , as all nations either admir'd or envi'd . for the justice we had , let the counsel-table , starr-chamber , high commission speak the praise of it ; not forgetting the unprincely usage , and , as farr as might be , the abolishing of parlaments , the displacing of honest judges , the sale of offices , bribery and exaction not found out to be punish'd , but to be shar'd in , with impunity for the time to come . who can number the extortions , the oppressions , the public robberies , and rapines , committed on the subject both by sea and land , under various pretences ? thir possessions also tak'n from them , one while as forrest land , another while as crown-land ; nor were thir goods exempted , no not the bullion in the mint ; piracy was become a project own'd and authoriz'd against the subject . for the peace we had , what peace was that which drew out the english to a needless and disshonourable voyage against the spaniard at cales ? or that which lent our shipping to a treacherous and antichristian warr against the poore protestants of rochell our suppliants ? what peace was that which fell to rob the french by sea , to the imbarring of all our merchants in that kingdom ? which brought forth that unblest expedition to the i le of rhee , doubtfull whether more calamitous in the success or in the designe , betraying all the flowre of our military youth , and best commanders to a shamefull surprisal and execution . this was the peace we had , and the peace we gave , whether to freinds or to foes abroad . and if at home any peace were intended us , what meant those irish billeted souldiers in all parts of the kingdom , and the designe of german horse , to fubdue us in our peacefull houses ? for our religion where was there a more ignorant , profane , and vitious clergy , learned in nothing but the antiquitie of thir pride , thir covetousnes and superstition ; whose unsincere and levenous doctrine corrupting the people , first taught them loosness , then bondage ; loosning them from all sound knowledge and strictness of life , the more to fit them for the bondage of tyranny and superstition . so that what was left us for other nations not to pitty rather then admire or envy , all those seaventeen yeares , no wise man could see . for wealth and plenty in a land where justice raignes not , is no argument of a flourishing state , but of a neerness rather to ruin or commotion . these were not some miscariages onely of goverment , which might escape , but a universal distemper , and reducement of law to arbitrary power ; not through the evil counsels of some men , but through the constant cours & practise of al that were in highest favour : whose worst actions frequently avowing he took upon himself ; and what faults did not yet seem in public to be originally his , such care he took by professing , and proclaiming op'nly , as made them all at length his own adopted sins . the persons also when he could no longer protect , he esteem'd and favour'd to the end ; but never , otherwise then by constraint , yeilded any of them to due punishment ; thereby manifesting that what they did was by his own autority and approbation . yet heer he asks whose innocent blood he hath shed , what widdows or orphans teares can witness against him ? after the suspected poysoning of his father , not inquir'd into , but smother'd up , and him protected and advanc'd to the very half of his kingdom , who was accus'd in parlament to be author of the fact ; ( with much more evidence , then duke dudley that fals protector is accus'd upon record , to have poison'd edward the sixt ) after all his rage and persecution , after so many yeares of cruel warr on his people in three kingdoms . whence the author of truths manifest , a scotchman not unacquainted with affaires , positively affirmes that there hath bin more christian blood shed by the commission , approbation , and connivance of king charles , and his father james in the latter end of thir raigne , then in the ten roman persecutions . not to speake of those many whippings , pillories , and other corporal inflictions wherwith his raign also before this warr was not unbloodie ; some have dy'd in prison under cruel restraint , others in banishment , whose lives were shortn'd through the rigour of that persecution wherwith so many yeares he infested the true church . and those six members all men judg'd to have escap'd no less then capital danger ; whom he so greedily pursuing into the house of commons , had not there the forbearance to conceal how much it troubl'd him , that the birds were flowne . if som vultur in the mountains could have op'nd his beak intelligibly and spoke , what fitter words could he have utter'd at the loss of his prey ? the tyrant nero , though not yet deserving that name , sett his hand so unwillingly to the execution of a condemned person , as to wish he had not known letters . certainly for a king himself to charge his subjects with high treason , and so vehemently to prosecute them in his own cause , as to doe the office of a searcher , argu'd in him no great aversation from shedding blood , were it but to satisfie his anger , and that revenge was no unpleasing morsel to him , wherof he himself thought not much to be so diligently his own caterer . but we insist rather upon what was actual then what was probable . he now falls to examin the causes of this warr , as a difficulty which he had long studied to find out . it was not saith he , my withdrawing from white hall ; for no account in reason could be giv'n of those tumults , where an orderly guard was granted . but if it be a most certain truth that the parlament could never yet obtain of him any guard fit to be confided in , then by his own confession some account of those pretended tumults may in reason be giv'n : and both concerning them and the guards anough hath bin said alreadie . whom did he protect against the justice of parlament ? whom did he not to his utmost power ? endeavouring to have rescu'd strafford from thir justice , though with the destruction of them and the city ; to that end expressly commanding the admittance of new soldiers into the tower , rais'd by suckling and other conspirators , under pretence for the portugall ; though that embassador , beeing sent to , utterly deny'd to know of any such commission from his maister . and yet that listing continu'd . not to repeat his other plot of bringing up the two armies . but what can be disputed with such a king in whose mouth and opinion the parlament it self was never but a faction , and thir justice no justice , but the dictates and overswaying insolence of tumults and rabbles ; and under that excuse avouches himself op'nly the generall patron of most notorious delinquents , and approves their flight out of the land , whose crimes were such , as that the justest and the fairest tryal would have soonest condemn'd them to death . but did not catiline plead in like manner against the roman senat and the injustice of thir trial , and the justice of his flight from rome ? coesar also , then hatching tyranny , injected the same scrupulous demurrs to stop the sentence of death in full and free senat decreed on lentulus and cethegus two of catilines accomplices , which were renew'd and urg'd for strafford . he voutsafes to the reformation by both kingdoms intended , no better name then innovation and ruine both in church and state. and what we would have learnt so gladly of him in other passages before , to know wherin , he tells us now of his own accord . the expelling of bishops cut of the house of peers , this was ruin to the state , the removing them root and branch , this was ruin to the church . how happy could this nation be in such a governour who counted that thir ruin , which they thought thir deliverance , the ruin both of church and state , which was the recovery and the saving of them both . to the passing of those bills against bishops , how is it likely that the house of peers gave so hardly thir consent , which they gave so easily before to the attaching them of high treason , . at once , onely for protesting that the parlament could not act without them . surely if thir rights and privileges were thought so undoubted in that house , as is heer maintain'd ; then was that protestation being meant and intended in the name of thir whole spiritual order , no treason : and so that house it self will becom liable to a just construction either of injustice to appeach them for so consenting , or of usurpation , representing none but themselves , to expect that their voting or not voting should obstruct the commons . who not for five repulses of the lords , no not for fifty , were to desist from what in name of the whole kingdom they demanded , so long as those lords were none of our lords . and for the bil against root and branch , though it pass'd not in both houses till many of the lords and some few of the commons , either intic'd away by the king , or overaw'd by the sense of thir own malignācy not prevailing , deserted the parlament , and made a fair riddance of themselves , that was no warrant for them who remain'd faithfull , beeing farr the greater number , to lay aside that bill of root and branch , till the returne of thir fugitives ; a bill so necessary and so much desir'd by them selves as well as by the people . this was the partiality , this degrading of the bishops , a thing so wholsom in the state , and so orthodoxal in the church both ancient and reformed ; which the king rather then assent to , will either hazard both his own and the kingdomes ruin , by our just defence against his force of armes , or prostrat our consciences in a blind obedience to himself , and those men whose superstition zealous or unzealous would inforce upon us an antichristian tyranny in the church , neither primitive , apostolicall , nor more anciently universal , then som other manifest corruptions . but he was bound besides his judgement by a most strict and undispensable oath to preserve that order and the rights of the church . if he mean the oath of his coronation , and that the letter of that oath admitt not to be interpreted either by equity , reformation , or better knowledge , then was the king bound by that oath to grant the clergie all those customs , franchises , and canonical privileges granted to them by edward the confessor ; and so might one day , under pretence of that oath , and his conscience , have brought us all again to popery . but had he so well rememberd , as he ought , the words to which he swore , he might have found himself no otherwise oblig'd there , then according to the lawes of god and true profession of the gospel . for if those following words , establish'd in this kingdome , be set there to limit and lay prescription on the laws of god and truth of the gospel by mans establishment , nothing can be more absurrd or more injurious to religion . so that however the german emperors , or other kings have levied all those warrs on thir protestant subjects under the colour of a blind and literal observance to an oath , yet this king had least pretence of all ; both sworn to the laws of god , and evangelic truth , and disclaiming , as we heard him before , to be bound by any coronation oath , in a blind and brutish formality . nor is it to be imagin'd , if what shall be establish'd come in question , but that the parlament should oversway the king , and not he the parlament . and by all law and reason that which the parlament will not , is no more establish'd in this kingdom , neither is the king bound by oath to uphold it as a thing establish'd . and that the king who of his princely grace , as he professes , hath so oft abolisht things that stood firm by law , as the star-chamber , & high commission , ever thought himself bound by oath to keep them up , because establisht , he who will beleiv , must at the same time condemn him of as many perjuries as he is well known to have abolisht both laws and jurisdictions , that wanted no establishment . had he gratifi'd , he thinks , their antiepiscopal faction with his consent , and sacrific'd the church government and revennues to the fury of their covetousness , &c. an army had not bin rais'd . whereas it was the fury of his own hatred to the professors of true religion , which first incited him to persecute them with the sword of warr , when whipps , pillories , exiles , and impris'nments were not thought sufficient . to colour which , he cannot finde wherwithall , but that stale pretence of charles the fifth , and other popish kings , that the protestants had onely an intent to lay hands upon church-revennues , a thing never in the thoughts of this parlament , 'till exhausted by his endless warrupon them , thir necessity seis'd on that for the common wealth , which the luxury of prelats had abus'd before to a common mischeif . his consent to the unlording of bishops ( for to that he himself consented , and at canterbury the cheif seat of thir pride , so god would have it ) was from his firm perswasion of thir contentedness to suffer a present diminution of thir rights . can any man , reading this , not discern the pure mockery of a royalconsent , to delude us onely for the present , meaning , it seems , when time should serve , to revoke all : by this reckning his consents and his denials come all to one pass : and we may hence perceav the small wisdom and integrity of those votes which voted his concessions at the i le of wight , for grounds of a lasting peace . this he alleges , this controversie about bishops , to be the true state of that difference between him and the parlament . for he held episcopacy both very sacred and divine . with this judgement and for this cause he withdrew from the parlament , and confesses that some men knew he was like to bring againe the same judgement which he carried with him . a fair and unexpected justification from his own mouth afforded to the parlament ; who notwithstanding what they knew of his obstinat mind , omitted not to use all those means and that patience to have gain'd him . as for delinquents , he allowes them to be but the necessary consequences of his & their withdrawing and defending . a pretty shift to mince the name of a delinquent into a necessary consequent : what is a traitor but the necessary consequence of his treason , what a rebell , but of his rebellion ? from this conceit he would inferr a pretext onely in the parlament to fetch in delinquents , as if there had indeed bin no such cause , but all the delinquency in london tumults . which is the overworn theme , and stuffing of all his discourses . this he thrice repeates to be the true state and reason of all that warr and devastation in the land , and that of all the treaties and propositions offer'd him , he was resolv'd never to grant the abolishing of episcopal , or the establishment of presbyterian government . i would demand now of the scots and covnanteers ( for so i call them as misobservers of the covnant ) how they will reconcile the preservation of religion and their liberties and the bringing of delinquents to condign punishment , with the freedom , honour and safety of this vow'd resolution here , that esteems all the zeale of thir prostituted covnant no better then a noise and shew of pietie , a heat for reformation , filling them with prejudice and obstructing all equality and clearness of judgment in them . with these principles who knows but that at length he might have come to take the covnant , as others , whom they brotherly admitt , have don before him ; and then all , no doubt , had gon well , and ended in a happy peace . his prayer is most of it borrow'd out of david ; but what if it be answerd him as the jewes , who trusted in moses , were answerd by our saviour . there is one that accuseth you , eev'n david whom you misapply . he tells god that his enemies are many , but tells the people , when it serves his turn , they are but a faction of some few , prevailing over the major part of both houses . god knows he had no passion , designe or preparation to imbroyle his kingdom in a civill warr. true ; for he thought his kingdom to be issachar a strong ass that would have couch'd downe betweene two burd'ns , the one of prelatical superstition , the other of civil tyrannie : but what passion and designe , what close and op'n preparation he had made , to subdue us to both these by terror and preventive force , all the nation knows . the confidence of som men had almost perswaded him to suspect his own innocence . as the words of saint poul had almost perswaded agrippa to be a christian. but almost in the work of repentance is as good as not at all . god , saith he , will find out bloody and deceitfull men , many of whom have not liv'd out half thir days . it behoov'd him to have bin more cautious how he tempted gods finding out of blood and deceit , till his own yeares had bin furder spent , or that he had enjoy'd longer the fruits of his own violent counsels . but in stead of wariness , he adds another temptation , charging god , to know that the chief designe of this warr was either to destroy his person or to force his judgement . and thus his prayer from the evil practice of unjust accusing men to god , arises to the hideous rashness of accusing god before men to know that for truth , which all men know to be most fals . he praies that god would forgive the people , for they know not what they doe . it is an easie matter to say over what our saviour said ; but how he lov'd the people , other arguments then affected sayings must demonstrat . he who so oft hath presum'd rashly to appeale the knowledge and testimony of god , in things so evidently untrue , may be doubted what beleif or esteem he had of his forgiveness , either to himself , or those for whom he would so fain that men should heare he pray'd . x. upon their seiziug the magazins , forts , &c. to put the matter soonest out of controversy who was the first beginner of this civil warr , since the begining of all warr may be discern'd not onely by the first act of hostilitie , but by the counsels and preparations foregoing , it shall evidently appeare , that the king was still formost in all these . no king had ever at his first comming to the crown , more love and acclamation from a people ; never any people found wors requital of thir loyaltie and good affection : first by his extraordinary feare and mistrust that thir liberties and rights , were the impairing and diminishing of his regal power , the true original of tyranny : next by his hatred to all those who were esteem'd religious ; doubting that thir principles too much asserted libertie . this was quickly seen by the vehemence , and the causes alleg'd of his persecuting , the other by his frequent and opprobrious dissolution of parlaments ; after he had demanded more mony of them , and they to obtain thir rights had granted him , then would have bought the turk out of morea , and set free all the greeks . but when he sought to extort from us , by way of tribute , that which had bin offerd him conditionally in parlament , as by a free people , and that those extortions were now consum'd and wasted by the luxurie of his court , he began then ( for still the more he did wrong , the more he fear'd ) before any tumult or insurrection of the people , to take counsel how he might totally subdue them to his own will. then was the designe of german horse , while the duke raignd , and which was worst of all , som thousands of the irish papists were in several parts billeted upon us , while a parlament was then sitting . the pulpits resounded with no other doctrine then that which gave all property to the king , and passive obedience to the subject . after which , innumerable formes and shapes of new exactions and exacters overspre●…d the land. nor was it anough to be impoverish'd , unless wee were disarm'd . our train'd bands , which are the trustiest and most proper strength of a free nation not at warr within it self , had thir arms in divers counties tak'n from them ; other ammunition by designe was ingross'd , and kept in the tower , not to be bought without a licence , and at a high rate . thus farr , and many other waies were his counsels and preparations before hand with us , either to a civil warr , if it should happ'n , or to subdue us without a warr , which is all one , untill the raising of his two armies against the scots , and the latter of them rais'd to the most perfidious breaking of a solemn pacification : the articles wherof , though subscrib'd with his own hand , he commanded soon after to be burnt op'nly by the hangman . what enemy durst have don him that dishonour and affront which he did therin to himself . after the beginning of this parlament , whom he saw so resolute and unanimous to releeve the common-wealth , and that the earl of strafford was condemn'd to die , other of his evil counselers impeach'd and imprison'd , to shew there wanted not evil counsel within himself sufficient to begin a warr upon his subjects , though no way by them provok'd , he sends an agent with letters to the king of denmark , requiring aid against the parlament ; and that aid was comming , when divine providence to divert them , sent a sudden torrent of swedes into the bowels of denmark . he then endeavours to bring up both armies , first the english , with whom irish papists rais'd by strafford , and a french army were to joyne ; then the scots at newcastle , whom he thought to have encourag'd by telling them what mony and horse he was to have from denmark . i mention not the irish conspiracie till due place . these and many other were his counsels toward a civil warr. his preparations , after those two armies were dismiss'd , could not suddenly be too op'n : nevertheless there were irish papists which he refus'd to disband , though intreated by both houses , first for reasons best known to himself , next under pretence of lending them to the spaniard ; and so kept them undisbanded till very neere the mounth wherin that rebellion broke forth . he was also raising forces in london , pretendedly to serve the portugall , but with intent to seise the tower. into which divers canoneers were by him sent with many fire works , and granado's ; and many great battering peeces were mounted against the city . the court was fortifi'd with ammunition , and souldiers-new listed , who follow'd the king from london , and appear'd at kingston som hunderds of horse , in a warlike manner , with waggons of ammunition after them ; the queen in holland was buying more , of which the parlament had certain knowledge , and had not yet so much as once demanded the militia to be settl'd , till they knew both of her going over sea , and to what intent . for she had pack'd up the crown jewels to have bin going long before , had not the parlament suspecting by the discoveries at burrow bridge what was intended with the jewells , us'd meanes to stay her journey till the winter . hull and the magazin there had bin secretly attempted under the kings hand ; from whom though in his declarations renouncing all thought of warr , notes were sent over sea for supply of armes : which were no sooner come , but the inhabitants of yorkshire and other counties were call'd to arms , and actual forces rais'd , while the parlament were yet petitioning in peace , and had not one man listed . as to the act of hostilitie , though not much material in whom first it began , or by whose commissions dated first , after such counsels and preparations discover'd , and so farr advanc'd by the king , yet in that act also he will be found to have had precedency , if not at london by the assault of his armed court upon the naked people , and his attempt upon the house of commons , yet certainly at hull , first by his close practices on that town , next by his seige . thus whether counsels , preparations , or acts of hostilitie be considerd , it appeares with evidence anough , though much more might be said , that the king is truly charg'd to bee the first beginner of these civil warrs . to which may be added as a close , that in the i le of wight he charg'd it upon himself , at the public treaty , and acquitted the parlament . but as for the securing of hull and the public stores therin , and in other places , it was no surprisall of his strength ; the custody wherof by autority of parlament was committed into hands most fitt , and most responsible for such a trust . it were a folly beyond ridiculous to count our selves a free nation , if the king not in parlament , but in his own person and against them , might appropriate to himself the strength of a whole nation as his proper goods . what the lawes of the land are , a parlament should know best , having both the life and death of lawes in thir lawgiving power : and the law of england is at best but the reason of parlament . the parlament therfore taking into thir hands that wherof most properly they ought to have the keeping , committed no surprisal . if they prevented him , that argu'd not at all either his innocency or unpreparedness , but their timely foresight to use prevention . but what needed that ? they knew his chiefest armes left him were those onely which the ancient christians were wont to use against thir persecuters , prayers and teares . o sacred reverence of god , respect and shame of men , whither were yee fled , when these hypocrisies were utterd ? was the kingdom then at all that cost of blood to remove from him none but praiers and teares ? what were those thousands of blaspheming cavaliers about him , whose mouthes let fly oaths and curses by the voley ; were those the praiers ? and those carouses drunk to the confusion of all things good or holy , did those minister the teares ? were they praiers and teares that were listed at york , muster'd on heworth moore , and laid seige to hull for the guard of his person ? were praiers and teares at so high a rate in holland that nothing could purchase them but the crown jewels ? yet they in holland ( such word was sent us ) sold them for gunns , carabins , morters-peeces , canons , and other deadly instruments of warr , which when they came to york , were all no doubt but by the merit of some great saint , suddenly transform'd into praiers and teares ; and being divided into regiments and brigads were the onely armes that mischiev'd us in all those battels and incounters . these were his chief armes , whatever we must call them , and yet such armes , as they who fought for the common-wealth have by the help of better praiers vanquish'd and brought to nothing . he bewailes his want of the militia not so much in reference to his own protection as the peoples , whose many and sore oppressions greeve him . never considering how ill for seventeen yeares together hee had protected them , and that these miseries of the people are still his own handy work , having smitt'n them like a forked arrow so sore into the kingdoms sides , as not to be drawn out and cur'd without the incision of more flesh . he tells us that what he wants in the hand of power he has in the wings of faith and prayer . but they who made no reckning of those wings while they had that power in thir hands , may easily mistake the wings of faith for the wings of presumption , and so fall headlong . we meet next with a comparison , how apt let them judge who have travell'd to mecca , that the parlament have hung the majestie of kingship in any airy imagination of regality between the privileges of both houses , like the tombe of mahomet . hee knew not that he was prophecying the death and burial of a turkish tyranny , that spurn'd down those laws , which gave it life and being so long as it endur'd to be a regulated monarchy . he counts it an injury not to have the sole power in himself to help or hurt any ; and that the militia which he holds to be his undoubted right should be dispos'd as the parlament thinks fitt . and yet confesses that if he had it in his actual disposing , he would defend those whom he calls his good subjects from those mens violence and fraud , who would perswade the world that none but wolves are fitt to be trusted with the custody of the shepheard and his flock . surely if we may guess whom he meanes heer , by knowing whom he hath ever most oppos'd in this controversie , we may then assure our selves that by violence and fraud he meanes that which the parlament hath don in settling the militia , and those the wolves , into whose hands it was by them intrusted : which drawes a cleer confession from his own mouth , that if the parlament had left him sole power of the militia , he would have us'd it to the destruction of them and thir freinds . as for sole power of the militia , which he claimes as a right no less undoubted then the crown , it hath bin oft anough told him , that he hath no more authority over the sword then over the law ; over the law he hath none , either to establish or to abrogate , to interpret , or to execute , but onely by his courts and in his courts , wherof the parlament is highest , no more therfore hath he power of the militia which is the sword , either to use or to dispose ; but with consent of parlament ; give him but that , and as good give him in a lump all our laws and liberties . for if the power of the sword were any where separate and undepending from the power of law , which is originally seated in the highest court , then would that power of the sword be soon maister of the law , & being at one mans disposal , might , when he pleas'd , controule the law , and in derifion of our magna charta , which were but weak resistance against an armed tyrant , might absolutely enslave us . and not to have in our selves , though vanting to be free-born , the power of our own freedom , and the public safety , is a degree lower then not to have the property of our own goods . for liberty of person and the right of selfpreservation , is much neerer , much more natural , and more worth to all men , then the propriety of thir goods , and wealth . yet such power as all this did the king in op'n termes challenge to have over us ; and brought thousands to help him win it ; so much more good at fighting then at understanding , as to perswade themselves that they fought then for the subjects libertie . he is contented , because he knows no other remedy , to resigne this power , for his owne time , but not for his successors . so diligent and carefull he is , that we should be slaves , if not to him , yet to his posterity , and faine would leave us the legacy of another warr about it . but the parlament have don well to remove that question : whom as his manner is to dignify with some good name or other , he calls now a many headed hydra of goverment , full of factious distractions and not more eyes then mouthes . yet surely not more mouthes , or not so wide , as the dissolute rabble of all his courtiers had , both hee s and shee s , if there were any males among them . he would prove that to govern by parlament hath a monstrositie rather then perfection ; and grouuds his argument upon two or three eminent absurdities : first by placing counsel in the senses , next by turning the senses out of the head , and in lieu therof placing power , supreme above sense & reason ; which be now the greater monstrosities ? furder to dispute what kind of government is best , would be a long debate , it sufficeth that his reasons heer for monarchy are found weake and inconsiderable . he bodes much horror and bad influence after his ecclips . he speakes his wishes : but they who by weighing prudently things past , foresee things to come , the best divination , may hope rather all good success and happiness by removing that darkness which the mistie cloud of his prerogative made between us and a peacefull reformation , which is our true sun light , and not he , though he would be tak'n for our sun it self . and wherfore should we not hope to be govern'd more happily without a king , when as all our miserie , and trouble hath bin either by a king , or by our necessary vindication and defence against him . he would be thought inforc'd to perjurie by having granted the militia , by which his oath bound him to protect the people . if he can be perjur'd in granting that , why doth he refuse for no other cause the abolishing of episcopacy ? but never was any oath so blind as to sweare him to protect delinquents a-against justice , but to protect all the people in that order , and by those hands which the parlament should advise him to , and the protected conside in ; not under the shew of protection to hold a violent and incommunicable sword over us , as readie to be let fall upon our own necks , as upon our enemies ; nor to make our own hands and weapons fight against our own liberties . by his parting with the militia he takes to himself much praise of his assurance in gods protection ; & to the parlament imputes the fear of not daring to adventure the injustice of their actions upon any other way of safety . but wherfore came not this assurance of gods protection to him , till the militia was wrung out of his hands ? it should seem by his holding it so fast , that his own actions and intentions had no less of injustice in them , then what he charges upon others ; whom he terms chaldeans , sabeans , and the devill himself . but job us'd no such militia against those enemies , nor such a magazin as was at hull , which this king so contended for , and made vvarr upon us , that he might have wherewithall to make warr against us . he concludes , that although they take all from him , yet can they not obstruct his way to heaven . it was no handsom occasion , by faining obstructions where they are not , to tell us whither he was going : he should have shut the dore , and pray'd in secret , not heer in the high street . privat praiers in publick , ask something of whom they ask not , and that shall be thir reward . xi . upon the nineteen propositions , &c. of the nineteen propositions he names none in particular , neither shall the answer . but he insists upon the old plea of his conscience , honour , and reason ; using the plausibility of large and indefinite words , to defend himself at such a distance as may hinder the eye of common judgement from all distinct view & examination of his reasoning . he would buy the peace of his people at any rate , save onely the parting with his conscience and honour . yet shews not how it can happ'n that the peace of a people , if otherwise to be bought at any rate , should be inconsistent or at variance with the conscience and honour of a king. till then , we may receave it for a better sentence , that nothing should be more agreeable to the conscience and honour of a king , then to preserve his subjects in peace ; especially from civil warr. and which of the propositions were obtruded on him with the point of the sword , till he first with the point of the sword thrust from him both the propositions and the propounders ? he never reck'ns those violent and merciless obtrusions which for almost twenty years he had bin forcing upon tender consciences by all sorts of persecution ; till through the multitude of them that were to suffer , it could no more be call'd a persecution , but a plain vvarr . from which when first the scots , then the english were constrain'd to defend themselves , this thir just defence is that which he cals heer , thir making warr upon his soul. he grudges that so many things are requir'd of him , and nothing offerd him in requital of those favours which he had granted . what could satiate the desires of this man , who being king of england , and maister of almost two millions yearly what by hook or crook , was still in want ; and those acts of justice which he was to doe in duty , counts don as favours ; and such favors as were not don without the avaritious hope of other rewards besides supreme honour , and the constant revennue of his place . this honour , he saith , they did him to put him on the giving part . and spake truer then he intended , it beeing meerly for honours sake that they did so ; not that it belong'd to him of right . for what can he give to a parlament , who receaves all he hath from the people , and for the peoples good . yet now he brings his own conditional rights to contest and be preferr'd before the peoples good ; and yet unless it be in order to their good , he hath no rights at all ; raigning by the laws of the land , not by his own ; which laws are in the hands of parlament to change or abrogate , as they shall see best for the common-wealth ; eev'n to the taking away of king-ship it self , when it grows too maisterfull and burd'nsome . for every common-wealth is in general defin'd , a societie sufficient of it self , in all things conducible to well being and commodious life . any of which requisit things if it cannot have without the gift and favour of a single person , or without leave of his privat reason , or his conscience , it cannot be thought sufficient of it self , and by consequence no common-wealth , nor free ; but a multitude of vassalls in the possession and domaine of one absolute lord ; and wholly obnoxious to his will. if the king have power to give or deny any thing to his parlament , he must doe it either as a person several from them or as one greater ; neither of which will be allow'd him ; not to be consider'd severally from them , for as the king of england can doe no wrong , so neither can he doe right but in his courts and by his courts ; and what is legally don in them , shall be deem'd the kings assent , though he as a several person shall judge or endeavour the contrary . so that indeed without his courts or against them , he is no king. if therefore he obtrude upon us any public mischeif , or withhold from us any general good , which is wrong in the highest degree , he must doe it as a tyrant , not as a king of england , by the known maxims of our law. neither can he as one greater give aught to the parlament which is not in thir own power , but he must be greater also then the kingdom which they represent . so that to honour him with the giving part was a meer civility , and may be well term'd the courtesie of england , not the kings due . but the incommunicable jewell of his conscience he will not give , but reserve to himself . it seemes that his conscience was none of the crown jewels ; for those we know were , in holland , not incommunicable to buy armes against his subjects . being therfore but a privat jewel , he could not have don a greater pleasure to the kingdom then by reserving it to himself . but he , contrary to what is heer profess'd , would have his conscience not an incommunicable , but a universal conscience , the whole kingdoms conscience . thus what he seemes to feare least we should ravish from him , is our chief complaint that he obtruded upon us ; we never forc'd him to part with his conscience , but it was he that would have forc'd us to part with ours . som things he taxes them to have offer'd him , which while he had the maistery of his reason he would never consent to . very likely ; but had his reason maisterd him , as it ought , and not bin maisterd long agoe by his sense and humour ( as the breeding of most kings hath bin ever sensual and most humour'd ) perhaps he would have made no difficulty . mean while at what a fine pass is the kingdom , that must depend in greatest exigencies vpon the fantasie of a kings reason , be he wise or foole , who arrogantly shall answer all the wisdom of the land , that what they offer seemes to him unreasonable . he preferrs his love of truth before his love of the people . his love of truth would have ledd him to the search of truth , and have taught him not to lean so much upon his own understanding . he met at first with doctrines of unaccountable prerogative ; in them he rested , because they pleas'd him ; they therfore pleas'd him , because they gave him all ; and this he calls his love of truth , and preferrs it before the love of his peoples peace . som things they propos'd which would have wounded the inward peace of his conscience . the more our evil happ , that three kingdoms should be thus pesterd with one conscience ; who chiefly scrupl'd to grant us that , which the parlament advis'd him to , as the chief meanes of our public welfare and reformation . these scruples to many perhaps will seem pretended to others , upon as good grounds , may seem real , and that it was the just judgement of god , that he who was so cruel and so remorseless to other mens consciences , should have a conscience within him as cruel to himself ; constraining him , as he constrain'd others , and insnaring him in such waies and counsels , as were certain to be his destruction . other things though he could approve , yet in honour and policy he thought fit to deny , lest he should seem to dare aeny nothing . by this meanes he will be sure , what with reason , conscience , honour , policy , or puntilios , to be found never unfurnisht of a denyal : whether it were his envy , not to be over bounteous , or that the submissness of our asking stirr'd up in him a certain pleasure of denying . good princes have thought it thir chief happiness to be alwayes granting ; if good things , for the things sake , if things indifferent , for the peoples sake : while this man sits calculating varietie of excuses how he may grant least ; as if his whole strength and royaltie were plac'd in a meer negative . of one proposition especially he laments him much , that they would bind him to a generall and implicit consent for what ever they desir'd . which though i find not among the nineteene , yet undoubtedly the oath of his coronation binds him to no less ; neither is he at all by his office to interpose against a parlament in the making or not making of any law ; but to take that for just and good legally , which is there decreed , and to see it executed accordingly . nor was he set over us to vie wisdom with his parlament , but to be guided by them : any of whome possibly may as farr excell him in the gift of wisdom , as he them in place and dignitie . but much neerer is it to impossibilitie that any king alone should be wiser then all his councel ; sure anough it was not he , though no king ever before him so much contended to have it thought so . and if the parlament so thought not , but desir'd him to follow their advice and deliberation in things of public concernment , he accounts it the same proposition , as if sampson had bin mov'd to the putting out his eyes , that the philistims might abuse him . and thus out of an unwise , or pretended feare least others should make a scorn of him for yeilding to his parlament , he regards not to give cause of worse suspicion , that he made a scorn of his regal oath . but to exclude him from all power of deniall seemes an arrogance ; in the parlament he means ; what in him then to deny against the parlament ? none at all , by what he argues : for by petitioning they confess thir inferioritie and that obliges them to rest , if not satisfi'd , yet quieted with such an answer as the will and reason of their superior thinks sit to give . first petitioning , in better english , is no more then requesting or requiring , and men require not favours onely , but thir due ; and that not onely from superiors , but from equals , and inferiors also . the noblest romans , when they stood for that which was a kind of regal honour , the consulship , were wont in a submissive manner to goe about and begg that highest dignity of the meanest plebeians , naming them man by man ; which in their tongue was call'd petitio consulatus . and the parlament of england petition'd the king , not because all of them were inferior to him , but because he was superior to any one of them , which they did of civil custom , and for fashions sake , more then of duty ; for by plaine law cited before , the parlament is his superiour . but what law in any trial or dispute enjoynes a free man to rest quieted , though not satisfi'd , with the will and reason of his superior ? it were a mad law that would subject reason to superioritie of place . and if our highest consultations and purpos'd lawes must be terminated by the kings will , then is the will of one man our law , and no suttletie of dispute can redeem the parlament , and nation from being slaves , neither can any tyrant require more then that his will or reason , though not satisfying , should yet be rested in , and determin all things . we may conclude therfore that when the parlament petition'd the king , it was but meerly forme , let it be as foolish and absurd as he pleases . it cannot certainly be so absurd as what he requires , that the parlament should confine thir own and all the kingdoms reason to the will of one man , because it was his hap to succeed his father . for neither god nor the lawes have subjected us to his will , nor sett his reason to be our sovran above law ( which must needs be , if he can strangle it in the birth ) but sett his person over us in the sovran execution of such laws as the parlament establish . the parlament therfore without any usurpation hath had it alwaies in thir power to limit and confine the exorbitancie of kings , whether they call it thir will , thir reason , or thir conscience . but this above all was never expected , nor is to be endur'd , that a king , who is bound by law and oath to follow the advice of his parlament , should be permitted to except against them as young statesmen , and proudly to suspend his following thir advice , untill his seven yeares experience had shewn him how well they could govern themselves . doubtless the law never suppos'd so great an arrogance could be in one man ; that he whose seventeen yeares unexperience had almost ruin'd all , should sit another seven yeares schoolmaster , to tutor those who were sent by the whole realme to be his counselers and teachers . and with what modesty can he pretend to be a statesman himself , who with his fathers kingcraft and his own , did never that of his own accord which was not directly opposit to his professed interest both at home and abroad ; discontenting and alienating his subjects at home , weakning and deserting his confederats abroad , and with them the common cause of religion . so that the whole course of his raign by an example of his own furnishing hath resembl'd phaeton more then phoebus ; and forc'd the parlament to drive like jehu ; which omen tak'n from his own mouth , god hath not diverted . and he on the other side might have rememberd that the parlament sit in that body , not as his subjects but as his superiors , call'd , not by him but by the law ; not onely twice every yeare , but as oft as great affaires require , to be his counselers and dictators though he stomac it , nor to be dissolv'd at his pleasure , but when all greevances be first remov'd , all petitions heard , and answer'd . this is not onely reason , but the known law of the land. when he heard that propositions would be sent him , he satt conjecturing what they would propound ; and because they propounded what he expected not , he takes that to be a warrant for his denying them . but what did he expect ? he expected that the parlament would reinforce some old laws . but if those laws were not a sufficient remedy to all greevances , nay were found to be greevances themselves , when did we loose that other part of our freedom to establish new ? he thought some injuries done by himself and others to the common wealth were to be repair'd . but how could that be , while he the chief offender took upon him to be sole judge both of the injury and the reparation . he staid till the advantages of his crown consider'd might induce him to condiscend to the peoples good . whenas the crown it self with all those advantages were therfore giv'n him , that the peoples good should be first consider'd ; not bargain'd for , and bought by inches with the bribe of more offertures and advantages to his crown . he look'd for moderate desires of due reformation ; as if any such desires could be immoderate : he lookd for such a reformation , both in church and state as might preserve the roots of every greevance and abuse in both still growing ( which he calls the foundation and essentials ) and would have onely the excrescencies of evil prun'd away for the present , as was plotted before , that they might grow fast anough between triennial parlaments , to hinder them by worke anough besides , from ever striking at the root . he alleges they should have had regard to the laws in force , to the wisdom and pietie of former parlaments to the ancient and universall practise of christian churches . as if they who come with full autority to redress public greevances , which ofttimes are laws themselves , were to have thir hands bound by laws in force , or the supposition of more pietie and wisdom in thir ancestors , or the practise of churches heertofore , whose fathers , notwithstanding all these pretences , made as vast alterations to free themselves from ancient popery . for all antiquity that adds or varies from the scripture , is no more warranted to our safe imitation , then what was don the age before at trent . nor was there need to have despair'd of what could be establish'd in lieu of what was to be annull'd , having before his eyes the goverment of so many churches beyond the seas ; whose pregnant and solid reasons wrought so with the parlament , as to desire a uniformity rather with all other protestants , then to be a scism divided from them under a conclave of thirty bishops , and a crew of irreligious priests , that gap'd for the same preferment . and wheras he blames those propositions for not containing what they ought , what did they mention but to vindicate and restore the rights of parlament invaded by cabin councels , the courts of justice obstructed , and the government of church innovated and corrupted ? all these things he might easily have observ'd in them , which he affirmes he could not find : but found those demanding in parlament who were look't upon before , as factious in the state , and scismaticall in the church ; and demanding not onely tolerations for themselves in thir vanity , noveltie and confusion , but also an extirpation of that goverment whose rights they had a mind to invade . was this man ever likely to be advis'd , who with such a prejudice and disesteem sets himself against his chos'n and appointed counselers ; likely ever to admitt of reformation , who censures all the goverment of other protestant churches , as bad as any papist could have censur'd them ? and what king had ever his whole kingdom in such contempt , so to wrong and dishonour the free elections of his people , as to judge them whom the nation thought worthiest to sitt with him in parlament , few els but such as were punishable by lawes : yet knowing that time was , when to be a protestant , to be a christian was by law as punishable as to be a traitor , and that our saviour himself comming to reform his church , was accus'd of an intent to invade caesars right , as good a right as the prelat bishops ever had ; the one being got by force , the other by spiritual usurpation : and both by force upheld . he admires and falls into an extasie that the parlament should send him such a horrid proposition , as the removal of episcopacy . but expect from him in an extasie no other reasons of his admiration then the dream and tautology of what he hath so oft repeated , law , antiquitie , ancestors , prosperity and the like , which will be therfore not worth a second answer , but may pass with his own comparison into the common sewer of other popish arguments . had the two houses su'd out thir liverie from the wardship of tumults , he could sooner have beleiv'd them . it concernd them first to sue out thir livery from the unjust wardship of his encroaching prerogative . and had he also redeem'd his overdated minority from a pupillage under bishops , he would much less have mistrusted his parlament ; and never would have set so base a character upon them as to count them no better then the vassals of certain nameless men whom he charges to be such as hunt after faction with their hounds the tumults . and yet the bishops could have told him , that nimrod , the first that hunted after faction is reputed , by ancient tradition , the first that founded monarchy ; whence it appeares that to hunt after faction is more properly the kings game ; and those hounds , which he calls the vulgar , have bin oft'n hollow'd to from court ; of whom the mungrel sort have bin entic'd ; the rest have not lost thir sent ; but understood aright , that the parlament had that part to act which he had fail'd in : that trust to discharge , which he had brok'n ; that estate and honour to preserve , which was farr beyond his , the estate and honour of the common-wealth , which he had imbezl'd . yet so farr doth self opinion or fals principles delude and transport him , as to think the concurrence of his reason to the votes of parlament , not onely political , but natural , and as necessary to the begetting , or bringing forth of any one compleat act of public wisdom as the suns influence is necessary to all natures productions . so that the parlament , it seems , is but a female , and without his procreative reason , the laws which they can produce are but wind-eggs . wisdom , it seems , to a king is natural , to a parlament not natural , but by conjunction with the king : yet he professes to hold his kingly right by law ; and if no law could be made but by the great counsel of a nation , which we now term a parlament , then certainly it was a parlament that first created kings , and not onely made laws before a king was in being , but those laws especially , wherby he holds his crown . he ought then to have so thought of a parlament , if he count it not male , as of his mother , which , to civil being , created both him , and the royalty he wore . and if it hath bin anciently interpreted the presaging signe of a future tyrant , but to dream of copulation with his mother , what can it be less then actual tyranny to affirme waking , that the parlament , which is his mother , can neither conceive or bring forth any autoritative act without his masculine coition : nay that his reason is as celestial and life-giving to the parlament , as the suns influence is to the earth : what other notions but these , or such like , could swell up to caligula to think himself a god. but to be ridd of these mortifying propositions he leaves no tyrannical evasion unassaid ; first that they are not the joynt and free desires of both houses or the major part ; next , that the choise of many members was carried on by faction . the former of these is already discover'd to be an old device put first in practice by charles the fifth since reformation . who when the protestants of germany for thir own defense join'd themselves in league , in his declarations & remonstrances laid the fault only upon some few ( for it was dangerous to take notice of too many enemies ) and accus'd them that under colour of religion they had a purpose to invade his and the churches right : by which policy he deceav'd many of the german cities , and kept them divided from that league , untill they saw themselves brought into a snare . that other cavil against the peoples chois puts us in mind rather what the court was wont to doe , and how to tamper with elections : neither was there at that time any faction more potent , or more likely to doe such a business , then they themselves who complain most . but he must chew such morsels as propositions ere he let them down . so let him ; but if the kingdom shall tast nothing but after his chewing , what does he make of the kingdom , but a great baby . the streitness of his conscience will not give him leave to swallow down such camels of sacrilege and injustice as others doe . this is the pharisee up and down , i am not as other men are . but what camels of injustice he could devoure , all his three realms were wittness , which was the cause that they almost perish'd for want of parlaments . and he that will be unjust to man , will be sacrilegious to god ; and to bereave a christian conscience of libertie for no other reason then the narrowness of his own conscience , is the most unjust measure to man , and the worst sacrilege to god. that other , which he calls sacrilege , of taking from the clergy that superfluous wealth , which antiquitie as old as constantine , from the credit of a divine vision , counted poyson in the church , hath bin ever most oppos'd by men whose righteousness in other matters hath bin least observ'd . he concludes , as his manner is , with high commendation of his own unbiass'd rectitude and beleives nothing to be in them that dissent from him , but faction , innovation , and particular designes . of these repetitions i find no end , no not in his prayer ; which being founded upon deceitfull principl's and a fond hope that god will bless him in those his errors , which he calls honest , finds a fitt answer of s. james ; yee ask and receave not , because yee aske amiss . as for the truth and sinceritie which he praies may be alwaies found in those his declarations to the people , the contrariety of his own actions will bear eternal witness how little carefull or sollicitous he was , what he promis'd , or what he utterd there . xii . vpon the rebellion in ireland . the rebellion and horrid massacher of english protestants in ireland to the number of . in the province of ulster onely , by thir own computation , which added to the other three , makes up the total summ of that slaughter in all likelyhood fowr times as great , although so sudden , and so violent , as at first to amaze all men that were not accessory , yet from whom , and from what counsels it first sprung , neither was nor could be possibly so secret , as the contrivers therof blinded with vaine hope , or the despaire that other plots would succeed , suppos'd . for it cannot be imaginable that the irish , guided by so many suttle and italian heads of the romish party , should so farr have lost the use of reason , and indeed of common sense , as not supported with other strength then thir own , to begin a warr so desperate and irreconcileable against both england and scotland at once . all other nations , from whom they could expect aid , were busied to the utmost in thir own most necessary concernments . it remaines then that either some autoritie or som great assistance promis'd them from england , was that wheron they cheifly trusted . and as it is not difficult to discern from what inducing cause this insurrection first arose , so neither was it hard at first to have apply'd some effectual remedy , though not prevention . and yet prevention was not hopeles , when strafford either beleivd not , or did not care to beleive the several warnings and discoveries therof , which more then once by papists and by friers themselves were brought him ; besides what was brought by depositition , divers months before that rebellion , to the arch bishop of canterbury and others of the kings counsel ; as the declaration of no addresses declares . but the assurance which they had in privat , that no remedy should be apply'd , was , it seemes , one of the chief reasons that drew on thir undertaking . and long it was ere that assurance faild them ; untill the bishops and popish lords , who while they sate and voted , still oppos'd the sending aid to ireland , were expelld the house . seeing then the maine incitement and autority for this rebellion must be needs deriv'd from england , it will be next inquir'd who was the prime author . the king heer denounces a malediction temporal and eternal , not simply to the author , but to the malitious author of this blood-shedd ; and by that limitation may exempt , not himself onely , but perhaps the irish rebels themselves ; who never will confess to god or man that any blood was shed by them malitiously ; but either in the catholic cause , or common liberty , or some other specious plea , which the conscience from grounds both good and evil usually suggests to it self : thereby thinking to elude the direct force of that imputation which lies upon them . yet he acknowledges it fell out as a most unhappy advantage of some mens malice against him : but indeed of most mens just suspicion , by finding in it no such wide departure or disagreement from the scope of his former counsels and proceedings . and that he himself was the author of that rebelion , he denies both heer and elswhere , with many imprecations , but no solid evidence . what on the other side against his denyal hath bin affirm'd in three kingdoms being heer briefly set in view , the reader may so judge as he findes cause . this is most certain , that the king was ever friendly to the irish papists , and in his third yeare , against the plain advice of parlament , like a kind of pope , sold them many indulgences for mony ; and upon all occasions advancing the popish party , and negotiating under hand by priests who were made his agents , ingag'd the irish papists in a warr against the scotch protestants . to that end he furnish'd them , and had them train'd in arms ; and kept them up , either op'nly or under hand , the onely army in his three kingdoms , till the very burst of that rebellion . the summer before that dismal october , a committy of most active papists , all since in the head of that rebellion , were in great favour at white-hall ; and admitted to many privat consultations with the king and queen . and to make it evident that no mean matters were the subject of those conferences , at their request he gave away his peculiar right to more then five irish counties , for the payment of an inconsiderable rent . they departed not home till within two mounths before the rebellion ; and were either from the first breaking out , or soon after , found to be the cheif rebels themselves . but what should move the king , besides his own inclination to popery , and the prevalence of his queen over him , to hold such frequent and close meetings with a committy of irish papists in his own house , while the parlament of england sate unadvis'd with , is declar'd by a scotch author , and of it self is cleare anough . the parlament at the beginning of that summer , having put strafford to death , imprison'd others his chief favorites , and driv'n the rest to fly , the k. who had in vain tempted both the scotch and the english army to come up against the parlament and citty , finding no compliance answerable to his hope from the protestant armies , betakes himself last to the irish ; who had in readiness an army of eight thousand papists which he had refus'd so oft'n to disband , and a committy heer of the same religion . with them , who thought the time now come , which to bring about they had bin many yeares before not wishing only but with much industrie complotting , to do som eminent service for the church of rome & thir own perfidious natures against a puritan parlmt . & the hated english thir masters , he agrees & concludes that so soon as both armies in england were disbanded , the irish should appeare in arms , maister all the protestants , and help the king against his parlament . and we need not doubt that those five counties were giv'n to the irish for other reason then the four northern counties had bin a little before offerd to the scots . the king in august takes a journey into scotland ; and overtaking the scotch army then on thir way home , attempts the second time to pervert them , but without success . no sooner comm into scotland , but he laies a plot , so saith the scotch author , to remove out of the way such of the nobility there , as were most likely to withstand , or not to furder his designes . this being discover'd , he sends from his side one dillon a papist lord , soon after a cheif rebell , with letters into ireland ; and dispatches a commission under the great seale of scotland at that time in his own custody , commanding that they should forthwith , as had bin formerly agreed , cause all the irish to rise in armes . who no sooner had receiv'd such command , but obey'd ; and began in massacher ; for they knew no other way to make sure the protestants , which was commanded them expressly ; and the way , it seems , left to thir discretion . he who hath a mind to read the commission it self , and sound reason added why it was not likely to be forg'd , besides the attestation of so many irish themselves , may have recourse to a book intitl'd the mysterie of iniquity . besides what the parlament it self in the declaration of no more addresses hath affirm'd ; that they have one copy of that commission in thir own hands : attested by the oathes of some that were ey-witnesses , and had seen it under the seale . others of the principal rebels have confess'd that this commission was the summer before promis'd at london to the irish commissioners , to whom the king then discoverd in plain words his great desire to be reveng'd on the parlament of england . after the rebellion brok'n out , which in words onely he detested , but under hand favour'd and promoted by all the offices of freindship , correspondence , and what possible aide he could afford them , the particulars wherof are too many to be inserted heer , i suppose no understanding man could longer doubt who was author or instigator of that rebellion . if there be who yet doubt , i referr them especially to that declaration of july . with that of no addresses . and another full volum of examinations to be sett out speedily concerning this matter . against all which testimonies , likelyhoods , evidences , and apparent actions of his own , being so abundant , his bare deniall though with imprecation , can no way countervaile ; and least of all in his own cause . as for the commission granted them , he thinkes to evade that by retorting , that some in england fight against him and yet pretend his authority . but though a parlament by the known laws may affirme justly to have the kings authority , inseparable from that court , though divided from his person , it is not credible that the irish rebels who so much tenderd his person above his autoritie , and were by him so well receavd at oxford , would be so farr from all humanitie as to slander him with a particular commission sign'd and sent them by his own hand . and of his good affection to the rebels this chapter it self is not without witness . he holds them less in fault then the scots , as from whom they might allege to have fetch'd thir imitation ; making no difference between men that rose necessarily to defend themselves , which no protestant doctrin ever disallow'd , against them who threatn'd warr , and those who began a voluntary and causeless rebellion with the massacher of so many thousands who never meant them harme . he falls next to flashes , and a multitude of words , in all which is contain'd no more , then what might be the plea of any guiltiest offender ; he was not the author because he hath the greatest share of loss and dishonour by what is committed . who is there that offends god or his neighbour , on whom the greatest share of loss and dishonour lights not in the end ? but in the act of doing evil , men use not to consider the event of thir evil doing : or if they doe , have then no power to curb the sway of thir own wickedness . so that the greatest share of loss and dishonour to happ'n upon themselves , is no argument that they were not guilty . this other is as weake , that a kings interest above that of any other man , lies chiefly in the common welfare of his subjects ; therfore no king will do aught against the common welfare . for by this evasion any tyrant might as well purge himself from the guilt of raising troubles or commotions among the people , because undoubtedly his chief interest lies in thir sitting still . i said but now that eev'n this chapter , if nothing els , might suffice to discover his good affection to the rebels ; which in this that follows too notoriously appeares ; imputing this insurrection to the preposterous rigor , and unreasonable severitie , the covetous zeale and uncharitable fury of some men ( these some men by his continual paraphrase are meant the parlament ) and lastly , to the feare of utter extirpation . if the whole irishry of rebells had fee'd som advocate to speak partially and sophistically in thir defence , he could have hardly dazl'd better : yet never the less would have prov'd himself no other then a plausible deceiver . and perhaps , nay more then perhaps , for it is affirm'd & extant under good evidence , that those fained terrors and jealousies were either by the king himself , or the popish preists w ch were sent by him , put into the head of that inquisitive people , on set purpose to engage them . for who had power to oppress them , or to releive them being opprest , but the king or his immediat deputy ? this rather should have made them rise against the king then against the parlament . who threat'nd or ever thought of thir extirpation , till they themselves had begun it to the english ? as for preposterous riger , covetous zeale , and uncharitable fury ; they had more reason to suspect those evils first from his own commands , whom they saw using daily no greater argument to prove the truth of his religion then by enduring no other but his owne prelatical ; and to force it upon others , made episcopal , ceremonial , and common-prayer-book warrs . but the papists understood him better then by the outside ; and knew that those warrs were their warrs . although if the common-wealth should be afraid to suppress op'n idolatry , lest the papists thereupon should grow desperat , this were to let them grow and become our persecuters , while we neglected what we might have don evangelically , to be their reformers . or to doe as his father james did , who in stead of taking heart and putting confidence in god by such a deliverance as from the powder plot , though it went not off , yet with the meer conceit of it , as some observe , was hitt into such a hectic shivering between protestant and papist all his life after , that he never durst from that time doe otherwise then equivocat or collogue with the pope and his adherents . he would be thought to commiserat the sad effects of that rebellion , and to lament that the teares and blood spilt there did not quench the sparks of our civil discord heer . but who began these dissentions , and what can be more op'nly known then those retardings and delaies which by himself were continually devis'd , to hinder and put back the releif of those distressed protestants , which undoubtedly had it not bin then put back might have sav'd many streames of those teares and that blood wherof he seems heer so sadly to bewaile the spilling . his manifold excuses , diversions and delaies are too well known to be recited heer in particular , and too many . but he offer'd to goe himself in person upon that expedition ; and reck'ns up many surmises why he thinks they would not suffer him . but mentions not that by his underdealing to debaush armies heer at home , and by his secret intercours with the cheif rebels , long ere that time every where known , he had brought the parlament into so just a diffidence of him , as that they durst not leave the public armes to his disposal , much less an army to his conduct . he concludes that next the sin of those who began that rebellion theirs must needs be who hinder'd the suppressing , or diverted the aides . but judgement rashly giv'n oft-times involves the judge himself . he findes fault with those who threatn'd all extremity to the rebels , and pleads much that mercy should be shown them . it seems he found himself not so much concern'd as those who had lost fathers , brothers , wives and children , by thir crueltie ; whom in justice to retaliat is not as he supposes unevangelical ; so long as magistracy and warr is not laid down under the gospel . if this his sermon of affected mercy were not too pharisaical , how could he permit himself to cause the slaughter of so many thousands heer in england for meer prerogatives , the toys and gewgaws of his crown , for copes and surplices , the trinkets of his priests , and not perceave his zeale , while he taxes others , to be most preposterous and unevangelical . neither is there the same cause to destroy a whole city for the ravishing of a sister , not don out of villany , and recompence offer'd by mariage ; nor the same case for those disciples to summon sire from heav'n upon the whole city where they were deny'd lodging , and for a nation by just warr and execution to slay whole families of them who so barbarously had slaine whole families before . did not all israel doe as much against the benjamits for one rape committed by a few , and defended by the whole tribe ? and did they not the same to jabesh gilead for not assisting them in that revenge ? i speak not this that such measure should be meted rigorously to all the irish , or as remembring that the parlament ever so decreed , but to shew that this his homily hath more of craft and affectation in it , then of sound doctrin . but it was happy that his going into ireland was not consented to : for either he had certainly turn'd his rais'd forces against the parlament it self , or not gon at all , or had he gon , what work he would have made there , his own following words declare . he would have punisht some ; no question ; for some perhaps who were of least use , must of necessity have bin sacrific'd to his reputation , and the conveniencie of his affaires . others he would have disarm'd , that is to say in his own time : but all of them he would have protected from the fury of those that would have drown'd them , if they had refus'd to swim down the popular stream . these expressions are too oft'n mett , and too well understood for any man to doubt his meaning . by the fury of those , he meanes no other then the justice of parlament , to whom yet he had committed the whole business . those who would have refus'd to swim down the popular streame , our constant key tells us to be papists , prelats , and thir faction : these , by his own confession heer , he would have protected against his puritan parlament : and by this who sees not that he and the irish rebels had but one aime , one and the same drift , and would have forthwith joyn'd in one body against us . he goes on still in his tenderness of the irish rebels fearing least our zeale should be more greedy to kill the beare for his skin then for any harme he hath don . this either justifies the rebels to have don no harme at all , or inferrs his opinion that the parlament is more bloody and rapacious in the prosecution of thir justice , then those rebels were in the execution of thir barbarons crueltie . let men doubt now and dispute to whom the king was a freind most , to his english parlament , or to his irish rebels . with whom , that we may yet see furder how much he was thir freind , after that the parlament had brought them every where either to famin , or a low condition , he , to give them all the respit and advantages they could desire , without advice of parlament , to whom he himself had committed the mannaging of that warr , makes a cessation ; in pretence to releive the protestants , overborne there with numbers , but as the event prov'd , to support the papists , by diverting and drawing over the english army there , to his own service heer against the parlament . for that the protestants were then on the winning hand , it must needs be plaine ; who notwithstanding the miss of those forces which , at thir landing heer , maister'd without difficulty great part of wales and cheshire , yet made a shift to keep thir own in ireland . but the plot of this irish truce is in good part discoverd in that declaration of september th . . and if the protestants were but handfuls there , as he calls them , why did he stop and way-lay both by land and sea , to his utmost power , those provisions and supplies which were sent by the parlament ? how were so many handfuls call'd over , as for a while stood him in no small stead , and against our main forces heer in england ? since therfore all the reasons that can be giv'n of this cessation appeare so fals and frivolous , it may be justly fear'd that the designe it self was most wicked and pernicious . what remaines then ? he appeales to god , and is cast ; lik'ning his punishments to jobs trials , before he saw them to have jobs ending . but how could charity her self beleive ther was at all in him any religion , so much as but to fear ther is a god ; when as by what is noted in the declaration of no more addresses , he vowd solemnly to the parlament with imprecations upon himself and his posterity , if ever he consented to the abolishing of those lawes which were in force against papists , and at the same time , as appeard plainly by the very date of his own letters to the queen and ormond , consented to the abolishing of all penal lawes against them both in ireland and england . if these were acts of a religious prince , what memory of man writt'nor unwritt'n can tell us newes of any prince that ever was irreligious ? he cannot stand to make prolix apologies . then surely those long pamphlets set out for declarations and protestations in his name , were none of his ; and how they should be his indeed , being so repugnant to the whole cours of his actions , augments the difficulty . but he usurps a common saying , that it is kingly to doe well and heare ill . that may be sometimes true : but farr more frequently , to doe ill and heare well ; so great is the multitude of flatterers , and them that deifie the name of king. yet not content with these neighbours , we have him still a perpetual preacher of his own vertues , and of that especially which who knows not to bee patience perforce . he beleives it will at last appeare that they who first began to embroyle his other kingdoms , are also guilty of the blood of ireland . and wee beleive so too ; for now the cessation is become a peace by publishd articles , and commission to bring them over against england , first only ten thousand by the earl of glamorgan , next all of them , if possible , under ormond , which was the last of all his transactions don as a public person . and no wonder ; for he lookt upon the blood spilt , whether of subjects or of rebels with an indifferent eye , as exhausted out of his own veines ; without distinguishing as he ought , which was good blood and which corrup ; the not letting-out wherof endangers the whole body . and what the doctrin is ye may perceave also by the prayer , which after a short ejaculation for the poore protestants , prayes at large for the irish rebels , that god would not give them over , or thir children to the covetousness , cruelty , fierce and cursed anger of the parlament . he finishes with a deliberat and solemn curse upon himself and his fathers house . which how farr god hath alreadie brought to pass , is to the end that men by so eminent an example should learn to tremble at his judgements ; and not play with imprecations . xiii . upon the calling in of the scots and thir comming . it must needs seem strange , where men accustom themselves to ponder and contemplat things in thir first original and institution , that kings , who , as all other officers of the public , were at first chos'n and install'd onely by consent and suffrage of the people , to govern them as freemen by laws of thir own framing , and to be , in consideration of that dignity and riches bestow'd upon them , the entrusted servants of the common-wealth , should notwithstanding grow up to that dishonest encroachment , as to esteem themselves maisters , both of that great trust which they serve , and of the people that betrusted them : counting what they ought to doe both in discharge of thir public duty , and for the great reward of honour and revennue which they receave , as don all of meer grace and favour ; as if thir power over us were by nature , and from themselves , or that god had sould us into thir hands . indeed if the race of kings were eminently the best of men , as the breed at 〈◊〉 is of ●…orse , it would in some reason then be their part onely to command , ours always to obey . but kings by generation no way excelling others , and most commonly not being the wisest or the worthiest by far of whom they claime to have the governing , that we should yeild them subjection to our own ruin , or hold of them the right of our common safety , and our natural freedom by meer gift , as when the conduit pisses wine at coronations , from the superfluity of thir royal grace and beneficence , we may be sure was never the intent of god , whose ways are just and equal ; never the intent of nature , whose works are also regular ; never of any people not wholly barbarous , whom prudence , or no more but human sense would have better guided when they first created kings , then so to nullifie and tread to durt the rest of mankind , by exalting one person and his linage without other merit lookt after , but the meer contingencie of a begetting , into an absolute and unaccountable dominion over them and thir posterity . yet this ignorant or wilfull mistake of the whole matter , had tak'n so deep root in the imagination of this king , that whether to the english or to the scot , mentioning what acts of his regal office , though god knows how un willingly , he had pass'd , he calls them , as in other places , acts of grace and bounty , so heer special obligations , favours to gratifie active spirits , and the desires of that party . words not onely sounding pride and lordly usurpation , but injustice , partiality , and corruption . for to the irish he so farr condiscended , as first to tolerate in privat , then to covnant op'nly the tolerating of popery : so farr to the scot , as to remove bishops , establish presbytery , and the militia in thir own hands , preferring , as some thought , the desires of scotland before his own interest and honour . but being once on this side tweed , his reason , his conscience , and his honour became so streitn'd with a kind of fals virginity , that to the english neither one nor other of the same demands could be granted , wherwith the scots were gratifi'd ; as if our aire and climat on a sudden had chang'd the property and the nature both of conscience , honour , and reason , or that he found none so fit as english to be the subjects of his arbitrary power . ireland was as ephraim , the strength of his head , scotland , as iudah , was his law-giver ; but over england as over edom he meant to cast his shoo ; and yet so many sober englishmen not sufficiently awake to consider this , like men inchanted with the circaean cup of servitude , will not be held back from running thir own heads into the yoke of bondage . the summ of his discours is against setling of religion by violent meanes ; which whether it were the scots designe upon england , they are best able to cleare themselves . but this of all may seem strangest , that the king who , while it was permitted him , never did thing more eagerly then to molest and persecute the consciences of most religious men , he who had made a warr and lost all , rather then not uphold a hierarchie of persecuting bishops , should have the confidence heer to profess himself so much an enemie of those that force the conscience . for was it not he , who upon the english obtruded new ceremonies , upon the scots a new liturgie , & with his sword went about to score a bloody rubric on thir backs ? did he not forbidd and hinder all effectual search of truth , nay like a beseiging enemy stopd all her passages both by word and writing ? yet heer can talk of faire and equall disputations : where notwithstanding , if all submit not to his judgement as not being rationally convicted , they must submitt ( and he conceales it not ) to his penaltie as counted obstinate . but what if he himself and those his learned churchmen , were the convicted or the ostinate part long agoe ; should reformation suffer them to sit lording over the church in thir fatt bishoprics and pluralities , like the great whore that sitteth upon many waters , till they would voutsafe to be disputed out ? or should we sit disputitg while they sate plotting and persecuting ? those clergimen were not to be driv'n into the fold like sheep , as his simily runs , but to be driv'n out of the fold like wolves , or theeves , where they sat fleecing those flocks which they never fed . he beleeves that presbytery though prov'd to be the onely institution of iesus christ were not by the sword to be set up without his consent ; which is contrary both to the doctrin , and the known practice of all protestant churches ; if his sword threat'n those who of thir own accord imbrace it . and although christ and his apostles , being to civil affairs but privat men , contended not with magistrats , yet when magistrats themselves and especially parlaments ; who have greatest right to dispose of the civil sword , come to know religion , they ought in conscience to defend all those who receave it willingly , against the violence of any king or tyrant whatsoever . neither is it therefore true ; that christianity is planted or watred with christian blood ; for there is a large difference between forcing men by the sword to turne presbyterians , and defending those who willingly are so , from a r fiousfu inroad o bloody bishops , arm'd with the militia of a king thir pupill . and if covetousness and ambition be an argument that presbytery hath not much of christ , it argues more strongly against episcopacy ; which from the time of her first mounting to an order above the presbyters , had no other parents then covetousness & ambition . and those sects , scisms , and heresies , which he speaks of , if they get but strength and numbers , need no other pattern then episcopacie and himself , to set up their ways by the like method of violence . nor is ther any thing that hath more marks of scism and sectarism then english episcopacy ; whether we look at apostolic times , or at reformed churches ; for the universall way of church goverment before , may as soon lead us into gross error , as thir universally corrupted doctrin . and goverment by reason of ambition was likeliest to be corrupted much the sooner of the two . however nothing can be to us catholic or universal in religion , but what the scripture teaches ; whatsoever without scripture pleads to be universal in the church , in being universal is but the more scismatical . much less can particular laws and constitutions impart to the church of england any power of consistory or tribunal above other churches , to be the sole judge of what is sect or scism , as with much rigor , and without scripture , they took upon them . yet these the king resolves heer to defend and maintain to his last , pretending , after all those conferences offer'd , or had with him , not to see more rationall and religious motives then soldiers carry in thir knapsacks ; with one thus resolv'd it was but folly to stand disputing . he imagins his own judicious zeal to be most concernd in his tuition of the church . so thought saul when he presum'd to offer sacrifice ; for which he lost his kingdom ; so thought uzziah when he went into the temple ; but was thrust out with a leprosie for his opinion'd zeal , which he thought judicious . it is not the part of a king , because he ought to defend the church , therfore to set himself supreme head over the church , or to meddle with ecclesial goverment , or to defend the church otherwise then the church would be defended ; for such defence is bondage ; nor to defend abuses , and stop all reformation under the name of new moulds fanct'd and fashion'd to privat designes . the holy things of church are in the power of other keys then were deliverd to his keeping . christian libertie purchas'd with the death of our redeemer , and establish'd by the sending of his free spirit to inhabit in us , is not now to depend upon the doubtful consent of any earthly monarch ; nor to be again fetter'd with a presumptuous negative voice , tyrannical to the parlament , but much more tyrannical to the church of god : which was compell'd to implore the aid of parlament , to remove his force and heavy hands frō off our consciēces , who therfore complains now of that most just defensive force , because onely it remov'd his violence and persecution . if this be a violation to his conscience , that it was hinderd by the parlament from violating the more tender consciences of so many thousand good christians , let the usurping conscience of all tyrants be ever so violated . he wonders , fox wonder , how we could so much distrust gods assistance , as to call in the protestant aid of our brethren in scotland ; why then did he , if his trust were in god and the justice of his cause , not scruple to sollicit and invite earnestly the assistance both of papists and of irish rebels ? if the scots were by us at length sent home , they were not call'd to stay heer always ; neither was it for the peoples ease to feed so many legions , longer then thir help was needfull . the goverment of thir kirk we despis'd not , but thir imposing of that goverment upon us ; not presbytery , but arch-presbytery , classical , provincial , and diocesan prebytery , claiming to it self a lordly power and superintendency both over flocks and pastors , over persons and congregations no way thir own . but these debates in his judgement would have bin ended better by the best divines in christ'ndom in a full and free synod . a most improbable way , and such as never yet was us'd , at least with good success , by any protestant kingdom or state since the reformation : every true church having wherewithall from heav'n , and the assisting spirit of christ implor'd , to be complete and perfet within it self . and the whole nation is not easily to be thought so raw , and so perpetually a novice after all this light , as to need the help and direction of other nations , more then what they write in public of thir opinion , in a matter so familiar as church goverment . in fine he accuses piety with the want of loyalty , and religion with the breach of allegeance , as if god and he were one maister , whose commands were so oft'n contrary to the commands of god. he would perswade the scots that thir chief interest consists in thir fidelity to the crown . but true policy will teach them to find a safer interest in the common friendship of england , then in the ruins of one ejected family . xiiii . upon the covnant . vpon this theme his discours is long , his matter little but repetition ; and therfore soon answerd . first after an abusive and strange apprehension of covnants , as if men pawn'd thir souls to them with whom they covnant , he digresses to plead for bishops ; first from the antiquity of thir possession heer , since the first plantation of christianity in this iland , next from a universal prescription since the apostles , till this last centurie . but what availes the most primitive antiquity against the plain sense of scripture ; which if the last centurie have best follow'd , it ought in our esteem to be the first . and yet it hath bin oft'n prov'd by learned men , from the writings and epistles of most ancient christians , that episcopacy crept not up into an order above the presbyters , till many years after that the apostles were deceas'd . he next is unsatisfied with the covnant , not onely for some passages in it referring to himself , as he supposes , with very dubious and dangerous limitations , but for binding men by oath and covnant , to the reformation of church discipline . first those limitations were not more dangerous to him , then he to our libertie and religion ; next , that which was there vow'd , to cast out of the church an antichristian hierarchy which god had not planted , but ambition and corruption had brought in , and fosterd to the churches great dammage and oppression , was no point of controversie to be argu'd without end , but a thing of cleer moral necessity to be forthwith don . neither was the covnant superfluous , though former engagements both religious and legal bound us before : but was the practice of all churches heertofore intending reformation . all israel , though bound anough before by the law of moses , to all necessary duties ; yet with asa thir king enter'd into a new covnant at the beginning of a reformation : and the jews after captivity , without consent demanded of that king who was thir maister , took solemn oath to walk in the command'ments of god. all protestant churches have don the like , notwithstanding former engagements to thir several duties . and although his aime were to sow variance between the protestation and the covnant , to reconcile them is not difficult . the protestation was but one step , extending onely to the doctrin of the church of england , as it was distinct from church discipline ; the covnant went furder , as it pleas'd god to dispense his light and our encouragement by degrees , and comprehended church goverment ; former with latter steps in the progress of well doing need not reconcilement . nevertheless he breaks through to his conclusion , that all honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficently bound by former ties of religion ; leaving asa , ezra , and the whole church of god in sundry ages to shift for honestie and wisdom from som other then his testimony . and although after-contracts absolve not till the former be made void , yet he first having don that , our duty returns back , which to him was neither moral nor eternal ; but conditional . willing to perswade himself that many good men took the covnant either unwarily , or out of fear , he seems to have bestow'd som thoughts how these good men following his advice may keep the the covnant and not keep it . the first evasion is , presuming that the chief end of covnanting in such mens intentions was to preserve religion in purity and the kingdoms peace . but the covnant will more truly inform them that purity of religion and the kingdoms peace was not then in state to be preservd , but to be restor'd ; and therfore binds them , not to a preservation of what was , but to a reformation of what was evil , what was traditional , and dangerous , whether novelty or antiquity in church or state. to doe this , clashes with no former oath lawfully sworn either to god or the king , and rightly understood . in general he brands all such confederations by league and covnant , as the common rode us'd in all factious perturbations of state and church . this kinde of language reflects with the same ignominy upon all the protestant reformations that have bin since luther ; and so indeed doth his whole book , replenish'd throughout with hardly other words or arguments then papists , and especially popish kings , have us'd heertofore against thir protestant subjects ; whom he would perswade to be every man his own pope and to absolve himfelf of those ties , by the suggestion of fals or equivocal interpretations too oft repeated to be now answer'd . the parlament , he saith , made thir covnant like manna , agreeable to every mans palat. this is another of his glosses upon the covnant ; he is content to let it be manna , but his drift is that men should loath it , or at least expound it by thir own relish , and latitude of sense ; wherin least any one of the simpler sort should faile to be his crafts maister , he furnishes him with two or three laxative , he termes them general clauses , which may serve somwhat to releeve them against the covnant tak'n : intimating , as if what were lawfull and according to the word of god , were no otherwise so , then as every man fansi'd to himself . from such learned explications and resolutions as these upon the covnant , what marvel if no royalist or malignant refuse to take it , as having learnt from these princely instructions , his many salvo's , cautions , and reservations , how to be a covnanter and anticovnanter , how at once to be a scot , and an irish rebel . he returns again to disallow of that reformation which the covnant vows , as being the partiall advice of a few divines . but matters of this moment , as they were not to be decided there by those divines , so neither are they to be determin'd heer by essays & curtal aphorisms , but by solid proofs of scripture . the rest of his discourse he spends , highly accusing the parlament , that the main reformation by them intended was to robb the church , and much applauding himself both for his forwardness to all due reformation , and his aversness from all such kind of sacrilege . all which , with his glorious title of the churches defender , we leave him to make good , by pharaoh's divinity , if he please , for to josephs pietie it will be a task unsutable . as for the parity and poverty of ministers , which he takes to be so sad of consequence , the scripture reck'ns them for two special legacies left by our saviour to his disciples : under which two primitive nurses , for such they were indeed , the church of god more truly flourisht then ever after , since the time that imparitie and church revennue rushing in , corrupted and beleper'd all the clergie with a worse infection then gehezi's ; some one of whose tribe rather then a king , i should take to be compiler of that unsalted and simonical praier annex'd . although the praier it self strongly prays against them . for never such holy things as he means , were giv'n to more swine , nor the churches bread more to dogs , then when it fed ambitious , irreligious and dumb prelats . xv. upon the many jealousies , &c. to wipe off jealousies and scandals , the best way , had bin by clear actions , or till actions could be clear'd , by evident reasons ; but meer words we are too well acquainted with . had his honour and reputation bin dearer to him then the lust of raigning , how could the parlament of either nation have laid so oft'n at his dore the breach of words , promises , acts , oaths , and execrations , as they doe avowedly in many of thir petitions , and addresses to him : thether i remitt the reader . and who can beleive that whole parlaments elected by the people from all parts of the land , should meet in one mind , and resolution not to advise him , but to conspire against him in a wors powder plot then catesbies , to blow up , as he termes it , the peoples affection towards him , and batter down thir loyalty by the engins of foule aspersions : water works rather then engines to batter with , yet thosé aspersions were rais'd from the foulness of his own actions . whereof to purge himself , he uses no other argument , then a general and so oft'n iterated commendation of himself ; and thinks that court holy water hath the vertue of expiation ; at least with the silly people . to whom he familiarly imputes sin where none is , to seem liberal of his forgiveness where none is ask'd or needed . what wayes he hath tak'n toward the prosperitie of his people , which he would seem so earnestly to desire , if we doe but once call to mind , it will be anough to teach us , looking on the smooth insinuations heer , that tyrants are not more flatterd by thir slaves , then forc'd to flatter others whom they feare . for the peoples tranquilitie he would willingly be the jonah ; but least he should be tak'n at his word , pretends to foresee within kenn two imaginarie windes never heard of in the compass , which threaten , if he be cast overboard , to increase the storm , but that controversy divine lot hath ended . he had rather not rule then that his people should be ruin'd ; and yet above these twenty yeres hath bin ruining the people about the niceties of his ruling . he is accurate to put a difference between the plague of malice , & the ague of mistakes , the itch of noveltie , and the leprosie of disloyaltie . but had he as wel known how to distinguish between the venerable gray haires of ancient religion , and the old scurffe of superstition , between the wholsome heat of well governing , and the fevorous rage of tyrannizing , his judgement in statephysic , had bin of more autoritie . much he prophesies , that the credit of those men who have cast black scandals on him shal ere long be quite blasted by the same furnace of popular obloquie wherin they sought to cast his name and honour : i beleive not that a romish guilded portrature gives better oracle then a babylonish gold'n image could doe , to tell us truely who heated that furnace of obloquy , or who deserves to be thrown in , nebuchadnezzar or the three kingdoms . it gave him great cause to suspect his own innocence that he was oppos'd by so many who profest singular pietie . but this qualm was soon over , and he concluded rather to suspect their religion , then his own innocence , affirming that many with him were both learned and religious above the ordinary size . but if his great seal without the parlament were not sufficient to create lords , his parole must needs be farr more unable to create learned and religious men , and who shall authorize his unlerned judgement to point them out ? he guesses that many well minded men were by popular preachers urg'd to oppose him . but the opposition undoubtedly proceeded and continues from heads farr wiser , and spirits of a nobler straine ; those priest-led herodians with thir blind guides are in the ditch already ; travailing , as they thought , to sion , but moor'd in the i le of wight . he thanks god for his constancy to the protestant religion both abroad and at home . abroad , his letter to the pope , at home , his innovations in the church will speak his constancy in religion what it was , without furder credit to this vain boast . his using the assistance of some papists , as the cause might be , could not hurt his religion ; but in the setling of protestantism , thir aid was both unseemly & suspicious , & inferr'd that the greatest part of protestants were against him & his obtruded settlement . but this is strange indeed , that he should appear now teaching the parlament what no man , till this was read , thought ever he had lernt , that difference of perswasion in religious matters may fall out where ther is the samenes of allegeance & subjection . if he thought so from the beginning , wherfore was there such compulsion us'd to the puritans of england , & the whole realm of scotl. about conforming to a liturgie ? wherfore no bishop no king ? wherfore episcopacie more agreeable to monarchie , if different perswasions in religion may agree in one duty & allegeance ? thus do court maxims like court minions rise or fall as the king pleases . not to tax him for want of elegance as a courtier , in writing oglio for olla the spanish word , it might be wel affirm'd that there was a greater medley & disproportioning of religions to mix papists with protestants in a religious cause , then to entertaine all those diversifi'd sects , who yet were all protestants , one religion , though many opinions . neither was it any shame to protestants , that he a declar'd papist , if his own letter to the pope , not yet renowne'd , bely him not , found so few protestants of his religion , as enforc'd him to call in both the counsel & the aid of papists to help establish protestancy , who were led on , not by the sense of thir allegeance , but by the hope of his apostacy to rome , from disputing to warring ; his own voluntary , and first appeale . his hearkning to evil counselers , charg'd upon him so oft'n by the parlament , he puts off as a device of those men who were so eager to give him better counsell . that those men were the parlament , & that he ought to have us'd the counsel of none but those , as a king , is already known . what their civility laid upon evil counselers , he himself most commonly own'd ; but the event of those evil counsels , the enormities , the confusions the miseries he transferrs from the guilt of his own civil broiles to the just resistance made by parlament ; & imputes what miscarriages of his they could not yet remove for his opposing , as if they were some new misdemeanors of their bringing in , and not the inveterat diseases of his own bad goverment ; which , with a disease as bad , he falls again to magnifie and commend ; and may all those who would be govern'd by his retractions and concessions , rather then by laws of parlament , admire his self - encomiums , and be flatter'd with that crown of patience to which he cunningly exhorted them , that his monarchical foot might have the setting it upon thir heads . that trust which the parlament faithfully discharg'd in the asserting of our liberties , he calls another artifice to withdraw the people from him , to their designes . what piece of justice could they have demanded for the people , which the jealousie of a king might not have miscall'd , a designe to disparage his goverment , and to ingratiat themselves ? to be more just , religious , wise , or magnanimous then the common sort , stirrs up in a tyrant both feare and envy ; and streight he cries out popularitie , which in his account is little less then treason . the summ is , they thought to limit or take away the remora of his negative voice , which like to that little pest at sea , took upon it to arrest and stopp the common-wealth stearing under full saile to a reformation : they thought to share with him in the militia , both or either of which he could not possibly hold without consent of the people , and not be absolutely a tyrant . he professes to desire no other liberty then what he envies not his subjects according to law ; yet fought with might and maine against his subjects to have a sole power over them in his hand , both against and beyond law. as for the philosophical libertie which in vaine he talks of , we may conclude him very ill train'd up in those free notions , who to civil libertie was so injurious . he calls the conscience gods sovrantie , why then doth he contest with god about that supreme title ? why did he lay restraints , and force enlargements upon our consciences in things for which we were to answer god onely and the church ? god bids us be subject for conscience sake , that is , as to a magistrat , and in the laws ; not usurping over spiritual things , as lucifer beyond his sphere . and the same precept bids him likewise for conscience sake be subject to the parlament , both his natural and his legal superior . finally , having layd the fault of these commotions , not upon his own mis-goverment , but upon the ambition of others , the necessity of some mens fortune , and thirst after noveltie , he bodes himself much honour and reputation that like the sun shall rise and recover it self to such a splendour , as owles , batts , and such fatal birds shall be unable to beare . poets indeed use to vapor much after this manner . but to bad kings , who without cause expect future glory from thir actions , it happ'ns as to bad poets ; who sit and starve themselves with a delusive hope to win immortality by thir bad lines . for though men ought not to speak evil of dignities which are just , yet nothing hinders us to speak evil , as oft as it is the truth , of those who in thir dignities doe evil ; thus did our saviour himself , john the baptist , and steev'n the martyr . and those black vailes of his own misdeeds he might be sure would ever keep his face from shining , til he could refute evil speaking with wel doing , which grace he seems heer to pray for ; and his prayer doubtless as it was prayd , so it was heard . but eev'n his prayer is so ambitious of prerogative , that it dares ask away the prerogative of christ himself , to become the head soone of the corner . xvi . vpon the ordinance against the common-prayer book . vvhat to think of liturgies , both the sense of scripture , and apostolicall practice would have taught him better , then his human reasonings and conjectures : nevertheless what weight they have , let us consider . if it be no newes to have all innovations usherd in with the name of reformation , sure it is less news to have all reformation censur'd and oppos'd under the name of innovation ; by those who beeing exalted in high place above thir merit , fear all change though of things never so ill or so unwisely settl'd . so hardly can the dotage of those that dwell upon antiquitie allow present times any share of godliness or wisdom . the removing of liturgie he traduces to be don onely as a thing plausible to the people ; whose rejection of it he lik'ns with small reverence to the crucifying of our saviour ; next that it was don to please those men who gloried in their extemporary vein , meaning the ministers . for whom it will be best to answer , as was answer'd for the man born blind , they are of age let them speak for themselves ; not how they came blind , but whether it were liturgie that held them tongue-ti'd . for the matter contain'd in that book we need no better witness then king edward the sixth , who to the cornish rebels confesses it was no other then the old mass-book don into english , all but some few words that were expung'd . and by this argument which king edward so promptly had to use against that irreligious rabble , we may be assur'd it was the carnal fear of those divines and polititians that model'd the liturgie no furder off from the old mass , least by too great an alteration they should incense the people , and be destitute of the same shifts to fly to , which they had taught the young king. for the manner of using sett formes , there is no doubt but that , wholesom matter , and good desires rightly conceav'd in the heart , wholesom words will follow of themselves . neither can any true christian find a reason why liturgie should be at all admitted , a prescription not impos'd or practis'd by those first founders of the church , who alone had that autority : without whose precept or example , how constantly the priest puts on his gown and surplice , so constantly doth his praier put on a servile yoak of liturgie . this is evident , that they who use no set formes of prayer , have words from thir affections ; while others are to seek affections fit and proportionable to a certain doss of prepar'd words ; which as they are not rigorously forbidd to any mans privat infirmity , so to imprison and confine by force , into a pinfold of sett words , those two most unimprisonable things , our prayers that divine spirit of utterance that moves thē , is a tyranny that would have longer hands then those giants who threatn'd bondage to heav'n . what we may doe in the same forme of words is not so much the question , as whether liturgie may be forc'd , as he forc'd it . it is true that we pray to the same god , must we therfore always use the same words ? let us then use but one word , because we pray to one god we profess the same truths , but the liturgie comprehends not all truths : wee read the same scriptures ; but never read that all those sacred expressions , all benefit and use of scripture , as to public prayer , should be deny'd us , except what was barreld up in a common-praier book with many mixtures of thir own , and which is worse , without salt . but suppose them savoury words and unmix'd , suppose them manna it self , yet if they shall be hoarded up and enjoynd us , while god every morning raines down new expressions into our hearts , in stead of being fit to use , they will be found like reserv'd manna , rather to breed wormes and stink . wee have the same duties upon us and feele the same wants ; yet not alwayes the same , nor at all times alike ; but with variety of circumstances , which ask varietie of words . wherof god hath giv'n us plenty ; not to use so copiously upon all other occasions , and so niggardly to him alone in our devotions . as if christians were now in a wors famin of words fitt for praier , then was of food at the seige of jerusalem , when perhaps the priests being to remove the shew bread , as was accustom'd , were compell'd every sabbath day , for want of other loaves , to bring again still the same . if the lords prayer had bin the warrant or the pattern of set liturgies , as is heer affirm'd , why was neither that prayer , nor any other sett forme ever after us'd , or so much as mention'd by the apostles , much less commended to our use ? why was thir care wanting in a thing so usefull to the church ? so full of danger and contention to be left undon by them to other mens penning , of whose autority we could not be so certain ? why was this forgott'n by them who declare that they have reveal'd to us the whole counsel of god ; who as he left our affections to be guided by his sanctifying spirit , so did he likewise our words to be put into us without our premeditation ; not onely those cautious words to be us'd before gentiles and tyrants , but much more those filial words , of which we have so frequent use in our access with freedom of speech to the throne of grace . which to lay aside for other outward dictates of men , were to injure him and his perfet gift , who is the spirit , and the giver of our abilitie to pray ; as if his ministration were incomplete , and that to whom he gave affections , he did not also afford utterance to make his gift of prayer a perfet gift , to them especially whose office in the church is to pray publicly . and although the gift were onely natural , yet voluntary prayers are less subject to formal and superficial tempers then sett formes : for in those , at least for words & matter , he who prays , must consult first w th his heart ; which in likelyhood may stirr up his affections ; in these , having both words and matter readie made to his lips , which is anough to make up the outward act of prayer , his affections grow lazy , and com not up easilie at the call of words not thir own ; the prayer also having less intercours and sympathy with a heart wherin it was not conceav'd , saves it self the labour of so long a journey downward , and flying up in hast on the specious wings of formalitie , if it fall not back again headlong , in stead of a prayer which was expected , presents god with a sett of stale and empty words . no doubt but ostentation and formalitie may taint the best duties : we are not therfore to leave duties for no duties , and to turne prayer into a kind of lurrey . cannot unpremeditated babling be rebuk'd , and restraind in whom we find they are , but the spirit of god must be forbidd'n in all men ? but it is the custom of bad men and hypocrits to take advantage at the least abuse of good things , that under that covert they may remove the goodness of those things , rather then the abuse . and how unknowingly , how weakly is the using of sett forms attributed here to constancy , as if it were constancie in the cuckoo to be alwaies in the same liturgie . much less can it be lawfull that an englisht mass-book , compos'd for ought we know , by men neither lerned , nor godly , should justle out , or at any time deprive us the exercise of that heav'nly gift , which god by special promise powrs out daily upon his church , that is to say , the spirit of prayer . wherof to help those many infirmities , which he reck'ns up , rudeness , impertinencie , flatness , and the like , we have a remedy of gods finding out , which is not liturgie , but his own free spirit . though we know not what to pray as we ought , yet he with sighs unutterable by any words , much less by a stinted liturgie , dwelling in us makes intercession for us , according to the mind and will of god , both in privat , and in the performance of all ecclesiastical duties . for it is his promise also , that where two or three gather'd together in his name shall agree to ask him any thing , it shall be granted ; for he is there in the midst of them . if then ancient churches to remedie the infirmities of prayer , or rather the infections of arian and pelagian heresies , neglecting that ordain'd and promis'd help of the spirit , betook them , almost four hundred yeares after christ , to liturgie thir own invention , wee are not to imitate them , nor to distrust god in the removal of that truant help to our devotion , which by him never was appointed . and what is said of liturgie is said also of directory , if it be impos'd : although to forbidd the service book there be much more reason , as being of it self superstitious , offensive , and indeed , though englisht , yet still the mass-book : and public places ought to be provided of such ▪ as need not the help of liturgies or directories continually , but are supported with ministerial gifts answerable to thir calling . lastly that the common-prayer book was rejected because it prayd so oft for him , he had no reason to object : for what large and laborious prayers were made for him in the pulpits , if he never heard , t is doubtful they were never heard in heav'n . wee might now have expected that his own following prayer should add much credit to sett forms ; but on the contrary we find the same imperfections in it , as in most before , which he lays heer upon extemporal . nor doth he ask of god to be directed whether liturgies be lawful , but presumes , and in a manner would perswade him that they be so ; praying that the church and he may never want them . what could be prayd wors extempore ? unless he mean by wanting , that they may never need them . xvii . of the differences in point of church-goverment . the goverment of church by bishops hath bin so fully prov'd from the scriptures to be vitious and usurp'd , that whether out of piety or policy maintain'd , it is not much material . for pietie grounded upon error can no more justifie king charles , then it did queen mary , in the sight of god or man. this however must not be let pass without a serious observation ; god having so dispos'd the author in this chapter as to confess and discover more of mysterie and combination between tyranny and fals religion , then from any other hand would have bin credible . heer we may see the very dark roots of them both turn'd up , and how they twine and interweave one another in the earth , though above ground shooting up in two sever'd branches . we may have learnt both from sacred history , and times of reformation , that the kings of this world have both ever hated , and instinctively fear'd the church of god. whether it be for that thir doctrin seems much to favour two things to them so dreadful , liberty and equality , or because they are the children of that kingdom , which , as ancient prophesies have foretold , shall in the end break to peeces and dissolve all thir great power and dominion , and those kings and potentates who have strove most to ridd themselves of this feare , by cutting off or suppressing the true church , have drawn upon themselves the occasion of thir own ruin , while they thought with most policy to prevent it . thus pharaoh , when once he began to feare and wax jealous of the israelites , least they should multiply and fight against him , and that his feare stirr'd him up to afflict and keep them under , as the onely remedy of what he feard , soon found that the evil which before slept , came suddenly upon him , by the preposterous way he took to shun it . passing by examples between , & not shutting wilfully our eyes , we may see the like story brought to pass in our own land. this king more then any before him , except perhapps his father , from his first entrance to the crown , harbouring in his mind a strange feare and suspicion of men most religious , and thir doctrin , which in his own language he heer acknowledges , terming it the seditious exorbitancie of ministers tongues , and doubting least they , as he not christianly expresses it , should with the keys of heav'n let out peace and loyaltie from the peoples hearts , though they never preacht or attempted aught that might justly raise in him such apprehensions , he could not rest , or think himself secure , so long as they remain'd in any of his three kingdoms unrooted out . but outwardly professing the same religion with them , he could not presently use violence as pharaoh did , and that course had with others before but ill succeeded . he chooses therfore a more mystical way , a newer method of antichristian fraud , to the church more dangerous : and like to balac the son of zippor , against a nation of prophets thinks it best to hire other esteemed prophets , and to undermine and weare out the true church by a fals ecclesiastical policy . to this drift he found the goverment of bishops most serviceable ; an order in the church , as by men first corrupted , so mutually corrupting them who receave it , both in judgement and manners . he , by conferring bishoprics and great livings on whom he thought most pliant to his will , against the known canons and universal practice of the ancient church , wherby those elections were the peoples right , sought , as he confesses , to have greatest influence upon church-men . they on the other side finding themselves in a high dignity , neither founded by scripture , nor allow'd by reformation , nor supported by any spiritual gift or grace of thir own , knew it thir best cours to have dependence onely upon him : and wrought his fansie by degrees to that degenerat , and unkingly perswasion of no bishop , no king. when as on the contrary all prelats in thir own suttle sense are of another mind ; according to that of pius the fourth , rememberd in the trentine storie , that bishops then grow to be most vigorous and potent , when princes happ'n to be most weak , and impotent . thus when both interests of tyrannie and episcopacie were incorporat into each other , the king whose principal safety and establishment consisted in the righteous execution of his civil power , and not in bishops and thir wicked counsels , fatally driv'n on , set himself to the extirpating of those men whose doctrin , and desire of church discipline he so fear'd would bee the undoing of his monarchie . and because no temporal law could touch the innocence of thir lives , he begins with the persecution of thir consciences , laying scandals before them : and makes that the argument to inflict his unjust penalties both on thir bodies and estates . in this warr against the church if he hath sped so , as other haughty monarchs whom god heertofore hath hard'nd to the like enterprize , we ought to look up with praises and thanksgiving to the author of our deliverance , to whom victorie and power , majestie , honour , and dominion belongs for ever . in the mean while from his own words we may perceave easily , that the special motives which he had to endeere and deprave his judgement to the favouring and utmost defending of episcopacie , are such as heer wee represent them : and how unwillingly and with what mental reservation he condescended against his interest to remove it out of the peers house , hath bin shown alreadie . the reasons , which he affirmes wrought so much upon his judgement , shall be so farr answerd as they be urg'd . scripture , he reports , but distinctly produces none ; and next the constant practice of all christian churches , till of late yeares tumult , faction , pride , and covetousness , invented new models under the title of christs goverment . could any papist have spoke more scandalously against all reformation ? well may the parlament and best-affected people not now be troubl'd at his calumnies and reproaches , since he binds them in the same bundle with all other the reformed churches ; who also may now furder see , besides thir own bitter experience , what a cordial and well meaning helper they had of him abroad , and how true to the protestant cause . as for histories to prove bishops , the bible , if we mean not to run into errors , vanities , and uncertainties , must be our onely historie . which informs us that the apostles were not properly bishops ; next , that bishops were not successors of apostles , in the function of apostleship : and that if they were apostles , they could not be preciselie bishops ; if bishops , they could not be apostles ; this being universal , extraordinarie , and immediat from god ; that being an ordinarie , fixt , & particular charge , the continual inspection over a certain flock . and although an ignorance and deviation of the ancient churches afterward , may with as much reason and charity be suppos'd as sudden in point of prelatie , as in other manifest corruptions , yet that no example since the first age for yeares can be produc'd of any setled church , wherin were many ministers and congregations , which had not some bishops above them , the ecclesiastical storie , to which he appeals for want of scripture , proves cleerly to be a fals and over-confident assertion . sczomenus who wrote above twelve hundred years agoe , in his seventh book relates from his own knowledge , that in the churches of cyprus and arabia , ( places neer to jerusalem , and with the first frequented by apostles ) they had bishops in every village ; and what could those be more then presbyters ? the like he tells of other nations ; and that episcopal churches in those daies did not condemn them . i add that many western churches eminent for thir faith and good works , and settl'd above four hundred years agoe in france , in piemont and bohemia , have both taught and practis'd the same doctrin , and not admitted of episcopacie among them . and if we may beleeve what the papists themselves have writt'n of these churches , which they call waldenses , i find it in a book writt'n almost four hundred years since , and set forth in the bohemian historie , that those churches in piemont have held the same doctrin and goverment , since the time that constantine with his mischeivous donations poyson'd silvester and the whole church . others affirme they have so continu'd there since the apostles : and theodorus belvederensis in his relation of them , confesseth that those heresies , as he names them , were , from the first times of christianity , in that place . for the rest i referr me to that famous testimonie of jerom , who upon this very place which he onely roaves at heer , the epistle to titus , declares op'nly that bishop and presbyter were one and the same thing , till by the instigation of satan , partialities grew up in the church ; and that bishops rather by custom , then any ordainment of christ , were exalted above presbyters : whose interpretation we trust shall be receav'd before this intricate stuffe tattl'd heer of timothy and titus , and i know not whom thir successors , farr beyond court element , and as farr beneath true edification . these are his fair grounds both from scripture-canons and ecclesiastical examples ; how undivinelike writt'n , and how like a worldly gospeller that understands nothing of these matters , posteritie no doubt will be able to judge : and will but little regard what he calls apostolical , who in his letter to the pope calls apostolical the roman religion . nor let him think to plead , that therfore it was not policy of state , or obstinacie in him which upheld episcopacie , because the injuries and losses which he sustain'd by so doing , were to him more considerable then episcopacie it self ; for all this might pharaoh have had to say in his excuse of detaining the israelites ; that his own and his kingdoms safety so much endanger'd by his denial , was to him more deer , then all thir building labours could be worth to aegypt . but whom god hard'ns , them also he blinds . he endeavours to make good episcopacie not only in religion , but from the nature of all civil government , where parity breeds confusion and faction . but of faction and confusion , to take no other then his own testimony , where hath more bin ever bred then under the imparitie of his own monarchical goverment ? of which to make at this time longer dispute , and from civil constitutions , and human conceits to debate and question the convenience of divine ordinations , is neither wisdom nor sobrietie : and to confound mosaic preisthood with evangelic presbyterie against express institution , is as far from warrantable . as little to purpose is it , that we should stand powling the reformed churches , whether they equalize in number those of his three kingdoms ; of whom so lately the far greater part , what they have long desir'd to doe , have now quite thrown off episcopacie . neither may we count it the language or religion of a protestant , so to vilifie the best reformed churches ( for none of them but lutherans retain bishops ) as to feare more the scandalizing of papists , because more numerous , then of our protestant brethren because a handful . it will not be worth the while to say what scismatics or heretics have had no bishops ; yet least he should be tak'n for a great reader , he who prompted him , if he were a doctor , might have rememberd the foremention'd place in sozomenus ; which affirmes that besides the cyprians and arabians who were counted orthodoxal , the novatians also , and montanists in phrygia had no other bishops then such as were in every village : and what presbyter hath a narrower diocess ? as for the aërians we know of no heretical opinion justly father'd upon them , but that they held bishops & presbyters to be the same . which he in this place not obscurely seems to hold a heresie in all the reformed churches : with whom why the church of england desir'd conformitie , he can find no reason with all his charity , but the comming in of the scots army ; such a high esteem he had of the english. he tempts the clergie to return back again to bishops , from the feare of tenuity and contempt , and the assurance of better thriving under the favour of princes ; against which temptations if the clergie cannot arm themselves with thir own spiritual armour , they are indeed as poor a carkass as he terms them . of secular honours and great revenues added to the dignitie of prelats , since the subject of that question is now remov'd , we need not spend time : but this perhaps will never bee unseasonable to beare in minde out of chrysostome , that when ministers came to have lands , houses , farmes , coaches , horses , and the like lumber , then religion brought forth riches in the church , and the daughter devour'd the mother . but if his judgement in episcopacie may be judg'd by the goodly chois he made of bishops , we need not much amuse our selves with the consideration of those evils which , by his foretelling , will necessarily follow thir pulling down , untill he prove that the apostles having no certain diocess or appointed place of residence , were properly bishops over those presbyters whom they ordain'd , or churches they planted ; wherein ofttimes thir labours were both joint and promiscuous : or that the apostolic power must necessarily descend to bishops , the use and end of either function being so different . and how the church hath flourisht under episcopacie , let the multitude of thir ancient and gross errors testifie ; and the words of some learnedest and most zealous bishops among them ; nazianzen in a devout passion wishing prelaty had never bin ; basil terming them the slaves of slaves ; saint martin , the enemies of saints , and confessing that after he was made a bishop , he found much of that grace decay in him which he had before . concerning his coronation oath what it was , and how farr it bound him , already hath bin spok'n . this we may take for certain , that he was never sworn to his own particular conscience and reason , but to our conditions as a free people ; which requir'd him to give us such laws as our selves shall choose . this the scots could bring him to , and would not be baffl'd with the pretence of a coronation oath , after that episcopacy had for many years bin settl'd there . which concession of his to them , and not to us , he seeks heer to put off with evasions that are ridiculous . and to omit no shifts , he alleges that the presbyterian manners gave him no encouragement to like thir modes of government . if that were so , yet certainly those men are in most likelihood neerer to amendment , who seek a stricter church discipline then that of episcopacy ; under which the most of them learnt thir manners . if estimation were to be made of gods law by their manners , who leaving aegypt , receav'd it in the wilderness , it could reap from such an inference as this , nothing but rejection and disesteem . for the prayer wherwith he closes , it had bin good som safe liturgie , which he so commends , had rather bin in his way ; it would perhaps in som measure have perform'd the end for which they say liturgie was first invented ; and have hinder'd him , both heer and at other times , from turning his notorious errors into his praiers . xviii . upon the uxbridge treaty , &c. if the way of treaties be look'd upon in general , as a retiring from bestial force to human reason , his first aphorism heer is in part deceav'd . for men may treat like beasts as well as fight . if som fighting were not mar-like , then either fortitude were no vertue , or no fortitude in fighting : and as politicians ofttimes through dilatory purposes , and emulations handle the matter , there hath bin no where found more bestialitie then in treating : which hath no more commendation in it then from fighting to come to undermining , from violence to craft , and when they can no longer doe as lions , to doe as foxes . the sincerest end of treating after war once proclaim'd , is either to part with more , or to demand less then was at first fought for , rather then to hazzard more lives , or wors mischiefs . what the parlament in that point were willing to have don , when first after the warr begun , they petition'd him at colebrook to voutsafe a treaty , is unknown . for after he had tak'n god to witness of his continual readiness to treat , or to offer treaties to the avoiding of bloodshed , had nam'd windsor the place of treaty , and pass'd his royal word not to advance furder , till commissioners by such a time were speeded towards him , taking the advantage of a thick mist , which fell that evening , weather that soon invited him to a designe no less treacherous and obscure ; he follows at the heels those me engers of peace with a traine of covert warr : and with a bloody surprise falls on our secure forces which lay quartering at brentford in the thoughts and expectation of a treaty . and although in them who make a trade of warr , and against a natural enemy , such an onset might in the rigor of military law have bin excus'd , while armes were not yet by agreement suspended , yet by a king , who seem'd so heartily to accept of treating with his subjects , and professes heer , he never wanted either desire or disposition to it , professes to have greater confidence in his reason , then in his sword , and as a christian to seek peace and ensue it , such bloody and deceitful advantages would have bin forborn one day at least , if not much longer ; in whom there had not bin a thirst rather then a detestation of civil warr and blood , and a desire to subdue rather then to treat . in the midst of a second treaty not long after , fought by the parlament , and after much adoe obtain'd with him at oxford , what suttle and unpeaceable designes he then had in chace , his own letters discover'd : what attempts of treacherous hostility successful and unsuccessful he made against bristow , scarborow , and other places , the proceedings of that treaty will soon put us in mind : and how he was so far from granting more of reason , after so much of blood , that he deny'd then to grant , what before he had offerd ; making no other use of treaties pretending peace , then to gaine advantages that might enable him to continue warr. what marvel then if he thought it no diminution of himself , as oft as he saw his time , to be importunate for treaties , when hee sought them onely , as by the upshot appeard , to get opportunities : and once to a most cruel purpose , if we remember may . and that messenger of peace from oxford , whose secret message and commission , had it bin effected , would have drownd the innocence of our treating , in the blood of a designed massacher . nay , when treaties from the parlament sought out him , no less then seven times , oft anough to testifie the willingness of thir obedience , and too oft for the majesty of a parlament to court thir subjection , he in the confidence of his own strength , or of our divisions , returnd us nothing back but denials , or delaies , to thir most necessary demands ; and being at lowest kept up still and sustain'd his almost famishd hopes with the howrly expectation of raising up himself the higher , by the greater heap which he sate promising himself of our sudden ruin through dissention . but he inferrs , as if the parlament would have compell'd him to part with somthing of his honour as a king. what honour could he have , or call his , joyn'd , not onely with the offence or disturbance , but with the bondage and destruction of three nations ; wherof though he be careless and improvident , yet the parlament , by our laws and freedom , ought to judge and use prevention ; our laws els were but cobweb laws . and what were all his most rightful honours , but the peoples gift , and the investment of that lustre , majesty , and honour , which for the public good & no otherwise , redounds from a whole nation into one person ? so far is any honour from being his to a common mischeif and calamity . yet still he talks on equal termes with the grand representative of that people , for whose sake he was a king ; as if the general welfare , and his subservient rights were of equal moment , or consideration . his aime indeed hath ever bin to magnifie and exalt his borrowd rights and prerogatives , above the parlament and kingdom of whom he holds them . but when a king setts himself to bandy against the highest court and residence of all his regal power , he then , in the single person of a man , fights against his own majesty and kingship , and then indeed sets the first hand to his own deposing . the treaty at uxbridge , he saith , gave the fairest hopes of a happy composure , fairest indeed , if his instructions to bribe our commissioners with the promise of security , rewards , and places , were faire : what other hopes it gave no man can tell . there being but three maine heads whereon to be treated , ireland , episcopacy , and the militia , the first was anticipated and forestall'd by a peace at any rate to be hast'nd with the irish rebels , ere the treaty could begin ; that he might pretend his word and honour past against the specious and popular arguments ( he calls them no better ) which the parlament would urge upon him for the continuance of that just warr. episcopacy he bids the queen be confident he will never quitt : which informes us by what patronage it stood ; and the sword he resolves to clutch as fast , as if god with his own hand had put it into his . this was the moderation which he brought ; this was as farr as reason , honour , conscience , and the queen who was his regent in all these , would give him leave . lastly for composure , in stead of happy , how miserable it was more likely to have bin , wise men could then judge ; when the english , during treaty , were call'd rebels , the irish , good and catholic subjects ; and the parlament before hand , though for fashions sake call'd a parlament , yet by a jesuitical slight not acknowledg'd though call'd so ; but privatly in the counsel books inroull'd no parlament : that if accommodation had succeeded upon what termes soever , such a devilish fraud was prepar'd , that the king in his own esteem had bin absolv'd from all performance , as having treated with rebels and no parlament ; and they on the other side in stead of an expected happines , had bin brought under the hatchet . then no doubt warr had ended , that massacher and tyranny might begin . these jealousies however rais'd , let all men see whether they be diminish'd or allay'd , by the letters of his own cabinet open'd . and yet the breach of this treaty is lay'd all upon the parlament and thir commissioners , with odious names of pertinacy , hatred of peace , faction , and covetousness , nay his own bratt superstition is layd to their charge ; not withstanding his heer profess'd resolution to continue both the order , maintenance , and authority of prelats , as a truth of god. and who were most to blame in the unsuccessfullness of that treaty , his appeale is to gods decision : beleeving to be very excusable at that tribunal . but if ever man gloried in an unflexible stifness , he came not behind any : and that grand maxim , always to put somthing into his treaties , which might give colour to refuse all that was in other things granted , and to make them signifie nothing , was his own principal maxim , and particular instructions to his commissioners . yet all , by his own verdit , must be consterd reason in the king , and depraved temper in the parlament . that the highest tide of success , with these principles and designes , set him not above a treaty , no great wonder . and yet if that be spok'n to his praise , the parlament therin surpass'd him ; who , when he was thir vanquish'd and thir captive , his forces utterly brok'n and disbanded , yet offerd him three several times no wors proposals or demands , then when he stood fair to be thir conqueror . but that imprudent surmise that his lowest ebb could not set him below a fight , was a presumption that ruin'd him . he presag'd the future unsuccessfulness of treaties by the unwillingness of som men to treat : and could not see what was present that thir unwillingness had good cause to proceed from the continual experience of his own obstinacy and breach of word . his prayer therfore of forgiveness to the guilty of that treaties breaking , he had good reason to say heartily over ; as including no man in that guilt sooner then himself . as for that protestation following in his prayer , how oft have i entreated for peace , but when i speak therof , they make them ready to warr , unless he thought himself still in that perfidious mist , between colebrook and houndslow , and thought that mist could hide him from the eye of heav'n as well as of man , after such a bloody recompence giv'n to our first offers of peace , how could this in the sight of heav'n without horrours of conscience be utter'd ? xix . vpon the various events of the warr. it is no new , or unwonted thing for bad men to claim as much part in god as his best servants ; to usurp and imitate thir words , and appropriate to themselves those properties which belong onely to the good and righteous . this not onely in scripis familiarly to be found , but heer also in this chapter of apocrypha . he tells us much , why it pleas'd god to send him victory or loss ( although what in so doing was the intent of god , he might be much mistak'n as to his own particular ) but we are yet to learn what real good use he made therof in his practice . those numbers which he grew to from small beginnings , were not such as out of love came to protect him , for none approv'd his actions as a king , except courtiers and prelats , but were such as fled to be protected by him from the fear of that reformation which the pravity of thir lives would not bear . such a snowball he might easily gather by rowling through those cold and dark provinces of ignorance and leudness , where on a sudden he became so numerous . he imputes that to gods protection , which , to them who persist in a bad cause , is either his long-suffering , or his hard'ning ; and that to wholesom chastisement , which were the gradual beginnings of a severe punishment . for if neither god nor nature put civil power in the hands of any whomsoever , but to a lawfull end , and commands our obedience to the autority of law onely , not to the tyrannical force of any person , and if the laws of our land have plac'd the sword in no mans single hand , so much as to unsheath against a forren enemie , much less upon the native people , but have plac'd it in that elective body of the parlament , to whom the making , repealing , judging , and interpreting of law it self was also committed ; as was fittest , so long as wee intended to bee a free nation , and not the slaves of one mans will , then was the king himself disobedient and rebellious to that law by which he raign'd ; and by autority of parlament to raise armes against him in defence of law and libertie , we doe not onely think , but beleeve and know was justifiable both by the word of god , the laws of the land , and all lawfull oaths ; and they who sided with him fought against all these . the same allegations , which he uses for himself and his party , may as well fitt any tyrant in the world : for let the parlament bee call'd a faction when the king pleases , and that no law must bee made or chang'd either civil or religious , because no law will content all sides , then must be made or chang'd no law at all ; but what a tyrant , be he protestant or papist , thinks fitt . which tyrannous assertion forc'd upon us by the sword , he who fights against , and dyes fighting , if his other sins overweigh not , dyes a martyr undoubtedly both of the faith and of the common-wealth : and i hold it not as the opinion , but as the full beleef and persuasion of farr holier and wiser men then parasitie preachers . who , without their dinner-doctrin , know that neither king , law , civil oaths , or religion , was ever establish'd without the parlament : and thir power is the same to abrogate as to establish : neither is any thing to bee thought establish'd which that house declares to be abolisht . where the parlament sitts , there inseparably sitts the king , there the laws , there our oaths , and whatsoever can be civil in religion . they who fought for the parlament , in the truest sense fought for all these ; who fought for the king divided from his parlament , fought for the shadow of a king against all these ; and for things that were not , as if they were establisht . it were a thing monstrously absurd and contradictory to give the parlament a legislative power , and then to upbraid them for transgressing old establishments . but the king and his party having lost in this quarrel thir heav'n upon earth , beginn to make great reckning of eternal life , and at an easie rate in forma pauperis canonize one another into heav'n ; he them in his book , they him in the portrature before his book : but as was said before , stage-work will not doe it ; much less the justness of thir cause : wherin most frequently they dy'd in a brutish fierceness , with oaths and other damning words in thir mouths ; as if such had bin all the oaths they fought for : which undoubtedly sent them full sail on another voyage then to heav'n . in the mean while they to whom god gave victory , never brought to the king at oxford the state of thir consciences , that he should presume without confession , more then a pope presumes , to tell abroad what conflicts and accusations , men whom he never spoke with , have in thir own thoughts . we never read of any english king but one that was a confessor ; and his name was edward : yet sure it pass'd his skill to know thoughts , as this king takes upon him . but they who will not stick to slander mens inward consciences , which they can neither see nor know , much less will care to slander outward actions , which they pretend to see , though with senses never so vitiated . to judge of his conditions conquerd , and the manner of dying on that side , by the sober men that chose it , would be his small advantage : it being most notorious , that they who were hottest in his cause , the most of them were men oftner drunk , then by thir good will sober , and very many of them so fought and so dy'd . and that the conscience of any man should grow suspicious , or be now convicted by any pretentions in the parlament , which are now prov'd fals , and unintended , there can be no just cause . for neither did they ever pretend to establish his throne without our liberty and religion , nor religion without the word of god , nor to judge of laws by thir being establisht , but to establish them by thir being good and necessary . he tells the world he oft'n prayd that all on his side might be as faithfull to god and thir own souls , as to him . but kings , above all other men , have in thir hands not to pray onely but to doe . to make that prayer effectual , he should have govern'd as well as pray'd . to pray and not to govern is for a monk and not a king. till then he might be well assur'd they were more faithfull to thir lust and rapine then to him . in the wonted predication of his own vertues he goes on to tell us , that to conquer he never desir'd , but onely to restore the laws and liberties of his people . it had bin happy then he had known at last , that by force to restore laws abrogated by the legislative parlament ; is to conquer absolutely both them , and law it self . and for our liberties , none ever oppress'd them more , both in peace and warr ; first like a maister by his arbitrary power ; next as an enemy by hostile invasion . and if his best freinds fear'd him , and he himself , in the temptation of an absolute conquest , it was not only pious , but freindly in the parlament , both to fear him and resist him ; since their not yeelding , was the onely meanes to keep him out of that temptation wherin he doubted his own strength . he takes himself to be guilty in this warr of nothing els , but of confirming the power of some men : thus all along he signifies the parlament , whom to have settl'd by an act he counts to be his onely guiltiness . so well he knew that to continue a parlament , was to raise a war against himself ; what were his actions then and his government the while ? for never was it heard in all our story , that parlaments made warr on thir kings , but on thir tyrants ; whose modesty and gratitude was more wanting to the parlament , then theirs to any of such kings . what he yeelded was his feare ; what he deny'd was his obstinacy ; had he yeelded more , fear might perchance have sav'd him ; had he granted less , his obstinacy had perhaps the sooner deliverd us . to review the occasions of this warr will be to them never too late , who would be warn'd by his example from the like evils : but to wish onely a happy conclusion , will never expiate the fault of his unhappy beginnings . t is true on our side the sins of our lives not seldom fought against us : but on their side , besides those , the grand sin of thir cause . how can it be otherwise when he desires heer most unreasonably , and indeed sacrilegiously , that we should be subject to him , though not furder , yet as farr as all of us may be subject to god ; to whom this expression leaves no precedency . hee who desires from men as much obedience and subjection , as we may all pay to god , desires not less then to be a god ; a sacrilege farr wors then medling with the bishops lands , as he esteems it . his praier is a good praier and a glorious ; but glorying is not good , if it know not that a little leven levens the whole lump . it should have purg'd out the leven of untruth in telling god that the blood of his subjects by him shedd was in his just and necessary defence . yet this is remarkable ; god hath heer so orderd his prayer , that as his own lipps acquitted the parlament , not long before his death , of all the blood spilt in this warr , so now his prayer unwittingly drawes it upon himself . for god imputes not to any man the blood he spills in a just cause : and no man ever begg'd his not imputing of that which he in his justice could not impute . so that now whether purposely , or unaware he hath confess'd both to god and man the bloodguiltiness of all this warr to lie upon his own head . xx. upon the reformation of the times . this chapter cannot punctually be answer'd without more repetitions then now can be excusable : which perhaps have already bin more humour'd then was needfull . as it presents us with nothing new , so with his exceptions against reformation pittifully old , and tatter'd with continual using ; not onely in his book , but in the words and writings of every papist and popish king. on the scene he thrusts out first an antimasque of two bugbeares , noveltie and perturbation ; that the ill looks and noise of those two , may as long as possible , drive off all endeavours of a reformation . thus sought pope adrian by representing the like vain terrors , to divert and dissipate the zeal of those reforming princes of the age before in germany . and if we credit latimers sermons , our papists heer in england pleaded the same dangers and inconveniencies against that which was reform'd by edward the sixth . whereas if those fears had bin available , christianity it self had never bin receav'd . which christ foretold us , would not be admitted without the censure of noveltie and many great commotions . these therfore are not to deterr us . he grants reformation to be a good work , and confesses what the indulgence of times and corruption of manners might have deprav'd . so did the foremention'd pope and our gransire papists in this realm . yet all of them agree in one song with this heer , that they are sorry to see so little regard had to laws establisht , and the religion settl'd . popular compliance , dissolution of all order and goverment in the church , scisms , opinions , undecencies , confusions , sacrilegious invasions , contempt of the clergie and thir liturgie , diminution of princes : all these complaints are to be read in the messages and speeches almost of every legat from the pope to those states and citties which began reformation . from whence he either learnt the same pretences , or had them naturally in him from the same spirit . neither was there ever so sincere a reformation that hath escap'd these clamours . he offer'd a synod or convocation rightly chosen . so offerd all those popish kings heertofore ; a cours the most unsatisfactory , as matters have been long carried , and found by experience in the church liable to the greatest fraud and packing : no solution , or redress of evil , but an increase rather ; detested therfore by nazianzen and som other of the fathers . and let it bee produc'd what good hath bin don by synods from the first times of reformation . not to justifie what enormities the vulgar may committ in the rudeness of thir zeal , we need but onely instance how he bemoanes the pulling down of crosses and other superstitious monuments , as the effect of a popular and deceitful reformation . how little this savours of a protestant , is too easily perceav'd . what he charges in defect of piety , charity , and morality , hath bin also charg'd by papists upon the best reformed churches : not as if they the accusers were not tenfold more to be accus'd , but out of thir malignity to all endeavour of amendment ; as we know who accus'd to god the sincerity of job ; an accusation of all others the most easie , when as there livs not any mortal man so excellent , who in these things is not alwaies deficient . but the infirmities of best men , and the scandals of mixt hypocrits in all times of reforming , whose bold intrusion covets to bee ever seen in things most sacred as they are most specious , can lay no just blemish upon the integritie of others , much less upon the purpose of reformation it self . neither can the evil doings of som be the excuse of our delaying or deserting that duty to the church , which for no respect of times or carnal policies can be at any time unseasonable . he tells with great shew of piety what kinde of persons public reformers ought to be , and what they ought to doe . t is strange that in above twenty years , the church growing still wors and wors under him , he could neither be as he bids others be , nor doe , as he pretends heer so well to know ; nay , which is worst of all , after the greatest part of his raign spent in neither knowing , nor doing aught toward a reformation either in church or state , should spend the residue in hindring those by a seven years warr , whom it concernd , with his consent or without it , to doe thir parts in that great performance . t is true that the method of reforming may well subsist without perturbation of the state ; but that it falls out otherwise for the most part , is the plaine text of scripture . and if by his own rule hee had allow'd us to feare god first , and the king in due order , our allegeance might have still follow'd our religion in a fit subordination . but if christs kingdom be tak'n for the true discipline of the church , and by his kingdom be meant the violence he us'd against it , and to uphold an antichristian hierarchie , then sure anough it is , that christs kingdom could not be sett up without pulling down his : and they were best christians who were least subject to him . christs goverment , out of question meaning it prelatical , hee thought would confirm his : and this was that which overthrew it . he professes to own his kingdom from christ , and to desire to rule for his glory , and the churches good : the pope and the king of spain profess every where as much ; and both his practice and all his reasonings , all his enmitie against the true church we see hath bin the same with theirs , since the time that in his letter to the pope he assur'd them both of his full compliance . but evil beginnings never bring forth good conclusions : they are his own words , and he ratifi'd them by his own ending . to the pope he ingag'd himself to hazard life and estate for the roman religion , whether in complement he did it , or in earnest ; and god , who stood neerer then he for complementing minded , writ down those words ; that according to his resolution , so it should come to pass . he praies against his hypocrisie and pharisaical washings , a prayer to him most pertinent , but choaks it straight with other words which pray him deeper into his old errors and delusions . xxi . vpon his letters tak'n and divulg'd . the kings letters taken at the battell of naesby , being of greatest importance to let the people see what faith there was in all his promises and solemn protestations , were transmitted to public view by special order of the parlament . they discover'd his good affection to papists and irish rebels , the straight intelligence he held , the pernitious & dishonorable peace he made with them , not solicited but rather soliciting , w ch by all invocations that were holy he had in public abjur'd . they reveal'd his endeavours to bring in forren forces , irish , french , dutch , lorrainers , and our old invaders the danes upon us , besides his suttleties and mysterious arts in treating : to summ up all , they shewd him govern'd by a woman . all which though suspected vehemently before , and from good grounds beleev'd , yet by him and his adherents peremptorily deny'd , were , by the op'ning of that cabinet , visible to all men under his own hand . the parlament therfore to cleer themselves of aspersing him without cause , and that the people might no longer be abus'd and cajol'd , as they call it , by falsities and court impudence , in matters of so high concernment , to let them know on what termes thir duty stood , and the kingdoms peace , conceavd it most expedient and necessary , that those letters should be made public . this the king affirmes was by them don without honour and civilitie : words , which if they contain not in them , as in the language of a courtier most commonly they do not , more of substance and realitie then complement , ceremony , court fauning and dissembling , enter not i suppose furder then the eare into any wise mans consideration . matters were not then between the parlament and a king thir enemie in that state of trifling , as to observ those superficial vanities . but if honour and civilitie mean , as they did of old , discretion , honesty , prudence , and plaine truth , it will be then maintain'd against any sect of those cabalists , that the parlament in doing what they did with those letters , could suffer in thir honour and civilitie no diminution . the reasons are already heard . and that it is with none more familiar then with kings , to transgress the bounds of all honour and civility , there should not want examples good store , if brevity would permitt ; in poynt of letters this one shall suffice . the duchess of burgundie and heire of duke charles , had promis'd to her subjects that shee intended no otherwise to govern , then by advise of the three estates , but to lewis the french king had writt'n letters , that shee had resolv'd to committ wholly the managing of her affaires to foure persons , whom shee nam'd . the three estates not doubting the sincerity of her princely word , send embassadors to lewis , who then beseig'd arras belonging to the duke of burgondy . the king taking hold of this occasion to set them at division among themselves , question'd thir credence ; which when they offerd to produce with thir instructions , he not only shewes them the privat letter of thir duchess , but gives it them to carry home , wherwith to affront her ; which they did , shee denying it stoutly ; till they , spredding it before her face in a full assembly , convicted her of an op'n iye . which although commines the historian much blames , as a deed too harsh and dishonourable in them who were subjects , and not at warr with thir princess , yet to his maister lewis , who first divulg'd those letters , to the op'n shaming of that young governess , he imputes no incivilitie or dishonour at all , although betraying a certaine confidence repos'd by that letter in his royal secrecie . with much more reason then may letters not intercepted only , but won in battell from an enemie , be made public to the best advantages of them that win them , to the discovery of such important truth or falshood . was it not more dishonourable in himself to faine suspicions and jealousies , which we first found among those letters , touching the chastitie of his mother , thereby to gaine assistance from the king of denmark , as in vindication of his sister ? the damsell of burgundie , at sight of her own letter , was soon blank , and more ingenuous then to stand out-facing ; but this man whom nothing will convince , thinks by talking world without end , to make good his integrity and faire dealing contradicted by his own hand and seale . they who can pick nothing out of them but phrases shall be counted bees : they that discern furder both there and here , that constancy to his wife is set in place before laws and religion , are in his naturalities no better then spiders . he would work the people to a perswasion , that if he be miserable they cannot be happy . vvhat should hinder them ? vvere they all born twins of hippocrates with him and his fortune , one birth one burial ? it were a nation miserable indeed , not worth the name of a nation , but a race of idiots , whose happiness and welfare depended upon one man. the happiness of a nation consists in true religion , piety , justice , prudence , temperance , fortitude , and the contempt of avarice and ambition . they in whomsoever these vertues dwell eminently , need not kings to make them happy , but are the architects of thir own happiness ; and whether to themselves or others are not less then kings . but in him , which of these vertues were to be found , that might extend to the making happy , or the well-governing of somuch as his own houshold , which was the most tious and ill govern'd in the whole land. but the op'ning of his letters was design'd by the parlament to make all reconciliation desperate . are the lives of so many good and faithfull men , that dy'd for the freedom of thir country , to be so slighted , as to be forgott'n in a stupid reconcilement without justice don them ? vvhat he feares not by vvarr and slaughter , should we feare to make desperate by op'ning his letters ? vvhich fact he would parallell with chams revealing of his fathers nakedness : vvhen he at that time could be no way esteem'd the father of his countrey , but the destroyer ; nor had he ever before merited that former title . he thanks god he cannot onely beare this with patience , but with charity forgive the doers . is not this meer mockery to thank god for what he can doe , but will not ? for is it patience to impute barbarism and inhumanity to the op'ning of an enemies letter , or is it charity to cloth them with curses in his prayer whom he hath forgiv'n in his discours ? in which prayer to shew how readily he can return good for evil to the parlament , and that if they take away his coat , he can let them have his cloak also , for the dismantling of his letters he wishes they may be cover'd with the cloak of confusion . vvhich i suppose they do resigne with much willingness , both livery , badge , and cognizance , to them who chose rather to be the slaves and vassals of his will , then to stand against him , as men by nature free ; born and created with a better title to thir freedom , then any king hath to his crown . xxii . vpon his going to the scots . the kings comming in , whether to the scots or english , deserv'd no thanks : for necessitie was his counselor : and that he hated them both alike , his expressions every where manifest . som say his purpose was to have come to london , till hearing how strictly it was proclaim'd that no man should conceal him , he diverted his course . but that had bin a frivolous excuse : and besides he himself rehearsing the consultations had , before he took his journey , shewes us cleerly that he was determin'd to adventure upon their loyalty who first began his troubles . and that the scots had notice of it before , hath bin long since brought to light . what prudence there could be in it , noman can imagin ; malice there might be , by raising new jealousies to divide freinds . for besides his diffidence of the english , it was no small dishonour that he put upon them , when rather then yeild himself to the parlament of england , he yeelded to an hireling army of scots in england , payd for thir service heer , not in scotch coyn , but in english silver ; nay who from the first beginning of these troubles , what with brotherly assistance , and what with mounthly pay , have defended thir own liberty and consciences at our charge . however it was a hazardous and rash journey taken , to resolve riddles in mens loyaltie , who had more reason to mistrust the riddle of such a disguised yeelding ; and to put himself in their hands whose loyalty was a riddle to him , was not the cours to be resolv'd of it , but to tempt it . what providence deny'd to force , he thought it might grant to fraud , which he stiles prudence : but providence was not couzen'd with disguises , neither outward nor inward . to have known his greatest danger in his supposed safety , and his greatest safety in his supposed danger was to him a fatal riddle never yet resolv'd ; wherin rather to have imployd his main skill , had bin much more to his preservation . had he known when the game was lost , it might have sav'd much contest : but the way to give over fairely , was not to slip out of op'n warr into a new disguise . he layes down his armes , but not his wiles ; nor all his armes , for in obstinacy he comes no less arm'd then ever , cap a pè . and what were they but wiles , continually to move for treaties , and yet to persist the same man , and to fortifie his mind before hand , still purposing to grant no more then what seem'd good to that violent and lawless triumvirate within him , under the falsifi'd names of his reason , honour , and conscience , the old circulating dance of his shifts and evasions . the words of a king , as they are full of power , in the autority and strength of law , so like sampson , without the strength of that nazarites lock , they have no more power in them then the words of another man. he adores reason as domitian did minerva , and calls her the divinest power , thereby to intimate as if at reasoning , as at his own weapon , no man were so able as himself . might we be so happy as to know where these monuments of his reason may be seen , for in his actions & his writing they appeare as thinly as could be expected from the meanest parts , bredd up in the midst of so many wayes extraordinary to know somthing . he who reads his talk , would think he had left oxford not without mature deliberation : yet his prayer confesses that he knew not what to doe . thus is verifi'd that psalme ; he powreth contempt upon princes and causeth them to wander in the wilderness where there is no way , psal. . xxiii . vpon the scots delivering the king to the english. that the scots in england should sell thir king , as he himself here affirmes , and for a price so much above that , which the covetousness of judas was contented with to sell our saviour , is so foule an infamy and dishonour cast upon them , as befitts none to vindicate but themselves . and it were but friendly counsel to wish them beware the son , who comes among them with a firme beleif that they sould his father . the rest of this chapter he sacrifices to the echo of his conscience , out-babling creeds and ave's ; glorying in his resolute obstinacy , and as it were triumphing how evident it is now , that not evill counselors , but he himself hath been the author of all our troubles . herein onely we shall disagree to the worlds end , while he who sought so manifestly to have annihilated all our laws and liberties , hath the confidence to perswade us that he hath fought and suffer'd all this while in thir defence . but he who neither by his own letters and commissions under hand and seale , nor by his own actions held as in a mirror before his face , will be convinc'd to see his faults , can much less be won upon by any force of words , neither he , nor any that take after him ; who in that respect are no more to be disputed with , then they who deny principles . no question then , but the parlament did wisely in thir decree at last , to make no more addresses . for how unalterable his will was , that would have bin our lord , how utterly averse from the parlament , and reformation , during his confinement , we may behold in this chapter . but to be ever answering fruitless repetitions , i should become liable to answer for the same my self . he borrows davids psalmes , as he charges the assembly of divines in his twentith discourse , to have set forth old catechisms and confessions of faith new drest . had he borrow'd davids heart , it had bin much the holier theft . for such kind of borrowing as this , if it be not better'd by the borrower , among good authors is accounted plagiarie . however , this was more tolerable then pammela's praier , stol'n out of sir philip. xxiv . vpon the denying him the attendance of his chaplains a chaplain is a thing so diminutive , and inconsiderable , that how he should come heer among matters of so great concernment , to take such room up in the discourses of a prince , if it be not wonderd , is to be fmil'd at . certainly by me , so mean an argument shall not be writt'n ; but i shall huddle him as he does prayers . the scripture ownes no such order , no such function in the church ; and the church not owning them , they are left , for ought i know , to such a furder examining as the sons of sceva the jew met with ; bishops or presbyters we know , and deacons we know , but what are chaplains ? in state perhaps they may be listed among the upper servingmen of som great houshold , and be admitted to som such place , as may stile them the sewers , or the yeomen-ushers of devotion , where the maister is too restie , or too rich to say his own prayers , or to bless his own table . wherfore should the parlament then take such implements of the court cupbord into thir consideration ? they knew them to have bin the main corrupters at the kings elbow : they knew the king to have bin always thir most attentive scholar , & imitator , & of a child to have suckt from them & thir closet work all his impotent principles of tyranny & superstition . while therfore they had any hope left of his reclaiming , these sowers of malignant tares they kept asunder from him : and sent to him such of the ministers and other zealous persons , as they thought were best able to instruct him , and to convert him . what could religion her self have don more to the saving of a soule ? but when they found him past cure , & that he to himself was grown the most evil counseler of all , they deny'd him not his chaplains , as many as were fitting , and som of them attended him , or els were at his call to the very last . yet heer he makes more lamentationfor the want of his chaplains , then superstitious micah did to the danites , who had tak'n away his houshold priest. yee have tak'n away my gods which i made , and the priest , and what have i more ? and perhaps the whole story of micah might square not unfitly to this argument : now know i , saith he , that the lord will doe me good , seeing i have a levite to my priest. micah had as great a care that his priest should be mosaical , as the king had that his should be apostolical ; yet both in an error touching thir priests . houshold and privat orisons were not to be officiated by priests ; for neither did public prayer appertain onely to their office. kings heertofore , david , salomon , and jehosaphat , who might not touch the priesthood , yet might pray in public , yea in the temple , while the priests themselves stood and heard . vvhat aild this king then that he could not chew his own mattins without the priests oretenus ? yet is it like he could not pray at home , who can heer publish a whole prayer-book of his own , and signifies in some part of this chapter , almost as good a mind to be a priest himself , as micah had to let his son be . there was doubtless therfore some other matter in it , which made him so desirous to have his chaplaines . about him , who were not onely the contrivers , but very oft the instruments also of his designes . the ministers which were sent him no marvel he indur'd not ; for they preacht repentance to him : the others gave him easie confession , easie absolution , nay strength'nd his hands and hard'nd his heart by applauding him in his wilfull wayes . to them he was an ahab , to these a constantine ; it must follow then that they to him were as unwelcome as eliah was to ahab , these as deer , and pleasing as amaziah the priest of bethel was to jeroboam . these had learnt well the lesson that would please ; prophesie not against bethel , for it is the kings chappel , the kings court ; and had taught the king to say of those ministers which the parlament had sent , amos hath conspir'd against me ; the land is not able to beare all his words . returning to our first parallel , this king lookt upon his prelats as orphans under the sacrilegious eyes of many rapacious reformers : and there was as great feare of sacrilege between micah and his mother , till with thir holy treasure , about the loss whereof there was such cursing , they made a grav'n and a molt'n image , and got a priest of thir own . to let go his criticizing about the sound of prayers , imperious , rude , or passionat , modes of his own divising , we are in danger to fall again upon the flats and shallows of liturgie . which if i should repeat again , would turn my answers into responsories , and begett another liturgie , having too much of one already . this onely i shall add , that if the heart , as he alleges , cannot safely joyn with another mans extemporal sufficiency , because we know not so exactly what they mean to say , then those public prayers made in the temple by those forenamed kings , and by the apostles in the congregation , and by the ancient christians for above three hundred yeares before liturgies came in , were with the people made in vain . after he hath acknowledg'd that kings heertofore prayd without chaplains , eev'n publicly in the temple it self , and that every privat beleever is invested with a royall priesthood , yet like one that relisht not what he tasted of the heav'nly gift , and the good word of god whose name he so confidently takes into his mouth , he frames to himself impertinent and vain reasons , why he should rather pray by the officiating mouth of a closet chaplain . their prayers , saith he , are more prevalent , they flow from minds more enlightn'd , from affections less distracted . admitt this true , which is not ; this might be somthing said as to thir prayers for him , but what availes it to thir praying with him ? if his own minde be incumbred with secular affaires , what helps it his particular prayer , though the mind of his chaplain be not wandring , either after new preferment , or his dinner ? the fervencie of one man in prayer , cannot supererogate for the coldness of another ; neither can his spiritual defects in that duty be made out , in the acceptance of god , by another mans abilities . let him endeavour to have more light in himself : and not to walk by another mans lamp , but to get oyle into his own . let him cast from him , as in a christian warrfare , that secular incumbrance which either distracts , or overloads him ; his load els will never be the less heavie , because another mans is light . thus these pious flourishes and colours examin'd throughly , are like the apples of asphaltis , appearing goodly to the sudden eye , but look well upon them , or at least but touch them , and they turne into cinders . in his prayer he remembers what voices of joy and gladness there were in his chappell , gods house , in his opinion , between the singing men and the organs ; and this was unity of spirit in the bond of peace ; the vanity , superstition , and misdevotion of which place was a scandall farr and neer : wherin so many things were sung , and pray'd in those songs , which were not understood : and yet he who makes a difficulty how the people can joyne thir hearts to extemporal prayers , though distinctly heard and understood , makes no question how they should joyn thir hearts in unitie to songs not understood . i beleeve that god is no more mov'd with a prayer elaboratly pend , then men truely charitable are mov'd with the pen'd speech of a begger . finally o yee ministers , ye pluralists , whose lips preserve not knowledge , but the way ever op'n to your bellies , read heer what work he makes among your wares , your gally pots , your balmes and cordials in print , & not onely your sweet sippets in widows houses , but the huge gobbets wherewith he charges you to have devourd houses and all ; the houses of your brethren , your king , and your god. crie him up for a saint in your pulpits , while he cries you down for atheists into hell. xxv . vpon his penitentiall meditations and vowes at holmby it is not hard for any man , who hath a bible in his hands , to borrow good words and holy sayings in abundance ; but to make them his own , is a work of grace onely from above . he borrows heer many penitential verses out of davids psalmes . so did many among those israelites , who had revolted from the true worship of god , invent to themselves instruments of music like david , and probably psalmes also like his , and yet the profet amos complaines heavily against them . but to prove how short this is of true repentance , i will recite the penitence of others , who have repented in words not borrowd , but thir own and yet by the doom of scripture it self are judg'd reprobates . cain said unto the lord , my iniquity is greater then i can beare , behold thou hast driv'n me this day from the face of the earth , and from thy face shall i be bid . and when esau heard the words of his father he cry'd with an exceeding bitter cry , and said , bless me eev'n me also o my father ; yet found no place of repentance though he sought it carefully with teares , heb. . and pharaoh said to moses , the lord is righteous , i and my people are wicked ; i have sind against the lord your god and against you . and balaam said , let me die the death of the righteous and let my last end be like his . and saul said to samuel , i have sin'd , for i have transgress'd the commandment of the lord ; yet honour me now i pray thee before the elders of my people . and when ahab heard the words of eliah , he rent his cloaths and put sackcloth upon his flesh , and fasted , and lay in sackcloth , and went softly . jehoram also rent his cloaths , and the people look'd , and behold he had sackcloth upon his flesh , yet in the very act of his humiliation he could say , god doe so , and more also to me , if the head of elishah shall stand on him this day . therfore saith the lord , they have not cri'd unto me with thir heart , when they howl'd upon thir beds . they returne , but not to the most high. hosea . and judas said , i have sind , in that i have betray'd innocent blood . and simon magus sayd , pray yee to the lord for me that none of these things come upon me . all these took the paines both to confess and to repent in thir own words , and many of them in thir own tears , not in davids . but transported with the vain ostentation of imitating davids language , not his life , observe how he brings a curse upon himself and his fathers house ( god so disposing it ) by his usurp'd and ill imitated prayer : let thy anger i beseech thee le against me and my fathers house , as for these sheep what have they don . for if david indeed sind in numbring the people , of which fault he in earnest made that confession , & acquitted the whole people from the guilt of that sin , then doth this king , using the same words , bear witness against himself to be the guilty person ; and either in his soule and conscience heer acquitts the parlament and the people , or els abuses the words of david , and dissembles grossly to the very face of god , which is apparent in the next line ; wherein he accuses eev'n the church it self to god , as if she were the churches enemie , for having overcom his tyranny by the powerfull and miraculous might of gods manifest arme : for to other strength in the midst of our divisions and disorders , who can attribute our victories ? thus had this miserable man no worse enemies to sollicit and mature his own destruction from the hast'nd sentence of divine justice , then the obdurat curses which proceeded against himself out of his own mouth . hitherto his meditations , now his vowes ; which as the vowes of hypocrits use to be , are most commonly absurd , and som wicked . jacob vow'd that god should be his god , if he granted him but what was necessary to perform that vow , life and subsistence : but the obedience profferd heer is nothing so cheap . he who took so hainously to be offer'd nineteen propositions from the parlament , capitulates heer with god almost in as many articles . if he will continue that light or rather that darkness of the gospel , which is among his prelats , settle thir luxuries , and make them gorgeous bishops , if he will restore the greevances and mische ifs of those obsolete and popish laws , which the parlament without his consent hath abrogated , and will suffer justice to be executed according to his sense , if he will suppress the many scisms in church , to contradict himself in that which he hath foretold must and shall come to pass , and will remove reformation as the greatest scism of all , and factions in state , by which he meanes in every leafe the parlament , if he will restore him to his negative voice and the militia , as much to say as arbitrary power , which he wrongfully averrs to be the right of his predecessors , if he will turne the hearts of his people to thir old cathedral and parochial service in the liturgie , and thir passive obedience to the king , if he will quench the army , and withdraw our forces from withstanding the piracy of rupert , and the plotted irish invasion , if he will bless him with the freedom of bishops again in the house of peers , and of fugitive delinquents in the house of commons , and deliver the honour of parlament into his hands , from the most natural and due protection of the people , that entrusted them with the dangerous enterprize of being faithfull to thir country against the rage and malice of his tyran nous opposition , if he will keep him from that great offence of following the counsel of his parlament , and enacting what they advise him to , which in all reason , and by the known law , and oath of his coronation he ought to doe , and not to call that sacrilege which necessity through the continuance of his own civil warr hath compelld them to , necessity , which made david eat the shew-bread , made ezechiah take all the silver which was found in gods house , and cut off the gold which overlayd those dores and pillars , and give it to sennacherib ; necessity , which oft times made the primitive church to sell her sacred utensils , eev'n to the communion chalice , if he will restore him to a capacity of glorifying him by doing that both in church and state , which must needs dishonour and pollute his name , if he will bring him again with peace , honour and safety to his cheife citty , without repenting , without satisfying for the blood spilt , onely for a few politic concessions which are as good as nothing , if he will put again the sword into his hand , to punish those that have deliverd us , and to protect delinquents against the justice of parlament , then , if it be possible to reconcile contradictions , he will praise him by displeasing him , and serve him by disserving him . his glory , in the gaudy copes , and painted windows , miters , rochets , altars , and the chanted service-book shall be dearer to him then the establishing his crowne in righteousness , and the spiritual power of religion . he will pardon those that have offended him in particular , but there shall want no suttle wayes to be eev'n with them upon another score of thir suppos'd offences against the common-wealth ; wherby he may at once affect the glory of a seeming justice , and destroy them pleasantly , while he faines to forgive them as to his own particular , and outwardly bewailes them . these are the conditions of his treating with god , to whom he bates nothing of what he stood upon with the parlament : as if commissions of array could deale with him also . but of all these conditions , as it is now evident in our eyes , god accepted none , but that final petition which he so oft , no doubt but by the secret judgement of god , importunes against his own head ; praying god that his mercies might be so toward him , as his resolutions of truth and peace were toward his people . it follows then , god having cutt him off without granting any of these mercies , that his resolutions were as fained as his vows were frustrat . xxvi . vpon the armies surprisall of the king at holmeby . to give account to royalists what was don with thir vanquisht king , yeilded up into our hands , is not to be expected from them whom god hath made his conquerors . and for brethren to debate & rippe up thir falling out , in the eare of a common enemy , thereby making him the judge or at least the wel pleas'd auditor of thir disagreement , is neither wise nor comely . to the king therfore , were he living , or to his party yet remaining , as to this action , there belongs no answer . aemulations , all men know , are incident among military men , and are , if they exceed not , pardonable . but som of the former army , eminent anough for thir own martial deeds , and prevalent in the house of commons , touch'd with envy to be so farr outdon by a new modell which they contemn'd , took advantage of presbyterian and independent names , and the virulence of som ministers to raise disturbance . and the warr being then ended , thought slightly to have discarded them who had faithfully don the work , without thir due pay , and the reward of thir invincible valour . but they who had the sword yet in thir hands , disdaining to be made the first objects of ingratitude and oppression , after all that expens of thir blood for justice and the common liberty , seiz'd upon the king thir pris'ner , whom nothing but their matchles deeds had brought so low as to surrender up his person : though he , to stirr up new discord , chose rather to give up himself a captive to his own countrymen , who less had won him . this in likelihood might have grown to som hight of mischeif ; partly through the strife which was kindling between our elder and our younger warriors , but chiefly through the seditious tongues of som fals ministers , more zealous against scisms , then against thir own simony and pluralities , or watchfull of the common enemy , whose suttle insinuations had got so farr in among them , as with all diligence to blow the coles . but it pleas'd god not to embroile and put to confusion his whole people for the perversness of a few . the growth of our dissention was either prevented or soon quieted ; the enemy soon deceav'd of his rejoycing , and the king especially disappointed of not the meanest morsel that his hope presented him , to ruin us by our division . and being now so nigh the end , we may the better be at leasure to stay a while , and hear him commenting upon his own captivity . he saith of his surprisal that it was a motion eccentric and irregular . what then ? his own allusion , from the celestial bodies , puts us in minde , that irregular motions may be necessary on earth somtimes , as well as constantly in heav'n ▪ that is not always best , which is most regular to writt'n law. great worthies heertofore by disobeying law , oft-times have sav'd the common-wealth : and the law afterward by firme decree hath approv'd that planetary motion , that unblamable exorbitancy in them . he meanes no good to either independent or presbyterian , and yet his parable , like that of balaam , is overul'd to portend them good , farr beside his inintention . those twins that strove enclos'd in the womb of rebeccah , were the seed of abraham ; the younger undoubtedly gain'd the heav'nly birthright ; the elder though supplanted in his similie , shall yet no question find a better portion then esau found , and farr above his uncircumcis'd prelats . he censures , and in censuring seems to hope it will be an ill omen that they who build jerusalem divide thir tongues and hands . but his hope fail'd him with his example ; for that there were divisions both of tongues and hands at the building of jerusalem , the story would have certifi'd him ; and yet the work prosper'd ; and if god will , so may this ; notwithstanding all the craft and malignant wiles of sanballat and tobiah , adding what fuell they can to our dissentions ; or the indignity of his comparison that lik'ns us to those seditious zelots whose intestine fury brought destruction to the last jerusalem . it being now no more in his hand to be reveng'd on his opposers , he seeks to satiat his fansie with the imagination of som revenge upon them from above ; and like one who in a drowth observes the skie , he sits and watches when any thing will dropp , that might solace him with the likeness of a punishment from heavn upon us : which he strait expounds how he pleases . no evil can befall the parlament or citty , but he positively interprets it a judgement upon them for his sake ; as if the very manuscript of gods judgements had bin deliverd to his custody and exposition . but his reading declares it well to be a fals copy which he uses ; dispensing oft'n to his own bad deeds and successes the testimony of divine favour , and to the good deeds and successes of other men , divine wrath and vengeance . but to counterfet the hand of god is the boldest of all forgery : and he , who without warrant but his own fantastic surmise , takes upon him perpetually to unfold the secret and unsearchable mysteries of high providence , is likely for the most part to mistake and slander them ; and approaches to the madness of those reprobate thoughts , that would wrest the sword of justice out of gods hand , and imploy it more justly in thir own conceit . it was a small thing to contend with the parlament about sole power of the militia , when we see him doing little less then laying hands on the weapons of god himself , which are his judgements , to weild and manage them by the sway and bent of his own fraile cogitations . therfore they that by tumults first occasion'd the raising of armies , in his doome must needs be chastn'd by thir own army for new tumults . first note heer his confession , that those tumults were the first occasion of raising armies , and by consequence that he himself rais'd them first , against those supposed tumults . but who occasion'd those tumults , or who made them so , being at first nothing more then the unarmed and peaceable concours of people , hath bin discust already . and that those pretended tumults were chastiz'd by thir own army for new tumults , is not prov'd by a game at tictack with words ; tumults and armies , armies and tumults , but seemes more like the method of a justice irrational then divine . if the citty were chast'nd by the army for new tumults , the reason is by himself set down evident and immediat , thir new tumults . with what sense can it be referrd then to another far-fetchd and imaginary cause that happ'nd so many years before , and in his supposition only as a cause . manlius defended the capitol and the romans from thir enemies the gauls : manlius for sedition afterward was by the roman throwns headlong from the capitol , therfore manlius was punisht by divine justice for defending the capitol : because in that place punishd for sedition , and by those whom he defended . this is his logic upon divine justice ; and was the same before upon the death of sir john hotham . and heer again , such as were content to see him driv'n away by unsuppressed tumults , are now forc'd to fly to an army . was this a judgement ? was it not a mercy rather , that they had a noble and victorious army so neer at hand to fly to ? from gods justice he comes down to mans justice . those few of both houses who at first with-drew with him from the vain pretence of tumults , were counted desertors ; therfore those many must be also desertors who with-drew afterwards from real tumults : as if it were the place that made a parlament , and not the end and cause . because it is deny'd that those were tumults from which the king made shew of being driv'n , is it therefore of necessity impli'd , that there could be never any tumults for the future ? if some men fly in craft , may not other men have cause to fly in earnest ? but mark the difference between their flight and his ; they soon return'd in safety to thir places , he not till after many years , and then a captive to receive his punishment . so that their flying , whether the cause be consider'd or the event , or both , neither justifi'd him , nor condemn'd themselves . but he will needs have vengeance to pursue and overtake them ; though to bring it in , it cost him an inconvenient and obnoxious comparison , as the mice and ratts overtook a german bishop . i would our mice and ratts had bin as orthodoxal heer , and had so pursu'd all his bishops out of england ; then vermin had ridd away vermin , which now hath lost the lives of too many thousand honest men to doe . he cannot but observe this divine justice , yet with sorrow and pitty . but sorrow and pitty in a weak and over-maister'd enemy , is lookt upon no otherwise then as the ashes of his revenge burnt out upon it self ; or as the damp of a coold fury when we say , it gives . but in this manner to sit spelling and observing divine justice upon every accident & slight disturbance that may happ'n humanly to the affaires of men , is but another fragment of his brok'n revenge : & yet the shrewdest & the cunningest obloquy that can be thrown upon thir actions . for if he can perswade men that the parlament and thir cause is pursu'd with divine vengeance , he hath attain'd his end , to make all men forsake them , and think the worst that can be thought of them . nor is he onely content to suborn divine justice in his censure of what is past , but he assumes the person of christ himself to prognosticate over us what he wishes would come . so little is any thing or person sacred from him , no not in heav'n , which he will not use , and put on , if it may serve him plausibly to wreck his spleen , or ease his mind upon the parlament . although if ever fatal blindness did both attend and punish wilfulness , if ever any enjoy'd not comforts , for neglecting counsel belonging to thir peace , it was in none more conspicuously brought to pass then in himself : and his predictions against the parlament and thir adherents have for the most part bin verify'd upon his own head , and upon his chief counselors . he concludes with high praises of the army . but praises in an enemy are superfluous , or smell of craft ; and the army shall not need his praises ; nor the parlament fare worse for his accusing prayers that follow . wherin as his charity can be no way comparable to that of christ , so neither can his assurance that they whom he seems to pray for , in doing what they did against him , knew not what they did . it was but arrogance therfore , and not charity , to lay such ignorance to others in the sight of god , till he himself had bin infallible , like him whose peculiar words he overweeningly assumes . xxvii . intitil'd to the prince of wales . vvhat the king wrote to his son , as a father , concerns not us ; what he wrote to him , as a king of england , concerns not him ; god and the parlament having now otherwise dispos'd of england . but because i see it don with some artifice and labour , to possess the people that they might amend thir present condition , by his or by his sons restorement , i shall shew point by point , that although the king had bin reinstall'd to his desire , or that his son admitted , should observe exactly all his fathers precepts , yet that this would be so farr from conducing to our happiness , either as a remedy to the present distempers , or a prevention of the like to come , that it would inevitably throw us back again into all our past and fulfill'd miseries ; would force us to fight over again all our tedious warrs , and put us to another fatal struggling for libertie and life , more dubious then the former . in which as our success hath bin no other then our cause ; so it will be evident to all posteritie , that his misfortunes were the meer consequence of his perverse judgement . first he argues from the experience of those troubles which both he and his son have had , to the improvement of thir pietie and patience : and by the way beares witness in his own words , that the corrupt education of his youth , which was but glanc'd at onely in some former passages of this answer , was a thing neither of mean consideration , nor untruly charg'd upon him or his son : himself confessing heer that court delights are prone either to root up all true vertue and honour , or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them , without any reall fruits tending to the public good : which presents him still in his own words another rehoboam , soft'nd by a farr wors court then salomons , and so corrupted by flatteries , which he affirmes to be unseparable , to the overturning of all peace , and the loss of his own honour and kingdoms . that he came therfore thus bredd up and nurtur'd to the throne , farr wors then rehoboam , unless he be of those who equaliz'd his father to king salomon , we have heer his own confession . and how voluptuously , how idlely raigning in the hands of other men , he either tyranniz'd or trifl'd away those seventeen yeares of peace , without care , or thought , as if to be a king had bin nothing els in his apprehension , but to eat and drink , and have his will , and take his pleasure , though there be who can relate his domestic life to the exactness of a diary , there shall be heer no mention made . this yet we might have then foreseen , that he who spent his leisure so remissly and so corruptly to his own pleasing , would one day or other be wors busied and imployd to our sorrow . and that he acted in good earnest what rehoboam did but threat'n , to make his little finger heavier then his fathers loynes , and to whip us with his two twisted scorpions , both temporal and spiritual tyranny , all his kingdoms have felt . what good use he made afterward of his adversitie , both his impenitence and obstinacy to the end ( for he was no manasseh ) and the sequel of these his meditated resolutions , abundantly express ; retaining , commending , teaching to his son all those putrid and pernicious documents both of state and of religion , instill'd by wicked doctors , and receav'd by him as in a vessel nothing better seasond , which were the first occasion both of his own and all our miseries . and if he in the best maturity of his yeares and understanding made no better use to himself or others of his so long and manifold afflictions , either looking up to god , or looking down upon the reason of his own affaires , there can be no probability that his son , bred up , not in the soft effeminacies of court onely , but in the rugged and more boistrous licence of undisciplin'd camps and garrisons , for yeares unable to reflect with judgement upon his own condition , and thus ill instructed by his father , should give his mind to walk by any other rules then these , bequeath'd him as on his fathers death-bed , & as the choisest of all that experience , w ch his most serious observation and retirement in good or evil dayes had taught him . david indeed by suffering without just cause , learnt that meekness and that wisdom by adversity , which made him much the fitter man to raigne . but they who suffer as oppressors , tyrants , violaters of law , and persecutors of reformation , without appearance of repenting , if they once get hold againe of that dignity and power which they had lost , are but whetted and inrag'd by what they suffer'd against those whom they look upon as them that caus'd thir sufferings . how he hath bin subject to the scepter of gods word and spirit , though acknowledg'd to be the best goverment , and what his dispensation of civil power hath bin , with what justice , and what honour to the public peace , it is but looking back upon the whole catalogue of his deeds , and that will be sufficient to remember us . the cup of gods physic , as he calls it , what alteration it wrought in him to a firm healthfulness from any surfet , or excess wherof the people generally thought him sick , if any man would goe about to prove , we have his own testimony following heer , that it wrought none at all . first , he hath the same fix'd opinion and esteem of his old ephesian goddess , call'd the church of england , as he had ever ; and charges strictly his son after him to persevere in that anti-papal scism ( for it is not much better ) as that which will be necessary both for his soules , and the kingdoms peace . but if this can be any foundation of the kingdoms peace , which was the first cause of our distractions , let common sense be judge . it is a rule and principle worthy to be known by christians , that no scripture , no nor so much as any ancient creed , bindes our faith , or our obedience to any church whatsoever , denominated by a particular name ; farr less , if it be distinguisht by a several goverment from that which is indeed catholic . no man was ever bidd be subject to the church of corinth , rome , or asia , but to the church without addition , as it held faithfull to the rules of scripture , and the goverment establisht in all places by the apostles , which at first was universally the same in all churches and congregations ; not differing or distinguisht by the diversity of countries , territories , or civil bounds . that church that from the name of a distinct place takes autority to set up a distinct faith or government , is a scism and faction , not a church . it were an injurie to condemn the papist of absurdity and contradiction , for adhering to his catholic romish religion , if we , for the pleasure of a king and his politic considerations , shall adhere to a catholic english. but suppose the church of england were as it ought to be , how is it to us the safer by being so nam'd and establisht , when as that very name and establishment , by his contriving , or approbation , serv'd for nothing els but to delude us and amuse us , while the church of england insensibly was almost chang'd and translated into the church of rome . which as every man knows in general to be true , so the particular treaties and transactions tending to that conclusion , are at large discover'd in a book intitld the english pope . but when the people , discerning these abuses , began to call for reformation , in order to which the parlament demanded of the king to unestablish that prelatical goverment , which without scripture had usurpt over us , strait , as pharaoh accus'd of idleness the israelites that sought leave to goe and sacrifice to god , he layes faction to thir charge . and that we may not hope to have ever any thing reform'd in the church either by him or his son , he forewarnes him , that the devil of rebellion doth most commonly turn himself into an angel of reformation : and sayes anough to make him hate it , as he worst of evils , and the bane of his crown : nay he counsels him to let nothing seem little or despicable to him , so as not speedily and effcteually to suppress errors and scisms . wherby we may perceave plainly that our consciences were destin'd to the same servitude and persecution , if not wors then before , whether under him , or if it should so happ'n , under his son ; who count all protestant churches erroneous and scismatical , which are not episcopal . his next precept is concerning our civil liberties ; which by his sole voice and predominant will must be circumscrib'd , and not permitted to extend a hands bredth furder then his interpretation of the laws already settl'd . and although all human laws are but the offspring of that frailty , that fallibility , and imperfection which was in thir authors , wherby many laws , in the change of ignorant and obscure ages , may be found both scandalous , and full of greevance to their posterity that made them , and no law is furder good , then mutable upon just occasion , yet if the removing of an old law , or the making of a new would save the kingdom , we shall not have it unless his arbitrary voice will so far slack'n the stiff curb of his prerogative , as to grant it us ; who are as free born to make our own law as our fathers were who made these we have . where are then the english liberties which we boast to have bin left us by our progenitors ? to that he answers , that our liberties consist in the enjoyment of the fruits of our industry , and the benefit of those laws to which we our selves have consented . first , for the injoyment of those fruits , which our industry and labours have made our own upon our own , what privilege is that , above what the turks , jewes , and mores enjoy under the turkish monarchy , for without that kind of justice , which is also in argiers , among theevs and pirates between themselvs , no kind of government , no societie , just or unjust could stand ; no combination or conspiracy could stick together . which he also acknowledges in these words : that if the crown upon his head be so heavy as to oppress the whole body , the weakness of inferiour members cannot return any thing of strength , honour , or safety to the head ; but that a necessary debilitation must follow . so that this liberty of the subject concerns himself and the subsistence of his own regal power in the first place , and before the consideration of any right belonging to the subject . vve expect therfore somthing more , that must distinguish free goverment from slavish . but in stead of that , this king , though ever talking and protesting as smooth as now , sufferd it in his own hearing to be preacht and pleaded without controule , or check , by them whom he most favourd and upheld , that the subject had no property of his own goods , but that all was the kings right . next for the benefit of those laws to which we our selves have consented , we never had it under him ; for not to speak of laws ill executed , when the parlament , and in them the people have consented to divers laws , and , according to our ancient rights , demanded them , he took upon him to have a negative will , as the transcendent and ultimat law above all our laws ; and to rule us forcibly by laws to which we our selves did not consent , but complain'd of . thus these two heads wherein the utmost of his allowance heer will give our liberties leave to consist , the one of them shall be so farr onely made good to us , as may support his own interest , and crown , from ruin or debilitation ; and so farr turkish vassals enjoy as much liberty under mahomet and the grand signor : the other we neither yet have enjoyd under him , nor were ever like to doe under the tyranny of a negative voice , which he claimes above the unanimous consent and power of a whole nation virtually in the parlament . in which negative voice to have bin cast by the doom of warr , and put to death by those who vanquisht him in thir own defence , he reck'ns to himself more then a negative martyrdom . but martyrs bear witness to the truth , not to themselves . if i beare witness of my self , saith christ , my witness is not true . he who writes himself martyr by his own inscription , is like an ill painter , who , by writing on the shapeless picture which he hath drawn , is fain to tell passengers what shape it is ; which els no man could imagin : no more then how a martyrdom can belong to him , who therfore dyes for his religion because it is establisht . certainly if agrippa had turn'd christian , as he was once turning , and had put to death scribes and pharisees for observing the law of moses , and refusing christianitie , they had di'd a truer martyrdom . for those laws were establisht by god and moses , these by no warrantable authors of religion , whose laws in all other best reformed churches are rejected . and if to die for an establshment of religion be martyrdom , then romish priests executed for that , which had so many hundred yeares bin establisht in this land , are no wors martyrs then he . lastly , if to die for the testimony of his own conscience , be anough to make him martyr , what heretic dying for direct blasphemie , as som have don constantly , may not boast a martyrdom ? as for the constitution or repeale of civil laws , that power lying onely in the parlament , which he by the verry law of his coronation was to grant them , not to debarr them , nor to preserve a lesser law with the contempt and violation of a greater , it will conclude him not so much as in a civil and metaphoricall sense to have di'd a martyr of our laws , but a plaine transgressor of them . and should the parlament , endu'd with legislative power , make our laws , and be after to dispute them peece meale with the reson , conscience , humour , passion , fansie , folly , obstinacy , or other ends of one man , whose sole word and will shall baffle and unmake what all the wisdom of a parlament hath bin deliberatly framing , what a ridiculous and contemptible thing a parlament would soon be , and what a base unworthy nation we , who boast our freedom , and send them with the manifest peril of thir lives to preserve it , they who are not mark'd by destiny for slaves , may apprehend . in this servil condition to have kept us still under hatches , he both resolves heer to the last , and so instructs his son. as to those offerd condescensions of charitable connivence , or toleration , if we consider what went before , and what follows , they moulder into nothing . for what with not suffering ever so little to seem a despicable scism , without effectual suppression , as he warn'd him before , and what with no opposition of law , goverment , or establisht religion to be permitted , which is his following proviso , and wholly within his own construction , what a miserable and suspected toleration , under spies and haunting promooters we should enjoy , is apparent . besides that it is so farr beneath the honour of a parlament and free nation , to begg and supplicat the godship of one fraile man , for the bare and simple toleration of what they all consent to be both just , pious , and best pleasing to god , while that which is erroneous , unjust , and mischeivous in the church or state , shall by him alone against them all , be kept up and establisht ; and they censur'd the while for a covetous , ambitious , & sacrilegious faction . another bait to allure the people , is the charge he laies upon his son , to be tender of them . which if we should beleeve in part , because they are his heard , his cattell , the stock upon his ground , as he accounts them , whom to wast and destroy would undoe himself , yet the inducement which he brings to move him , renders the motion it self somthing suspicious . for if princes need no palliations , as he tells his son , wherfore is it that he himself hath so oft'n us'd them ? princes of all other men , have not more change of rayment in thir wardrobes , then variety of shifts and palliations in thir solemn actingsand pretences to the people . to try next if he can insnare the prime men of those who have oppos'd him , whom , more truly then his meaning was , he calls the patrons and vindicators of the people , he gives out indemnity , and offers acts of oblivion . but they who with a good conscience and upright heart , did thir civil duties in the sight of god , and in thir several places , to resist tyranny , and the violence of superstition banded both against them , he may be sure will never seek to be forgiv'n that , which may be justly attributed to thir immortal praise ; nor will assent ever to the guilty blotting out of those actions before men , by which thir faith assures them they chiefly stand approv'd , and are had in remembrance before the throne of god. he exhorts his son not tostudy revenge . but how far he , or at least they about him , intend to follow that exhortation , was seen lately at the hague , & now lateliest at madrid : where to execute in the basest manner , though but the smallest part of that savage & barbarous revenge which they doe no thing elsbut study & contemplate , they car'd not to let the world know them for profess'd traitors & assassinatersof all law both divine and human , eev'n of that last and most extensive law kept inviolable to public persons among all fair enemies in the midst of uttermost defiance and hostility . how implacable therefore they would be , after any termes of closure or admittance for the future , or any like opportunity giv'n them heerafter , it will be wisdom & our safety to beleeve rather and prevent , then to make triall . and it will concerne the multitude , though courted heer , to take heed how they seek to hide or colour thir own fickleness and instability with a bad repentance of thir well-doing , and thir fidelity to the better cause ; to which at first so cherfully and conscientiously they joyn'd themselves . he returnes againe to extoll the church of england , and againe requires his son by the joynt autority of a father and a king , not to let his heart receive the least check , or disaffection against it . and not without cause , for by that meanes having sole influence upon the clergy , and they upon the people , after long search and many disputes , he could not possibly find a more compendious and politic way to uphold and settle tyranny , then by subduing first the consciences of vulgar men , with the insensible poyson of th ir slavish doctrin : for then the bodie and besotted mind without much reluctancy was likeliest to admitt the yoke . he commends also parlaments held with freedome and with honour . but i would ask how that can bee , while he onely must be the sole free person in that number ; and would have the power with his unaccountable denyall , to dishonour them by rejecting all thir counsels , to confine thir law-giving power , which is the foundation os our freedom , and to change at his pleasure the very name of a parlament into the name of a faction . the conclusion therfore must needs be quite contrary to what he concludes ; that nothing can be more unhappy , more dishonourable , more unsafe for all , then when a wise , grave , & honourable parlament shal have labourd , debated , argu'd , consulted , and , as he himself speakes , contributed for the public good all thir counsels in common , to be then frustrated , disappointed , deny'd and repuls'd by the single whiffe of a negative , from the mouth of one wilfull man ; nay to be blasted , to be struck as mute and motionless as a parlament of tapstrie in the hangings ; or els after all thir paines and travell to be dissolv'd , and cast away like so many naughts in arithmetick , unless it be to turne the o of thir insignificance into a lamentation with the people , who had so váinly sent them . for this is not to enact all things by public consent , as he would have us be perswaded , this is to enact nothing but by the privat consent and leave of one not negative tyrant ; this is mischeif without remedy , a stifleing and obstructing evil that hath no vent , no outlet , no passage through : grant him this , and the parlament hath no more freedom then if it sate in his noose , which when he pleases to draw together with one twitch of his negative , shall throttle a whole nation , to the wish of caligula in one neck . this with the power of the militia in his own hands over our bodies and estates , and the prelats to enthrall our consciences either by fraud or force , is the sum of that happiness and liberty we were to look for , whether in his own restitution , or in these precepts giv'n to his son . which unavoidably would have set us in the same state of miserie , wherein we were before ; and have either compell'd us to submitt like bond slaves , or put vs back to a second wandring over that horrid wilderness of distraction and civil slaughter , which , not without the strong and miraculous hand of god assisting us , we have measur'd out , and surviv'd . and who knows , if we make so slight of this incomparable deliverance , which god hath bestowd upon us , but that we shall like those foolish israelites , who depos'd god and samuel to set up a king , cry out one day because of our king , which we have bin mad upon ; and then god , as he foretold them , will no more deliver us . there remaines now but little more of his discours , wherof yet to take a short view will not be amiss . his words make semblance as if he were magnanimously exercising himself , and so teaching his son , to want as well as to weare a crown ; and would seem to account it not worth taking up or enjoying upon sordid , dishonourable , and irreligious termes ; and yet to his very last did nothing more industriously then strive to take up and enjoy againe his sequesterd crown , upon the most sordid , disloyal , dishonourable , and irreligious termes , not of making peace onely , but of joyning and incorporating with the murdrous irish , formerly by himself declar'd against , for wicked and detestable rebells , odious to god and all good men. and who but those rebels now , are the chief strength and confidence of his son ? while the presbyter scot that wooes and solicits him , is neglected and put off , as if no termes were to him sordid , irreligious and dishonourable , but the scotish and presbyterian , never to be comply'd with , till the feare of instant perishing starve him out at length to some unsound and hypocriticall agreement . he bids his son keep to the true principles of piety , vertue , and honour , and he shall never want a kingdom . and i say , people of england , keep ye to those principles , and ye shall never want a king. nay after such a faire deliverance as this , with so much fortitude and valour shown against a tyrant , that people that should seek a king , claiming what this man claimes ; would shew themselvesto be by nature slaves , and arrant beasts ; not fitt for that liberty which they cri'd out and bellow'd for , but fitter to be led back again into thir old servitude , like a sort of clamouring & fighting brutes , broke loos from thir copyholds , that know not how to use or possess the liberty which they fought for ; but with the faire words & promises of an old exasperated foe , are ready to be stroak'd & tam'd again , into the wonted and well pleasing state of thir true norman villenage , to them best agreeable . the last sentence , wheron he seems to venture the whole waight of all his former reasons and argumentations , that religion to thir god , and loyalty to thir king cannot be parted , without the sin and infelicity of a people , is contrary to the plaine teaching of christ , that no man can serve two masters , but , ifhe hold to the one , he must reject and forsake the other . if god then and earthly kings be for the most part not several onely , but opposite maisters , it will as oft happ'n , that they who will serve thir king must forsake thir god ; and they who will serve god must forsake thir king ; which then will neither be thir sin , nor thir infelicity ; but thir wisdom , thir piety , and thir true happiness ; as to be deluded by these unsound and suttle ostentations heer , would be thir misery ; and in all likelyhood much greater then what they hitherto have undergon : if now againe intoxicated and moap'd with these royal , and therfore so delicious because royal rudiments of bondage , the cup of deception , spic'd and temperd to thir bane , they should deliver up themselves to these glozing words and illusions of him , whose rage and utmost violence they have sustain'd , and overcomm so nobly . xxviii . intitl'd meditations upon death . it might be well thought by him who reads no furder then the title of this last essay , that it requir'd no answer . for all other human things are disputed , and will be variously thought of to the worlds end . but this business of death is a plaine case , and admitts no controversie : in that center all opinions meet . nevertheless , since out of those few mortifying howrs that should have bin intirest to themselves , and most at peace from all passion and disquiet , he can afford spare time to enveigh bitterly against that justice which was don upon him , it will be needfull to say somthing in defence of those proceedings ; though briefly , in regard so much on this subject hath been writt'n lately . it happn'd once , as we find in esdras and josephus , authors not less beleiv'd then any under sacred , to be a great and solemn debate in the court of darius , what thing was to be counted strongest of all other . he that could resolve this , in reward of his excelling wisdom , should be clad in purple , drink in gold , sleep on a bed of gold , and sitt next darius . none but they doubtless who were reputed wise , had the question propounded to them . who after som respit giv'n them by the king to consider , in full assembly of all his lords and gravest counselors , returnd severally what they thought . the first held that wine was strongest ; another that the king was strongest . but zorobabel prince of the captive jewes , and heire to the crown of judah , being one of them , proov'd women to be stronger then the king , for that he himself had seen a concubin take his crown from off his head to set it upon her own : and others besides him have lately seen the like feat don , and not in jest . yet he proov'd on , and it was so yeilded by the king himself , & all his sages , that neither wine nor women , nor the king , but truth , of all other things was the strongest . for me , though neither ask'd , nor in a nation that gives such rewards to wisdom , i shall pronounce my sentence somwhat different from zorobabel ; and shall defend , that either truth and justice are all one , for truth is but justice in our knowledge , and justice is but truth in our practice , and he indeed so explaines himself in saying that with truth is no accepting of persons , which is the property of justice ; or els , if there be any odds , that justice , though not stronger then truth , yet by her office is to put forth and exhibit more strength in the affaires of mankind . for truth is properly no more then contemplation ; and her utmost efficiency is but teaching : but justice in her very essence is all strength and activity ; and hath a sword put into her hand , to use against all violence and oppression on the earth . shee it is most truely , who accepts no person , and exempts none from the severity of her stroke . shee never suffers injury to prevaile , but when fashood first prevailes over truth ; and that also is a kind of justice don on them who are so deluded . though wicked kings and tyrants counterfet her sword , as som did that buckler , fabl'd to fall from heav'n into the capitol , yet shee communicates her power to none but such as like her self are just , or at least will do justice . for it were extreme partialitie and injustice , the flat denyall and overthrow of her self , to put her own authentic sword into the hand of an unjust and wicked man , or so farr to accept and exalt one mortal person above his equals , that he alone shall have the punishing of all other men transgressing , and not receive like punishment from men , when he himself shall be found the highest transgressor . we may conclude therfore that justice , above all other things , is and ought to be the strongest : shee is the strength , the kingdom , the power and majestie of all ages . truth her self would subscribe to this , though darius and all the monarchs of the world should deny . and if by sentence thus writt'n it were my happiness to set free the minds of english men from longing to returne poorly under that captivity of kings , from which the strength and supreme sword of justice hath deliverd them , i shall have don a work not much inferior to that of zorobabel . who by well praising and extolling the force of truth , in that contemplative strength conquer'd darius ; and freed his countrey , and the people of god from the captivity of babylon . which i shall yet not despaire to doe , if they in this land whose minds are yet captive , be but as ingenuous to acknowledge the strength and supremacie of justice , as that heathen king was , to confess the strength of truth : or let them but as he did , grant that , and they will soon perceave that truth resignes all her outward strength to justice : justice therfore must needs be strongest , both in her own and in the strength of truth . but if a king may doe among men whatsoever is his will and pleasure , and notwithstanding be unaccountable to men , then contrary to this magnifi'd wisdom of zorobabel , neither truth nor justice , but the king is strongest of all other things : which that persian monarch himself in the midst of all his pride and glory durst not assume . let us see therfore what this king hath to affirm , why the sentence of justice and the weight of that sword which shee delivers into the hands of men , should be more partial to him offending , then to all others of human race . first he pleades that no law of god or man gives to subjects any power of judicature without or against him . which assertion shall be prov'd in every part to be most untrue . the first express law of god giv'n to mankind , was that to noah , as a law in general to all the sons of men . and by that most ancient and universal law , whosoever sheddeth mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; we find heer no exception . if a king therfore doe this , to a king , and that by men also , the same shall be don . this in the law of moses , which came next , several times is repeated , and in one place remarkably , numb . . ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer , but he shall surely be put to death : the land cannot be cleansed of the blood that is shedd therein , but by the blood of him that shed it . this is so spok'n , as that which concern'd all israel , not one man alone to see perform'd ; and if no satisfaction were to be tak'n , then certainly no exception . nay the king , when they should set up any , was to observe the whole law , and not onely to see it don , but to do it ; that his heart might not be lifted up above his brethren , to dreame of vain and reasonless prerogatives or exemptions , wherby the law it self must needs be founded in unrighteousness . and were that true , which is most fals , that all kings are the lords anointed , it were yet absurd to think that the anointment of god , should be as it were a charme against law ; and give them privilege who punish others , to sin themselves unpunishably . the high preist was the lords anointed as well as any king , and with the same consecrated oile : yet salomon had put to death abiathar , had it not bin for other respects then that anointment . if god himself say to kings , touch not mine anointed , meaning his chos'n people , as is evident in that psalme , yet no man will argue thence , that he protects them from civil laws if they offend , then certainly , though david as a privat man , and in his own cause , feard to lift his hand against the lords anointed , much less can this forbidd the law , or disarm justice from having legal power against any king. no other supreme magistrate in what kind of government soever laies claim to any such enormous privilege ; wherfore then should any king , who is but one kind of magistrat , and set over the people for no other end then they ? next in order of time to the laws of moses , are those of christ , who declares professedly his judicature to be spiritual , abstract from civil managements , and therfore leaves all nations to thir own particular lawes , and way of government . yet because the church hath a kind of jurisdiction within her own bounds , and that also , though in process of time much corrupted and plainly turn'd into a corporal judicature , yet much approv'd by this king , it will be firm anough and valid against him , if subjects , by the laws of church also , be invested with a power of judicature both without and against thir king , though pretending , and by them acknowledg'd next and immediatly under christ supreme head and governour . theodosius one of the best christian emperours having made a slaughter of the thessalonians for sedition , but too cruelly , was excommunicated to his face by saint ambrose , who was his subject : and excommunion is the utmost of ecclesiastical judicature , a spiritual putting to death . but this , yee will say , was onely an example . read then the story ; and it will appeare , both that ambrose avouch'd it for the law of god , and theodosius confess'd it of his own accord to be so ; and that the law of god was not to be made voyd in him , for any reverence to his imperial power . from hence , not to be tedious , i shall pass into our own land of britain ; and shew that subjects heer have exercis'd the utmost of spirituall judicature and more then spirituall against thir kings , his predecessors . vortiger for committing incest with his daughter was by saint german , at that time his subject , cursd and condemnd in a brittish counsel about the yeare ; and thereupon soon after was depos'd . mauricus a king in wales , for breach of oath and the murder of cynetus was excomunicated , and curst with all his offspring , by oudoceus bishop of landaff in full synod , about the yeare ; and not restor'd , till he had repented . morcant another king in wales having slain frioc his uncle , was faine to come in person and receave judgement from the same bishop and his clergie ; who upon his penitence acquitted him , for no other cause then lest the kingdom should be destitute of a successour in the royal line . these examples are of the primitive , brittish , and episcopal church ; long ere they had any commerce or communion with the church of rome . what power afterward of deposing kings , and so consequently of putting them to death , was assum'd and practis'd by the canon law , i omitt as a thing generally known . certainly if whole councels of the romish church have in the midst of their dimness discern'd so much of truth , as to decree at constance , and at basil , and many of them to avouch at trent also , that a councel is above the pope , and may judge him , though by them not deni'd to be the vicar of christ , we in our clearer light may be asham'd not to discern furder , that a parlament is , by all equity , and right , above a king , and may judge him , whose reasons and pretensions to hold of god onely , as his immediat vicegerent , we know how farr fetch'd they are , and insufficient . as for the laws of man , it would ask a volume to repeat all that might be cited in this point against him from all antiquity . in greece , orestes the son of agamemnon , and by succession king of argos , was in that countrey judg'd and condemn'd to death for killing his mother : whence escaping , he was judg'd againe , though a stranger , before the great counsel of areopagus in athens . and this memorable act of judicature , was the first that brought the justice of that grave senat into fame and high estimation over all greece for many ages after . and in the same citty tyrants were to undergoe legal sentence by the laws of solon . the kings of sparta , though descended lineally from hercules esteem'd a god among them , were oft'n judg'd , and somtimes put to death by the most just and renowned laws of lycurgus ; who , though a king , thought it most unequal to bind his subjects by any law , to which he bound not himself . in rome the laws made by valerius publicola soon after the expelling of tarquin and his race , expell'd without a writt'n law , the law beeing afterward writt'n , and what the senat decreed against nero , that he should be judg'd and punish'd according to the laws of thir ancestors , and what in like manner was decreed against other emperours , is vulgarly known ; as it was known to those heathen , and found just by nature ere any law mentiond it . and that the christian civil law warrants like power of judicature to subjects against tyrants , is writt'n clearly by the best and famousest civilians . for if it was decreed by theodosius , and stands yet firme in the code of justinian , that the law is above the emperour , then certainly the emperour being under law , the law may judge him , and if judge him , may punish him proving tyrannous : how els is the law above him , or to what purpose . these are necessary deductions ; and therafter hath bin don in all ages and kingdoms , oftner then to be heer recited . but what need we any furder search after the law of other lands , for that which is so fully and so plainly set down lawfull in our own . where ancient books tell us , bracton , fleta , and others , that the king is under law , and inferiour to his court of parlament ; that although his place to doe justice be highest , yet that he stands as liable to receave justice , as the meanest of his kingdom . nay alfred the most worthy king , and by som accounted first abolute monarch of the saxons heer , so ordain'd : as is cited out of an ancient law book call'd the mirror , in rights of the kingdom , p. . where it is complain'd on , as the sovran abuse of all , that the king should be deem'd above the law , whereas he ought be subject to it by his oath : of which oath anciently it was the last clause , that the king should be as liable , and obedient to suffer right , as others of his people . and indeed it were but fond and sensless , that the king should be accountable to every petty suit in lesser courts , as we all know he was , and not be subject to the judicature of parlament in the main matters of our common safety or destruction ; that he should be answerable in the ordinary cours of law for any wrong don to a privat person , and not answerable in court of parlament for destroying the whole kingdom . by all this , and much more that might be added as in an argument overcopious rather then barren , we see it manifest that all laws both of god and man are made without exemption of any person whomsoever ; and that if kings presume to overtopp the law by which they raigne for the public good , they are by law to be reduc'd into order : and that can no way be more justly , then by those who exalted them to that high place . for who should better understand thir own laws , and when they are transgrest , then they who are govern'd by them , and whose consent first made them : and who can have more right to take knowledge of things don within a free nation , then they within themselves ? those objected oaths of allegeance and supremacy we swore , not to his person , but as it was invested with his autority ; and his autority was by the people first giv'n him conditionally , in law and under law , and under oath also for the kingdoms good , and not otherwise : the oathes then were interchang'd , and mutual ; stood and fell together ; he swore fidelity to his trust ( not as a deluding ceremony , but as a real condition of thir admitting him for king ; and the conqueror himself swore it ofter then at his crowning ) they swore homage , and fealty to his person in that trust . there was no reason why the kingdom should be furder bound by oaths to him , then he by his coronation oath to us , which he hath every way brok'n ; and having brok'n , the ancient crown-oath of alfred above mention'd , conceales not his penalty . as for the covnant , if that be meant , certainly no discreet person can imagin it should bind us to him in any stricter sense then those oaths formerly . the acts of hostility which we receav'd from him , were no such dear obligements that we should ow him more fealty and defence for being our enemy , then we could before when we took him onely for a king. they were accus'd by him and his party to pretend liberty and reformation , but to have no other end then to make themselves great , and to destroy the kings person and autority . for which reason they added that third article , testifying to the world , that as they were resolvd to endeavor first a reformation in the church , to extirpat prelacy , to preserve the rights of parlament , and the liberties of the kingdom , so they intended , so farr as it might consist with the preservation and defence of these , to preserve the kings person and autority ; but not otherwise . as farr as this comes to , they covnant and swear in the sixth article to preserve and defend the persons and autority of one another , and all those that enter into that league ; so that this covnant gives no unlimitable exemption to the kings person , but gives to all as much defence and preservation as to him , and to him as much as to thir own persons , and no more ; that is to say , in order and subordination to those maine ends for which we live and are a nation of men joynd in society either christian or at least human . but if the covnant were made absolute , to preserve and defend any one whomsoever , without respect had , either to the true religion , or those other superiour things to be defended and preserv'd however , it cannot then be doubted , but that the covnant was rather a most foolish , hasty , and unlawfull vow , then a deliberate and well-waighd covnant ; swearing us into labyrinths , and repugnances , no way to be solv'd or reconcil'd , and therfore no way to be kept : as first offending against the law of god , to vow the absolute preservation , defence , and maintaining of one man though in his sins and offences never so great and hainous against god or his neighbour ; and to except a person from justice , wheras his law excepts none . secondly , it offends against the law of this nation , wherein , as hath bin prov'd , kings in receiving justice , & undergoing due tryal , are not differenc'd from the meanest subject . lastly , it contradicts and offends against the covnant it self , which vows in the fourth article to bring to op'n trial and condign punishment all those that shall be found guilty of such crimes and delinqnencies , wherof the king by his own letters and other undeniable testimonies not brought to light till afterward , was found and convicted to be chief actor , in what they thought him at the time of taking that covnant , to be overrul'd onely by evil counselers . and those , or whomsoever they should discover to be principal , they vow'd to try , either by thir own supreme judicatories , for so eev'n then they call'd them , or by others having power from them to that effect . so that to have brought the king to condign punishment hath not broke the covnant , but it would have broke the covnant to have sav'd him from those judicatories , which both nations declar'd in that covnant to be supreme against any person whatsoever . and besides all this , to sweare in covnant the bringing of his evil counselers and accomplices to condign punishment , and not onely to leave unpunisht and untoucht the grand offender , but to receive him back againe from the accomplishment of so many violences and mischeifs , dipt from head to foot and staind over with the blood of thousands that were his faithfull subjects , forc'd to thir own defence against a civil warr by him first rais'd upon them , and to receive him thus , in this goarie pickle , to all his dignities and honours , covering the ignominious and horrid purple-robe of innocent blood that sate so close about him , with the glorious purple of royaltie and supreme rule , the reward of highest excellence and vertue here on earth , were not only to sweare and covnant the performance of an unjust vow , the strangest and most impious to the face of god , but were the most unwise and unprudential act as to civil goverment . for so long as a king shall find by experience that doe the worst he can , his subjects , overaw'd by the religion of thir own covnant , will only prosecute his evil instruments , not dare to touch his person , and that whatever hath bin on his part offended or transgress'd , he shall come off at last with the same reverence to his person , and the same honour as for well doing , he will not faile to finde them worke ; seeking farr and neere , and inviting to his court all the concours of evil counselers or agents that may be found : who tempted with preferments and his promise to uphold them , will hazard easily thir own heads , and the chance of ten to one but they shall prevaile at last , over men so quell'd and fitted to be slaves by the fals conceit of a religious covnant ? and they in that superstition neither wholly yeilding , nor to the utmost resisting , at the upshot of all thir foolish warr and expence , will finde to have don no more but fetchd a compass only of thir miseries , ending at the same point of slavery , and in the same distractions wherin they first begun . but when kings themselves are made as liable to punishment as thir evil counselers , it will be both as dangerous from the king himself as from his parlament , to those that evilcounsel him , and they who else would be his readiest agents in evil , will then not feare to disswade or to disobey him , not onely in respect of themselves and thir own lives , which for his sake they would not seem to value but in respect of that danger which the king himself may incurr , whom they would seem to love and serve with greatest fidelitie . on all these grounds therfore of the covnant it self , whether religious or political , it appeares likeliest , that both the english parlament , and the scotch commissioners thus interpreting the covnant ( as indeed at that time they were the best and most authentical interpreters joyn'd together ) answered the king unanimously , in thir letters dated jan. th . that till securitie and satisfaction first giv'n to both kingdoms for the blood spilt , for the irish rebels brought over , and for the warr in ireland by him fomented , they could in no wise yeild thir consent to his returne . here was satisfaction , full two yeares and upward after the covnant tak'n , demanded of the king by both nations in parlament , for crimes at least capital , wherwith they charg'd him . and what satisfaction could be giv'n for so much blood , but justice upon him that spilt it ? till which don , they neither took themselves bound to grant him the exercise of his regal office by any meaning of the coynant which they then declar'd ( though other meanings have bin since contriv'd ) nor so much regarded the safety of his person , as to admitt of his return among them from the midst of those whom they declar'd to be his greatest enemies ; nay from himself as from an actual enemy , not as from a king , they demanded security . but if the covnant all this not with standing swore otherwise to preserv him then in the preservation of true religion & our liberties , against which he fought , if not in armes , yet in resolution to his dying day , and now after death still fights against in this his book , the covnant was better brok'n , thē he sav'd . and god hath testifi'd by all propitious , & the most evident signes , whereby in these latter times he is wont to testifie what pleases him ; that such a solemn , and for many ages unexampl'd act of due punishment , was no mockery of justice , but a most gratefull and well-pleasing sacrifice . neither was it to cover their perjury as he accuses , but to uncover his perjury to the oath of his coronation . the rest of his discours quite forgets the title ; and turns his meditations upon death into obloquie and bitter vehemence against his judges and accussers ; imitating therin , not our saviour , but his grand-mother mary queen of scots , as also in the most of his other scruples , exceptions and evasions : and from whom he seems to have learnt , as it were by heart , or els by kind , that which is thought by his admirers to be the most vertuous , most manly , most christian , and most martyr-like both of his words and speeches heer , and of his answers and behaviour at his tryall . it is a sad fate , he saith , to have his enemies both accusers , parties , and judges . sad indeed , but no sufficient plea to acquitt him from being so judg'd . for what malefactor might not somtimes plead the like ? if his own crimes have made all men his enemies , who els can judge him ? they of the powder-plot against his father might as well have pleaded the same . nay at the resurrection it may as well be pleaded , that the saints who then shall judge the world , are both enemies , judges , parties , and accusers . so much he thinks to abound in his own defence , that he undertakes an unmeasurable task ; to bespeak the singular care and protection of god over all kings , as being the greatest patrons of law , justice , order , and religion on earth . but what patrons they be , god in the scripture oft anough hath exprest ; and the earth it self hath too long groan'd under the burd'n of thir injustice , disorder , and irreligion . therfore to bind thir kings in chaines , and thir nobles with links of iron , is an honour belonging to his saints ; not to build babel ( which was nimrods work the first king , and the beginning of his kingdom was babel ) but to destroy it , especially that spiritual babel : and first to overcome those european kings , which receive thir power , not from god , but from the beast ; and are counted no better then his ten hornes . these shall hate the great whore , and yet shall give thir kingdoms to the beast that carries her ; they shall committ fornication with her , and yet shall burn her with fire , and yet shall lament the fall of babylon , where they fornicated with her . rev. . & . chapt . thus shall they be too and fro , doubtfull and ambiguous in all thir doings , untill at last , joyning thir armies with the beast , whose power first rais'd them , they shall perish with him by the king of kings against whom they have rebell'd ; and the foules shall eat thir flesh . this is thir doom writt'n , rev. . and the utmost that we find concerning them in these latter days ; which we have much more cause to beleeve , then his unwarranted revelation here , prophecying what shall follow after his death , with the spirit of enmity , not of saint john. he would fain bring us out of conceit with the good success which god hath voutsaf'd us . wee measure not our cause by our success , but our success by our cause . yet certainly in a good cause success is a good confirmation ; for god hath promis'd it to good men almost in every leafe of scripture . if it argue not for us , we are sure it argues not against us ; but as much or more for us , then ill success argues for them ; for to the wicked , god hath denounc'd ill success in all that they take in hand . he hopes much of those softer tempers , as he calls them , and less advantag'd by his ruin , that thir consciences doe already gripe them . t is true , there be a sort of moodie , hot-brain'd , and alwayes unedify'd consciences ; apt to engage thir leaders into great and dangerous affaires past retirement , and then , upon a sudden qualm and swimming of thir conscience , to betray them basely in the midst of what was chiefly undertak'n for their sakes . let such men never meet with any faithfull parlament to hazzard for them ; never with any noble spirit to conduct and lead them out , but let them live and die in servil condition and thir scrupulous queasiness , if no instruction will confirme them . others there be in whose consciences the loss of gaine , and those advantages they hop'd for , hath sprung a sudden leake . these are they that cry out the covnant brok'n , and to keep it better slide back into neutrality , or joyn actually with incendiaries and malignants . but god hath eminently begun to punish those , first in scotland , then in ulster , who have provok'd him with the most hatefull kind of mockery , to break his covnant under pretence of strictest keeping it ; and hath subjected them to those malignants , with whom they scrupl'd not to be associats . in god therfore we shall not feare what their fals fraternity can doe against us . he seeks againe with cunning words to turn our success into our sin . but might call to mind , that the scripture speakes of those also , who when god slew them , then sought him ; yet did but flatter him with thir mouth , and ly'd to him with thir tongues ; for thir heart was not right with him . and there was one , who in the time of his affliction trespass'd more against god ; this was that king abaz . he glories much in the forgivness of his enemies ; so did his grandmother at her death . wise men would sooner have beleev'd him had he not so oft'n told us so . but he hopes to erect the trophies of his charity over us . and trophies of charity no doubt will be as glorious as trumpets before the almes of hypocrites ; and more especially the trophies of such an aspiring charitie as offers in his prayer to share victory with gods compassion , which is over all his works . such prayers as these may happly catch the people , as was intended : but how they please god , is to be much doubted , though pray'd in secret , much less writt'n to be divulg'd . which perhaps may gaine him after death a short , contemptible , and soon fading reward ; not what he aims at , to stirr the constancie and solid firmness of any wise man , or to unsettle the conscience of any knowing christian , if he could ever aime at a thing so hopeless , and above the genius of his cleric elocution , but to catch the worthles approbation of an inconstant , irrational , and image-doting rabble ; that like a credulous and hapless herd , begott'n to servility , and inchanted with these popular institutes of tyranny , subscrib'd with a new device of the kings picture at his praiers , hold out both thir eares with such delight and ravishment to be stigmatiz'd and board through in witness of thir own voluntary and beloved baseness . the rest , whom perhaps ignorance without malice , or some error , less then fatal , hath for the time misledd , on this side sorcery or obduration , may find the grace and good guidance to bethink themselves , and recover . the end . paraphrasis latina, in duo poemata (quorum alterum a miltono, alterum a clievelando anglice scriptum suit) quibus deploratur mors juvenis præclari & eruditi, d. edvardi king, qui nave, qua vectabatur, saxo illisa, in oceano hybernico submersus est, autore gulielmo hogæo = two poems : (the one whereof was penn'd by milton, and the other by clieveland) upon the death of a worthy and learned young gentleman, mr. edward king, who was drown'd in the irish seas ; to which is added a latin paraphrase on both, which was penn'd by w.h. lycidas. latin. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) paraphrasis latina, in duo poemata (quorum alterum a miltono, alterum a clievelando anglice scriptum suit) quibus deploratur mors juvenis præclari & eruditi, d. edvardi king, qui nave, qua vectabatur, saxo illisa, in oceano hybernico submersus est, autore gulielmo hogæo = two poems : (the one whereof was penn'd by milton, and the other by clieveland) upon the death of a worthy and learned young gentleman, mr. edward king, who was drown'd in the irish seas ; to which is added a latin paraphrase on both, which was penn'd by w.h. lycidas. latin. milton, john, - . cleveland, john, - . on the memory of mr. edward king, drown'd in the irish seas. hog, william, b. ca. . [ ], p. printed for the author, london : . english and latin on opposite pages. latin translation of lycidas by william hog. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng king, edward, - -- poetry. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - taryn hakala sampled and proofread - taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion paraphrasis latina , in duo poemata , ( quorum alterum a miltono , alterum a clievelando anglice scriptum fuit ) quibus deploratur mors juvenis praeclari & eruditi , d. edvardi king , qui nave , qua vectabatur , saxo illisa , in oceano hybernico submersus est . autore gulielmo hogaeo . two poems . ( the one whereof was penn'd by milton , and the other by clieveland ) upon the death of a worthy and learned young gentleman , mr. edward king , who was drown'd in the irish seas : to which is added a latin paraphrase on both , which was penn'd by w. h. london , printed for the author , . in laudem academiae cantabrigiensis . quam cantabrigij sedes foecunda lycaei ! o quot praeclaros protulit illa viros ! miltoni altivolas trahit hinc facundia pennas , hinc , lycida , ingenij gloria clara tui . hinc tuus hunc deflens clivlande supervolat ardor fervidus aetherei sydera celsa poli . nomina magna virùm , quibus alma haec unica mater , si , quot sint rogites , pulveris instar habent . nobilissimo , illustrissimoque comiti mulgraviae , anglicanae nobilitatis honori ac decori , musarum patri ac patrono , nec minus ingenij quam prosapiae sublimitate venerando , opusculum hoc literarium , in gratitudinis ob multa & insignia in me collata beneficia testimonium , do , dico , consecro . to the reader . this worthy gentleman , mr. edward king , was a fellow student with milton and clieveland in christs colledge in cambridge : who having sailed from chester , the ship that he was in foundered upon a rock on the irish seas . some escaped in the boat , and great endeavours were used in that great consternation to get him into the boat , which did not prevail . so he and all with him were ▪ drowned , except those only that escaped in the boat : now he was a person generally beloved in his life , which made him so much lamented at his death : which occasioned several students to pen lamentations on his death , among whom was this milton and clieveland . i was desired by others to make these two translations , which was the occasion that i penned them . i was advised to put them in the press , and that which encouraged me to adventure to do it , was hopes that ingenious gentlemen will communicate tokens of their kindness to me , for at this time my necessity is very great : these poems will afford a high and innocent recreation . lycidas . the author bewails a learned friend , unfortunately drown'd in his passage from chester on the irish seas , . and by occasion foretels the ruine of the corrupted clergy then in their height . yet once more , o ye laurels , and once more ye myrtles brown , with ivy never fear , i come to pluck your berries harsh and crude , and with forc'd fingers rude , shatter your leaves before the mellowing year , bitter constraint , and sad occasion dear , compels me to disturb your season due : for lycidas is dead , dead e're his prime , young lycidas , and hath not left his peer : who would not sing for lycidas ? he knew himself to sing , and build the lofty rhyme . he must not flote upon his watry bear unwept , and welter to the parching wind , without the meed of some melodious tear . begin then , sisters of the sacred well , that from beneath the feat of jove doth spring , begin , and somewhat loudly sweep the string . hence with denial vain , and coy excuse , so may some gentle muse with lucky words favour my destin'd urn , and as he passes turn , and bid fair peace be to my sable shrowd . for we were nurst upon the self-same hill , fed the same flock ; by fountain , shade , and rill . together both , e're the high lawns appear'd under the opening eye-lids of the morn , we drove a field , and both together heard what time the gray-fly winds her sultry horn , batt'ning our flocks with the fresh dews of night ; oft till the star that rose at ev'ning , bright , towards heav'ns descent had slop'd his westering wheel . mean while the rural ditties were not mute , temper'd to th' oaten flute , rough satyrs danc'd , and fauns with clov'n heel , from the glad sound would not be absent long , and old damaetas lov'd to hear our song . but o the heavy change , now thou art gone , now thou art gone , and never must return ! thee shepherd , thee the woods , and desert caves , with wild thyme and the gadding vine o'regrown , and all their echoes mourn . the willows , and the hazle copses green , shall now no more be seen , fanning their joyous leaves to thy soft layes . as killing as the canker to the rose , or taint-worm to the weanling herds that graze , or frost to flowers , that their gay wardrobe wear , when first the white thorn blows ; such , lycidas , thy loss to shepherds ear . where were ye nymphs , when the remorseless deep clos'd o're the head of your lov'd lycidas ? for neither were ye playing on the steep , where your old bards , the famous druids ly , nor on the shaggy top of mona high , nor yet where deva spreads her wisard stream : ah me , i fondly dream ! had ye bin there — for what could that have done ? what could the muse her self that orpheus bore , the muse her self for her inchanting son whom universal nature did lament , when by the rout that made the hideous roar , his goary visage down the stream was sent , down the swift hebrus to the lesbian shore . alas ! what boots it with uncessant care to end the homely slighted shepherds trade , and strictly meditate the thankless muse , were it not better done as others use , to sport with amaryllis in the shade , or with the tangles of neaera's hair ? fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise ( that last infirmity of noble mind ) to scorn delights , and live laborious days ; but the fair guerdon when we hope to find , and think to burst out into sudden blaze , comes the blind fury with th' abhorred shears , and slits the thin spun life . but not the praise , phoebus repli'd , and touch'd my trembling ears ; fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil , nor in the glistering foil set off to th' world , nor in broad rumour lies , but lives and spreads aloft by those pure eyes , and perfect witness of all-judging jove ; as he pronounces lastly on each deed , of so much fame in heav●n expect thy meed . o fountain arethuse , and thou honour'd floud , smooth-sliding mincius , crown'd with vocal reeds , that strain i heard was of a higher mood : but now my oat proceeds , and listens to the herald of the sea that came in neptunes plea , he ask'd the waves , and ask'd the fellon winds what hard mishap hath doom'd this gentle swain ? and question'd every gust of rugged wings that blows from off each beaked promontory ; they knew not of his story , and sage hippotades their answer brings , that not a blast was from his dungeon stray'd , the air was calm , and on the level brine , sleek panope with all her sisters play'd . it was that fatal and perfidious bark built in th' eclipse , and rigg'd with curses dark , that sunk so low that sacred head of thine . next camus , reverend sire , went footing slow , his mantle hairy ▪ and his bonnet sedge , inwrought with figures dim , and on the edge like to that sanguine flower inscrib'd with woe . ah ; who hath rest ( quoth he ) my dearest pledge ? last came , and last did go , the pilot of the galilean , lake , two massy keyes he bore of metals twain , ( the golden opes , the iron shuts amain ) he shook his miter'd locks , and stern bespake , how well could i have spar'd for thee , young swain , anow of such as for their bellies sake , creep and intrude ▪ and climb into the fold ? of other care they little reck'ning make , then how to scramble at the shearers feast , and shove away the worthy bidden guest ; blind mouths ! that scarce themselves know how to hold a sheep-hook , or have learn'd ought els the least that to the faithful herdmans art belongs ! what recks it them ? what need they ? they are sped ; and when they list , their lean and flashy songs grate on their scrannel pipes of wretched straw , the hungry sheep look up , and are not fed , but swoln with wind , and the rank mist they draw , rot inwardly , and foul contagion spread : besides what the grim wolf with privy paw daily devours apace , and nothing said , but that two-handed engine at the door , stands ready to smite once , and smite no more . return alpheus , the dread voice is past , that shrunk thy streams ; return sicilian muse , and call the vales , and bid them hither cast their bells , and flourets of a thousand hues . ye valleys low where the mild whispers use , of shades and wanton winds , and gushing brooks , on whose fresh lap the swart star sparely looks , throw hither all your quaint enamel'd eyes , that on the green turf suck the honied showers , and purple all the ground with vernal flowers . bring the rathe primrose that forsaken dies . the tusten crow-toe , and pale jessamine , the white pink , and the pansie freakt with jeat , the glowing violet . the musk ▪ rose , and the well attir'd woodbine , with cowslips wan that hang the pensive head , and every flower that sad embroidery wears : bid amarantus all his beauty shed , and daffadillies fill their cups with tears , to strew the laureat herse where lycid lies . for so to interpose a little ease , let our frail thoughts dally with false surmise . ah me ! whilst thee the shores , and sounding seas wash far away , where ere thy bones are hurl'd , whether beyond the stormy hebrides , where thou perhaps under the whelming tide . visit'st the bottom of the monstrous world ; or whether thou to our moist vows deni'd , sleepst by the fable of bellerus old , where the great vision of the guarded mount looks toward namancos and bayona's hold ; look homeward angel now , and melt with ruth , and , o ye dolphins , waft the hapless youth . weep no more , woful shepherds weep no more , for lycidas your sorrow is not dead , sunk though he be beneath the watry floar , so sinks the day-star in the ocean bed , and yet anon repairs his drooping head , and tricks his beams , and with new spangled ore , flames in the forehead of the morning sky : so lycidas sunk low , but mounted high , through the dear might of him that walk'd the waves where other groves , and other streams along , with nectar pure his oozy looks he laves , and hears the unexpressive nuptial song , in the blest kingdoms meek of joy and love . there entertain him all the saints above , in solemn troops , and sweet societies that sing , and singing in their glory move , and wipe the tears for ever from his eyes . now lycidas the shepherds weep no more ; henceforth thou art the genius of the shore , in thy large recompence , and shalt be good to all that wander in that perilous flood . thus sang the uncouth swain to th' okes and rills , while the still morn went out with sandals gray , he touch'd the tender stops of various quills , with eager thought warbling his dorick lay : and now the sun hath stretch'd out all the hill , and now was dropt into the western bay ; at last he rose , and twitch'd his mantle blew : to morrow to fresh woods , and pastures new . on the memory of mr. edward king , drown'd in the irish seas . i like not tears in tune , nor do i prize his artificial grief who scans his eyes . mine weep down pious beads ; but why should i confine them to the muses rosary ? i am no poet here ; my pen's the spout where the rain-water of mine eyes run out in pity of that name , whose fate we see thus copied out in grief's hydrography . the muses are not mer-mayds , though upon his death the ocean might turn helicon . the sea 's too rough for verse ; who rhymes upon 't with xerxes strives to fetter th' hellespont . my tears will keep no channel , know no laws to guide their streams , but like the waves , their cause run with disturbance , till they swallow me as a description of his misery . but can his spatious virtue find a grave within the imposthum'd bubble of a wave ? whose learning if we sound , we must confess the sea but shallow , and him bottomless . could not the winds to countermand thy death with their whole card of lungs redeem thy breath ? or some new island in thy rescue peep to heave thy resurrection from the deep ; that so the world might see thy safety wrought with no less wonder than thy self was thought ? the famous stagirite ( who in his life had nature as familiar as his wife ) bequeath'd his widow to survive with thee queen dowager of all philosophy . an ominous legacy , that did portend thy fate , and predecessor's second end . some have affirm'd that what on earth we find , the sea can parallel for shape and kind . books , arts and tongues were wanting , but in thee neptune hath got an university . we 'll dive no more for pearls ; the hope to see thy sacred reliques of mortality shall welcome storms , and make the seamen prize his shipwrack now more than his merchandize . he shall embrace the waves , and to thy tomb , as to a royaler exchange shall come . what can we now expect ? water and fire , both elements our ruin do conspire ; and that dissolves us which doth us compound , one vatican was burnt , another drown'd . we of the gown our libraries must toss to understand the greatness of our loss ; be pupils to our grief , and so much grow in learning , as our sorrows overflow . when we have fill'd the rundlets of our eyes we 'll issue't forth , and vent such elegies , as that our tears shall seem the irish seas , we floating island , living hebrides . finis . lycidas . author lamentatur amicum eruditum , infeliciter mari hyberno submersum , postquam a cestria solvisset . . et , occasione oblata , corruptorum clericorum ruinam praedicit , qui tunc temporis pro libitu in sublimi dignitatis gradu vitam agitabant . rursus odoratae myrti laurique virentes , vestitae aureolos hedera serpente corymbos , rursus ego vestras redeo decerpere baccas , quanquam acidas , ' nec dum maturo sole recoctas . et vestras spoliare comas , & spargere passim , frigora quanquam absunt procul autumnalia , nec dum hispidus arboreos aquilo populatur honores . me dolor ac duri necopina injuria fati tempora vestra meis cogunt turbare querelis . occidit heu ! tenerae lycidas in flore juventae , occidit heu dulcis lycidas , nullumque reliquit illem parem . blandi lycidae jam funera justis deplorare modis quis non velit ? ipse canendi arte sophoelaeum dedicit transire cothurnum . arva per aequorei infletum fluitare profundi tene decet ? nullis digna an tua fata querelis , dum te fluctus habet , versantque per aequora venti ? nunc utinam eloquij charites , & vivida vocum gratia , quas olim est veterum turba impia vatum aonias mentita deas , mihi protinus adsint , jucund●que novam modulentur arundine musam . forsitan & nostras pariter comitabitur umbras carmine musa pio , cinerique precabitur hospes praeteriens , tacita placidus requiesce sub urna . unicus amborum paritur juvenilibus annis mons nutritor erat , pariter quoque pavimus unum ambo gregem gelidos jucundi fontis ad ortus , aut rivi salientis aquas , aut arboris umbram . ambo simul teneras ad pascua laeta capellas duximus , ante oculis quam pulchra aurora reclusis , reddiderat lucemque orbi rebusque colorem . et simul exiguae jucundo murmure muscae noctivagam resonare tubam exaudivimus ambo per placidos lunae cursus , jam rore recenti nectareos spargente gregis per vellera succos . soepe etiam haud serae libuit decedere nocti , donec ab eoa nitido quae vespere lympha stella exorta fuit , medij transivit olympi culmen , & hesperias cursum convertit ad undas . interea , harmonicas digitis moderantibus auras , agrestem inflamus calamum , choreasque pilosi in numerum ducunt satyri , faunique nequibant capripedes nostris cohibere a cantibus aurem , ipse senex nostra damaetas gestit avena . heu male mutatae fortunae injuria ! vadis , vadisad aeternas ( nunquam heu rediture ) tenebras . te , pastor , sylvae umbriferae , viridesque recessus antrorum ; quot ubique thymo vel vite teguntur , undique jure dolent , resonatque dolentibus echo ▪ ah! salices cessant virides , humilesque myricae , nunc resonare tuae , ramosque inflectere musae . ut nocet atra rosis aerugo , ut pestis acerba est oestrum immane boum , glacialia frigora flores qualiter infestant tunica variante decoros , cum niveus primum florescere coepit acanthus : sic quoque pastores ( triste ac miserabile ! ) lethi o lycida dilecte , tui dolor urit acerbus . quae nemora , aut qui vos saltus habuere puellae naiades , immensis lycidas cum est obrutus undis ? nam neque duxistis choreas super ardua rupis culmina praeruptae , druidum monumenta priorum , nec vos saxosae tennere cacumina monae ; nec deva fatidicas ubi latè exporrigit undas . cur ego vana loquor ? praesens si vestra fuisset tota cohors , huic ecquid opem auxiliumque tulisset ? orphei calliopaea suo quam ferre valebat tristis opem ? nil musa suo succurrere nato , cujus ad interitum rerum natura dolebat , tunc potuit , cum foemineae furor iraque turbae , discerptum latos juvenem quae sparsit in agros , sanguineum caput orpheia cervice revulsum , hebre , tuis injecit aquis , quod ad usque cucurrit littora , quae miseri letho bene nota leandri . quid juvat assiduis frustra tabescere curis , et pastoralis studium contemnere vitae , et vanum ingratae musae impendisse laborem ? nonne fuit satius , sociorum more per umbras suaviter arboreas sectari amaryllida dulcem , atque neaera , tuos leviter prensare capillos . fama viros , quorum sublimi in pectore virtus . se generosa locat , cohibere libidinis aestum ( pessima nobilium solet esse haec lerna virorum ) incitat , & duros etiam sufferre labores . ast ubi poene tibi illustris tetigisse videris culmen honoris , adest lachesis cum forcipe dira , et fragilis vitae filum secat . at mihi phoebus , fama tamen post fata manet , secura sepulchri , dixerat , & tremulas leviter mihi vellicat aures . fama est planta solo minimè prognata caduco : fortunae secura nitet , nec fascibus ullis erigitur plausuve petit clarescere vulgi . judicis ante jovae purissima lumina lucem illa cupit fulgere suam ; quicunque verendum illius ante thronum laudemque decusque reportat , hujus in aethereo fama effulgebit olympo . o arethusa , & tu , fluvius celeberrime , minci , undique vocali redimitus arundine frontem , lene fluens , quae nunc recito , mihi dicta fuerunt haec longe graviore sono , graviore cothurno . sed mea propositam repetat nunc fistula musam . tunc quoque caeruleus vada per neptunia triton circumagebat iter liquidum , fluctusque sonoros perfidaque , aeolios , interrogat agmina ventos : unde haec saeva bono pecoris data fata magistro ? quaecunque altisonis ullo de monte procellis horrida flabra volant , ruptaeve cacumine rupis , ille rogat : miseri cuncta haec tamen inscia fati . hippotadesque sagax cunctorum nomine tales reddidit ore sonos : nullius flamina venti nuper ab aeoliis sese effudere cavernis . ridebant taciti tranquilla silentia ponti , et placido lapsu panope , centumque sorores aequora plana legunt , stratamque aequaliter undam . perfida navis erat , crudeli dedita fato , quae rimis accepit aquam , sacrumque repente mersit in ima caput , medioque sub aequore texit . proximus incessu senior tardissimus ibat camus , & hirsuta velatus veste ; galetus carice factus erat , variis obscura figuris quem textura notat , quem circum vitta colori par , hyacinthe , tuo , questus inscripte cucurrit : heu ! mihi quis rapuit carissima pignora ? dixit . ultimus huc venit , rediitque hinc ultimus , undae cui galilaeanae custodia creditur ; illi duplex clavis erat , duplici formata metallo , ( aurea portam aperit , subito quam ferrea claudit ) tempora tum nitidâ quassans ornata tiarâ talia fatus erat tetricae cum murmure vocis . quam bene nunc pro te , si vertere fata liceret , quam bene nunc pro te , juvenum cariffime multos concessissem alios , stimulante cupidine ventris quifurtim , ac tacitè irrumpunt , & ovilia scandunt ? unica cura quibus pecorum fuit usque magistri vi rapuisse epulas , avid●que hausisse paratas , convivasque alios audaci pellere dextr● . o coeci ventres ! qui vix comprendere dextra pastorale pedum , aut aliquid didicêre , fideles quod juvat atque decet pecorum praestare magistros . quid curant ? quid curae opus est ? bene vivitur illis . et licet his , ubicunque libet , sub vindice nullo stridenti miserum stipula disperdere carmen . interea pecudes languentia lumina volvunt , tabescuntque fame , miseris quia pabula desunt . sed ventis nebulisque tument , sensimque putrescunt interius , sparguntque sui contagia morbi . insuper & teneras vis quotidiana luporum clam discerpit oves , avidamque immergit in alvum . machina sed gemino ad portas armata flagello protinus his uno parat ictu accersere fatum . nunc , alphaee , tuositerum convertere cursus incipe , nunc vox dira abiit , vox dira quievit , quae fluvium terrore tuum retrò ire coegit . tu quoque pastoris saculi modulamine quondam edita musa redi : nemorumque umbracla colores huc florum innumeros simul injectare jubeto . vos quoque nunc valles humiles , ubi florea tempe et venti placidis resonant , fluviique susurris , quarum haud soepe sinus cancri ferus attigit ardor , undique gemmantes oculos conferte , virenti nectareos quicunque bibunt in cespite succos , floribus & vernis totam depingite terram . huc rosa , jucundi quae dicta est primula veris , quae moritur , si spreta jacet ; pulcherque hyacinthus , huc quoque cum niveis vaccinia flava ligustris , huc quoque sylvarum cum garyophillide can● moschitaeque rosae , violarum & amabile germen , atque periclymenos fulgenti ornatus amictu , paralysisque etiam , fulvo quae tota metallo pallet , & in terram pendente cacumine vergit , et quicunque gerit tunicam flos luctibus aptam , conveniant , pariterque locum glomerentur in unum huc amaranthe veni , quem non borealia laedunt frigora , quem aestiferi non torrent brachia cancri . huc , narcisse veni , lachrymis tua pocula replens suavibus ; huc flores veniant quoscunque vocavi , laurigerique tegant lycidae venerabile bustum . gaudia sic maestis juvat interponere curis , solarique animos sicta sub imagine nostros ; dum te fluctus agit , ventisque sonantia volvunt aequora vasta , trahuntque tuum , retrahuntque cadaver . sive ultra aestiferis ferventes hebridas undis , ( hic tu fortè lates rapido sub gurgitae tectus , imaque monstriferi visis penetralia mundi . ) sive remotus abes procul hinc , longumque soporem carpis , ubi sedem tenuit bellerus avitam , pristina quem veterum celebrant mendacia vatum , mons ubi praesidio circumdatus undique , spectat namaneon , spectatque tuos , bayona , recessus . ad patrias sedes , precor , o precor , angele , rursus respice nunc miseros non aversatus amicos . vos quoque delphines juveni supponite tergum , perque plagas vasti vitreas portate profundi . nunc pecorum placidi fletus inhibete magistri . non periit letho lycidas , cessitve sepulchri legibus , aequoreâ jaceat licet obrutus undâ . haud aliter phoebi se praevia stella profundum mergit in hesperium , diversis rursus ab undis mane novo surgens , multo spectabilis auro erigit illa caput , primoque ardescit eoo . sic lycidas primum ima petit , dein ardua scandit : praeside nempe illo , tumidi qui terga profundi haud secus ac siccam pedibus peragravit arenam , spumeaque intrepidis calcavit marmora plantis . hic alios inter sylvae nemoralis honores , atque alios longe fluvios se nectare puro obruit , atque suos miro lavit amne capillos , aetheriosque hilari laetus trahit aure hymenaeos in regnis , ubi floret amor & pura voluptas . hic quoque sanctorum chorus illum amplectitur omnis , ordine qui juncti pariter coelestia cantant carmina & aetherias ducunt cantando choraeas . atque oculis abigunt lachrymam procul illius omnem . nunc pecorum placidi lycidam lugere magistri absistunt . tu , littoreas dum carpis arenas , ( haec tibi in elysiis durabunt praemia campis ) semper eris quovis meliorque & faustior astro puppe periclosam trepidâ tranantibus undam . talia concinuit peregrinus carmina pastor quercubus alti●omis , fluviorum & lenibus undis , dum croceis aurora rotis invecta redibat . mutabatque sonos relegens , orisque recursu dissimili tenuem variabat arundine ventum . jam sol majores umbras super alta tetendit culmina , & hesperiis post paulò absconditur undis . tandem iterum rediit , viridemque remisit amictum . cras sylvas peragrare novas , nova pascua cordi est . deploratio mortis juvenis praeclarissimi , d. edvardi king , qui mari hyberno submersus periit . non mihi cantantes lachrymae , non humida comptum fraude latente , placent manantia lumina versum . fonte cadit mihi gemma pio densissima ; vestris cur ego musarum nunc arcta rosaria septis me teneam ? non pierides , non hujus apollo carminis autor erat ; calamus mihi nempe canalis fungitur arte cavi , lachrymarum immensa per illum ex oculis cadit unda meis , sistique recusat , dum tua fata queror , maesti tua fata doloris heu floidis descripta notis , calamoque liquenti . pierides n●n sunt ponti seirenes alumnae , huju● at oceanus celebrando in funere posset pieridum in virides converti helicona recessus . aequora sunt hirsuta minis pro carmine in undis aequoreis qui verba metro connectere tentat , xerxis adinstar agit , qui te vincire catenis hellesponte , suis studio certabat inani . en lachrymae sine lege meae , sine limite certo praecipites pronaeque ruunt , velut unda , doloris causa mei , ventis agitantibus , ordine nullo rumpit iter , donec rapidis harum obruar ipse vorticibus , miseri fato assimilatus amici . an virtus spatiosa tamen reperire sepulchrum possit in aestiserae bullanti gurgit limphae ? cujus in alta libet si fo rs demittere plumbum , immensi maris unda , illi collata , videtur esse brevis , parvumque refert imitamine stagnum , usque adeo in vastam sine limite tendit abyssum . nonne sub aeolijs sese cohibentia claustris flamina cuncta simul unitis viribus unam sustinuere animam revocarea limine lethi ? cyclade nonne nova e vastis oriente lacunis aequoris , aequorei de mole resurgere busti tu poteras , tantumque novis percellere mundum ortibus , ante tua quantum virtute stup●bat ? magnus aristoteles , ( qui donee vixerat , omnem naturam rimatus erat , nec notior illi uxor erat ) moriens viduam tibi tradidit illam , quae mundi regina manet , cui scilicet uni pulchra philosophici data sunt diademata regni . omine proh ! dira conjux tibi tradita , fati praescia , aristoteles heu ! te moriente , secundo concidit , ecce , latens iterum sub gurgite letho . quaecunque in vastis terrarum cernimus oris , his paria ingenti latitare sub aequore quidam et genus & variam credunt referentia formam . artibus ante tamen , linguis librisque carebant aequora , nunc , liquidis quia tu versaris in undis , cecropium , ecce , tenent neptunia regna lyca●um . quaerere jam nitidas sub aquarum gurgite gemmas vix operae pretium est , dum spe majore tenemur relliquias spectare tuas , audire procellam haec avide horrisonam , turbantibus aequora ventis , spes jubet , haec spes naufragium quoque mercibus ipsum gratius esse facit cupidis te cernere nautis . illi ad littoreas cupidè gradiuntur arenas , acceduntque tui spumantia marmora busti . ceu magis excambi regalis nomine digna illa forent . quae spes superest ? simul ignis & unda , bina elementa parant nobis inferre ruinam . quae nos composuere , iterum nos illa resolvunt , declinantque , iterumque sua in primordia cedunt , una exusta fuit flamma vaticana rogali , altera is aequorei gremio jacet obruta ponti . scrinia nostra manu crebra versemus oportet turba togata , novum cupientes discere damnum ; sit vice doctoris dolor ipse ; scientia crescat cum doctore suo . nostros , ubi flumine largo intumuere , elegi carmen vacuabit ocellos : usque adeo ut lachrymae hyberni maris aequora nostrae aequiparare , ipsique vagae videamur in undis insulae , & aestiferi sinuoso in gurgite ponti hebrides ire anima passimque redire retenta . finis . a defence of the people of england by john milton ; in answer to salmasius's defence of the king. pro populo anglicano defensio. english milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a defence of the people of england by john milton ; in answer to salmasius's defence of the king. pro populo anglicano defensio. english milton, john, - . washington, joseph, d. . [ ], xxii, p. s.n.], [amsterdam? : . translated by joseph washington. place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. imperfect: list of works to be consulted lacking on film. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng saumaise, claude, - . -- defensio regia pro carolo i. charles -- i, -- king of england, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a defence of the people of england , by john milton : in answer to salmasius's defence of the king. printed in the year . to the english reader . the author of this book is sufficiently known , and so is the book it self , both at home and abroad , to the curious and inquisitive ; but never having been rendred into english , many , whose veneration for the author would induce them to read any thing of his , and who could not máster it in the language in which he wrote it , were deprived of the pleasure of perusing it , and of the information they might justly expect from it . to gratifie them it is , that this translation , long since made , is now published ; for the person who took the pains to translate it , did it partly for his own private entertainment , and partly to gratifie one or two of his friends , without any design of mak●… it publick , and is since deceased : and the publisher thinks it necessary to advertise the reader some few things concerning it . as first , that the author does with a great freedom of language , and strength of reason , detect the fallacy of all the cobweb arguments made use of by the flatterers of princes , to prove their power to be derived immediately from god , and to be superior to that of the law , whether deduced from scripture , reason , or authority . secondly , that whereas some things are inserted , that contain personal reflections upon the late king charles the first , and pains taken to justifie all the proceedings of the parliament from first to last , which may sound harsh in some of our ears ; the reader ought to consider the time when these things were written , and the occasion of the author ' s undertaking this defence , which were such as put him under a necessity of vindicating whatever his masters had done . the translator has not gelt him , nor was the publisher willing to do it ; especially since the book has for many years been so publick , tho in another language . and the great use which it yields for the most part , ought not to be lost , because some things are here and there interspersed , which the ●…blisher could wish there had been no occasion for . thirdly , that some passages here and there may seem obscure , because the author presupposeth his readers to have read salmasius ; to some or other of whose authorities and reasons , such passages relate . fourthly , that where salmasius ' s words are inserted , they are , for the most part , if not always in italick : tho the coherence of the discourse would sufficiently disclose to one that reads with care , when salmasius speaks , and when the author . fifthly , that if the author may seem to lay aside even rules of decency in treating his adversary , whom indeed he ridicules and exposes with a great deal of smartness , freedom , and contempt , it must be considered , that the author wrote on the behalf , and in defence of the powers then in being , and in answer to a priva●e person , who had loaded them with all reproaches imaginable , and who could not possibly give worse language to the meanest , the most contemptible , and the most unworthy person upon earth , than he does in his defensio regia , to men that had then the government of one of the most potent nations in christendom . sixthly , that the translator has kept perhaps too close to his copy , and not taken that liberty which is allowed to a translation , especially in the angry and peevish parts of it : but it 's hoped the faithfulness of the translation may in some measure recompence for that ; and it is very well known to those that knew him , that he neither could , nor did pretend to lash so well in english , as the author could in latin. lastly , that some of the author's sarcasmes depending upon the sound and ambiguity of latin words , do ( as they needs must ) lose their beauty and elegance in a translation . the author's preface . altho i fear , lest , if in defending the people of england , i should be as copious in words , and empty of matter , as most men think salmasius has been in his defence of the king ; i might seem to deserve justly to be accounted a verbose and silly defender ; yet since no man thinks himself obliged to make so much haste , tho in the handling but of any ordinary subject , as not to premise some introduction at least , according as the weight of his subject requires ; if i take the same course in handling well-nigh the greatest subject that ever was , without being too tedious in it , i am in hopes of attaining two things , which indeed i earnestly desire : the one , not to be at all wanting , as far as in me lies , to this most noble cause , and most worthy to be recorded to all future ages . the other , that i shall appear to have avoided my self , that frivolousness of matter , and redundancy of words , which i find fault with in my antagonist . for i am about to discourse of matters , neither inconsiderable nor common , but how a most potent king , after he had trampled upon the laws of the nation , and given a shock to its religion , and was ruling at his own will and pleasure , was at last subdu'd in the field by his own subjects , who had undergone a long slavery under him ; how afterwards he was cast into prison , and when he gave no ground , either by words or actions , to hope better things of him , he was finally by the supreme council of the kingdom condemned to dye , and beheaded before the very gates of the palace . i shall likewise relate , ( which will much conduce to the easing mens minds of a great superstition , ) by what right , especially according to our law , this judgment was given , and all these matters transacted ; and shall easily defend my valiant and worthy countrymen , and who have extremely well deserved of all subjects and nations in the world , from the most wicked calumities both of domestick and foreign railers , and especially from the reproaches of this most vain and empty sophister , who sets up for a captain and ringleader to all the rest . for what king 's majesty sitting upon an exalted throne , ever shone so brightly , as that of the people of england then did , when shaking off that old superstition , which had prevailed a long time , they gave judgment upon the king himself , or rather upon an enemy , who had been their king , caught as it were in a net by his own laws ( who alone of all mortals challenged to himself impunity by a divine right ) and scrupled not to inflict the same punishment upon him himself , being guilty , which he would have inflicted upon any other . but why do i mention these things as performed by the people ? which almost open their voice themselves , and testify the presence of god throughout . who , as often as it seems good to his infinite wisdom , uses to throw down proud and unruly kings , exalting themselves above the condition of humane nature , and utterly to ex●irpate them and all their family . by his manifest impulse being set on work to recover our almost lost liberty , following him as our guide , and adoring the impresses of his divine power manifested upon all occasions , we went on in no obscure , but an illustrious passage , pointed out , and made plain to us by god himself . which things , if i should so much as hope by any diligence or ability of mine , such as it is , to discourse of as i ought to do , and commit them so to writing , as perhaps all nations and all ages may read them , it would be a very vain thing in me . for what stile can be august and magnificent enough , what man has parts sufficient to undertake so great a task ? since we find by experience , that in so many ages as are gone over the world , there has been but here and there a man found , who has been able worthily to recount the actions of great heroes , and potent states ; can any man have so good an opinion of himself , as to think himself capable to reach these glorious and wonderful works of almighty god , by any language , by any stile of his ? which enterprize , though some of the most eminent persons in our commonwealth have prevailed upon me by their authority to undertake , and would have it be my business to vindicate with my pen against envy and calumny ( which are proof against arms ) those glorious performances of theirs ( whose opinion of me i take as a very great honour , that they should pitch upon me before others to be serviceable in this kind to those most valiant deliverers of my native-countrey ; and true it is , that from my very youth i have been bent extremely upon such sort of studies , as inclin'd me , if not to do great things my self , at least to celebrate those that did ) yet as having no confidence in any such advantages , i have recourse to the divine assistance ; and invoke the great and holy god , the giver of all good gifts , that i may as substantially , and as truly , discuss and refute the sawciness and lies of this foreign declamator , as our noble generals piously and successfully by force of arms broke the king's pride , and his unruly domineering , and afterwards put an end to both by inflicting a memorable punishment upon himself ; and as throughly as a single person did with case but of late confute and confound the king himself , rising as it were from the grave , and recommending himself to the people in a book publish'd after his death , with new artisices and allurements of words and expressions . which antagonist of mine , though he be a foreigner , and , though he deny it a thousand times over , but a poor grammarian ; yet not contented with the salary due to him in that capacity , chose to turn a pragmatical coxcomb ; and not only to intrude in state-affairs , but into the affairs of a foreign state : tho he brings along with him neither modesty , nor understanding , ●or any other qualification requisite in so great an arbitrator , but sawciness , and a little grammar only . indeed , if he had publish'd here , and in english , the same things that he has now wrote in latin such as it is , i think no man would have thought it worth while to return an answer to them , but would partly despise them as common , and exploded over and over already , and partly abhor them as sordid and tyrannical maxims , not to be endured even by the most abject of slaves ; nay , men that have even sided with the king , would have had these thoughts of his book . but since he has swol'n it to a considerable bulk , and dispers'd it amongst foreigners , who are altogether ignorant of our affairs and constitution ; it 's sit that they who mistake them , should be better informed ; and that he , who is so very forward to speak ill of others , should be treated in his own kind . if it be asked , why we did not then attack him sooner , why we suffered him to triumph so long , and pride himself in our silence ? for others i am not to answer ; for my self i can boldly say , that i had neither had words nor arguments long to seek , for the defence of so good a cause , if i had enjoyed such a measure of health , as would have endur'd the fatigue of writing . and being but yet weak in body , i am forced to write by piece-meal , and break off almost every hour , though the subject be such as requires an unintermitted study and intenseness of mind . but though this bodily indisposition may be a hindrance to me in setting forth the just praises of my most worthy countreymen , who have been the saviours of their native country , and whose exploits , worthy of immortality , are already famous all the world over ; yet i hope it will be no difficult matter for me to defend them from the insolence of this silly little scholar , and from that sawey tongue of his at least . nature and laws would be in an ill case , if slavery should find what to say for it self , and liberty be mute : and if tyrants should find men to plead for them , and they that can master and vanquish tyrants , should not be able to find advocates : and it were a deplorable thing indeed , if the reason mankind is endu'd withal , and which is the gift of god , should not furnish more arguments for mens preservation , for their deliverance , and , as much as the nature of the thing will bear , for making them equal to one another , than for their oppression , and for their utter ruine under the domineering power of one single person . let me therefore enter upon this noble cause with a chearfulness , grounded upon this assurance , that my adversary's cause is maintain'd by nothing but fraud , fallacy , ignorance and barbarity ; whereas mine has light , truth , reason , the practice and the learning of the best ages of the world , of its side . but now , having said enough for an introduction , since we have to do with criticks ; let us in the first place consider the title of this choice piece : defensio regia pro car. primo , ad car. secundum . a royal defence ( or the king's defence ) for charles the first to charles the second . you undertake a wonderful piece of work , whoever you are ; to plead the father's cause before his own son : a hundred to one but you carry it . but i summon you , salmasius , who heretofore sculk'd under a wrong name , and now go by no name at all , to appear before another tribunal , and before other judges , where perhaps you may not hear those little applauses , which you use to be so fond of in your school . but why this royal defence dedicated to the king 's own son ? we need not put him to the torture ; he confesses why . at the king , charge , says he . o mercenary and chargeable advocate ! could you not afford to write a defence for charles the father , whom you pretend to have been the best of kings , to charles the son , the most indigent of all kings , but it must be at the poor king 's own charge ? but though you are a knave , you would not make your self ridiculous , in calling it the king's defence ; for you having sold it , it is no longer yours , but the king 's indeed : who bought it at the price of a hundred jacobusses , a great sum for a poor king to disburse . i know very well what i say ; and 't is well enough known who brought the gold , and the purse wrought with beads : we know who saw you reach out greedy fists , under pretence of embracing the king's chaplain , who brought the present , but indeed to embrace the present it self , and by accepting it to exhaust almost all the king's treasury . but now the man comes himself , the door creaks ; the actor comes upon the stage . in silence now , and with attention wait , that yee may learn what th' eunuch has to prate . terent. for whatever the matter 's with him , he blusters more than ordinary . a horrible message had lately struck our ears , but our minds more , with a heinous wound concerning a parricide committed in england in the person of a king , by a wicked conspiracy of sacrilegious men . indeed that horrible message must either have had a much longer sword , than that which peter drew , or those ears must have been of a wonderful length , that it could wound at such a distance ; for it could not so much as in the least offend any ears but those of an ass . for what harm is it to you , that are foreigners ? are any of you hurt by it , if we amongst our selves put our own enemies , our own traytors to death , be they commoners , noble men , or kings ? do you , salmasius , let alone , what does not concern you ; for i have a horrible message to bring of you too ; which i 'm mistaken if it strike not a more heinous wound into the ears of all grammarians and criticks , provided they have any learning and delicacy in them : to wit , your crowding so many barbarous expressions together in one period in the person of ( aristarchus ) a grammarian , and that so great a critick as you , hired at the king's charge to write a defence of the king his father , should not only set so fulsome a preface before it , much like those lamentable ditties , that used to be sung at funerals , and which can move compassion in none but a cox-comb ; but in the very first sentence should provoke your readers to laughter with so many barbarisms all at once . persona regir , you cry . where do you find any such latin ? or are you telling us some tale or other of a perkin warchick , who taking upon him the person of a king , has , forsooth ! committed some horrible parricide in england ? which expression , though dropping carelesly from your pen , has more truth in it , than you are aware of . for a tyrant is but like a king upon a tage a man in a vizor , and acting the part of a k●ng in a play ; he is not really a king. but as for thes● gallicisms , that are so frequent in your book , i w●…t lash you for them my self , for i am not at leisure ; but shall deliver you over to your fellow grammarians , to be laught to scorn and whipt by them . what follows is much more heinous , that what was decreed by our supreme magistrates to be done to the king should be said by you to have been done by a wicked conspiracy of sacrilegious persons . have you the impudence , you rogue , to talk at this rate of the acts and decrees of the chief magistrates of a nation that lately was a most potent kingdom , and is now a more potent commonwealth ? whose proceedings no ring ever took upon him by word of mouth , or otherwise to vilifie and set at nought . the illustrious states of holland therefore , the genuine off spring of those deliverers of their country , have deservedly by their edict condemn'd to utter darkness this defence of tyrants , so pernicious to the liberty of all nations ; the author of which every free state ought to forbid their country , or to banish out of it ; and that state particularly , that feeds with a stipend so ungrateful and so savage an enemy to their commonwealth ; whose very fundamentals and the causes of their becoming a free state , this fellow endeavours to undermine , as well as ours ; and at one and the same time to subvert both ; and loads with calumnies the most worthy asserters of liberty there , under our names . consider with your selves , ye most illustrious states of the united netherlands , who it was that put this asserter of kingly power upon setting pen to paper ; who it was , that but lately began to play rex in your country ; what counsels were taken , what endeavours used , and what disturbances ensued thereupon in holland ; and to what pass things might have been brought by this time ; how slavery and a new master were ready prepar'd for you , and how near expiring that liberty of yours , asserted and vindicated by so many years war and toil , would have been , e're now , if it had not taken breath again by the timely death of a certain rash young gentleman . but our author begins to strut again , and to feign wonderful tragedies ; whomsoever this dreadful news reacht ( to wit , the news of salmasius his parricidial barbarisms ) all of a sudden , as if they had been struck with lightning , their hair stood an end , and their tongues clove to the roof of their mouth , which let natural philosophers take notice of ( for this secret in nature was never discovered before ) that lightning makes mens hair stand an end . but who knows not that little effeminate minds are apt to be amaz'd at the news of any extiaordinary great action ; and that then they show themselves to be what they really were before , no better than so many stocks . some could not refrain from tears ; some little women at court , i suppose , or if there be any more effeminate than they , of whose number salmasius himself being one , is by a new metamorphosis become a fountain near akin to his name ( salmacis ) and with his counterfeit flood of tears prepared over night , endeavours to emasculate generous minds : i advise therefore , and wish them to have a care , — infamis ne quem malè fortibus undis salmacis enervet . — — ne , si vir cum venerit , exeat indè semivir , & tactis subitò mollescat in undis . abstain , as manhood you esteem , from salmacis pernicious stream : if but one moment there you stay , too dear you 'l for your bathing pay , — depart nor man nor woman , but a sight disgracing both , a loath'd hermaphrodite . they that had more courage ( which yet the expresses in miserable bald latin , as if he could not so much as speak of men of courage and magnanimity in proper words ) were set on fire with indignation to that degree , that they could hardly contain themselves . those furious hectors we value not of a rush . we have been accustomed to rout such bullies in the field with a true sober courage , a courage becoming men that can contain themselves , and are in their right wits . there were none that did not curse the authors of so horrible a villany . but yet , you say , their tongues clove to the roof of their mouths ; and if you mean this of our fugitives only , i wish they had clove there to this day ; for we know very well , that there 's nothing more common with them , than to have their mouths full of curses and imprecations , which indeed all good men abominate , but withal despise . as for others , it 's hardly credible , that when they heard the news of our having inflicted a capital punishment upon the king , there should any be found , especially in a free state , so naturally adapted to slavory , as either to speak ill of us , or so much as to censure what we had done : nay , 't is highly probable , that all good men applauded us , and gave god thanks for so illustrious , so exalted a piece of justice ; and for a caution so very useful to other princes . in the mean time , as for those fierce , those steel hearted men , that , you say , take on for , and bewall so pitifully , the lamentable and wonderful death of i know not who ; them , i say , together with their tinkling advocate , the dullest that ever appeared , since the name of a king was born and known in the world , we shall e'en let whine on , till they cry their eyes out . but in the mean time , what school-boy , what little insignificant monk could not have made a more elegant speech for the king , and in better latin than this royal advocate has done ? but it would be folly in me to make such particular animadversions upon his childishness and frenzies throughout his book , as i do here upon a few in the beginning of it ; which yet i would be willing enough to do ( for we hear , that he is swollen with pride and conceit to the utmost degree imaginable ) if the ill-put-together and immethodical bulk of his book did not protect him : he was resolved to take a course like the soldier in terence , to save his bacon ; and it was very cunning in him to stuff his book with so much childishness , and so many silly whimsies , that it might nauseate the smartest man in the world to death , to take notice of 'em all . only i thought it might not be amiss to give a specimen of him in the preface ; and to let the serious reader have a taste of him at first , that he might guess by the first dish that 's serv'd up , how noble an entertainment the rest are like to make ; and that he may imagine within himself what an infinite number of fooleries and impertinencies , must heeds be heaped up together in the body of the book , when they stand so thick in the very entrance into it , where of all other places they ought to have been shunned . his tittle-tattle that follows , and his sermons fit for nothing but to be worm eaten , i can easily pass by ; as for any thing in them relating to us , we doubt not in the least , but that what has been written and published by authority of parliament , will have far greater weight with all wise and sober men , than the calumnies and lies of one single impudent little fellow ; who being hired by our fugitives , their countrey 's enemies , has scrap'd together , and not scrupled to publish in print , whatever little story any one of them that employed him , put into his head . and that all men may plainly see how little conscience he makes of setting down any thing right or wrong , good or bad , i desire no other witness than salmasius himself . in his book , entituled , apparatus contra primatum papae , he says , there are most weighty reasons why the church ought to lay aside episcopacy , and return to the apostolical institution of presbyters : that a far greater ●ischief has been introduced into the church by e●…copacy , than the schisms themselves were , which were before apprehended : that the plague which episcopacy introduced , depressed the whole body of the church under a miserable tyranny : nay , had put a yoke even upon the necks of kings and princes : that it would be more beneficial to the church , if the whole hierarchy it self , were extirpated , than if the pope only , who is the head of it , were laid aside , page . that it would be very much for the good of the church , if episcocy were taken away , together with the papacy : that if episcopacy were once taken down , the papacy would fall of it self , as being founded upon it , page . he says he can show very good reasons why episcopacy ought to be put down in those kingdoms that have renounced the pope's supremacy ; but that he can see no reason for retaining it there : that a reformation is not entire , that is defective in this point : that no reason can be alledged , no probable cause assigned , why the supremacy of the pope being once disowned , episcopacy should notwithstanding be retained , page . tho he had wro●e all this , and a great deal more to this effect , but four years ago , he is now become so vain and so impudent withal , as to accuse the parliament of england , for not only turning the bishops out of the house of lords , but for abolishing episcopacy it self . nay , he persuades us to receive episcopacy , and defends it by the very same reasons and arguments , which with a great deal of earnestness he had confuted himself in that former book ; to wit , that bishops were necessary , and ought to have been retained , to prevent the springing up of a thousand pernicious sects and heresies . crafty turn-coat ! are you not asham'd to shift hands thus in things that are sacred , and ( i had almost said ) to betray the church ; whose most solemn institutions you seem to have asserted and vindicated with so much noise , that when it should seem for your interest to change sides , you might undo and subvert all again with the more disgrace and infamy to your self . it 's notoriously known , that when both houses of parliament , being extremely desirous to reform the church of england by the pattern of other reformed churches , had resolved to abolish episcopacy , the king first interposed , and afterwards waged war against them chiefly for that very cause ; which proved fatal to him . go now and ●oast of your having defended the king ; who , that you might the better defend him , do now openly betray and impugn the cause of the church , whose defence you your self had formerly undertaken ; and whose severest censures ought to be inflicted upon you . as for the present form of our government , since such a foreign insignificant professor as you , having laid aside your boxes and desks , stufft with nothing but trifles , which you might have spent your time better in putting into order , will needs turn busie-body , and be troublesome in other mens matters , i shall return you this answer , or rather not to you , but to them that are wiser than your self , viz. that the form of it is such as our present distractions will admit of ; not such as were to be wish'd , but such as the obstinate divisions that are amongst us , will bear . what state soever is pestered with factions , and defends it self by force of arms , is very just in having regard to those only that are found and untainted , and in overlooking or secluding the rest , be they of the nobility or the common people ; nay , though profiting by experience , they should refuse to be governed any longer either by a king or a 〈◊〉 of lords . but in railing at that supreme council , as you call it , and at the chair man thére , you make your self very ridiculous ; for that council is not the supreme council , as you dream it is , but appointed by authority of parliament , for a certain time only ; and consisting of ●orty persons , for the most part members of parliament , any one of whom may be president , if the rest vote him into the chair . and there is nothing more common , than for our parliaments to appoint committees of their own members ; who , when so appointed , have power to meet where they please , and hold a kind of a little parliament amongst themselves . and the most weighty affairs are often referred to them , for expedition and secresie ; the care of the navy , the army , the treasury ; in short , all things whatsoever , relating either to war or peace . whether this be called a council , or any thing else , the thing is ancient , though the name may be new ; and it is such an institution , as no government can be duly administred without it . as for our putting the king to death , and changing the government , forbear your bawling , don't spit your venom , till going along with you through every chapter , i show , whether you will or no , by what law. by what right and justice , all that was done . but if you insist to know by what right , by what law ; by that law , i tell you , which god and nature have enacted , viz. that whatever things are for the universal good of the whole state , are for that reason lawful and just . so wise men of old used to answer such as you . you find fault with us for repealing laws , that had obtained for so many years ; but you do not tell as , whether those laws were good or bad , nor if you did , should we heed what you said ; for , you buisy puppy , what have you to do with our laws ? i wish our magistrates had ●…ed more than they have , both laws and ●●wyers ; if they had , they would have consulted the interest of the christian religion , and that of the people better then they have done . it frets you , that hob-goblins , sons of the earth , scarce gentlemen at home , scarce known to their own countrymen , should presume to do such things . but you ought to have remembred , what not only the scriptures , but horace would have taught you , viz. — — valet ima summis mutare & insignem attenuat deus obscura promens , &c. the power that did create , can change the scene of things , make mean of great , and great of mean ; the brightest glory can eclipse with night , and place the most obscure in dazling light. but take this into the bargain : some of those , who you say are scarce gentlemen , are not at all inferiour in birth to any of your party ; others , whose ancestors were not noble , have taken a course to attain to true nobility by their own industry and vertue , and are not inferior to men of the noblest descent ; and had rather be 〈◊〉 ●●ns of the earth , provided to be their own earth . ( their own native country ) and ●ct like men at home , then being destitute of house or land , to relieve the necessities of nature in a foreign country , by selling of smoke as thou dost , an inconsiderable fellow , and a j●ck-straw , and who dep●ndest upon the good will of thy masters for a poor st●pend ; for whom it were better to forgo thy travelling , and return to thy own kindred and country-men , if thou hadst not this one piece of cunning , to babble out some silly prelections and fooleries at so good a rate amongst foreigners . you find fault with our magistrates for admitting such a common-shore of all sorts of sects ; why should they not ? it belongs to the church to cast them out of the communion of the faithful ; not to the magistrate to banish them the country , provided they do not offend against the civil laws of the state. men at first united into civil societies , that they might live safely and enjoy their liberty , without being wrong'd or opprest ; that they might live religiously , and according to the doctrine of christianity , they united themselves into churches . civil societies have laws , and churches have a discipline , peculiar to themselves , and far differing from each other . and this has been the occasion of so many wars in christendom ; to wit , because the civil magistrate and the church confounded their jurisdictions . and therefore we do not admit of the popish sect , so as to tolerate papists at all ; for we do not look upon that as a religion but rather as an hierarchical tyranny , under a ●loak of religion , cloath'd with the spoils of the civil power , which it has usurp'd to it self contrary to our saviour's own doctrine . as for the independents , we never had any such amongst us , as you describe ; they that we call independents are only such as hold that no classes or synods have a superiority over any particular church , and that therefore they ought all to be pluckt up by the roots , as branches , or rather as the very trunk of hierarchy it self ; which is your own opinion too . and from hence it was that the name of independents prevailed amongst the vulgar . the rest of your preface is taken up in endeavouring not only to stir up the hatred of all kings and monarchs against us , but to perswade them to make a general war upon us . mithridates of old , though in a different cause , endeavoured to stir up all princes to make war upon the romans , by laying to their charge almost just the same things , that you do to ours : viz. that the romans aim'd at nothing but the subversion of all kingdoms , that they had no regard to any thing , whether sacred or civil , that from their very first rise they never enjoy'd any thing , but what they had acquir'd by force , that they were robbers , and the greatest enemies in the world to monarchy : thus mithridates exprest himself in a letter to arsaces king of the parthians . but how came you , whose business it it is to make silly speeches from your desk , to have the confidence to imagine , that by your persuasions to take up arms , and sounding an alarm as it were , you should be able so much as to influence a king amongst boys at play ; especially , with so shrill a voice , and unsavoury breath , that i believe , if you were to have been the trumpeter , not so much as homer's mice would have waged war against the frogs . so little do we fear , you slug , you , any war or danger from foreign princes , through your silly rhetorick , who accuse us to them , just as if you were at play , that we toss kings heads like balls ; play at bowls with crowns ; and regard scepters no more then if they were fool 's staves with heads on . but you in the mean time , you silly logerhead , deserve to have your bones well-thrash'd with a fool 's staff , for thinking to stir up kings and princes to war by such childish arguments . then you cry aloud to all nations , who , i know full well , will never heed what you say . you call upon that wretched and barbarous crew of irish rebels too , to assert the king's party . which one thing is sufficient evidence how much you are both a fool , and a knave , and how you out-do almost all mankind in villany , impudence , and madness , who scruple not to implore the loyalty and aid of an execrable people , devoted to the slaughter , whom the king himself always abhorr'd , or so pretended , to have any thing to do with , by reason of the guilt of so much innocent blood , which they had contracted . and that very perfidiousness and cruelty , which he endeavoured as much as he could to conceal , and to clear himself from any suspition of , you the most villanous of mortals , as fearing neither god nor man , voluntarily and openly take upon your self . go on then , undertake the kings defence at the encouragement , and by the assistance of the irish : you take care , and so you might well , lest any should imagine that you were about to bereave cicero or demosthenes of the praise due to their eloquence , by telling us before hand , that you conceive you ought not to speak like an orator . 't is wisely said of a fool ; you conceive you ought not to do what is not in your power to do ; and who that knows any thing of you , ever expects any thing like an orator from you ? who neither uses , nor is able to publish any thing that 's elaborate , distinct , or has so much as sense in it ; but like a second crispin , or that little grecian , tzetzes , so you do but write a great deal , take no pains to write well , nor could write any thing well , though you took never so much pains . this cause shall be argued ( say you ) in the hearing , and as it were before the tribunal of all mankind . that 's what we like so well , that we could now wish , we had a discreet and intelligent adversary , and not such a hair-brain'd blunderbuss as you , to deal with . you conclude very tragically , like ajax in his raving . i will proclaim to heaven and earth the injustice , the villany , the perfidiousness and cruelty of these men , and will deliver them over convicted to all posterity . o flowers ! that such a witless , senseless bawler , one that was born but to spoil or transcribe good authors , should think himself able to writ any thing of his own , that will reach posterity ; whom together with his frivolous scribles the very next age will bury in oblivion ; unless this defence of the king perhaps may be beholden to the answer i give to it , for being looked into now and then . and i would entreat the illustrious states of holland to take off their prohibition , and suffer the book to be publickly sold . for when i have detected the vanity , ignorance , and falshood , that it is full of , the farther it spreads , the more effectually it will be supprest . now , let us hear how he convicts us . a defence of the people of england . chap. i. i persuade my self , salmasius , that you being a vain flashy man , are not a little proud of being the king of great britain's defender , who himself was stil'd the defender of the faith. for my part , i think you deserve your titles both alike ; for the king defended the faith , and you have defended him so , that betwixt you , you have spoil'd both your causes ; which i shall make appear throughout the whole ensuing discourse , and particularly in this very chapter . you told us in the th . page of your preface , that so good and so just a cause ought not to be embelisht with any flourishes of rhetorick ; that the king needed no other defence than by a bare narrative of his story ; and yet in your first chapter , in which you had promised us that bare narrative , you neither tell the story aright , nor do you abstain from making use of all the skill you have in rhetorick to set it off . so that if we must take your own judgment , we must believe the king's cause to be neither good nor just . but by the way i would advise you not to have so good an opinion of your self ( for no body else has so of you ) as to imagin that you are able to speak well upon any subject ; who can neither play the part of an orator , nor an historian , nor express your self in a stile that would not be ridiculous even in a lawyer ; but like a mountebank's jugler , with big swelling words in your preface , you rais'd our expectation , as if some mighty matter were to ensue ; in which your design was not so much to introduce a true narrative of the king's story , as to make your own empty intended flourished go off the better . for being now about to give us an account of the matter of fact , you find your self encompassed and affrighted with so many m●nst●rs of novelty , that y' are at a loss what to say first , what next , and what last of all . i le tell ye what the matter is with you . in the first place you find your self affrighted and astonish'd at your own monstrous lies , and then you find that empty head of yours not encompass'd , but carried round with so many trifles and fooleries , that you not only now do not , but never did know what was ●it to ●e spoken , and in what method . among the m●…y 〈◊〉 that you find in expressing the ●●inousness of so 〈◊〉 a piece of impiety , this one offers i● self you say , which 〈◊〉 ●…y 〈◊〉 and must often be repeated ; to wit , that the s●● 〈◊〉 self never b●h●ld a more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but by your good leave , sir , the sun has beheld many things , that blind bernard never saw . but we are content you should mention the sun over and over . and it will be a piece of prudence in you so to do . for though our wickedness does not require it , the coldness of the 〈◊〉 that you are making , does . the original of kings , you say , is as ancient , as that of the sun. may the gods and goddesses , damasippus , bless thee with an everlasting solstice ; that thou maist always be warm , thou that canst not stir a foot without the sun. perhaps you would avoid the imputation of being called a doctor umbraticus . but alas ! you are in perfect darkness , that make no difference betwixt a paternal power , and a regal ; and that when you had called kings fathers of their country , could fancy that with that metaphor you had persuaded us that whatever is applicable to a father , is so to a king. alas ! there 's a great difference betwixt them . our fathers begot us . our king made not us , but we him . nature has given fathers to us all , but we our selves appointed our own king. so that the people is not for the king , but the king for them . we bear with a father , though he be harsh and severe ; and so we do with a king. but we do not bear with a father , if he be a tyrant . if a father murder his son , himself must die for 't , and why should not a king be subject to the same law , which certainly is a most just one ? especially considering that a father cannot by any possibility divest himself of that relation , but a king easily may make himself neither king nor father of his people . if this action of ours be considered according to its quality , as you call it , i , who am both an english man born , and was an eye-witness of the transactions of these times , tell you , who are both a foreigner and an utter stranger to our affairs ; that we have not put to death a good , nor a just , nor a merciful , nor a devout , nor a godly , nor a peaceable king , as you stile him ; but an enemy , that has been so to us almost ten years to an end ; nor one that was a father , but a destroyer of his country . you confess that such things have been 〈◊〉 , for your self have not the impudence to deny it ; but n●t by protestants upon a protestant king. as if he deserv'd the name of a protestant , that in a letter to the pope , could give him the title of most holy father ; that was always more favourable to the papists , than to those of his own profession . and being such , he is not the first of his own family that has been put to death by protestants . was not his grand-mother deposed and banisht , and at last beheaded by protestants ? and were not her own countrymen , that were protestants too , well enough pleas'd with it ? nay , if i should say they were parties to it , i should not lie . but there being so few protestant kings , it is no great wonder , if it never happened , that one of them has been put to death . but that it is lawful to depose a tyrant , and to punish him according to his deserts ; nay , that this is the opinion of very eminent divines , and of such as have been most instrumental in the late reformation , do you deny , if you dare . you confess that many kings have come to an unnatural death : some by the sword , some poyson'd , some strangled , and some in a dungeon ; but for a king to be arraign'd in a court of judicature , to be put to plead for his life , to have sentence of death pronounc'd against him , and that sentence ex●cuted ; this you think a more lamentable instance than all the rest , and make it a prodigious piece of impiety . tell me , thou superlative fool , whether it be not more just , more agreeable to the rules of humanity , and the laws of all humane societies , to bring a criminal , be his offence what it will , before a count of justice , to give him leave to speak for himself ; and if the law condemn him , then to put him to death , as he has d●●erv'd so as he may have time to repent , or to recollect himself , than presently , as soon as ever he is taken , to but●h●r him without more ado ? 〈◊〉 think there 's a mal●…r in the world , that if he might have his choice , would not chuse to be thus dealt withal ? and if this sort of proceeding against a private person be accounted the fairer of the two , why should it not be counted so against a prince ? nay , why should we not think that himself liked it better ? you would have had him kill'd privately , and none to have seen it , either that future ages might have lost the advantage of so good an example ; or that they that did this glorious action , might seem to have avoided the light , and to have acted contrary to law and justice . you aggravate the matter by telling us , that it was not done in an uproar , or brought about by any faction amongst great men , or in the heat of a rebellion , either of the people , or the soldiers : that there was no hatred , no fear , no ambition , no blind precipitate rashness in the case ; but that it was long consulted on , and done with deliberation . you did well in leaving off being an advocate , and turn grammarian . that from the accidents and circumstances of a thing , which in themselves considered , sway neither one way nor other , argue in dispraise of it , before you have proved the thing it self to be either good or bad . see how open you lie : if the action you are discoursing of , be commendable and praise-worthy , they that did it deserve the greater honour , in that they were prepossessed with no passions , but did what they did for virtue 's sake . if there were great difficulty in the enterprise , they did well in not going about it rashly , but upon advice and consideration . th● for my own part , when i call to mind with how unexpected an importunity and servency of mind , and with how unanimous a consent , the whole army , and a great part of the people from almost every county in the kingdom , cried out with one voice for justice against the king , as being the sole author of all their calamities : i cannot but , think that these things were brought about by a divine impulse . whatever the matter was , whether we consider the magistrates , or the body of the people , no men ever under●ook with more courage , and , which our adversaries themselves confess , in a more 〈◊〉 temper of mind , so brave an action , an action that might have become those famous heroes of whom we read in former ages ; an action , by which they ●●nobled not only laws , and their execution , which seem for the future equally restor'd to high and low against one another ; but even justice it self , and to have rendred it after so signal a judgment more illustrious and greater than in its own self . we are now come to an end of the third page of the first book , and have not the bare narrative he promis'd us yet . he complains that our principles ar● , ●hat a king whose government is burdensom and odi●s , may lawfully be deposed : and by this do●… , says he , if they had had a king a thousand times 〈◊〉 thann they had , they would not have spared his life . observe the man's subtle way of arguing . for i would willingly be inform'd what consequence there 〈◊〉 in this , unless he allows , that a king's government may be burders●m and odieus , who is a thousand 〈◊〉 better than our king was . so , that now he has brought things to this pass , to make the king that he defends , a thousand times worse than some whose government notwithstanding is burdensom and o●… , 〈◊〉 is , it may be , the most monstrous tyrant that 〈◊〉 ●…d . i wish ye joy , o ye kings , of 〈…〉 able a defender . now the narrative begins . they put him to s●…ral sorts of torments . give an in●… . they remov'd him from prison to prison ; and so they might lawfully do ; for having been a tyrant , he became an open enemy , and was taken in war. often changing his keepers . lest they themselves should change . sometimes they gave him hopes of liberty , nay , and sometimes even of restoring him to his crown , upon articles of agreement . it seems then the taking away his life , was not done upon so much premeditation , as he talked of before ; and that we did not lay hold on all opportunities and means , that offer'd themselves to renounce our king. those things that in the beginning of the war we demanded of him , when he had almost brought us under , which things if they were denied us , we could enjoy no liberty , nor live in any safety ; those very things we petitioned him for when he was our prisoner , in an humble , submissive way , not once , nor twice , but thrice , and oftner , and were as often denied . when we had now lost all hopes of the king 's complying with us , then was that noble order of parliament made , that from that time forward , there should no articles be sent to the king ; so that we left 〈◊〉 applying our selves to him , not from the time that he began to be a tyrant , but from the time that we found him incurable . but afterward some parliament-men set upon a new project , and meeting with a convenient opportunity to put it in practice , pass a vote to send further proposals once more to the king. whose wickedness and folly nearest resembles that of the roman senate , who contrary to the opinion of m. tullius , and all honest men , voted to send embassadors to m. anthony ; and the event had been the same , but that it pleased god almighty in his providence to order it otherwise , and to assert our liberty , tho he suffer'd them to be enslav'd . for then the king did not agree to any thing that might conduce to a firm peace , and settlement of things more than he had before , they go and vote themselves satisfied . then the sounder part of the house finding themselves and the commonwealth betray'd , implore the aid of that valiant and always faithful army to the commonwealth . upon which occasion i can observe only this , which yet i am loath to utter ; to wit , that our soldiers understood themselves better than our senators , and that they saved the commonwealth by their arms , when th' other by their votes had almost ruined it . then he relates a great many things in a doleful , lamentable strain ; but he does it so senslesly , that he seems rather to beg of his readers that they would be sorrowful , than to stir up any such passion in them . it grieves him to think that the king should undergo a capital punishment after such a manner as no other king ever had done . tho he had often told us before , that there never was a king that underwent a capital punishment at all . do you use to compare ways and manners , ye coxcomb , when you have no things , nor actions to compare with one another ? he suffer'd death , says , he , as a rabber , as a murderer , as a parricide , as a traytor , as a tyrant . is this defending the king ? or is it not rather giving a more severe sentence against him than that that we gave ? how came you so all on a sudden to be of our mind ? he complains that executioners in vizars [ personati carnifices ] cut off the king's head. what shall we do with this fellow ? he told us before , of a murder committed on one in the disguise of a king : [ in personâ regis . ] now he says , 't was done in the disguise of an executioner . t were to no purpose to take particular notice of every silly thing he says . he tells stories of boxes on the ear , and kicks , that , he says , were given the king by common-soldiers , and that 't was four shillings a piece to see his dead body . these and such like stories which partly are false , and partly impertinent , betray the ignorance and childishness of our poor scholar ; but are far from making any reader ever a whit the sadder . in good faith , his son charles had done better to have hired some ballad-singer to have bewailed his fathers misfortunes , than this doleful , shall i call him , or rather most ridiculous orator , who is so dry and insipid , that there 's not the least spirit in any thing he says . now the narrative's done , and 't is hard to say what he does next , he runs on so sordidly and irregular . now he 's angry , then he wonders ; he neither cares what he talks , nor how ; repeats the same things ten times over , that could not but look ill , tho he had said them but once . and i persuade my self , the extemporary rimes of some antick jack-pudding may deserve printing better ; so far am i from thinking ought he says worthy of a serious answer . i pass by his stiling the king a protector of religion , who chose to make war upon the church , rather than part with those church-tyrants , and enemies of all religion , the bishops ; and how is it possible that he should maintain religion in its purity , that was himself a slave to those impure traditions , and ceremonies of theirs ? and for our sectaries , whose sacrilegious meetings , you say , have publick allowance ; instance in any of their principles , the profession of which is not openly allow'd of , and countenanced in holland ? but in the mean , there 's not a more sacrilegious wretch in nature than your self , that always took liberty to speak ill of all sorts of people . they could not wound the commonwealth more dangerously than by taking off its master . learn , ye abject , home-born slave ; unless ye take away the master , ye destroy the commonwealth . that that has a master , is one man's propriety . the word master denotes a private , not a publick relation . they persecute most unjustly these ▪ ministers that abborr'd this action of theirs . lest you should not know what ministers he means , i 'll tell ye in a few words what manner of men they were ; they were those very men , that by their writings and sermons justified taking up arms against the king , and ●●irr'd the people up to it . that daily cursed , as deborah did meroz , all such as would not furnish the parliament either with arms , or men , or money . that taught the people out of their pulpits , that they were not about to fight against a king , but a greater tyrant than either saul or ahab ever were ; ●ay , more a nero than nero himself . as soon as the bishops , and those clergy-men , whom they daily inveighed against , and branded with the odious names of pluralists and non-residents , were taken out of their way , they presently jump , some into two , some into three of their best benefices ; being now warm themselves , they soon unworthily neglected their charge . their coverousness brake through all restraints of modesty and religion , and themselves now labour under the same infamy , that they had loaded their predecessors with ; and because their covetousness is not yet satisfied , and their ambition has accustomed them to raise tumults , and be enemies to peace ; they can't rest at quiet yet , but preach up sedition against the magistracy , as it is now established , as they had formerly done against the king. they now tell the people that he was cruelly murdered ; upon whom themselves having heap'd all their curses , had devoted him to destruction , whom they had delivered up as it were to the parliament to be dispoil'd of his royalty , and pursu'd with a holy war. they now complain that the sectarie's are not extirpated ; which is a most absurd thing to expect the magistrates should be able to do , who never yet were able , do what they could , to extirpate avarice and ambition , those two most pernicious heresies , and more destructive to the church than all the rest , out of the very order and tribe of the ministers them-themselves . for the sects which they inveigh against , i confess there are such amongst us , but they are obscure , and make no noise in the world : the sects that they are of , are publick and notorious , and much more dangerous to the church of god. simon magus and diotrephes were the ring-leaders of ' em . yet are we so far from persecuting these men , tho' they are pestilent enough , that for all we know them to be ill affected to the government , and desirous of , and endeavouring to work a change , we allow them but too much liberty . you , that are both a french-man and a va gabond , seem displeas'd that the english , more fierce and cruel than their own mastiffs , as your barking eloquence has it ; have no regard to the lawful successor and heir of the crown : take no care of the king 's youngest son , nor of the queen of bohemia . i l'e make ye no answer ; you shall answer your self . vvhen the frame of a government is changed from a monarchy to any other , the new modellers have no regard to succession ; the application is easy ; it 's in your book de primatu papae . the great change throughout three kingdoms , you say , was brought about by a small number of men in one of them . if this were true , that small number of men would have deserved to have dominion over the rest ; valiant men over faint-hearted cowards . these are they that presumptuously took upon them to change antiquum regni regimen , in alium qui à pluribus tyrannisteneatur . 't is well for them that you cannot find fault with them , without committing a barbarous soloecism ; you shame 〈◊〉 grammarians . the english will never be able to wash out this stain . nay you , though a blot and a stain to all learned men , were never yet able to stain the renown and everlasting glory of the english nation , that with so great a resolution , as we hardly find the 〈◊〉 recorded in any history , having strugled with , 〈…〉 , not only their enemies in the field , but the supertitious persuasions of the common people , 〈…〉 to themselves in general amongst all 〈…〉 the name of deliverers : the body of the people having undertook and performed an enterprise , which in other nations is thought to proceed only from a magnanimity that 's peculiar to heroes . what the protesstants and primitive christians have done , or would do upon such an occasion , ●le tell ye hereafter when we come to debate the merits of the cause : in discoursing it before , i should be guilty of your fault , who outdo the most impertinent talkers in nature : you wonder how wee 'l be able to answer the 〈◊〉 . meddle with your own matters , you r●…gate , and be asham'd of your actions , since the church is asham'd of you ; who though but of late , you set your self so fiercely and with so much ostentation against the pope's supremacy and episcopal government , are now become your self a very creature of the bishops . you confess that some protestants whom you do not name , have asserted it lawful to depose a tyrant : but though you do not think fit to name them , i will , because you say they are far w●rse than the very jesuits themselves ; they are no other than luther , and zuinglius , and calvin , and bu●er , and pareus , and many others . but then , you say , they refer it to the judgment of learned and wise men , who shall be accounted a tyrant . but what for men , were these ? were they wise men , were they men of learning ? vvere they anywise remarkable , either for vertue or nobility ! you may well allow a people that has felt the heavy yoke of slavery , to be wise , and learned , and noble enough to know what is fit to be done to the tyrant that has oppress'd them ; though they neither consult with foreigners nor grammarians . but that this man was a tyrant , not only the parliaments of england and scotland have declared by their actions and express words ; but almost all the people of both nations assented to it , till such time as by the tricks and artifices of the bishops they were divided into two factions ; and what if it has pleased god to chuse such men , to execute his vengeance upon the greatest potentates on earth , as he chose to be made partakers of the benefit of the gospel ? not many wise , not many learned , not many powerful , not many noble : that by those that are not , be might bring to nought those that are ; and that no flesh might glory in his sight . and who are you that babble to the contrary ? dare you affect the reputation of a learned man ? i confess you are pretty well vers'd in phrase-books , and lexicons , and glossaries ; insomuch that you seem to have spent your time in nothing else . but you do not make appear that you have read any good authors with so much judgment as to have benefited by them . other copies and various lections and words omitted , and corruptions of texts and the like ; these you are full of ; but no foot-step of any solid learning appears in all you have writ : or do ye think your self a wise man , that quarrel and contend about the meanest trifles that may be ? that being altogether ignorant in astronomy and physick , yet are always ra●●ing at the professors of both , whom all men credit in what things belong to their own sciences , that would be ready to curse them to the pit of hell , that should offer to deprive you of the vain glory of having corrected or supply'd the least word or letter in any copy you 've criticiz'd upon . and yet y' are mad to hear your self call'd a grammarian . in a certain triflig discourse of yours , you call dr. hammond knave in plain terms , who was one of this king's chaplains , and one that he valu'd above all the rest , for no other reason but because he had call'd you a grammarian . and i don't question but you would have been as ready to have thrown the same reproach upon the king himself , if you had heard that he had approv'd his chaplains judgment of ye . take notice now , how much i ( who am but one of those many english , that you have the impudence to call mad men , and unlearned , and ignoble , and wicked ) , slight and despise you , ( for that the english nation in general should take any notice in publick of such a worm as you are , would be an infinite undervaluing of themselves ) , who though one should turn you topsic-turvy , and inside out , are but a grammarian : nay , as if you had made a foolisher wish than midas did , what ever you meddle with , except when you make soloecisms , is grammar still . vvhosoever therefore he be , though from among the dr●gs of that common people that you are so keen upon ( for as for those men of eminency amongst us , whose great actions evidenced to all men , their nobility , and vertue , and conduct ; i won't disgrace them so much , as to compare you to them , or them to you ; ) but whosoever , i say , among the dr●gs of that common people has but suck'd in this principle , that he was not born for his prince , but for god and his countrey ; he deserves the reputation of a learned , and an honest , and a vvise man more , and is of greater use in the world than your self ; for such a one is learned without letters , you have letters , but no learning : that understand so many languages , turn over so many volumes , and yet are but a sheep when all is done . chap. ii. the argument that salmasius , toward the conclusion of his first chapter , urg'd as 〈◊〉 ble ; to wit , that it was really so , because all men unanimously agreed in it ; that very argument , than which , as he appli'd it , there is nothing more false ; i , that am now about to discourse of the right of kings , may turn upon himself with a great deal of truth . for , whereas he defines a king ( if that may be said to be defin'd which he makes infinite ) to be a person in whom the supream power of the kingdom resides , who is answerable to god alone , who may do whatsoever pleaseth him , who is bound by no law ; i will undertake to demonstrate , not by mine , but by his own reasons and authorities , that there never was a nation or people of any account ( for to ransack all the unciviliz'd parts of the world were to no purpose ) that ever allow'd this to be their king 's right , or put such exorbitant power into his hand , as that he should not be bound by any law that be might do what he would , that he should judge all , but be judged of 〈◊〉 : nor ca●… my self , that there ever was any one person besides salmasius , of so slavish a spirit , as to assert the outragious enormities of tyrants to be the ●eights of kings . those amongst us that were the greatest royalists , always abhorr'd this fordid opinion : and salmasius himself , as appears by some other writings of his , before he was brib'd , was quite of another mind . insomuch , that what he here gives out , does not look like the dictates of a free subject under a free government , much less in so famous a common-wealth as that of holland , and the most eminent university there : but seems to have been penn'd by some despicable slave that lay rotting in a prison , or a dungeon . if whatever a king has a mind to do , the right of kings will bear him out in ( which was a lesson that the bloody tyrant antoninus caracalla , though his step-mother julia preach'd it to him , and endeavour'd to i●ure him to the practice of it , by making him commit incest with her self , yet could hardly suck in ) ; then there neither is , nor ever was that king , that deserv'd the name of a tyrant . they may safely violate all the laws of god and man : their very being kings keeps them innocent . what crime was ever any of them guilty of ? they did but make use of their own right upon their own vassals . no king can commit such horrible cruelties and outrages , as will not be within this right of kings . so that there 's no pretence left for any complaints or expostulations with any of them . and dare you assert , that this right of kings , as you call it , is grounded upon the law of nations , or rather upon that of nature , you brute beast ? for you deserve not the name of a man , that are so cruel and unjust towards all those of your own kind ; that endeavour as much as in you lies , so to bear down and villify the whole race of mankind , that were made after the image of god , as to assert and maintain that those cruel and unmerciful taskmasters , that through the superstitious whimsies , 〈◊〉 sloth , or treachery of some persons , get into the chair , are provided and appointed by nature her self , that mild and gentle mother of us all , to be the governours of those nations they enslave . by which pestilent doctrine of yours , having rendred them more fierce and untractable , you not only enable them to make havock of , and trample under foot their miserable subjects ; but endeavour to arm them for that very purpose with the law of nature , the right of kings , and the very constitutions of government ; than which nothing can be more impious or ridiculous . by my consent , as dionysius formerly , of a tyrant became a school-master , so you of a grammarian , should become a tyrant ; not that you may have that regal license of doing other people harm , but a fair opportunity of perishing miserably your self : that , as tiberius complain'd , when he had confin'd himself to the island capreae , you may be reduced into such a condition , as to be sensible that you perish daily . but let us look a little more narrowly into this right of kings that you talk of . this was the sense of the eastern , and of the vvestern part of the world . i shall not answer you with what aristotle and cicero , who are both as credible authors as any we have , tell us , viz. that the people of asia easily submit to slavery , but the syrians and the jews are even born to it from the womb . i confess there are but few , and those men of great wisdom and courage , that are either desirous of liberty , or capable of using it . the greatest , part of the world chuse to live under masters ; but yet they would have them just ones . as for such as are unjust and tyrannical , neither was god ever so much an enemy to mankind as to enjoyn a necessity of submitting to them ; nor was there ever any people so destitute of all sense , and sunk into such a depth of despair , and to impose so cruel a law upon themselves and their posterity . first , you produce the words of king solomon in his ecclesiastes . and we are as willing to appeal to the scripture as you . as for solomon's authority , we 'l consider that hereafter , when perhaps we shall be better able to understand it . first , let us hear god himself speak , deut. . . vvhen thou art come into the land , which the lord thy god giveth thee , and shalt say , i will set a king over me , like as the nations that are round about me . which passage i could wish all men would seriously consider ; for hence it appears by the testimony of god himself : first , that all nations are at liberty to erect what form of government they will amongst themselves , and to change it when , and into what they will. this god affirms in express terms concerning the hebrew nation ; and it does not appear but that other nations are as to this respect in the same condition . another remark that this place yields us , is , that a commonwealth is a more perfect form of goverment th●n a monarchy , and more suitable to the condition of mankind ; and in the opinion of god himself , better for his own people ; for himself appointed it ; and could hardly be prevail'd withal a great while after , and at their own importunate desire , to let 'em change it into a monarchy . but to make it appear that he gave 'em their choice to be govern'd by a single person , or by more , so they were justly govern'd , in case they should in time to come resolve upon a king , he prescribes laws for this king of theirs to observe ; whereby he was forbidden to multiply to himself horses and wives , or to heap up riches ; whence he might easily infer , that no power was put into his hands over others , but according to law , since even those actions of his life , which related only to himself , were under a law. he was commanded therefore to transcribe with his own hand all the precepts of the law , and having writ 'em out , to observe and keep 'em , that his mind might not be lifted up above his brethren . 't is evident from hence , that as well the prince as the people was bound by the law of moses . to this purpose josephus writes , a proper and an able interpreter of the laws of his own country , who was admirably well vers'd in the jewish policy , and infinitely preferable to a thousand obscure ignorant rabbins : he has it thus in the fourth book of his antiquities : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. an aristocracy is the best form of government ; wherefore do not you endeavour to settle any other ; 't is enough for you that god presides over ye . but if you will have a king , let him guide himself by the law of god , rather than by his own wisdom ; and lay a restraint upon him , if he offer at more power than the state of your affairs will allow of . thus he expresseth himself upon this place in deuteronomy . another jewish author , philo judaus , who was josephus his contemporary , a very studious man in the law of moses , upon which he wrote a large commentary ; when in his book concerning the creation of the king , he interprets this chapter of deuteronomy , he sets a king loose from the law no otherwise than as an enemy may be said to be so : they , says he , that to the prejudice and destruction of the people acquire great power to themselves , deserve not the name of kings , but that of enemies . for their actions are the same with those of an irreconcilable enemy . nay , they , that under a pretence of government are injurious , are worse than open enemies . we may fence our selves against the latter ; but the malice of the former is so much the more pestilent , because it is not always easie to be discovered . but when is is discover'd , why should they not be dealt with as enemies ? the same author in his second book , allegoriar . legis , a king , says he , and a tyrant are contraries . and a little after , a king ought not only to command , but obey . all this is very true , you 'l say , a king ought to observe the laws , as well as any other man. but what if he will not ? what law is there to punish him ? i answer , the same law that there is to punish other men ; for i find no exceptions ; there is no express law to punish the priests or any other inferior magistrates , who all of 'em , if this opinion of the exemption of kings from the penalties of the law would hold , may by the same reason claim impunity , what guilt soever they contract , because there is no positive law for their punishment ; and yet i suppose none of them ever challeng'd such a prerogative ; nor would it ever be allow'd 'em , if they should . hitherto we have learn'd from the very text of god's own law , that a king ought to obey the laws , and not lift himself up above his brethre . let us now consider whether solomon preacht up any other doctrine , ch. v. . i counsel thee to keep the king's commandment , and that in regard of the oath of god. be not hasty to go out of his sight ; stand not in an evil thing , for he doth whatsoever pleaseth him . vvhere the word of a king is , there is power , and who may say unto him , what dost thou ? it is well enough known that here the preacher directs not his precepts to the sanhedrim , or to a parliament , but to private persons ; and such he commands to keep the king's commandment , and that in regard of the oath of god. but as they swear allegiance to kings , do not kings likewise swear to obey and maintain the laws of god , and those of their own country ? so the reubenites and gadites promise obedience to jeshua , josh . . . according as we harkned unto moses in all things , so will we harken unto thee ; only the lord thy god be with thee , as he was with moses . here 's an express condition . hear the preacher else , chap. . v. . the words of wise men are heard in quiet more than the cry of him that ruleth among fools . the next caution that sol●mon gives us , is , be not hasty to go out of his sight ; stand not in an evil thing ; for he doth whatsoever pleaseth him . that is , he does what he will to malefactors , whom the law authorizeth him to punish , and against whom he may proceed with mercy or severity , as he sees occasion . here 's nothing like tyranny . nothing that a good man needs be afraid of . where the word of a king is , there is power ; and who may say to him vvhat dost thou ? and yet we read of one that not only said to a king , vvhat dost thou ? but told him , thou hast done foolishly . but samuel , you may say , was an extraordinary person . i answer you with your own words , which follow in the th . page of your book , vvhat was there extraordinary , say you , in saul or in david ? and so say i , what was there in samuel extraordinary ? he was a prophet , you 'l say ; so are they that now follow his example ; for they act according to the will of god , either his reveal'd , or his secret will , which your self grant in your th . page . the preacher therefore in this place prudently adviseth private persous not to contend with princes ; for it is even dangerous to contend with any man that 's either rich or powerful : but what then ? must therefore the nobility of a nation , and all the inferior magistrates , and the whole body of the people not dare to mutter when a king raves and acts like a mad-man ? must they not oppose a foolish , wicked , outragious tyrant , that perhaps seeks the destruction of all good men ? must they not endeavour to prevent his turning all divine and humane things upside down ? must they suffer him to massacre his people , burn their cities , and commit such outrages upon them daily ; and finally , to have perfect liberty to do what he list without controul ? o de cappadocis eques catastis ! thou slavish knight of cappadocia . whom all free people , if you can have the confidence hereafter to set your foot within a free countrey , ought to cast out from amongst them , and send to some remote parts of the world , as a prodigy of dire portent ; or to condemn to some perpetual drudgery , as one devoted to slavery ; solemnly obliging themselves , if they ever let you go , to undergo a worse slavery under some cruel● , silly tyrant . no man living can either devise himself , or borrow from any other , expressions so full of cruelty and contempt , as may not justly be apply'd to you . but go on . vvhen the israelites asked a king of god , they said , they would set up a king that should have the same rule and dominion over them , that the kings of their neighbour countries exercis'd over their subjects . but the kings of the east we know had an unlimited power : as virgil testifies , — regem non sic aegyptus & ingens lydia , nec populi parthorum , & medus , hydaspes observant . — no eastern nation ever did adore the majesty of soveraign princes more . first , what is that to us , what sort of kings the israelites desired ? especially since god was angry with them , not only for desiring such a king as other nations had , and not such a king as his own law describes , but barely for desiring a king ? nor is it credible that they should desire an unjust king , and one that should be out of the reach of all laws , who could not bear the government of samuel's sons , though under the power of laws , but from their covetousness sought refuge in a king. and lastly , the verse that you quote out of virgil , does not prove that the kings of the east had an absolute unlimited power ; for those bees , that he there speaks of , and who reverence their kings , he says , more than the egyptians or medes do theirs , by the authority of the same poet , — magnis agitant sub legibus aevum . live under certain fundamental laws . they do not live under a king then , that 's tyed to no law : but now i 'le let you see how little reason you have to think i bear you an ill will. most people think you are a knave ; but i 'le make it appear that you have only put on a knaves vizor for the present . in your introduction to your discourse of the pope's supremacy , you say , that some divines in the council of trent made use of the government , that is said to be amongst bees , to prove the pope's supremacy . this fancy you borrow from them , and urge it here with the same malice that they did there . now that very same answer that you gave them , whilst you were an honest man , now that you are become a knave , you shall give your self , and pull off with your own hand that vizor you 've now put on ; the bees , say you are a state , and so natural philosophers call them ; they have a king , but a harmless one , he is a leader , or captain , rather than a king ▪ he never beats , nor pulls , nor kills his subject bees . no wonder they are so observant of him then : but in good faith , you had but ill luck to meddle with these bees ; for though they are bees of trent , they show you to be a drone . aristotle , a most exact writer of politicks , affirms that the asiatique monarchy , which yet himself calls barbarous , was according to law : politic. . and whereas he reckons up five several sorts of monarchies , four of those five he makes governments according to laws , and with the consent of the people ; and yet he calls them tyrannical forms of government , because they lodg so much power in one man's hand . but the kingdom of the lacedaemonians he says is most properly a kingdom , because there all power is not in the king. the fifth sort of monarchy , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , where the king is all in all ; and to which he refers that , that you call the right of kings , which is a liberty to do what they list ; he neither tells us when , nor where any such form of government ever obtain'd . nor seems he to have mention'd it for any other purpose than to show how unjust , absurd , and tyr●nnical a government it is . you say , that when samuel would deter the people from chusing a king , he propounded to them this right of kings . but whence had samuel it ? had he it from the written law of god ? that can't be . we have observ'd already , that the scriptures afford us a quite other scheme of soveraignty : had samuel it then immediately from god himself by revelation ? that 's not likely neither , for god dislikes it , discommends it , ●…ds fault with it : so that samuel does not expound to the people any right of kings appointed by god ; ●ut a corrupt and deprived m●nner of governing , ●…en 〈◊〉 by the pride ●nd ambition of princes . he tells not the people what their kings ought to do , but what they would do . he told them the manner of their king , as before he told us of the manner of the priests , the sons of eli ; for he useth the same word in both places ; ( which you in the d page of your book , by an hebrew soloecism too , call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) . that manner of theirs was wicked , and odious , and tyranical : it was no right , but great wrong . the fathers have commented upon this place too : i 'le instance in one , that may stand for a great many ; and that 's sulpitius severus , a contemporary and intimate friend of st. jerom , and in st. augustin's opinion , a man of great wisdom and learning . he tells us in his sacred history , that samuel in that place acquaints the people with the imperious rule of kings , and how th●y use to lord it over their subjects . certainly it cannot be the right of kings to domineer and be imperious . but according to salust , that lawful power and authority that kings were entrusted with , for the preservation of the publick liberty , and the good of the common-wealth , quickly degenerated into pride and tyranny : and this is the sense of all orthodox divines , and of all lawyers upon that place of samuel : and you might have learn't from sichardus , that most of the rabbins too , were of the same mind ; at least , not any one of them ever asserted that the absolute inherent right of kings is there discoursed of . your self in your th chapter , page . complain , that not only clemens alexandrinus , but all other expositors mistake themselves upon this text : and you , i 'le warrant ye , are the only man that have had the good luck to hit the mark . now what a piece of folly and impudence is this in you to maintain in opposition to all orthodox expositors , that those very actions which god so much condemns , are the right of kings ? and to pretend law for them ? though your self confess , that that right is very often exercis'd in committing outrages , being injurious , contumelious , and the like . was any man ever to that degree , sui juris , so much his own master , as that he might lawfully prey upon mankind , bear down all that stood in his way , and turn all things up-side down ? did the romans ever maintain , as you say they did , that any man might do these things suo jure , by vertue of some inherent right in himself ? salust indeed makes c. memmius a tribune of the people , in an invective speech of his , against the pride of the nobility , and their escaping unpunish'd , howsoever they misbehaved themselves , to use these words , viz. to do whatever one has a mind to , without fear of punishment , is to be a king. this saying you catch'd hold off , thinking it would make for your purpose ; but consider it a little better , and you 'll find your self deceiv'd . does he in that place assert the right of kings ? or does he not blame the common-people , and chide them for their sloth , in suffering their nobility to lord it over them , as if they were out of the reach of all law , and in submitting again to that kingly tyranny , which together with their kings themselves , their ancestors had lawfully and justly rejected and banish'd from amongst them ? if you had consulted tully , you would have understood both salust and samuel better . in his oration pro c. rabirio , there is none of us ignorant , says he , of the manner of kings . these are their lordly dictates . mind what i say , and do accordingly . many passages to this purpose he quotes out of poets , and calls them not the right , but the custom or the manner of kings ; and he says , we ought to read and consider them , not only for curiosity sake , but that we may learn to beware of 'em and avoid ' em . you perceive how miserably you 're come off with salust , who though he be as much an enemy to tyranny , as any other author whatsoever , you thought would have patroniz'd this tyrannical right that you are establishing . take my word for 't , the right of kings seems to be tottering , and even to further its own ruin , by relying upon such weak props for its support ; and by endeavouring to maintain it self by such examples and authorities , as would hasten its down-fall , if it were further off than it is . the extremity of right or law , you say , is the height of injury , summum jus summa injuria ; this saying is verified most properly in kings , who when they go to the utmost of their right , fall into those courses , in which samuel makes the right of kings to consist . and 't is a miserable right , which when you have said all you can for , you can no otherwise defend , than by confessing , that it is the greatest injury that may be . the extremity of right or law is said to be , when a man ties himself up to niceties , dwells upon letters and syllables , and in the mean time neglects the intent and equity of the law ; or when a written law is cunningly and maliciously interpreted ; this cicero makes to have been the rise of that common saying . but since 't is certain that all right flows from the fountain of justice , so that nothing can possibly be any man's right that is not just , 't is a most wicked thing in you to affirm , that for a king to be unjust , rapacious , tyrannical , and as ill as the worst of 'em ever were , is according to the right of kings , and to tell us that a holy prophet would have persuaded the people to such a senseless thing . for whether written or unwritten , whether extreme or remiss , what right can any man have to be injurious ? which lest you should confess to be true of other men , but not of kings ; i have one man's authority to oppose you with , who i think was a king himself , and professeth that that right of kings that you speak of , is odious both to god and himself : it is in the th psalm , shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee , that frameth mischief by a law ? be not therefore so injurious to god , as to ascribe this doctrine to him , viz. that all manner of wicked and flagitious actions are but the right of kings ; since himself tells us , that he abhors all fellowship with wicked princes for this very reason , because under pretence of soveraignty they create misery and vexation to their subjects . neither bring up a false accusation against a prophet of god ; for by making him to teach us in this place what the right of kings is , you do not produce the right samuel , but such another empty shadow , as was raised by the witch of endor . tho for my own part , i verily believe that that infernal samuel would not have been so great a lyar , but that he would have confess'd , that what you call the right of kings , is tyranny . we read indeed of impieties countenanced by law , jus datum sceleri : you your self confess , that they are bad kings that have made use of this boundless license of theirs to do every thing . now this right that you have introduc'd for the destruction of mankind , not proceeding from god , as i have prov'd it does not , must needs come from the devil ; and that it does really so , will appear more clearly hereafter . by vertue of this liberty , say you , princes may if they will. and for this , you pretend to have cicero's authority . i 'm always willing to mention your authorities , for it generally happens that the very authors you quote them out of , give you an answer themselves . hear else what cicero says in his th phillippicke , what cause of war can be more just and warrantable than to avoid slavery ? for tho a people may have the good fortune to live under a gentle master , yet they are in a miserable condition , whose prince may tyrannize over them if he will. may , that is , can ; has power enough so to do . if he meant it of his right , he would contradict himself , and make that an unjust cause of war , which himself had affirm'd with the same breath to be a most just one . it is not therefore the right of all kings that you describe , but the injuriousness , and force , and violence of some . then you tell us what private men may do . a private man , say you , may lie , may be ungrateful , and so may kings , but what then ? may they therefore plunder , murder , ravish without controul ? 't is equally prejudicial and destructive to the common-wealth , whether it be their own prince , or a robber , or a foreign enemy that spoils , massacres , and enslaves them . and questionless , being both alike enemies of humane society , the one as well as the other may lawfully be oppos'd and punish'd ; and their own prince the rather , because he , tho raised to that dignity by the honours that his people have conferr'd upon him ; and being bound by his oath to defend the publick safety , betrays it notwithstanding all . at last you grant , that moses prescribes laws , according to which the king that the people of israel should chuse , ought to govern , tho different from this right that samuel proposeth ; which words contain a double contradiction to what you have said before . for where●s you had affirm'd , that a king was bound by no law , here you confess he is . and you set up two contrary rights , one described by moses , and another by samuel , which is absurd . but , says the prophet , you shall be servants to your king. tho i should grant that the israelites were really so , it would not presently follow , that it was the right of their kings to have them so ; but that by the usurpation and injustice of most of them , they were reduc'd to that condition . for the prophet had foretold them , that that importunate petition of theirs would bring a punishment from god upon them ; not because it would be their king 's right so to harrass them , but because they themselves had deserved it should be so . if kings are out of the reach of the law , so as that they may do what they list , they are more absolute than any masters , and their subjects in a more despicable condition than the worst of slaves . the law of god provided some redress for them , tho of another nation , if their masters were cruel and unreasonable towards them . and can we imagine that the whole body of the people of a free nation , tho oppress'd and tyranniz'd over , and prey'd upon , should be left remediless ? that they had no law to protect them , no sancturay to betake themselves to ? can we think that they were delivered from the bondage that they were under to the egyptian kings , to be reduced into a worse , to one of their own brethren ? all which being neither agreeable to the law of god , nor to common sense , nothing can be more evident than that the prophet declares to the people the manner , and not the right of kings ; nor the manner of all kings , but of most . then you come to the rabbins , and quote two of them , but you have as bad luck with them here , as you had before . for it is plain , that that other chapter that rabbi joses speaks of , and which contains , he says , the right of kings , is that in deuteronomy , and not in samuel . for rabbi judas says very truly , and against you , that that discourse of samuel's was intended only to frighten the people . 't is a most pernicious doctrine to maintain , that to be any ones right , which in its self is flat injustice , unless you have a mind to speak by contraries . and that samuel intended to affrighten them , appears by the th verse , and ye shall cry out in that day because of your king , which ye shall have chosen you , and i will not hear you in that day , saith the lord. that was to be their punishment for their obstinacy in persisting to desire a king against the mind and will of god , and yet they are not forbidden here either to pray against him , or to endeavour to rid themselves of him . for if they might lawfully pray to god against him , without doubt they might use all lawful means for their own deliverance . for what man living , when he finds himself in any calamity , betakes himself to god , so as to neglect his own duty in order to a redress , and rely upon his lazy prayers only ? but be it how it will , what is all this to the right of kings , or of the english people ? who neither asked a king against the will of god , nor had one appointed us by god , but by the right that all nations have to appoint their own governors , appointed a king over us by laws of our own , neither in obedience to , nor against any command of god ? and this being the case , for ought i see , we have done well in deposing our king , and are to be commended for it , since the israelites sinned in asking one . and this the event has made appear , for we , when we had a king , prayed to god against him , and he heard us , and delivered us . but the jews , who not being under a kingly government , desired a king , he suffered to live in slavery under one , till at last , after their return from the babylonish captivity , they betook themselves to their former government again . then you come to give us a display of your talmudical learning , but you have as ill success with that , as you have had with all the rest . for whilst you are endeavouring to prove that kings are not liable to any temporal judicature , you quote an authority out of the treatise of the sanhedrim , that the king neither is judged of others , nor does himself judge any . which is against the peoples own petition in samuel ; for they desired a king that might judge them . you labour in vain to salve this , by telling us , that it is to be understood of those kings that reigned after the babylonish captivity . for then , what say ye to maimonides ? he makes this difference betwixt the kings of israel , and those of juda ; that the kings of the posterity of david judge , and are judged , but the kings of israel do neither . you contradict and quarrel with your self , or your rabbins , and still do my work for me . this , say you , is not to be understood of the kings of israel in their first institution ; for in the th verse 't is said , you shall be his servants , that is , he shall use ye to it , not that he shall have any right to make you so . or if you understand it of their kings right , 't is but a judgment of god upon them for asking a king ; the effects of which they were sensible of under most of their kings , tho not perhaps under all . but you need no antagonists , you are such a perpetual adversary to your self . for you tell us now a story , as if you were arguing on my side , how that first aristobulus , and after him j●naeus , sirnamed alexander , did not receive that kingly right that they pretended to , from the sanhedrim , that great treasury and oracle of the laws of that nation , but usurped it by degrees against the will of the senate . for whose sake , you say , that childish fable of the principal men of that assembly , being struck dead by the angel gabriel , was first invented : and thus you confess that this magnificent prerogative , upon which you seem mainly to rely , viz. that kings are not to be judged by any upon earth , was grounded upon this worse than an old wives tale , that is , upon a rabbinical fable . but that the hebrew kings were liable to be call'd in question for their actions , and to be punished with stripes , if they were found faulty , sichardus shows at large out of the writings of the rabbins , to which author you are indebted for all that you make use of , of that sort of learning , and yet you have the impudence to be thwarting with him . nay , we read in the scripture that saul thought himself bound by a decree of his own making ; and in obedience thereunto , that he cast lots with his son jonathan which of them two should die . uzzias likewise , when he was thrust out of the temple by the priests as a leper , submitted as every private person in such a case ought to do , and ceas'd to be a king. suppose he should have refused to go out of the temple , and lay down the government , and live alone , and had resolved to assert that kingly right of not being subject to any law ; do you think the priests and the people of the jews would have suffered the temple to be ●…d , the laws violated , and live themselves in danger of the infection ? it seems there are laws against a 〈◊〉 king , but none against a tyrant . can any man possibly be ●o mad and foolish as to fancy that the laws should ●o far provide for the peoples health , as tho some noisome distemper should seize upon the king himself , yet to prevent the infection 's reaching them ; and make no provision for the security of their lives and estates , and the very being of the whole state against the tyranny of a cruel , unjust prince , which is incomparably the greater mischief of the two ? but , say you , there can be no president shown of any one king , that has been ar●aigned in a court of justice , and 〈…〉 to dye . sichardus answers that well enough . ▪ ●is all one , says he ▪ as if one should argue on this manner . the emperor of germany never was 〈◊〉 to appear before one of the prince-electors ; therefore if the prince elector palatine should impeach 〈…〉 ▪ he were not bound to plead to it ; tho it appears by the golden bull , that charles the 〈◊〉 subjected himself and his successors to that cognizance and jurisdiction . but no wonder if kings were indulged in their ambition , and their exorbitances passed by , when the 〈…〉 corrupt and depraved , that even private 〈◊〉 ▪ if they had either money or interest , might 〈◊〉 the law ▪ the guilty 〈…〉 of never so high 〈…〉 that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that you speak of , that 〈…〉 upon any other , and ac●… earth , which you say is pecu●… of sovereign princes , aristotle 〈…〉 book of his 〈◊〉 . c● . . calls a most tyrannical form of government , and not in the least to be endured by a 〈◊〉 people . and that kings are not liable to be questioned for their actions , you prove by the 〈◊〉 of a very worthy author , that barba●… tyrant , mark 〈◊〉 one of those that subverted 〈◊〉 commonwealth of r●me : and yet he himself when he undertook an expedition against the 〈◊〉 , summon'd herod before him , to answer to a cha●ge of murder , and would have punished him ▪ 〈◊〉 that herod brib'd him . so that anthony's ●…ing this prerogative royal , and your defence of king charles , come both out of one and the same spring . and 't is very reasonable , say you , that it should be so ; for kings derive their authority from god alone . what kings are those , i pray , that do so ? for i deny that there ever were any such kings in the world , that derived their authority from god alone . saul the first king of israel had never reign'd , but that the people desired a king , even against the will of god ; and tho he was proclaimed king once at mizpah , yet after that , he lived a private life , and look'd to his fathers cattel , till he was created so the second time by the people at gilgal . and what think ye of david ? tho he had been anointed once by god , was he not anointed the second time in hebron by the tribe of judah , and after that by all the people of israel , and that after a mutual covenant betwixt him and them ? sam. . chron. . now a covenant lays an obligation upon kings , and restrains them within bounds . solomon , you say , succeeded him in the throne of the lord , and was acceptable to all men : chron. . so , that 't is something to be well-pleasing in the eyes of the people . jehoiadah the priest made joash king , but first he made him and the people enter into a covenant to one another , kings . i confess that these kings , and all that reign'd of david's posterity , were appointed to the kingdom both by god and the people ; but of all other kings of what country soever , i affirm , that they are made so by the people only ; nor can you make it appear that they are appointed by god any otherwise than as all other things , great and small , are said to be appointed by him , because nothing comes to pass without his providence . so that i allow the throne of david was in a peculiar manner call'd , the throne of the lord ; whereas the thrones of other princes are no otherwise god's , than all other things in the world are his ; which if you would , you might have learnt out of the same chapter , ver. , . thine , o lord , is the greatness , &c. for all that is in the heaven , and in the earth is thine . both riches and honour come of thee , and thou reignest over all . and this is so often repeated , not to puff up kings , but to put them in mind , tho they think themselves gods , that yet there is a god above them , to whom they owe whatever they are and have . and thus we easily understand what the poets , and the essenes among the jews mean , when they tell us , that 't is by god that kings reign , and that they are of jupiter ; for so all of us are of god , we are all his off-spring . so that this universal right of almighty god's , and the interest that he has in princes , and their thrones , and all that belongs to them , does not at all derogate from the peoples right ; but that notwithstanding all this , all other kings , not particularly and by name appointed by god , owe their soveraignty to the people only , and consequently are accountable to them for the management of it . the truth of which doctrine , tho the common people are apt to flatter their kings , yet they themselves acknowledge , whether good ones , as sarpedon in homer is described to have been , or bad ones , as those tyrants in h●race . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. glaucus , in lycia we 're ador'd like gods : what makes 'twixt us and others so great odds ? he resolves the question himself : because , says he , we excel others in heroical virtues : let us fight manfully then , says he , lest our country-men tax us with sloth and cowardize . in which words he intimates to us , both that kings derive their grandeur from the people , and that for their conduct and behaviour in war , they are accountable to them . bad kings indeed , tho to cast some terror into peoples minds , and beget a reverence of themselves , they declare to the world , that god only is the author of kingly government ; in their hearts and minds they reverence no other deity but that of fortune ; according to that passage in horace , te dacus asper , te profugi schythae , regumque matres barbarorum , & purpurei metuunt tyranni . injurioso ne pede proruas stantem columnam , neu populus frequens ad arma cessantes , ad arma concitet , imperiumque frangat . all barb'rous people , and their princes too , all purple tyrants honour you ; the very wandring scythians do . support the pillar of the roman state , left all men be involv'd in one mans fate . continue us in wealth and peace ; let wars and tumults ever cease . so that if 't is by god that kings now adays reign , 't is by god too that the people assert their own liberty ; since all things are of him , and by him . i 'm sure the scripture bears witness to both ; that by him kings reign , and that by him they are cast down from their thrones . and yet experience teacheth us , that both these things are brought about by the people , oftner than by god. be this right of kings therefore what it will , the right of the people is as much of god as it . and when ever any people without some visible designation of god himself , appoint a king over them , they have the same right to put him down , that they had to set him up at first . and certainly 't is a more god like action to depose a tyrant , than to set up one : and there appears much more of god in the people , when they depose an unjust prince , than in a king that oppress●th an innocent people . nay , the people have a warrant from god to judge wicked princes ; for god has conferrd this very honour upon those that are dear to him , that celebrating the praises of christ their own king , they shall bind in chains the kings of the nations , ( under which appellation all tyrants under the gospel are included ) and execute the jidgments written upon them that challenge to themselves an exemption from all written laws , psalm . so that there 's but little reason left for that wicked and follish opinion , that kings who commonly are the worst of men , should be so high in gods ac●●unt , as that he should have put the world under 〈◊〉 , to be at their 〈◊〉 , and be govern'd according to their humour ; and that for their sakes alone he sh●uld have reduced all mankind , whom he made 〈◊〉 his own image , into the same condition with 〈◊〉 . after all this , rather than say nothing , you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a countenancer of tyranny ; but 〈…〉 better have let him alone . i can't say 〈…〉 a●●irm'd that princes are accountable 〈…〉 god 's tribunal . but xiphilene indeed , out of whom you quote those words of m. aurelius , mentions a certain government , which he calls an autarchy , of which he makes god the only judge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but that this word autarchy and monarchy 〈◊〉 synonymous , i cannot ●●sily perswade my self to believe and the more i read what goes before , the 〈◊〉 , i find my self inclinable to think so . and certainly whoever considers the context , will not easily apprehend what coherence this sentence has with it , and must needs wonder how it comes so abruptly into the text ; especially since marcus aurelius , that mirrour of princes , carried himself towards the people , as capitolinus tells us , just as if rome had been a common-wealth still . and we all know that when it was so , the supreme power was in the people . the same emperour honoured the memory of thraseas , and h●lvidius , and cato , and dio , and brutus ; who all were tyrant-slayers , or affected the reputation of being thought so . in the first book that he writes of his own life , he says that he propos'd to himself a form of government , under which all men might equally enjoy the benefit of the law , and right and justice be equally administred to all . and in his fourth book he says , the law is master , and not he . he acknowledged the right of the senate and the people , and their interest in all things : we are so far , says he , from having any thing of our own , that we live in your houses . these things xiphiline relates of him . so little did he arrogate ought to himself by vertue of his soveraign right . when he died , he recommended his son to the romans for his successor , if they should think he deserv'd it . so far was he from pretending to a commission from heaven to exercise that absolute and imaginary right of soveraignty , that autarchy , that you tell us of . all the la●●n and gre●k b●…s are full of authorities of this nature . but we have heard none of 'em yet . so are the jewish authors . and yet , you say , the jews in many things allow'd but too little to their princes . nay , you 'l find that both the gr●●ks and the latins allow'd much less to tyrants . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the jews allow'd them , would appear , if that book that samuel wrote of the manner of the kingdom were extant ; which book the hebrew doctors tell us their kings ●…re in pieces and burnt , that they might be more at liberty to tyrannize over the people without controul or f●●r of punishment . now look about ye again , and catch hold of somewhat or other . in the last place you come to wrest david's words in the th . psalm , 〈◊〉 my sentence come forth from thy 〈◊〉 . therefore , says barnachmoni , god only can judge the king. and yet it 's most likely that david 〈◊〉 this psalm when he was persecuted by s●… , at which time , though himself were anointed , he did not decline being judged even by jonathan : notwithstanding , if there be ●…ity in me , stay me thy self , sam . at least in this psalm he does no more than what any person in the world would do upon the like occasion ; being falsely accus'd by men , he 〈…〉 the judgment of god himself , let thine 〈…〉 that is right , th●● hast pr●v●d and ●… . what relation has this to a tem●… ? c●rtainly they do no good office to 〈…〉 kings , that thus discover the weakness of its 〈…〉 . then you come with that thread-bare 〈…〉 , which of all others is most in vogue with our 〈◊〉 , against thee , thee only have i sinned , psal . 〈◊〉 . as if david in the midst of his repentance . when ov●●whelm'd with sorrow , and almost 〈…〉 , h● was humbly imploring god's 〈◊〉 , had 〈…〉 right of his , when his heart was so low , that he thought he deserv'd not the right of a slave . and can we think that he despis'd all the people of god , his own brethren , to that degree , as to believe that he might murder 'em , plunder 'em , and commit adultery with their wives , and yet not sin against them all this while ? so holy a man could never be guilty of such insufferable pride , nor have so little knowledg either of himself , or of his duty to his neighbour . so without doubt , when he says , against thee only , he means , against thee chiefly have i sinned , &c. but whatever he meant , the words of a psalm are too full of poetry , and this psalm too full of passion , to afford us any exact definitions of right and justice ; nor is it proper to argue any thing of that nature from ' ●m . but david was never question'd for this , nor made to plead for his life before the san●edrim . what then ? how should they know that any such thing had been , which was done so privately , that perhaps for some years after not above one or two were privy to it , as such secrets there are in most courts ? sam. . thou hast done this thing in secret . besides , what if the senate should neglect to punish private persons ? would any infer that therefore they ought not to be punish'd at all ? but the reason why david was not proceeded against as a malefactor , is not much in the dark : he had condemn'd himself in the th . verse , the man that hath done this thing shall surely die . to which the prophet presently replies , thou art the man. so that in the prophet's judgment as well as his own , he was worthy of death ; but god by his soveraign right over all things , and of his great mercy to david , absolves him from the guilt of his sin , and the sentence of death which he had pronounc'd against himself ; verse th . the lord hath put away thy sin , thou shalt not die . the next thing you do is to rail at some bloody advocate or other , and you take a deal of pains to refute the conclusion of his discourse . let him look to that . i 'le endeavour to be as short as i can in what i 'ue undertaken to go through with . but some things i must not pass by without taking notice of ; as first and formost your notorious contradictions ; for in the th . page you say , the israelites do not deprecate an unjust , rapacious , tyrannical king , one as bad as the worst of kings are . and yet , page you are very smart upon your advocate , for maintaining that the israelites asked for a tyrant : would they have leaped out of the frying-pan into the fire , say you and gr●an under the cruelty of the worst of tyrants , rather than live under bad judges , especially being us'd to such a form of government ? first you said the hebrews would rather live under tyrants than judges , here you say they would rather live under judges than tyrants ; and that they desir'd nothing less than a tyrant so that your advocate may answer you out of your own book . for according to your principles 't is every king's right to be a tyrant . what you say next , is very true , the supreme power was then in the people , which appears by their own rejecting their judges , and making choice of a kingly government . remember this when i shall have occasion to make use of it . you say that god gave the children of israel a king as a thing good and profitable for them , and deny that he gave them one in his anger as a punishment for their sin . but that will receive an easie answer ; for to what purpose should they cry to god because of the king that they had chosen if it were not because a kingly government is an evil thing ; not in it self , but because it most commonly does , as samuel forewarns the people that theirs would , degenerate into pride and tyranny ; if y' are not yet satisfied , hark what you say your self ; acknowledg your own hand , and blush ; 't is your apparatus ad primatum : god gave them a king in his anger , say you , being offended at their sin in rejecting him from ruling over them ; and so the christian church , as a punishment for it's forsaking the pure worship of god has been subjected to the more than kingly government of one mortal head . so that if your own comparison holds , either god gave the children of israel a king as an evil thing , and as a punishment ; or he has set up the pope for the good of the church . was there ever any thing more and light mad than this man is ? who would trust him in the smallest matters , that in things of so great concern says and unsays without any consideration in the world ? you tell us in your th . page , that by the constitution of all nations , kings are bound by no law. that this had been the judgment both of the eastern and western part of the vvorld . and yet pag. . you say , that all the kings of the east ruled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to law , nay that the very kings of egypt in all matters whatsoever , whether great or small , were tied to laws . though in the beginning of this chapter you had undertook to demonstrate that kings are bound by no laws , that they give laws to others , but have none prescribed to themselves . for my part i 've no reason to be angry with ye , for either y' are mad , or of our side . you do not defend the king's cause , but arguë against him , and play the fool with him : or if y' are in earnest , that epigram of catullus : tantò pessimus omnium poeta , quantò tu optimus omnium patronus , the worst of poets , i my self declare , by how much you the best of patrons are . that epigram , i say , may be turn'd , and very properly applied to you ; for there never was so good a poet , as you are a bad patron . unless that stupidity , that you complain your advocate is immers'd over head and ears in , has blinded the eyes of your own understanding too , i 'le make ye now sensible that y' are become a very brute your self . for now you come and confess that the kings of all nations have laws prescribed to them . but then you say again , they are not so under the power of them , as to be liable to censure or punishment of death , if they break them . which yet you have proved neither from scripture , nor from any good authour . observe then in short ; to prescribe municipal laws to such as are not bound by them , is silly and ridiculous ; and to punish all others , but leave some one man at liberty to commit all sort of impieties without fear of punishment , is most unjust ; the law being general , and not making any exception ; neither of which can be suppos'd to hold place in the constitutions of any wise law-maker , much less in those of god's own making . but that all may perceive how unable you are to prove out of the writings of the jews , what you undertook in this chapter to make appear by 'em , you confess of your own accord , that there are some rabbins , who affirm that their fore fathers ought not to have had any other king than god himself ; and that he set other kings over them for their punishment . and of those men's opinion , i declare my self to be . it is not fitting nor decent that any man should be a king that does not far excel all his subjects . but where men are equals as in all governments very many are , they ought to have an equal interest in the government , and hold it by turns . but that all men should be slaves to one that is their equal , or ( as it happens most commonly ) far inferior to 'em , and very often a fool , who can so much as entertain such a thought without indignation ? nor does it make for the honour of a kingly government , that our saviour was of the posterity of some kings , more than it does for the commendation of the worst of kings , that he was the offspring of some of them too . the messias is a king. we acknowledg him so to be , and rejoyce that he is so , pray that his kingdom may come , for he is worthy . nor is there any other either equal or next to him . and yet a kingly government being put into the hands of unworthy and undeserving persons , as most commonly it is , may well be thought to have done more harm than good to mankind . nor does it follow for all this that all kings as such , are tyrants . but suppose it did , as for argument sake , i 'le allow it does , least you should think i 'm too hard with ye . make you the best use of it you can . then , say you , god himself may properly be said to be the king of tyrants , nay , himself the worst of all tyrants . if the first of these conclusions does not follow , another does , which may be drawn from most parts of your book : viz. that you perpetually contradict , not only the scriptures , but your own self . for in the very last fore-going period you had affirmed that god was the king of all things , having himself created them . now he created tyrants and devils , and consequently by your own reason , is the king of such . the 'd of these conclusions we detest , and wish that blasphemous mouth of yours were stopt up , with which you affirm god to be the worst of tyrants , if he be , as you often say he is , the king and lord of such . nor do you much advantage your cause by telling us that moses was a king , and had the absolute and supream power of a king. for we could be content that any other were so , that could refer our matters to god , as moses did , and consult with him about our affairs . exod. . v. . but neither did moses , notwithstanding his great familiatity with god , ever assume a liberty of doing what he would himself . what says he of himself ? the people come unto me to enquire of god. they came not then to receive moses his own dictates and commands , then says jethro , ver . . be thou for the people to god-ward , that thou mayst bring their causes unto god. and moses himself says , deut. . v . i have taught you statutes and judgments , even as the lord my god commanded me . hence it is that he is said to have been faithful in all the hause of god. numb . v. . so that the lord jehovah himself was the people's king , and moses no other than as it were an interpreter or a messenger betwixt him and them . nor can you without in piety and sacriledg ; transfer this absolute supream power and authority from god to a man ; ( not having any warrant from the word of god so to do ) which moses used only as a deputy or substitute to god ; under whose eye , and in whose presence , himself and the people always were . but now , for an aggravation of your wickedness , though here you make moses to have exercis'd an absolute and unlimitted power , in your apparat . ad primat . page . you say that he together with the seventy elders ruled the people , and that himself was the chief of the people , but not their master . if moses therefore were a king , as certainly he was , and the best of kings , and had a supream and legal power , as you say he had , and yet neither was the people's master nor govern'd them alone ; then according to you , kings , though indued with the supream power , are not by vertue of that sovereign and kingly right of theirs lords over the people , nor ought to govern them alone ; much less , according to their own will and pleasure ? after all this , you have the impudence to feign a command from god to that people , to set up a king over them , as soon as they should be possessed of the holy land , deut. . for you craftily leave out the former words , and shalt say , i will set a king over me , &c. and now call to mind what you said before , page d and what i said , i should have occasion to make use of : viz. that the power was then in the people , and that they were entirely free . what follows , argues you either mad or irreligious ; take whether you lift : god , say you , having so long before appointed a kingly government , as best and most proper for that people ; what shall we say to samuel's opposing it , and god's own acting , as if himself were against it ? how do these things agree ? he finds himself caught , and observe now with how great malice against the prophet , and impiety against god , he endeavours to disentangle himself . we must consider , says he that samuel's own sons then judged the people , and the people rejected them because of their corruption ; now samuel was loth his sons should be lay'd aside , and god to gratify the prophet , intimated to him as if himself were not very well pleased with it . speak out ye wretch , and never mince the matter : you mean , god dealt deceitfully with samuel , and he with the people . it is not your advocate , but your self that are frantick and distracted ; who cast off all reverence to god almighty , so you may but seem to honour the king. would samuel prefer the interest of his sons and their ambition , and their covetousness , before the general good of all the people , when they asked a thing that would be good and profitable for them ? can we think that he would impose upon them by cunning and subtilty , and make them believe things that were not ? or if we should suppose all this true of samuel , would god himself countenance and gratify him in it ; would he dissemble with the people ? so that either that was not the right of kings which samuel taught the people ; or else that right by the testimony , both of god and the prophet was an evil thing , was burdensom , injurious , unprofitable , and chargeable to the common-wealth : or lastly , ( which must not be admitted ) , god and the prophet ●eceiv'd the people . god frequently protests that he was extreamly displeas'd with them for asking a king ▪ v. th . they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , that i should not reign over them . as if it were a kind of idolatry to ask a king , that would even suffer himself to be ador'd , and assume almost divine honour to himself . and certainly , they that subject themselves to a worldly master , and set him above all laws , come but a little short of chusing a strange god : and a strange one it commonly is ; brutish , and void of all sense and reason . so st of sam. chap. th . v. th . and ye have this day rejected your god , who himself saved you out of all your adversities and your tribulation , and ye have said unto him , nay , but set a king over us , &c. and chap th . v. th . ye said unto me , nay , but a king shall reign over us ; when the lord your god was your king , and v. the th . see that your wickedness is great , that ye have done in the sight the lord , in asking you a king . and hosea speaks contemptibly of the king , chap. . v. th . th . i will be thy king ; where is any other that may save in all thy cities , and thy judges of whom thou saidest : give me a king and princes ? i gave th●● a king in mine anger , and took him 〈…〉 my wrath . and gidem that warlike judg , that was greater than a king ; i will not rule over you , says he , 〈…〉 shall my son rule over you ; the lord shall rule over you , judges , chap the th . intimating thereby , that it is not fit for a man , but for god only to exercise dominion over men . and hence josephus in his book against a●… , an egyptian grammarian , and a ●oulmouth'd fellow , like you , calls the commonwealth of the hebrews a theocracy , because the principality was in god only . in isaiah , chap. . v. . the people in their repentance , complain that it had been mischievous to them , that other lords besides god himself , had had dominion over them . all which places prove clearly , that god gave the israelites a king in his anger ; but now who can forbear laughing at the use you make of abimelech's story ? of whom it is said , when he was kill'd , partly by a woman , that hurl'd a piece of a mill-stone upon him , and partly by his own armour-bearer ; that god rendred the wickedness of abimelech . this history , say you , proves strongly that god only is the judge and avenger of kings . yea , if this argument holds , he is the only judge and punisher of tyrants , villanous rascals and bastards , whoever can get into the saddle , whether by right or by wrong , has thereby obtain'd a soveraign kingly right over the people , is out of all danger of punishment , all inferior magistrates must lay down their arms at his feet , the people must not dare to mutter . but what if some great notorious robber had perished in war , as abimelech did , would any man infer from thence , that god only is the judge and punisher of high-way men ? or what if abimelech had been condemn'd by the law , and died by an executioner's hand , would not god then have rendred his wickedness ? you never read that the judges of the children of israel were ever proceeded against according to law : and yet you confess , that where the government is an aristocracy , the prince , if there be any , may and ought to be call'd in question , if he break the laws . this in your th . page . and why may not a tyrant as well be proceeded against in a kingly government ? why , because god rendred the wickedness of abimelech . so did the women , and so did his own armour-bearer ; over both which he pretended to a right of soveraignty . and what if the magistrates had rendred his wickedness ? do not they bear the sword for that very purpose , for the punishment of malefactors ? having done with his powerful argument from the history of abimelech's death , he b●takes himself , as his custom is , to slanders and calumnies ; nothing but dirt and filth comes from him ; but for those things that he promis'd to make appear , he hath not prov'd any one of them , either from the scriptures , or from the writings of the rabbins . he alledges no reason why kings should be above all laws , and they only of all mortal men exempt from punishment , if they deserve it . he falls foul upon those very authors and authorities that he makes use of , and by his own discourse demonstrates the truth of the opinion that he argues against . and perceiving that he is like to do but little good with his arguments , he endeavours to bring an odium upon us , by loading us with slanderous accusations , as having put to death the most vertuous innocent prince that ever reign'd . vvas king solomon , says he , better than king charles the first ? i confess some have ventur'd to compare his father king james with solomon , nay to make king james the better gentleman of the 〈◊〉 . solomon was david's son , david had been sau●… , ●…n ; but king james was the son of the end of darly , who , as ●uchanan tells us , because d●… the musitian get into the queen's bed-chamber at an unseasonable time , kill'd him a little after , he could not get to him then because he had bolted the door on the inside . so that king james being the son of an ear● , was the better gentleman ; and was frequently called a second solomon , though it is not very certain that himself was not the son of david the musitian too . but how could it ever come into your head to make a comparison betwixt king c●ries and solomon ? for that very king charles whom you praise thus to the sky , that very man's ob●…acy , and covetousness , and cruelty , his hard usage of all good and honest men , the wars that he rais'd , the spoilings and plunderings and conflagrations that he occasioned , and the death of innumerable of his subjects that he was the cause of , does his son charles , at this very time whilest i 'm a writing , confess and bewail in the stool of repentance in scotland and renounces there that kingly right that you assert ; but since you delight in parallels , let 's compare king charles and king solomon together a little : solomon began his reign with the death of his brother , who had justly deserved it ; king charles began his with his father's funeral , i do not say with his murder ; and yet all the marks and tokens of poyson that may be , appeared in his dead body ; but the suspition lighted upon the duke of buckingham only ; whom the 〈◊〉 notwithstanding cleared to the parliament , though he had killed the king , and his father ; and not only so● but he dissolved the parliament , lest the matter should be enquired into solomon oppressed the people with heavy taxes ; but he spent that ●…upon the temple of god , and in raising other publick buildings . king charles spent his in extravag 〈◊〉 solomon was enticed to idolatry by many wives : this man by one . solomon , though he were seduced himself , we read not that he seduced others ; but king charles seduced and enticed others not only by large and ample rewards to corrupt the church , but by his edicts and ecclesiastical constitutions he compelled them to set up altars , which all protestants abhor , and to bow down to crucifixes painted over them on the wall. but yet for all this , solomon was not condemned to die . nor does it follow , because he was not , that therefore he ought not to have been . perhaps there were many circumstances that made it then not expedient . but not long after the people both by words and actions made appear what they took to be their right ; when ten tribes of twelve revolted from his son ; and if he had not saved himself by flight , it is very likely they would have stoned him , notwithstanding his threats and big swelling words . chap. iii. having proved sufficiently that the kings of the jews were subject to the same laws that the people were ; that there are no exceptions made in scripture ; that 't is a most false assertion , grounded upon no reason , nor warranted by any authority , to say , that kings may do what they list with impunity ; that god has exempted them from all humane jurisdiction , and reserved them to his own tribunal only : let us now consider , whether the gospel preach up any such doctrine , and enjoyn that blind obedience which the law was so far from doing , that it commanded the contrary ; let us consider whether or no the gospel , that heavenly promulgation , as it were , of christian liberty , reduce us to a condition of slavery to kings and tyrants , from whose im●… rule even the old law , that mistress of slavery , 〈…〉 the people of god , when it obtained . your ●…ent you take from the person of christ himself . but , alas ! who does not know that he put 〈◊〉 into the condition , not of a private person only , but even of a servant , that we might be made free ? nor is this to be understood of some internal spiritual liberty only ; how inconsistent else would that song of his mothers be with the design of his coming into the world , he hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their heart , he hath put down the mighty from their seat , and hath exalted the humble and meek ? how ill suited to their occasion would these expressions be , if the coming of christ rather established and strengthened a tyrannical government , and made a blind subjection the duty of all christians ? himself having been born and lived and died under a tyrannical government , has thereby purchased liberty for us . as he gives us his grace to submit patiently to a condition of slavery , if there be a necessity of it ; so if by any honest ways and means we can rid our selves , and obtain our liberty , he is so far from restraining us , that he encourageth us so to do . hence it is that st. paul not only of an evangelical , but a civil liberty , says thus , cor. . . art thou called being a servant , care not for it ; but if thou maist be made free , use it rather ; you are bought with a price , be not ye servants of men . so that you are very impertinent in endeavouring to argue us into slavery by the example of our saviour ; who by submitting to such a condition himself , has confirmed even our civil liberties . he took upon him indeed in our stead the form of a servant , but he always retained his purpose of being a deliverer ; and thence it was that he taught us a quite other notion of the right of kings , than this that you endeavour to make good : you , i say , that preach up not kingship , but tyranny , and that in a commonwealth ; by enjoyning not a necessary only , but a religious subjection to whatever tyrant gets into the chair , whether he come to it by succession , or by conquest , or chance , or any how . and now he turn your own weapons against you , and oppose you , as 〈◊〉 to do , with your own authorities . when the collectors of the tribute-money came to christ for tribute in galilee , he asked peter , mat. . of whom the kings of the earth took custom or tribute , of their own ●…dren , or of strangers ? peter saith unto him , of strangers ; 〈◊〉 saith unto him , then are the children free ; notwithstanding lest we should offend them . &c give unto them for thee and for me expositors differ upon this place whom ●●is tribute was paid to ; some say it was 〈◊〉 to the priests , for the use of the sanctuary ; others that it was paid to the emperour . i am of opinion that it was the revenue of the sanctuary , but paid to herad , who perverted the institution of it , and took it to himself . josephus mentions divers sorts of tribute which he and his sons exacted , all which a●…ppa afterwards remitted . and this very tribute , though small in it self , yet being accompanied with many more , was a heavy burden ; the jews , even the poorest of them , in the time of their commonwealth paid a 〈◊〉 ; so that it was some considerable oppression that our saviour spoke of ; and from hence he took occasion to tax herod's injustice , under whose government , and within whose jurisdiction he then was ; in that , whereas the kings of the earth ( who a●…ct usually the title of fathers of their country ) do not use to oppress their own children , that is , their own natural born subjects with heavy and unreasonable exactions , but lay such burdens upon strangers and conquer'd enemies ; he , quite contrary , oppr●ssed not strangers , but his own people . but let what will be here meant by children , either natural born subjects , or the children of god , and those the elect only , or christians in general , as st. augustine understands the place ; this is certain , that if peter was a child , and therefore free , then by consequence we are so too , by our saviour's own testimony , either as englishmen , or as christans ; and that consequently it is not the right of kings to exact heavy tributes from their own countrymen , and those freeborn subjects . christ himself professeth , that he paid not this tribute as a thing that was due , but that he might not bring trouble upon himself by offending those that demanded it . the work that he came into this world to do , was quite of another nature . but if our saviour deny , that it is the right of kings to burden their free-born subjects with grievous exactions , he would certainly muchless allow it to be their right to spoil , massacre , and torture their own country-men , and those christians too . he discoursed after such a manner of the right of kings , that those that he spoke to suspected his principles , as laying too great a restraint upon sovereignty , and not allowing the license that tyrants assume to themselves to be the rights of kings . it was not for nothing that the pharisees put such questions to him , tempting him ; and that at the same time they told him , that he regarded not the person of any man ; nor was it for nothing that he was angry when such questions were proposed to him , matth. . if one should endeavour to ensuare you with little questions , and catch at your answers , to ground an accusation against you upon your own principles concerning the right of kings , and all this under a monarchy , would you be angry with him ? you 'd have but very little reason . 't is evident , that our saviours principles concerning government , were not agreeable to the hamour of princes . his answer too implies as much ; by which he rather turn'd them away , than instructed them . he asked for the tribute-money . whose image and superscription is it , says he ? they tell him it was caesar's . give then to caesar , says he , the things that are caesar's ; and to god , the things that are god's . and how comes it to pass , that the people should not have given to them the things that are theirs ? render to all men their dues , says st. paul , rom. . so that caesar must not ingross all to himself . our liberty is not caesar's ; 't is a blessing we have received from god himself ; 't is what we are born to ; to lay this down at caesar's feet , which we derive not from him , which we are not beholden to him for , were an unworthy action , and a degrading of our very nature . if one should consider attentively the countenance of a man , and enquire after whose image so noble a creature were framed ; would not any one that heard him , presently make answer , that he was made after the image of god himself ? being therefore peculiarly god 's own , and consequently things that are to be given to him ; we are intirely free by nature , and cannot without the greatest sacrilege imaginable be reduced into a condition of slavery to any man , especially to a wicked , unjust , cruel tyrant . our saviour does not take upon him to determine what things are god's , and what caesar's ; he leaves that as he found it . if the piece of money which they shewed him , was the same that was paid to god , as in vespatian's time it was , then our saviour is so far from having put an end to the controversy , that he has but entangl'd it , and made it more perplext than it was before ; for 't is impossible the same thing should be given both to god , and to caesar . but , you say , he intimates to them what things were caesar's ; to wit , that piece 〈◊〉 money because it bore the emperor's stamp ; and what of all that ? how does this advantage your cause ? you get not the emperor , or to your self , a penny by this conclusion . either christ allowed no-nothing at all to be caesar's , but that piece of money that he then had in his hand , and thereby asserted the peoples interest in every thing else ; or else , if ( as you would have us understand him ) he affirms all money that has the emperor's stamp upon it , to be the emperor 's own . he contradicts himself , and gives the magistrate a property in every man's estate , when as he himself paid his tribute-money with a protestation , that it was more than what either peter , or himself was bound to do . the ground you rely on , is very weak ; for money bears the prince's image , not as a token of its being his , but of its being good metal , and that none may presume to counterfeit it . if the writing princes names , or setting their stamps upon a thing , vest the property of it in them , 't were a good ready way for them to invade all property . or rather , if whatever subjects have , be absolutely at their prince's disposal , which is your assertion , that piece of money was not caesar's , because his image was stampt on it , but because of right it belonged to him before 't was coyn'd . so that nothing can be more manifest , than that our saviour in this place never intended to teach our duty to magistrates ( he would have spoke more plainly , if he had ) but to reprehend the malice and wickedness of the hypocritical pharisees . when they told him that herod laid wait to kill him ; did he return an humble , submissive answer ? go , tell that fox , says he , &c. intimating , that kings have no other right to destroy their subjects , than foxes have to devour the things they prey upon . say you , he suffered death under a tyrant . how could he possibly under any other ? but from hence you conclude , that he asserted it to be the right of kings to commit murder , and act injustice . you 'd make an excellent moralist . but our saviour , tho he became a servant , not to make us so , but that we might be free ; yet carried he himself so with relation to the magistracy , as not to ascribe any more to them then their due . now , let us come at last to enquire what his doctrine was upon this subject . the sons of z●bedee were ambitious of honour and power in the kingdom of christ , which they persuaded themselves he would shortly set up in the world ; he reproves them so , as withal to let all christians know what form of civil government he desires they should settle amongst themselves . ye know , says he , that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them ; and they that are great , exercise authority upon them ; but it shall not be so among you ; but whosover will be great among you , let him be your minister ; and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant . unless you 'd been distracted , you could never have imagined that this place makes for you : and yet you urge it , and think it furnishes you with an argument to prove that our kings are absolute lords and masters over us and ours . may it be our fortune to have to do with such enemies in war , as will fall blind-fold and naked into our camp instead of their own : as you constantly do , who alledge that for your self , that of all things in the world makes most against you . the israelites asked god for a king , such a king as other nations round about them had . god dissuaded them by many arguments , which our saviour here gives us an epitomy of ; you know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them . but yet , because the israelites persisted in their desire of a king , god gave them one , tho in his wrath. our saviour , lest christians should desire a king , such a one at least , as might rule as , he says , the princes of the gentiles did , prevents them with an injunction to the contrary ; but it shall not be so among you . what can be said plainer than this ? that stately , imperious sway and dominion that kings use to exercise , shall not be amongst you ; what specious titles soever they may assume to themselves , as that of benefactors , or the like . but he that will be great amongst you , ( and who is greater than the prince ? ) let him be your servant . so that the lawyer , whoever he be , that you are so smart upon , was not so much out of the way , but had our saviour's own authority to back him , when he said that christian princes were indeed no other than the peoples servants ; 't is very certain that all good magistrates are so . insomuch that christians either must have no king at all , or if they have , that king must be the people's servant . absolute lordship and christianity are inconsistent . moses himself , by whose ministry that seviler oeconomy of the old law was instituted , did not exercise an arbitrary , haughty power and authority , but bore the burden of the people , and carried them in his bosom , as a nursing father does a sucking child , numb . . and what is that of a nursing father , but a ministerial imployment ? plato would not have the magistrates called lords , but servants and helpers of the people ; nor the people servants , but maintainers of their magistrates , because they give meat , drink , and wages to their kings themselves . aristotle calls the magistrates , keepers and ministers of the laws . plato , ministers and servants . the apostle calls them ministers of god ; but they are ministers and servants of the people , and of the laws , nevertheless for all that ; the laws and the magistrates were both created for the good of the people : and yet this is it , that you call the opinion of the fanatick-mastiffs in england . i should not have thought the people of england were mastiff dogs , if such a mungril-cur as thou art , did not bark at them so currishly ; the master , if it shall please ye , of st. i upus * , st. wolf , it seems complains , that the mastiffs are mad ( fanaticks ) . germanus heretofore , whose colleague that lupus of triers was , deposed our incestuous king vortigerne by his own authority . and therefore st. lupus despises thee , the master not of st. lupus , ( a holy wolf ) but of some hunger-starv'd , thieving , little wolf or other , as being more contemptible than that master of vipers , of whom martial makes mention , who hast by relation , a barking she-wolf at home too , that domineers over thee most wretchedly ; at whose instigations , as i am informed , thou hast wrote this stuff . and therefore it is the less wonder that thou shouldst endeavour to obtrude an absolute regal government upon others , who hast been accustomed to bear a female rule so servilely at home thy self . be therefore , in the name of god , the master of a wolf , lest a she-wolf be thy mistress ; be a wolf thy self , be a monster made up of a man , and a wolf ; whatever thou art , the english mastiffs will but make a laughing-stock of thee . but i am not now at leisure to hunt for wolves , and will put an end therefore to this digression . you that but a while ago wrote a book against all manner of superiority in the church , now call st. peter the prince of the apostles . how inconstant you are in your principles ! but what says peter ? submit your selves to every ordinance of man , for the lord's sake , whether it be to the king as supream , or to governours , as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evil doers , and the praise of them that do well : for so is the will of god , &c. this epistle peter wrote , not only to private persons , but those strangers scatter'd and dispers'd through asia ; who in those places where they sojourned , had no other right , than that the laws of hospitality intituled them to . do you think such mens case to be the same with that of natives , free-born subjects , nobility , senates , assemblies of estates , parliaments ? nay , is not the case far different of private persons , tho' in their own countrey , and senators , magistrates , without whom , kings themselves cannot possibly subsist ? but let us suppose that st. peter had directed his epistle to the natural born subjects , and those not private persons neither ; suppose he had writ to the senate of rome , what then ? no law that is grounded upon a reason , expresly set down in the law it self , obligeth further than the reason of it extends . be subject , says he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , according to the genuine sense and import of the word , be subordinate , or legally subject . for the law , aristotle says , is order . submit for the lord's sake . why so ? because a king is an officer appointed by god for the punishment of evil doers , and the praise of them that do well . for so is the will of god : to wit , that we should submit and yield obedience to such as are here described . there is not a word spoken of any other . you see the ground of this precept , and how well'tis laid . the apostle adds in the th v. as free ; therefore not as slaves . what now , if princes pervert the design of magistracy , and use the power that is put into their hands , to the ruin and destruction of good men ; and the praise and encouragement of evil doers ? must we all be condemn'd to perpetual slavery , not private persons only , but our nobility , all our inferior magistrates ; our very parliament it self ? is not temporal government call'd a humane ordinance ? how comes it to pass then , that mankind should have power to appoint and constitute , what may be good and profitable for one another ; and want power to restrain or suppress things that are universally mischievious and destructive ? that prince , you say , whom st. peter enjoyns subjection to , was nero the tyrant : and from thence you infer , that it is our duty to submit and yield obedience to such but it is not certain that this epistle was writ in ner●'s reign : 't is as likely to have been writ in claudius his time . and they that are commanded to submit , were private persons and strangers ; they were no consuls , no magistrates : 't was not the roman senate , that st. peter directed his epistle to . now let us hear what use you make of st. paul , ( for you take a freedom with the apostles , i find , that you will not allow us to take with princes , you make st. peter the chief of them to day , and to morrow put another in his place ) . st. paul in his th chap. to the romans , has these words . let every soul be subject unto the higher powers , for there is no power but of god ; the powers that be , are ordained of god. i confess , he writes this to the romans , not to strangers dispers'd , as peter did ; but yet he writes to private persons , and those of the meaner rank , and yet he gives us a true , and a clear account of the reason , the original , and the design of government ; and shows us the true and proper ground of our obedience , that it 's far from imposing a necessity upon us of being slaves let every soul , says he ; that is , let every man submit . chrysosthome tells us , that st. paul's design in this discourse , was to make it appear , that our saviour did not go about to introduce principles inconsistent with the civil government , but such as strengthned it , and settled it upon the surest foundations . he never intended then by setting nero , or any other tyrant out of the reach of all laws , to enslave mankind under his lust and cruelty . he intended too says the same author , to disswade from unnecessary and causeless wars . but he does not condemn a war taken up against a tyrant , a bosom enemy of his own countrey , and consequently the most dangerous that may be . 't was commonly said in those days , that the doctrine of the apostles was seditious , themselves persons that endeavour'd to shake the se●l●d ●aws and government of the world ; that this was what they aim'd at in all they said and did . the apostle in this chapter stops the mouths of such gain sayers : ●o that the apostles did not write in defence of tyrants , as you do ; but they asserted such things as made them suspected to be enemies to the government they liv'd under , things that stood in need of being explained and interpreted , and having another sense put upon them , than was generally receiv'd . st. chrysostme has now taught us what the apostle's design was in this discourse ; let us now examine his words . let every soul be subject to the higher powers . he tells us not what those higher powers are , nor who they are ; for he never intended to overthrow all governments , and the several constitutions of nations , and subject all to some one man's will. every good emperour acknowledged that the laws of the empire , and the authority of the senate was above himself ; and the same principle and notion of government has obtained all along in civiliz'd nations . pindar , as he is cited by herodotus , calls the law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , king over all . orpheus in his hymns calls it the king both of gods and men. and he gives the reason why it is so ; because , says he , 't is that that sits at the helm of all humane affairs . plato in his book de legibus , calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that that ought to have the greatest sway in the common-wealth . in his epistles he commends that form of government , in which the law is made lord and master , and no scope given to any man to tyrannize over the laws . aristotle is of the same opinion in his politicks ; and so is cicero in his book de legibus , that the laws ought to govern the magistrates , as they do the people . the law therefore having always been accounted the highest power on earth , by the judgment of the most learned and wise men that ever were , and by the constitutions of the best ordered states , and it being very certain that the doctrine of the gospel is neither contrary to reason nor the law of nations , that man is truly and properly subject to the higher powers , that obeys the law , and the magistrates , so far as they govern according to law. so that st. paul does not only command the people , but princes themselves to be in subjection : who are not above the laws , but bound by them : for there is no power but of god : that is , no form ; no lawful constitution of any government . the most ancient laws that are known to us , were formerly ascribed to god as their author . for the law , says cicero in his philipp . is no other than a rule of well grounded reason , derived from god himself , enjoyning whatever is just and right , and forbidding the contrary . so that the institution of magistracy is jure divino , and the end of it is , that mankind might live under certain laws , and be govern'd by them ; but what particular form of government each nation would live under , and what persons should be entrusted with the magistracy , without doubt was left to the choice of each nation . hence st. peter calls kings and deputies , humane ordinances . and h●sea in the th chapter of his prophesy , they have set up kings , but not by me ; they have made princes , and i knew it not . for in the commonwealth of the hebrews , where upon matters of great and weighty importance , they could have access to god himself , and consult with him ; they could not chuse a king themselves by law , but were to refer the matter to him . other nations have received no such command . sometimes the very form of government , if it be amiss , or at lest those persons that have the power in their hands , are not of god , but of men , or of the devil , luke . all this power will i give unto thee , for it is delivered unto me , and i give it to whom i will. hence the devil is called the prince of this world ; and in the th of the revelations , the dragon gave to the beast his power , and his throne , and great authority . so that we must not understand st. paul , as if he spoke of all sorts of magistrates in general , but of lawful magistrates ; and so they are described in what follows . we must also understand him of the powers themselves ; not of those men always , in whose hands they are lodged . st. chrysostome speaks very well , and clearly upon this occasion . what ? says he , is every prince then appointed by god to be so ? i say no such thing , says he . st. paul speaks not of the person of the magistrate , but of the magistracy it self . he does not say , there is no prince but who is of god. he says there is no power but of god. thus far st. chrysostome ; for what powers are , are ordained of god. so that st. paul speaks only of a lawful magistracy . for what is evil and amiss , cannot be said to be ordain'd , because 't is disorderly ; order and disorder cannot consist together in the same subject . the apostle says , the powers that be ; and you interpret his words as if he had said , the powers that now be ; that you may prove that the romans ought in conscience to obey nero , who you take for granted was then emperor . i 'm very well content you should read the words so , and draw that conclusion from them . the consequence will be , that english men ought to yield obedience to the present government , as 't is now establisht according to a new model ; because you must needs acknowledge that it is the present government , and ordain'd of god , as much at least as nero's was . and lest you should object that nero came to the empire by a lawful succession , it 's apparent from the roman history that both he and tiberius got into the chair by the tricks and artifices of their mothers , and had no right at all to the succession . so that you are inconsistent with your self , and retract from your own principles , in affirming that the romans owed subjection to the government that then was ; and yet denying that englishmen owe subjection to the government that now is . but 't is no wonder to hear you contradict your self . there are no two things in the world more directly opposite and contrary to one another , than you are to your self . but what will become of you , poor wretch ? you have quite ●●done the young king with your witicisms , and ruin'd his fortunes utterly ; for according to your own doctrine you must needs confess , that this present government in england , is ordain'd of god , and that all englishmen are bound in conscience to submit to it . ●ake notice all ye criticks and tex●…ries . do not you presume to meddie with this text. thus salmasius corrects that passage in the epistle to the romans : he has made a discovery , that the words ought not to be read , the powers that are ; but , the powers that now are : and all this to prove , that all men owed subjection and obedience to nero the tyrant , whom he supp sed to have been then emperor . this epistle , which you say was writ in nero's time , was writ in his predecessor's time , who was an honest well-meaning man : and this learned men evince by undeniable arguments . but besides , the five first years of nero's reign were without exception . so that this thread-bare argument , which so many men have at their tongue 's end , and have been deceived by , to wit , that tyrants are to be obeyed , because st. paul injoyns a subjection to nero ; is evident to have been but a cunning invention of some ignorant parson . he that resists the powers , to wit , a lawful power , resists the ordnance of god. kings themselves come under the penalty of this law , when they resist the senate , and act contrary to the laws but do they resist the ordinance of god , that resist an unlawful power , or a person that goes about to overthrow and destroy a lawful one ? no man living in his right wits can maintain such an assertion . the words immediately after make it as clear as the sun , that the apostle speaks only of a lawful power ; for he gives us in them a definition of magistrates , and thereby explains to us , who are the persons thus authoriz'd , and upon what account we are to yield obedience , lest we should be apt . to mistake , and ground extravagant notions upon his discourse . the magistrates , says he , are not a terror to good works , but to evil ; wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same : for he is the minister of god to thee for good . he beareth not the sword in vain ; for he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil. what honest man would not willingly submit to such a magistracy as is here described ? and that not only to avoid w●ath , and for fear of punishment , but for conscience sake . without magistrates , and some form or other of civil government , no commonwealth , no humane society can subsist ; there were no-living in the world. but whatever power enables a man , or whatsoever magistrate takes upon him to act contrary to what st. paul makes the duty of those that are in authority ; neither is that power , nor that magistrate ordain'd of god. and consequently to such a magistracy no subjection is commanded , nor is any due , nor are the people forbidden to resist such authority , for in so doing they do not resist the power , nor the magistracy , as they are here excellently well described ; but they resist a robber , a tyrant , an enemy ; who if he may notwithstanding in some sense be called a magistrate , upon this account only , because he has power in his hands , which perhaps god may have invested him with for our punishment ; by the same reason the devil may be called a magistrate . this is most certain , that there can be but one true definition of one and the same thing . so that if st. paul in this place define what a magistrate is , which he certainly does , and that accurately well ; he cannot possibly define a tyrant , the most contrary thing imaginable , in the same words . hence i infer , that he commands us to submit to such magistrates only as he himself defines and describes , and not to tyrants , which are quite other things . for this cause you pay tribute also . he gives a reason , together with a command . hence st. chrysostome ; why do we pay tribute to princes ? says he , do we not thereby reward them for the care they take of our safety ? we should not have paid them any tribute , if we had not been convinc'd , that it was good for us to live under a government . so that i must here repeat what i have said already , that since subjection is not absolutely enjoined , but upon a particular reason , that reason must be the rule of our subjection ; where that reason holds , we are rebels if we submit not ; where it holds not , we are cowards and slaves if we do . but , say you , the english are far from being freemen ; for they are wicked and flagitious . i will not reckon up here the vices of the french , tho they live under a kingly government ; neither will i excuse my own countrey-men too far ; but this i may safely say , whatever vices they have , they have learnt them under a kingly government ; as the israelites learnt a great deal of wickedness in egypt : and as they , when they were brought into the wilderness , and lived under the immediate government of god himself , could hardly reform ; just so 't is with us : but there are good hopes of many amongst us ; that i may not here celebrate those men amongst us , that are eminent for their piety and virtue , and love of the truth ; of which sort i persuade my self we have as great a number , as where you think there are most such . but they have laid a heavy yoke upon the english nation : what if they have , upon those of them that endeavoured to lay a heavy yoke upon all the rest ? upon those that have deserved to be put under the hatches ? as for the rest , i question not but they are very well content to be at the expence of maintaining their own liberty , the publick treasury being exhausted by the civil wars . now he betakes himself to the fabulous rabbins again : he asserts frequently , that kings are bound by no laws ; and yet he proves . that a cording to the sense of the rabbins , a king may be guilty of treason , by suffering an invasion upon the rights of his crown so kings are bound by laws , and they are not bound by them ; they may be criminals , and yet they may not be so . this man contradicts himself so perpetually , that contradiction and he seem to be of ki● to one another you say that god himself put many kingdoms under the yoke of nebuchadnezz●r , king of babylon . i confess he did so for a time , jer . but do you make appear if you can , that he put the english nation into a condition of slavery to charles stuart for a minute . i confess he suffered them to be enslaved by him for some time ; but i never yet heard that himself appointed it so to be or if you will have it so that god shall be said to put a nation under slavery when a tyrant prevails ; why may he not as well be said to deliver them from his tyranny , when the people prevail and get the upper hand ? shall his tyranny be said to be of god , and not our liberty ? there is no evil in the city , that the lord hath not done , amos . so that famine , pestilence , sedition , war , all of them are of god ; and is it therefore unlawful for a people afflicted with any of these plagues , to endeavour to get rid of them ? certainly they would do their utmost , tho they know them to be sent by god , unless himself miraculously from heaven should command the contrary : and why may they not by the same reason rid themselves of a tyrant , if they are stonger than he ? why should we suppose his weakness to be appointed by god for the ruin and destruction of the commonwealth , rather than the power and strength of all the people , for the good of the state ? 〈◊〉 be it from all commonwealths , from all societies of free-born men to maintain not only such pernicious , but such stupid and senseless principles ; principles that subvert all civil society , that to gratitie a few tyrants , level all mankind with brutes ; and by setting princes out of the reach of humane laws , give them an equal power over both . i pass by those foolish dilemma's that you now make , which that you might take occasion to propose , you feign some or other to assert that , that superlative power of princes is derived from the people ; though for my own part i do not at all doubt but that all the power that any magistrates have , is so . hence cicero in his orat. pro flacco , our wise and holy ancestors , says he , appointed those things to obtain for laws , that the people enacted . and hence it is that lucius crassus , an excellent roman orator , and at that time president of the senate , when in a controversie betwixt them and the common people , he asserted their rights , i beseech you , says he , suffer not us to live in subjejection to any , but your selves , to the entire body , of whom we can and ought to submit . for though the roman senate govern'd the people , the people themselves had appointed them to be their governours , and had put that power into their hands . we read the term of majesty more frequently applied to the people of rome , than to their kings . tully in orat. pro plancio , it is the condition of all free people , ( says he ) and especially of this people , the lord of all nations , by their votes to give or take away , to or from any , as themselves see cause . ' ●is the duty of the magistrates patiently to submit to what the body of the people enact . those that are not ambitious of honour , have the less obligation upon them to court the people ; those that affect preferment , must not be weary of entreating them . should i scruple to call a king the servant of his people , when i hear the roman senate , that reign'd over so many kings , profess themselves to be but the peoples servants ? you 'l object perhaps , and say , that all this is very true in a popular state ; but the case was altered afterwards , when the regal law transferred all the people's right into augustus and his successors . but what think you then of tiberius , whom your self confess to have been a very great tyrant , as he certainly was ; suetonius says of him , that when he was once called lord or master , though after the enacting of that lex regia , he desired the person that gave him that appellation , to forbear abusing him . how does this sound in your ears ? a tyrant thinks one of his subjects abuses him in calling him lord. the same emperour in one of his speeches to the senate , i have said , says he , frequently heretofore , and now i say it again , that a good prince whom you have invested with so great power , as i am entrusted with , ought to serve the senate , and the body of the people , and sometimes even particular persons ; nor do i repent of having said so : i confess that you have been good and just , and indulgent masters to me , and that you are yet so . you may say that he dissembled in all this , as he was a great proficient in the art of hypocrisie ; but that 's all one . no man endeavours to appear otherwise than he ought to be . hence t●●itus tells us , that it was the custom in rome for the emperours in the circus , to worship the people ; and that both nero and other emperours practised it . claudian in his panegyrick upon honorius mentions the same custom . by which sort of adoration what could possibly be meant , but that the emperours of rome , even after the enacting of the lex r●gia , confessed the whole body of the people to be their superiors ? but i find , as i suspected at first , and so i told ye , that you have spent more time and pains in turning over glossaries , and criticising upon texts , and propagating such like laborious trifles , than in reading sound authors so as to improve your knowledg by them . for had you been never so little versed in the writings of learned men in former ages , you would not have accounted an opinion new , and the product of some enthusiastick heads , which has been asserted and maintained by the greatest philosophers , and most famous politicians in the world . you endeavour to expose one martin , who you tell us was a taylor , and one william a tanner ; but if they are such as you describe them , i think they and you may very well go together ; though they themselves would be able to instruct you , and unfold those mysterious riddles that you propose : as , whether or no they that in a monarchy would have the king but a servant to the common-wealth , will say the same thing of the whole body of the people in a popular state ? and whether all the people serve in a democracy , or only some part or other serve the rest ? and when they have been an oedipus to you , by my consent you shall be a sphinx to them in good earnest , and throw your self headlong from some precip●ce or other , and break your neck ; for else i 'm afraid you 'l never have done with your riddles and fooleries . you ask , whether or no , when st. paul names kings , he meant the people ? i confess st. paul commands us to pray for kings , but he had commanded us to pray for the people before , vers . . but there are some for all that , both among kings and common people , that we are forbidden to pray for ; and if a man must not so much as be prayed for , may he not be punished ? what should hinder ? but , when paul wrote this epistle , he that reigned was the most profligate person in the world . that 's false . for lodovicus capellus makes it evident , that this epistle likewise was writ in claudius his time . when st. paul has occasion to speak of nero , he calls him not a king but a lion , that is , a wild , savage beast , from whose jaws he is glad he was delivered , tim. . so that it is for kings , not for beasts that we are to pray , that under them we may live a quiet and a peaceable life , in all godliness and honesty . kings and their interest are not the things here intended to be advanced and secured ; 't is the publick peace , godliness and honesty , whose establishment we are commanded to endeavour after , and to pray for . but is there any people in the world that would not chuse rather to live an honest and a careful life though never free from war and troubles , in the defence of themselves and their families , whether against tyrants or enemies , ( for i make no difference ) than under the power of a tyrant or an enemy to spin out a life equally troublesome , accompanied with slavery and ignominy ? that the latter is the more desirable of the two , i 'le prove by a testimony of your own , not because i think your authority worth quoting , but that all men may observe how double-tongu'd you are , and how mercenary your pen is : who would not rather , say you , bear with those dissentions that through the emulation of great men often happen in an aristocratical government , than live under the tyrannical government of one , where nothing but certain misery and ruin is to be look'd for ? the people of rome prefer'd their commonwealth , though never so much shatter'd with civil broils , before the intollerable yoke of their emperours . when a people to avoid sedition , submits to a monarchy , and finds by experience , that that is the worse evil of the two , they often desire to return to their former government again . these are your own words , and more you have to this purpose in that discourse concerning bishops , which under a feigned name you wrote against petavius the j●suit ; though your self are more a j●suit than he , ●ay worse than any of that crew . we have already heard the sense of the scripture upon this subject ; and it has been worth our 〈◊〉 to take some pains to find it out . but perhaps it will not be so to enquire into the judgments of the fathers , and ransack their volumes ; for if they assert any thing which is not warranted by the word of god , we may safely reject their authority , be it never so great ; and particularly that expression that you alledg out of irenaeus , that god in his providence orders it so , that such kings reign as are suitable to , and proper for the people they are to govern , all circumstances considered . that expression , i say , is directly contrary to scripture . for though god himself declared openly that it was better for his own people to be governed by judges than by kings , yet he left it to them , to change that form of government for a worse , if they would themselves . and we read frequently , that when the body of the people has been good , they have had a wicked king , and contrariwise that a good king has sometimes reign'd when the people have been wicked . so that wise and prudent men are to consider and see what is profitable and fit for the people in general ; for it is very certain that the same form of government is not equally convenient for all nations , nor for the same nation at all times ; but sometimes one , sometimes another may be more proper , according as the industry and valour of the people may increase or decay . but if you deprive the people of this liberty of setting up what government they like best among themselves , you take that from them , in which the life of all civil liberty consists . then you tell us of justin martyr , of his humble and submissive behaviour to the antonini , those best of emperours ; as if any body would not do the like to princes of such moderation as they were . how much worse christians are we in these days , than they were ? they were content to live under prince of another religion . alas ! they were private persons , and infinitely inferior to the contrary party in strength and number . but now papists will not endure a protestant prince , nor protestants one that is popish . you do well and discreetly , in showing your self to be neither papist nor protestant . and you are very liberal in your concessions ; for now you confess that all sorts of christians agree in thrt very thing , that you alone take upon you with so much impudence and wickedness , to cry down and oppose . and how unlike those fathers that you commend , do ye show your self ? they wrote apologies for the christians to heathen princes ; you in defence of a wicked popish king , against christians and protestants . then you entertain us with a number of impertinent quotations out of athenagoras and tertullian : things that we have already heard out of the writings of the apostles , much more clearly and intelligibly exprest . but tertullian was quite of a different opinion from yours , of a king 's being a lord and master over his subjects : which you either knew not , or wickedly dessembled . for he , though he were a christian , and directed his discourse to a heathen emperor , had the confidence to tell him , that an emperor ought not to be called lord. augustus himself , says ●e , that formed this empire , refus'd this appellation : 't is a title proper to god only . not but that the title of lord and master may in some sense be ascribed to the emperor : but there is a peculiar sense of that word , which is proper to god only ; and in that sense , i will not ascribe it to the emperor . i am the emperor's free-man . god alone is my lord and master . and the same author , in the same discourse ; how inconsistent , says he , are those two appellations , father of his countrey , and lord and master ? and now i wish you much jo● ▪ of tertullian's authority , whom it had been a great deal better you had let alone . but tertullian calls them parricides that slew domitian . and he does well , for so they were , his wife and servants conspir'd against him . and they set one parthenius and stephanus , who were accus'd for concealing part of the publick treasure , to make him away . if the senate , and the people of rome had proceeded against him , according to the custom of their ancestors , had given judgment of death against him , as they did once against nero , and had made search for him to put him to death ; do ye think tertullian would have called them parricides ? if he had , he would have deserv'd to be hang'd , as you do . i give the same answer to your quotation out of origen , that i have given already , to what you have cited out of irenaeus . athanasius indeed says , that kings are not accountable before humane tribunals . but i wonder who told athanasius this ? i do not hear that he produceth any authority from scripture , to confirm this assertion . and i 'le rather believe kings and emperors themselves , who deny that they themselves have any such priviledg , than i will athanasius . then you quote ambrosius , who after he had been a proconsul , and after that became a catechumen , at last got into a bishoprick : but for his authority , i say , that his interpretation of those words of david , against thee only have i sinued , is both ignorant and adulatory . he was willing all others should be enthrall'd to the emperor , that he might enthral the emperor to himself . we all know with what a pap●l pride and arrogancy he treated theodosius the emperor , how he took upon him to declare him guilty of that 〈◊〉 at thess●lonica , and to forbid him coming into the church ; how miserably raw in divinity ; and unacquainted with the doctrine of the gospel , he shewed himself upon that occasion ; when the emperor fell down at his feet , he commanded him to get him out of the porch . at last , when he was received again into the communion of the church , and had offered , because he continued standing near to the 〈◊〉 , the magisterial pielate commanded him out of the ra●s ; o emperor , says he these inner places are for the priests only , 't is not lawful for others to come within them ! does this sound like the behaviour of a minister of the gospel , or like that of a jewish high-priest ? and yet , this man , such as we hear he was , would have the emperor ride other people that himself might ride him , which is a common trick of almost all ecclessiasticks .. with words to this purpose , he put back the emperor as inferior to himself : you r●…over men , said he , that are partakers of the same nature , and fellow-servants with your self : for there is one only lord and king over all , to wit , the creator of all . this is very pretty ! this piece of truth , which the craft and flattery of clergy-men has all along endeavoured to suppress and obscure , was then brought to light by the furious passion , or to speak more mildly , by the ignorant indiscr●●t zeal of one of them . after you have displa●'d ambrose his ignorance , you show your own , or rather , vent a heresie , in affirming point blank , that under the old testament , there was no such thing as forgiveness of sins upon the account of christ's sufferings , since david confess'd his transgression , saying , against thee only have i sinned , p. . 't is the orthodox tenet , that there never was any remission of sins , but by the blood of the lamb that was slain from the beginning of the world . i know not whose disciple you are , that set up for a broacher of new heresies : but certain i am , that that great divine's disciple whom you are so angry with , did not mistake himself , when he said that any one of david's subjects might have said , against thee only have i sinned , as properly , and with as much right , as david himself . then you quote st. augustine , and produce a company of hipponensian divines . what you alledg out of st. austin , makes not at all against us . we confess that , as the prophet daniel has it , it 's god that changeth times , sets up one kingdom , and pulls down another ; we only desire to have it allow'd us , that he makes use of men as his instruments . if god alone gave a kingdom to king charles , god alone has taken it from him again , and given it to the parliament , and to the people . if therefore our allegiance was due to king charles , because god had given him a kingdom ; for the same reason it is now due to the present magistracy . for your self confess , that god has given our magistra es such power as he useth to give to wicked princes , for the punishment of the nation . and the consequence of this will be , that according to your own opinion , our present magistrates being rais'd and appointed by god , cannot lawfully be deposed by any , but god himself . thus you overthrow the opinion you pretend to maintain , which is a thing very frequent with 〈◊〉 ; your apology for the king , carries it's deaths-wound in it . you have attained to such a prodigious degree of madness and stupidity , as to prove it unlawful upon any account whatsoever , to lift up ones finger against magistrates , and with the very next breath , to affirm that it 's the duty of their sujects to rise up in rebellion against them . you tell us that st. jerom calls ismael that slew gedalia , a parricide or traytor : and it is very true , that he was so : for gedalia was deputy governour of judaea , a good man , and slain by ismael without any cause . the same author in his comment upon the book of ecclesiastes , says , that solomon's command to keep the king's commandment , is the same with st. paul's doctrine , upon the same subject ; and deserves commendation for having made a more moderate construction of that text , than most of his contemporaries . you say you will forbear enquiring into the sentiments of learned men that lived since st. augustine's time ; but to shew that you had rather dispence with a lie , than not quote any author that you think makes for you , in the very next period but one , you produce the authorities of isidore , gregory , and otho , spanish and dutch authors , that liv'd in the most barbarous and ignorant ages of all ; whose authorities , if you knew how much we despise , you would not have told a lye to have quoted them . but would you know the reason why he dares not come so low as to the present times ? why he does as it were hide himself , and disapear , when he comes towards our own times ? the reason is , because he knows full well , that as many eminent divines as there are of the reformed church , so many adversaries he would have to encounter . let him take up the cudgels , if he thinks fit ; he will quickly find himself run down with innumerable authorities out of luther , zuinglius , calvin , bucer , martyr , paraeus , and the rest . i could oppose you with testimonies out of divines that have flourished even in leyden . though that famous university and renowned commonwealth , which has been as it were a sanctuary for liberty , those fountains and streams of all polite learning , have not yet been able to wash away that slavish rust that sticks to you , and infuse a little humanity into you . finding your self destitute of any assistance or help from orthodox protestant divines , you have the impudence to betake your self to the sorbonists , whose colledge you know is devoted to the romish religion , and consequently but of very weak authority amongst protestants . we are willing to deliver so wicked an assertor of tyranny as you , to be drown'd in the sorbon , as being asham'd to own so despicable a slave , as you show your self to be , by maintaining that the whole body of a nation is not equal in power to the most slothful , degenerate prince that may be . you labour in vain to lay that upon the pope , which all free nations , and all orthodox divines own and assert . but the pope and his clergy , when they were in a low condition , and but of small account in the world , were the first authors of this pernicious absurd doctrine of yours ; and when by preaching such doctrine they had gotten power into their own hands , they became the worst of tyrants themselves . yet they engaged all princes to themselves by the closest tye imaginable , perswading the world , that was now besotted with their superstition , that it was unlawful to depose princes though never so bad , unless the pope dispensed with their allegiance to them , by absolving them from their oaths . but you avoid orthodox writers , and endeavour to burden the truth with prejudice and calumny , by making the pope the first assertor of what is a known and common received opinion amongst them ; which if you did not do it cunningly , you would make your self appear to be neither . papist nor protestant , but a kind of a mongrel idumean herodian . for as they of old adored one most inhumane bloody tyrant for the m●ssias , so you would have the world fall down and worship all . you boast that you have confirm'd your opinion by the testimonies of the fathers that flourished in the four first centuries ; whose writings only are evangelical , and according to the truth of the christian religion . this man is past all shame ! how many things did they preach , how many things have they published , which christ and his apostles never taught ? how many things are there in their writings , in which all protestant divines differ from them ? but what is that opinion that you have confirm'd by their authorities ? why , that evil princes are appointed by god. allow that , as all other pernicious and destructive things are . what then ? why , that therefore they have no judge but god alone , that they are above all humane laws , that there is no law , written or unwritten , no law of nature , nor of god , to call them to account before their own subjects . but how comes that to pass ? certain i am , that there is no law against it : no penal law excepts kings . and all reason and justice requires , that those that offend , should be punished according to their deserts , without respect of persons . nor have you hitherto produced any one law , either written or unwritten , of god or of nature , by which this is forbidden . what stands in the way then ? why may not kings be proceeded against ? why , because they are appointed by god , be they never so bad . i do not know whether i had best call you a 〈◊〉 , or a fool , or ignorant , unlearned barbarian . you show your self a vile wretch , by propagating a doctrine so destructive and pernicious ; and y' are a fool for backing it with such silly arguments . god says in isa . . i have created the slayer to destroy . then by your reason a murderer is above the laws . turn this topsie turvy , and consider it as long as you will , you 'l find the consequence to be the same with your own . for the pope is appointed by god , just as tyrants are , and set up for the punishment of the church , which i have already demonstrated out of your own writings ; and yet , say you , wal. mes . pag. . because he has raised his primacy to an insufferable height of power , so as that he has made it neither better nor worse than plain down-right tyranny , both he and his bishops may be put down more lawfully than they were at first set up . you tell us that the pope and the bishops ( though god in his wrath appointed them ) , may yet lawfully be rooted out of the church , because they are tyrants ; and yet you deny that 't is lawful to depose a tyrant in the common wealth , and that for no other reason than because god appointed him , though he did it in his anger . what ridiculous stuff this is ! for whereas the pope cannot hurt a man's conscience against his own will , for in the consciences of men it is that his kingdom consists , yet you are for deposing him as a grievous tyrant , in whose own power it is not , to be a tyrant ; and yet you maintain that a tyrant properly and truly so called , a tyrant that has all our lives and estates within his reach , without whose assistance the pope himself could not exercise his tyranny in the church , ought for conscience sake to be born withal and submitted to . these assertions compar'd with one another betray your childishness to that degree , that no man can read your books , but must of necessity take notice of your ignorance , rashness , and incogitancy . but you alledg another reason , humane affairs would be turn'd upside down . they would so , and be chang'd for the better . humane affairs would certainly be in a deplorable condition , if being once troubled and disorder'd , there were a necessity of their continuing always so . i say , they would be chang'd for the better ; for the kings power would revert to the people , from whom it was first derived and conferred upon one of themselves ; and the power would be transferred from him that abused it , to them that were prejudiced and injured by the abuse of it ; than which nothing can be more just ; for there could not well be an umpire in such a case ; who would stand to the judgment of a foreigner ? all mankind would equally be subject to the laws ; there would be no gods of flesh and blood . which kind of deities whoever goes about to set up in the world , they are equally injurious to church and commonwealth . now i must turn your own weapons upon you again . you say , there can be no greater heresie than this , to set up one man in christ's seat . these two are infallible marks of antichrist , infallibility in spirituals , and omnipotence in temporals . apparat. ad prim pag. . do you pretend that kings are infallible ? if you do not , why do you make them omnipotent ? and how comes it to pass that an unlimited power in one man should be accounted less destructive to temporal things , than it is to ecclesiastical ? or do you think that god takes no care at all of civil affairs ? if he takes none himself , i 'm sure he does not forbid us to take care which way they go . if he does take any care about them , certainly he would have the same reformation made in the commonwealth , that he would have made in the church ; especially it being obvious to every mans experience that infallibility and omnipotency being arrogated to one man , are equally mischievous in both . god has not so modelled the government of the world as to make it the duty of any civil community to submit to the cruelties of tyrants , and yet to leave the church at liberty to free themselves from slavery and tyranny ; nay , rather quite contrary , he has put no arms into the churches hand but those of patience and innocence , prayer and ecclesiastical discipline ; but the commonwealth , all the magistracy are by him entrusted with the preservation and execution of the laws , with the power of punishing and revenging ; he has put the sword into their hands . i cannot but smile at this mans preposterous whimsies ; in ecclesiasticks he 's helvidius , thraseas , a perfect tyrannicide . in politicks no man more a lackey and slave to tyrants than he . if his doctrine hold , not we only that have depos'd our king , but the protestants in general , who against the minds of their princes have rejected the pope , are all rebels alike . but i 've confounded him long enough with his own arguments . such is the nature of the beast : lest his adversary should be unprovided , he himself furnishes him with weapons . never did any man give his antagonist greater advantages against himself than he does . they that he has to do withal , will be sooner weary of pursuing him , than he of flying . chap. iv. perhaps you think , salmasius , that you have done enough to ingratiate your self with princes ; that you have deserved well of 'em ; but if they consider their own interest , and take their measures according to what it really is , not according to the false gloss that your flatteries have put upon it , there never was any man in the world that deserv'd so ill of 'em as you , none more destructive and pernicious to them and their interest in the whole world than your self . for by exalting the power of kings above all humane laws , you tell all mankind that are subject to such a government , that they are no better than slaves , and make them but the more desirous of liberty by discovering to them their error , and putting that into their heads that they never so much as dreamt of before , to wit , that they are slaves to their princes . and without doubt such a sort of government will be more irksome and unsuff●rable , by how much the more you perswade the world , that it is not by the allowance and submission of nations , that kings have obtained this exorbitant power , but that it is absolutely essential to such a form of government , and of the nature of the thing it self . so that whether you make the world of your mind , or no , your doctrine must needs be mischievous and destructive , and such as cannot but be abhorred of all princes . for if you should work men into a perswasion that the right of kings is without all bounds , they would no longer be subject to a kingly government ; if you miss of your aim , yet you make men weary of kings , by telling them that they assume such a power to themselves , as of right belonging to them . but if princes will allow of those principles that i assert ; if they will suffer themselves and their own power to be circumscribed by laws , instead of an uncertain , weak and violent government , full of cares and fears , they will reign peaceably , quietly , and securely . if they slight this counsel of mine , though wholsome in its self , because of the meanness of the author , they shall know that it is not my counsel only , but what was anciently advised by one of the wisest of kings . for lycurgus king of lacedemon , when he observed that his own relations that were princes of argos and messana , by endeavouring to introduce an arbitrary government , had ruin'd themselves and their people ; he , that he might benefit his countrey , and secure the succession to his own family , could think upon no better expedient , than to communicate his power to the senate , and taking the great men of the realm into part of the government with himself ; and by this means the crown continued in his family for many ages : but whether it was lycurgus , or , as some learned men are of opinion , theopompus , that introduced that mixt form of government among the lacedemonians , somewhat more than a hundred years after lycurgus his time , ( of whom it is recorded , that he used to boast , that by advancing the power of the senate above that of the prince , he had setled the kingdom upon a sure foundation , and was like to leave it in a lasting and durable condition to his posterity ) ; which of them soever it was , i say , he has left a good example to modern princes ; and was as creditable a councellor , as his counsel was safe : for that all men should submit to any one man , so as to acknowledge a power in him superior to all humane laws , neither did any law ever enact , nor indeed was it possible that any such law should ever be ; for that cannot be said to be a law , that strikes at the root of all laws , and takes them quite away . it being apparent that your positions are inconsistent with the nature of all laws , being such as render them no laws at all . you endeavour notwithstanding , in this fourth chapter , to make good by examples , what you have not yet been able to do by any reasons that you have alledged as yet . let 's consider whether your examples help your cause ; for they many times make things plain , which the laws are either altogether silent in , or do but hint at . we 'll begin first with the jews , whom we suppose to have known most of the mind of god ; and then , according to your own method , we 'll come to the times of christianity . and first , for those times in which the israelites being subject to kings , who , or howsoever they were , did their utmost to cast that flavish yoke from off their necks . eglon the king of moab had made a conquest of them ; the seat of his empire was at jericho ; he was no contemner of the true god ; when his name was mentioned , he rose from his seat : the israelites had served him eighteen years ; they sent a present to him , not as to an enemy , but to their own prince ; notwithstanding which outward veneration and profession of subjection , they kill him by a wile , as an enemy to their countrey . you 'l say perhaps , that ehud , who did that action , had a warrant from god for so doing . he had so , 't is like ; and what greater argument of its being a warrantable and praise-worthy action ? god useth not to put men upon things that are unjust , treacherous and cruel , but upon such things as are virtuous and laudable . but we read no where that there was any positive command from heaven in the case . the israelites called upon god ; so did we : and god stirred up a saviour for them ; so he did for us : eglon of a neighbouring prince became a prince of the jews ; of an enemy to them he became their king : our gentleman , of an english king became an enemy to the english nation ; so that he ceas'd to be a king : those capacities are inconsistent : no man can be a member of a state , and an enemy to it at the same time . antony was never lookt upon by the romans as a consul , nor nero as an emperor , after the senate had voted them both enemies . this cicero tells us in his fourth philippick : if antony be a consul , says he , brutus is an enemy ; but if brutus be a saviour and preserver of the commonwealth , antony is an enemy : none but robbers count him a consul . by the same reason , say i , who but enemies to their countrey look upon a tyrant as a king ? so that eglon's being a foreigner , and king charles a prince of our own , will make no difference in the case ; both being enemies , and both tyrants , they are in the same circumstances . if ehud kill'd him justly , we have done so too in putting our king to death . sampson that renowned champion of the hebrews , tho his countrey-men blam'd him for it , dost thou not know , say they , that the philistines have dominion over us ? yet against those philistines , under whose dominion he was , he himself undertook a war in his own person , without any other help ; and whether he acted in pursuance of a command from heaven , or was prompted by his own valour only ; or whatever inducement soever he had , he did not put to death one , but many that tyranized over his countrey , having first called upon god by prayer , and implored his assistance : so that sampson counted it no act of impiety , but quite contrary , to kill those that enslaved his countrey , ' tho they had dominion over himself too ; and tho the greater part of his countrey-men submitted to their tyranny . but yet david who was both a king and a prophet , would not take away saul's life , because he was god's anointed . does it follow that because david refused to do a thing , therefore we are obliged not to do that very thing ? david was a private person , and would not kill the king ; is that a president for a parliament , for a whole nation ? david would not revenge his own quarrel , by putting his enemy to death by stealth ; does it follow that therefore the magistrates must not punish a malefactor according to law ? he would not kill a king ; must not an assembly of the states therefore punish a tyrant ? he scrupled the killing of god's anointed ; must the people therefore scruple to condemn their own anointed ? especially one that after having so long professed hostility against his own people , had wash'd off that anointing of his , whether sacred or civil , with the blood of his own subjects . i confess that those kings whom god by his prophets anointed to be kings , or appointed to some special service , as he did cyrus , isa . . may not improperly be called the lord 's anointed ; but all other princes , according to the several ways of their coming to the government , are the people 's anointed , or the army's , or many times the anointed of their own faction only . but taking it for granted , that all kings are god's anointed , you can never prove , that therefore they are above all laws , and not to be called in question , what villanies soever they commit . what if david laid a charge upon himself and other private persons not to stretch forth their hands against the lord 's anointed ? does not god himself command princes not so much as to touch his anointed ? which were no other than his people , psal . . he preferred that anointing wherewith his people were anointed , before that of kings , if any such thing were . would any man offer to infer from this place of the psalmist , that believers are not to be called in question , tho they offend against the laws , because god commands princes not to touch his anointed ? king solomon was about to put to death abiathar the priest , tho he were god's anointed too ; and did not spare him because of his anointing , but because he had been his father's friend . if that sacred and civil anointing , wherewith the high-priest of the jews was anointed , whereby he was not only constituted high-priest , but a temporal magistrate in many cases , did not exempt him from the penalty of the laws , how comes a civil anointing only to exempt a tyrant ? but you say , saul was a tyrant , and worthy of death : what then ? it does not follow , that because he deserved it , that david in the circumstances he was then under , had power to put him to death without the people's authority , or the command of the magistracy . but was saul a tyrant ? i wish you would say so ; indeed you do so , though you had said before in your second book , page . that he was no tyrant , but a good king , and chosen of god. why should false accusers , and men guilty of forgery be branded , and you escape without the like ignominious mark ? for they practice their villanies with less treachery and deceit than you write , and treat of matters of the greatest moment . saul was a good king , when it serv'd your turn to have him so , and now he 's a tyrant , because it suits with your present purpose . but 't is no wonder that you make a tyrant of a good king ; for your principles look as if they were invented for no other design , than to make all good kings so . but yet david , tho he would not put to death his father-in-law , for causes and reasons that we have nothing to do withal , yet in his own defence he raised an army , took and possessed cities that belong'd to saul , and would have defended k●ilah against the king's forces , had he not understood that the citizens would be false to him . suppose saul had besieged the town , and himself had been the first that had scal'd the walls ; do you think david would presently have thrown down his arms , and have betray'd all those that assisted him to his anointed enemy ? i believe not . what reason have we to think david would have stuck to do what we have done , who when his occasions and circumstances so required , proffered his assistance to the philistines , who were then the professed enemies of his country , and did that against saul , which i am sure we should never have done against our tyrant . i 'm weary of mentioning your lies , and asham'd of them . you say , t is a maxim of the english , that enemies are rather to be spared than friends ; and that therefore we conceived we ought not to spare our king's life , because he had been our friend . you impudent lyar , what mortal ever heard this whimsy before you invented it ? but we 'll excuse it . you could not bring in that thread-bare flourish , of our being more fierce than our own mastiffs ( which now comes in the fifth time , and will as oft again before we come to the end of your book ) without some such introduction . we are not so much more fierce than our own mastiffs , as you are more hungry than any dog whasoever , who return so greedily to what you have vomitted up so often . then you tell us , that david commanded the amalekite to be put to death , who pretended to havē killed saul . but that instance , neither in respect of the fact , nor the person , has any affinity with what we are discoursing of . i do not well understand what cause david had to be so severe up-upon that man , for pretending to have hastned the king's death , and in effect but to have put him out of his pain , when he was dying ; unless it were to take away from the israelites all suspicion of his own having been instrumental in it , whom they might look upon as one that had revolted to the philistines , and was part of their army . just such another action as this of david's , do all men blame in domitian , who put to death epaphroditus , because he had helped nero to kill himself . after all this , as another instance of your impudence , you call him not only the anointed of the lord , but the lord 's christ , who a little before you had said was a tyrant , and acted by the impulse of some evil spirit . such mean thoughts you have of that reverend name , that you are not asham'd to give it to a tyrant , whom you your self confess to have been possessed with the devil . now i come to that president , from which every man that is not blind must needs infer the right of the people to be superior to that of kings . when solomon was dead , the people assembled themselves at sichem to make rehoboam king. thither himself went , as one that stood for the place , that he might not seem to claim the succession as his inheritance ; the same right over a freeborn people , that every man has over his fathers sheep and oxen. the people propose conditions , upon which they were willing to admit him to the government . he desires three days time to advise ; he consults with the old men ; they tell him no such thing , as that he had an absolute right to succeed , but persuade him to comply with the people , and speak them fair , it being in their power whether he should reign or not . then he adviseth with the young men that were brought up-with him ; they , as if salmasius's phrensy had taken them , thunder this right of kings into his ears ; persuade him to threaten the people with whips and scorpions : and he answered the people as they advised him . when all israel saw that the king hearkned not to them , then they openly protest the right of the people , and their own liberty ; what portion have we in david ? to thy tents , o israel : now look to thine own house , david . when the king sent adoram to them , they stoned him with stones , and perhaps they would not have stuck to have serv'd the king himself so , but he made haste and got out of the way . the next news is of a great army rais'd by rehoboam to reduce the israelites to their allegiance . god forbids him to proceed , go not up , says he , to war against your brethren the children of israel ; for this thing is of me . now consider ; heretofore the people had desired a king ; god was displeased with them for it , but yet permitted them to make a king , according to that right that all nations have to appoint their own governors . now the people reject rehoboam from ruling them ; and this god not only suffers them to do , but forbids rehoboam to make war against them for it , and stops him in his undertaking ; and teaches him withal , that those that had revolted from him , were not rebels in so doing ; but that he ought to look upon them as brethren . now recollect your self : you say that all kings are of god , and that therefore the people ought not to resist them , be they never such tyrants . i answer you , the convention of the people , their votes , their acts , are likewise of god ; and that by the testimony of god himself in this place ; and consequently according to your argument , by the authority of god himself , princes ought not to resist the people . for as certain as it is , that kings are of god ; and whatever argument you may draw from thence to enforce a subjection and obedience to them : so certain is it , that free assemblies of the body of the people , are of god , and that naturally affords the same argument for their right of restraining princes from going beyond their bounds , and rejecting them if there be occasion ; nor is their so doing a justifiable cause of war , any more than the people of israel's rejecting rehoboam was . you ask , why the people did not revolt from solomon ? who but you would ask such an impertinent question ? you see they did revolt from a tyrant , and were neither punished , nor blam'd for it . it is true , solomon fell into some vices , but he was not therefore a tyrant ; he made amends for his vices by many excellent virtues that he was famous for , by many benefits which accrued to the nation of the jews by his government . but admit that he had been a tyrant : many times the circumstances of a nation are such , that the people will not , and many times such , that they cannot depose a tyrant . you see they did it when it was in their power . but , say you , jeroboam's act was ever had in detestation ; 't was looked upon as an unjust revolt from a lawful prince ; he and his succssors were accounted rebels . i confess we find his revolt from the true worship of god often found fault with ; but i no where find him blam'd for revolting from rehoboam ; and his successors are frequently spoken of as wicked princes , but not as rebels . acting contrary to law and right , say you , cannot introduce , or establish a right : i pray , what becomes then of your right of kings ? thus do you perpetually bastle your self . you say , adulteries , murders , thefts are daily committed with impunity . are you not aware , that here you give an answer to your own question , how it comes to pass , that tyrants do so often escape unpunished ? you say , those kings were rebels , and yet the prophets do no where disswade the people from their allegiance . and why do you , ye rascally false prophet , endeavour to persuade the people of england not to yield obedience to their present magistrates , tho in your opinion they are rebels . this english faction of robbers , say you , alledge for themselves , that by some immediate voice from heaven , they were put upon their bloody enterprize . it is notoriously evident , that you were distracted when you wrote these lines ; for as you have put the words together , they are neither latin , nor sense . and that the english pretend to any such warrant , as a justification of their actions , is one of those many lies and fictions that your book is full of . but i proceed to urge you with examples . libna , a great city revolted from jorom , because he had forsaken god ; 't was the king therefore that was guilty , not the city , nor is the city blam'd for it . he that considers the reason that 's given why that city rejected his government , must conclude that the holy ghost rather approves of what they did , then condemns them for it . these kind of revolts are no presidents , say you . but why were you then so vain , as to promise in the beginning of this chapter , that you would argu● from examples , whereas all the examples that you alledg , are mere negatives , which prove nothing ; and when we urge examples that are solid and positive , you say they are no presidents : who would endure such a way of arguing ? you challenged us at presidents ; we produced them ; and what do you do ? you hang back , and get out of the way . i proceed : jebu at the command of a prophet , slew a king ; nay , he ordered the death of ahaziah , his own liege prince . if god would not have tyrants put to death by their own subjects , if it were a wicked thing so to do , a thing of a bad example ; why did god himself command it ? if he commanded it , it was a lawful , commendable , and a praise-worthy action . it was not therefore lawful to kill a tyrant , because god commanded it , but god commanded it , because antecedently to his command , it was a justifiable , and a lawful action . again , jehoiada the high priest did not scruple to depose athaliah , and kill her , tho she had been seven years in actual possession of the crown . but , say you , she took upon her the government when she had no right to it . and did not you say your self , but a while ago , that tiberius assumed the soveraignty when it belonged not at all to him . and yet you then affirm'd , that according to our saviour's doctrine , we ought to yield obedience to such tyrants as he was ; 'twere a most ridiculous thing to imagine , that a prince , who gets in by usurpation , may lawfully be deposed ; but one that rules tyrannically may not . but , say you , athaliah could not possibly reign according to the law of the jewish kingdom , thou shalt set over thee a king , says god almighty ; he does not say , thou shalt set over thee a queen . if this argument have any weight , i may as well say , the command of god was , that the people should set over themselves a king , not a tyrant . so that i 'm even with you . amazias was a slothful , idolatrous prince , and was put to death , not by a few conspirators ; but rather , it should seem , by the the nobility , and by the body of the people . for he fled from jerusalem , had none to stand by him , and they pursued him to lachish : they took counsel against him , says the history , because he had forsaken god : and we do not find that azarias his son prosecuted those that had cut off his father . you quote a great many frivolous passages out of the rabbins to prove , that the kings of the jews were superior to the sanhedrim . you do not consider zedekia's own words , jerem. . the king is not he that can do any thing against you . so that this was the princes own stile . thus he confessed himself inferior to the great council of the realm . perhaps , say you , he meant that he durst not deny them any thing for fear of sedition . but what does your perhaps signify , whose most positive asserting any thing is not worth a louse ? for nothing in nature can be more fickle and inconstant than you are . how oft have you appear'd in this discourse inconsistent with your self ; unsaying with one breath what you had said with another ? here , again , you make comparisons betwixt king charles , and some of the good kings of judah . you speak contemptibly of david , as if he were not worthy to come in competition with him . consider david , say you , an adulterer , a murderer ; king charles was guilty of no such crimes . solomon his son , who was accounted wise , &c. who can with patience hear this filthy , rascally fool , speak so irreverently of persons eminent both in greatness and piety ? dare you compare king david with king charles ; a most religious king and prophet , with a superstitious prince , and who was but a novice in the christian religion ; a most prudent , wise prince with a weak one ; a valiant prince with a cowardly one ; finally , a most just prince with a most unjust one ? have you the impudence to commend his chastity and sobriety , who is known to have committed all manner of leudness in company with his confident the duke of buckingham ? it were to no purpose to enquire into the private actions of his life , who publickly at plays would embrace and kiss the ladies lasciviously , and handle virgins and matrons breasts , not to mention the rest ? i advise you therefore , you counterfeit plutarch , to abstain from such like parallels , lest i be forced to publish those things concerning king charles , which i am willing to conceal . hitherto we have entertain'd our selves with what the people of the jews have acted or attempted against tyrants , and by what right they did it in those times , when god himself did immediately , as it were , by his voice from heaven govern their commonwealth . the ages that succeeded , do not afford us any authority , as from themselves , but confirm us in our opinion by their imitating the actions of their fore-fathers . for after the babylonish captivity , when god did not give any new command concerning the crown , tho the royal line was not extinct , we find the people returning to the old mosaical form of government again . they were one while tributaries to antiochus , king of syria ; yet when he injoyn'd them things that were contrary to the law of god , they resisted him , and his deputies , under the conduct of their priests , the maccabees , and by force regain'd their former liberty . after that , whoever was accounted most worthy of it , had the principality conferr'd upon him . till at last , hircanus the son of simon , the brother of judah , the maccabee , having spoiled david's sepulchre , entertain'd foreign soldiers , and began to invest the priesthood with a kind of regal power . after whose time his son aristobulus was the first that assum'd the crown ; he was a tyrant indeed , and yet the people stirred not against him , which is no great wonder , for he reigned but one year . and he himself being overtaken with a grievous disease , and repenting of his own cruelty and wickedness , desired nothing more than to dye , and had his wish . his brother alexander succeeded him ; and against him , you say , the people raised no insurrection . tho he were a tyrant too . and this lie might have gone down with us , if josepbus's history had not been extant . we should then have had no memory of those times , but what your josippus would afford us , out of whom you transcribe a few senseless and useless apothegms of the pharisees . the history is thus ; alexander administred the publick affairs ill both in war and peace ; and tho he kept in pay great numbers of pisidians and cilicians , yet could he not protect himself from the rage of the people ; but whilest he was sacrificing they fell upon him , and had almost smother'd him with boughs of palm-trees and citron-trees ; afterward the whole nation made war upon him six years , during which time , when many thousands of the jews had been slain , and he himself being at length desirous of peace , demanded of them , what they would have him do to satisfy them ; they told him nothing could do that but his blood ; nay , that they should hardly pardon him after his death . this history you per●… was not for your purpose , and so you put it 〈◊〉 with a few ●harisaical sentences ; when it had been much better , either to have let it quite alone , 〈◊〉 to have given a true relation of it ; but you trust to ●ies more than to the truth of your cause . even 〈◊〉 eight hundred pharisees , whom he commanded to be crucisied , were of their number that had taken up arms against him . and they with the rest of the people had solemnly protested , that if they could subdue the kings forces , and get his person into their power , they would put him to death . after the death of alexander , his wife alexandra took the government upon her , as athalia had formerly done , not according to law , for you have confessed , that the laws of the jews admitted not a female to wear the crown ; but she got it partly by force , for she maintain'd an army of foreigners ; and partly by favour , for she had brought over the pharisees , to her interest , which sort of men were of the greaten authority with the people . them she had made her own , by putting the power into their hands , and retaining to her self only the name . 〈◊〉 as the scotch presbyterians lately allowed cha●… the name of king , but upon condition , that 〈◊〉 would let them be king in effect . after the 〈◊〉 of alexandra , hyrcanus and aristobulus , her sons , contended for the sovereignty : aristobulus was 〈◊〉 industrious , and having a greater party , forced his elder brother out of the kingdom . a while after , when pompey passed through syria , in his return from the mithridatick war ; the jews , supposing they had now an opportunity of regaining their liberty , by referring their cause to him , dispatcht an embassy to him in their own names : they renounce both the brothers ; complain that they had enslaved them . pompey deposed aristobulus , leaves the priesthood , and such a principality as the laws allowed , to hyrcanus the elder . from that time forward , he was called high priest , and ethnarcha . after these times in the reign of archelaus , the son of herod , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fifty ambassadors to augustus caesar , accused 〈◊〉 that was dead , and archelaus his son , that then reigned ; they deposed him as much as in them lay , and petition'd the emperor , that the people of the jews might be govern'd without a king. caesar was moved at their entreaty , and did not appoint a king over them , but a governour , whom they called an ethnarch . when that governor had presided ten years over judea , the people sent ambassadors again to rome , and accused him of tyranny . caesar heard them graciously ; sent for the governour , condemn'd him to perpetual exile , and banished him to vienna . answer me now , that people that accused their own princes , that desir'd their condemnation , that desir'd their punishment , would not they themselves , rather , if it had been in their power , and that they might have had their choice ; would not they , i say , rather have put them to death themselves ? you do not deny , but that the people , and the nobles often took up arms against the roman deputies , when by their avarice , or their cruelty , their government was burdensome and oppressive . but you give a ridiculous reason for this , as all the rest of yours are . you say , they were not yet accustomed to the yoak ; very like they were not , under alexander , herod , and his son. but , say you , they would not raise war against caius caesar , nor petronius . i confess they did not , and they did very prudently in abstaining , for they were not able . will you hear their own words upon that occasion ? we will not make war , say they , because we cannot . that thing which they themselves acknowledge , they refrain'd from for want of ability ; you , false hypocrite , pretend they abstain'd from out of religion . then with a great deal of toil you do just nothing at all ; for you endeavour to prove out of the fathers ( tho you had done it as superficially before ) that kings are to be prayed for . that good kings are to be pray'd for , no man denies ; nay , and bad ones too , as long as there are any hopes of them ; so we ought to pray for highway-men , and for our enemies . but how ? not that they may plunder , spoil and murder us ; but that they may repent . we pray both for thieves and enemies ; and yet whoever dreamt but that it was lawful to put the laws in execution against one , and to fight against the other ? i value not the egyptian liturgy that you quote ; but the priest that you mention , who prayed that commodus might succeed his father in the empire , did not pray for any thing in my opinion , but imprecated all the mischiefs imaginable to the roman state. you say , that we have broken our faith , which we engaged more than once in solemn assemblies to preserve the authority and majesty of the king. but because hereafter you are more large upon that subject , i shall pass it by in this place ; and talk with you when you come to it again . you return then to the fathers ; concerning whom take this in short . whatever they say , which is not warranted by the authority of the scriptures , or by good reason , shall be of no more regard with me , than if any other ordinary man had said it . the first that you quote is tertullian , who is no orthodox writer , notorious for many errors , whose authority , if he were of your opinion , would stand you in no stead . but what says he ? he condemns tumults and rebellions . so do we . but in saying so , we do not mean to destroy all the peoples rights and priviledges , all the authority of senates , the power of all magistrates , the king only excepted , the fathers decla●m against seditions rashly raised , by the giddy heat of the multitude ; they speak not of the inferior magistrates , of senates , of parliaments encouraging the people to a lawful opposing of a tyrant . hence ambrose whom you quote , not to resist , says he , but to weep and to ●igh , these are the bulwarks of the priesthood ; what one is there of our little number who dares say to the emperor , i do not like your laws ? this is not allowed the priests , and shall lay-men pretend to it ? 't is evident of what sort of persons he speaks , viz. of the priests , and such of the people as are private men , 〈◊〉 of the magistrates . you see by how weak and pre 〈◊〉 a reason he lighted a torch as it were to the distentions that were afterwards to arise betwixt the l●ity and the clergy concerning even civil , i.e. temporal laws . but because you think you press hardest upon us with the examples of the primitive christians ; who though they were harassed as much as a people could be , yet , you say , they never took up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the emperour : i will make it appear , in the first place , that for the most part they could 〈◊〉 ●…ondly , that whenever they could , they did : and thirdly , that whether they did or did not , they 〈◊〉 such a sort of people as that their example de●… 〈◊〉 to have little sway with us . first therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be ignorant of this , that when the com 〈◊〉 of rome expired , the whole and soverign● power in the empire was setled in the empe 〈◊〉 that all the soldier were under his pay ; in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if the whole body of the senate , the e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all the common people had endea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a change , they might have made way for a 〈◊〉 of themselves , but could not in any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then lost liberty ; for the empire would 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉 , though they might per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so lucky as to have kill'd the emperour . this being 〈◊〉 what could the christians do ? 't is true there were a great many of them ; but they were dispersed , they were generally persons of mean quality , and but of small interest in the world . how many of them would one legion have been able to keep in awe ? could so inconsiderable a body of men as they were in those days , ever expect to accomplish an enterprize that many famous generals , and whole armies of tried soldiers had lost their lives in attempting ? when about three hundred years after our saviour's nativity , which was near upon twenty years before the reign of constantine the great , when di●clesian was emperour , there was but one christian legion in the whole roman empire ; which legion for no other reason than because it consisted of christians , was slain by the ●est of the army at a town in france called octodurum . the christians , say you , conspir'd not with cassius , with albinus , with niger ; and does tertullian think they merited by not being willing to lose their lives in the quarrels of inndels ? 't is evident therefore that the christians could not free themselves from the yoke of the roman emperours ; and it could be no ways advantagious to their interest to conspire with infidels , as long as heathen emperors reign'd . but that afterwards the christians made war upon tyrants , and defended themselves by force of arms when there was occasion , and many times revenged upon tyrants their enormities , i am now about to make appear . in the first place , constantite being a christian , made war upon lacinius , and cut him o●● , who was his partner in the soveraign power , because he molested the eastern christians ; by which act of his he declared thus much at least that , one magistrate might punish another ; for he for his subjects take punished ●icinius , who to all intents was as abso 〈◊〉 in the empire as himself , and did not leave the vengeance to god alone : licinius might have done the same to constantine , if there had been the like occasion . so then , if the matter be not wholly reserved to gods own tribunal , but that men have something to do in the case , why did not the parliament of england stand in the same relation to king charles , that constantine did to licinius ? the soldiers made constantine what he was . but our laws have made our parliaments equal , nay , superior to our kings . the inhabitants of constantinople resisted constantius an arrian emperour , by force of arms , as long as they were able ; they opposed hermogenes whom he had sent with a military power to depose paul an orthodox bishop ; the house whither he had betaken himself for security , they fired about his ears , and at last killed him right out . constans threatned to make war upon his brother constantius , unless he would restore paul and athanasius to their bishopricks . you see those holy fathers , when their bishopricks were in danger , were not ashamed to stir up their prince's own brother to make war upon him . not long after , the christian soldiers , who then made whom they would emperors , put to death constans the son of constantinus , because he behaved himself dissolutely and proudly in the government , and translated the empire to magnentius . nay , those very persons that saluted julian by the name of emperour , against constantius his will , who was actually in possession of the empire , ( for julian was not then an apostate , but a vertuous and valiant person ) are they not amongst the number of those primitive christians , whose example you propose to us for our imitation ? which action of theirs , when constantius by his letters to the people very sharply and earnestly forbad , ( which letters were openly read to them ) they all cried out unanimously , that themselves had but done what the provincial magistrates , the army , and the authority of the commonwealth had decreed . the same persons declared war against constantius , and contributed as much as in them lay , to deprive him both of his government and his life . how did the inhabitants of antioch behave themselves , who were none of the worst sort of christians ? i 'le warrant you they prayed for julian , after he became an apostate , whom they used to rail at in his own presence , and scoffing at his long beard , bid him make ropes of it : upon the news of whose death they gave publick thanksgivings , made feasts , and gave other publick demonstrations of joy ; do you think they used when he was alive to pray for the continuance of his life and health ? nay , is it not reported , that a christian soldier in his own army was the author of his death ? sozomen , a writer of the ecclesiastical history , does not deny it but commends him that did it , if the fact were so ; for it is no wonder , says he , that some of his own soldiers might think within himself , that not only the greeks , but all mankind hitherto had agreed that it was a commendable action to kill a tyrant ; and that they deserve all mens praise , who are willing to die themselves to procure the liberty of all others ; so that that soldier ought not rashly to be condemned , who in the cause of god and of religion , was so zealous and valiant . these are the words of sozomen , a good and religious man of that age ; by which we may easily apprehend what the general opinion of pious men in those days was upon this point . ambrose himself being commanded by the emperour valentinian the younger , to depart from milan , refused to obey him , but defended himself and the palace by force of arms against the emperour's officers , and took upon him contrary to his own doctrine , to resist the higher powers . there was a great sedition raised at constantinople against the emperour areadius , more than once , by reason of chrysostom's exile . hitherto i have shewn how the primitive christians behaved themselves towards tyrants ; how not only the christian soldiers , and the people , but the fathers of the church , themselves have both made war upon them , and opposed them with force , and all this before st. austin's time ; for you your self are pleased to go down no lower ; and therefore i make no mention of valentinian the son of placidia , who was slain by maximus a senator , for committing adultery with his wife ; nor do i mention avitus the emperour , whom , because he disbanded the soldiers , and betook himself wholly to a luxurious life , the roman senate immediately deposed ; because these things came to pass some years after st. austin's death : but all this i give you : suppose i had not mentioned the practice of the primitive christians ; suppose they never had stirred in opposition to tyrants ; suppose they had accounted it unlawful so do ; i will make it appear that they were not such persons , as that we ought to ●ely upon their authority , or can safely follow their example . long before constantine's time the generality of christians had lost much of the primitive sanctity and integity both of their doctrine and manners . afterwards , when he had vastly enriched the church , they began to fall in love with honour and civil power and then the christian religion went to wrack . first luxury and sloth , and then a great drove of herches and immoralities broke loose among them ; and these begot envy , hatred and discord ; which abounded every where : at last , they that were linked together into one brotherhood by that holy band of religion , were as much at variance and strife amongst themselves , as the most bitter enemies in the world could be : no reverence for , no consideration of their duty was left amongst them ; the soldiers and commanders of the army , as oft as they pleased themselves , created new emperors , and sometimes killed good ones as well as bad . i need not mention such as verannio , alaximus , eugenius , whom the soldiers all on a sudden advanced and made them emperors ; nor gratian , an excellent prince ; nor valentinian the younger , who was none of the worst , and yet were put to death by them . it is true , these things were acted by the soldiers , and soldiers in the field ; but those soldiers were christians , and lived in that age which you call evangelical , and whose example you propose to us for our imitation now you shall hear how the clergy managed themselves : pastors and bishops , and sometimes those very fathers whom we admire and extol to so high a degree , every one of whom was a leader of their several flocks ; those very men , i say , fought for their bishopricks , as tyrants did for their soveraignty ; sometimes throughout the city , sometimes in the very churches , sometimes at the altar , clergy-men and lay-men fought promiscuously ; they slew one another , and great slaughters were made on both sides . you may remember damasus and vrsicinus , who were contemporaries with ambrose . it would be too long to relate the tumultuary insurrections of the inhabitants of constantinople , antiach , and alexandria , especially those under the conduct and management of cyrillus , whom you extol as a preacher up of obedience ; when the monks in that fight within the city , had almost slain orestes , theodosius's deputy . now who can sufficiently wonder at your impudence , or carelessness and neglect . till st. austin's time , say you , and lower down than the age that he lived in , there is not any mention extant in history , of any private person , of any commander , or of any number of conspirators , that have put their prince to death , or taken up arms against him . i have named to you out of known and approved histories , both private persons and magistrates , that with their own hands have slain not only bad , but very good princes : whole armies of christians , many bishops amongst them , that have fought against their own emperors . you produce some of the fathers , that with a great flourish of words , persuade or boast of obedience to princes : and i , on the other side , produce both those same fathers , and others besides them , that by their actions , have declined obedience to their princes , even in lawful things , have defended themselves with a military force against them ; others that have opposed forcibly , and wounded their deputies ; others that being competitors for bishopricks , have maintained civil wars against one another : as if it were lawful for christians to wage war with christians for a bishoprick ; and citizens with citizens ; but unlawful to fight against a tyrant , in defence of our liberty , of our wives and children , and of our lives themselves . who would own such fathers as these ? you produce st. austin , who you say , asserts that the power of a master over his servants , and a prince over his subjects , is one and the same thing : but i answer ; if st. austin assert any such thing , he asserts what neither our saviour , nor any of his apostles , ever asserted ; tho for the confirmation of that assertion , than which nothing can be more false , he pretends to rely wholly upon their authority . the three or four last pages of this fourth chapter , are stuffed with meer lies , or things carelessly and loosely put together , that are little to the purpose : and that every one that reads them , will discover by what has been said already . for what concerns the pope , against whom you declaim so loudly , i am content you should bawl at him , till you are hoarse . but whereas you endeavour to persuade the ignorant , that all that called themselves christians , yielded an entire obedience to princes , whether good or bad , till the papal power grew to that height , that it was acknowledged superior to that of the civil magistrate , and till he took upon him to absolve subjects from their allegiance : i have sufficiently proved by many examples before and since the age that st. augustin lived in , that nothing can be more false . neither does that seem to have much more truth in it which you say in the last place ; viz. that pope zachary absolved the french-men from their oath of allegiance to their king. for francis hottoman , who was both a french-man and a lawyer , and a very learned man , in the th chapter of his francogallia , denies that either chilperic was deposed , or the kingdom translated to pepin , by the pope's authority ; and he proves out of very ancient chronicles of that nation , that the whole affair was transacted in the great council of the kingdom , according to the original censtitution of that government : which being once done , the french histories , and pope zachary himself , deny that there was any necessity of absolving his subjects from their allegiance . for not only hottoman , but guicciard , a very eminent historian of that nation , informs us , that the ancient records of the kingdom of france testifie , that the subjects of that nation , upon the first institution of kingship amongst them , reserved a power to themselves , both of chusing their princes , and of deposing them again , if they thought fit : and that the oath of allegiance which they took , was upon this express condition ; to wit , that the king should likewise perform what at his coronation he swore to do . so that if kings by mis-governing the people committed to their charge , first broke their own oath to their subjects , there needs no pope to dispense with the people's oaths ; the kings themselves by their own perfidiousness having absolved their subjects : and finally , pope zachary himself in a letter of his to the french , which you your self quote , renounces , and ascribes to the people , that authority which you say he assumes to himself : for if a prince be accountable to the people , being beholden to them for his royalty ; if the people , since they make kings , have the same right to depose them , as the very words of that pope are , it is not likely that the french men would by any oath depart in the least from that ancient right , or ever tye up their own hands , so as not to have the same right that their ancestors always had to depose bad princes , as well as to honour and obey good ones ; nor is it likely that they thought themselves obliged to yield that obedience to tyrants , which they swore to yield only to good princes . a people obliged to obedience by such an oath , is discharged of that obligation , when a lawful prince becomes a tyrant , or gives himself over to sloth and veluptuousness ; the rule of justice , the very law of nature dispenseth with such a people's allegiance . so that even by the pope's own opinion , the people were under no obligation to yield obedience to chilperic , and consequently had no need of a dispensation . chap. v. tho i am of opinion , salmasius , and always was , that the law of god does exactly agree with the law of nature ; so that having shown what the law of god is , with respect to princes , and what the practice has been of the people of god , both jews and christians , i have at the same time , and by the same discourse , made to appear what is most agreeable to the law of nature ; yet because you pretend to confute us most powerfully by the law of nature , i will be content to admit that to be necessary , which before i had thought would be superfluous ; that in this chapter i may demonstrate , that nothing is more suitable to the law of nature , than that punishment be inflicted upon tyrants . which if i do not evince , i will then agree with you , that likewise by the law of god they are exempt . i do not purpose to frame a long discourse of nature in general , and the original of civil societies ; that argument has been largely handled by many learned men , both greek and latin ; but i shall endeavour to be as short as may be ; and my design is not so much to confute you my self , who would willingly have spared this pains ; as to show that you confute your self , and destroy your own positions . i 'll begin with that first position which you lay down as a fundamental , and that shall be the groundwork of my ensuing discourse . the law of nature , say you , is a principle imprinted on all mens minds , to regard the good of all mankind , considering men as united together in societies . but this innate principle cannot procure that common good , unless , as there are people that must be governed , so that very principle ascertain who shall govern them . to wit , lest the stronger oppress the weaker , and those persons , who for their mutual safety and protection have united themselves together , should be disunited and divided by injury and violence , and reduced to a bestial savage life again . this i suppose is what you mean. out of the number of those that united into one body , you say , there must needs have been same chosen , who excelled the rest in wisdom and valour ; that they either by force , or by persuasion , might restrain those that were refractory , and keep them within due bounds ; sometimes it would so fall out that one single person , whose conduct and valour was extraordinary , might be able to do this , and sometimes more assisted one another with their advice and counsel . but since it is impossible that any one manshould order all things himself , there was a necessity of his consulting with others , and taking some into part of the government with himself . so that whether a single person reign , or whether the supreme power reside in the body of the people , since it is impossible that all should administer the affairs of the common-wealth , or that one man should do all , the government does always lye upon the shoulders of many . and afterwards you say , both forms of government , whether by many or a few , or by a single person , are equally according to the law of nature ; for both proceed from the same principle of nature , viz. that it is impossible for any single person so to govern alone , as not to admit others into a share of the government with himself . tho i might have taken all this out of the third book of aristotle's politicks , i chose rather to transcribe it out of your own book ; for you stole it from him , as prometheus did fire from jupiter , to the ruin of monarchy , and overthrow of your self , and your own opinion . for enquire as diligently as you can for your life , into the law of nature , as you have described it , you will not find the least footstep in it of kingly power , as you explain it . the law of nature , say you , in ordering who should govern others , respected the universal good of all mankind . it did not then regard the private good of any particular person , not of a prince ; so that the king is for the people , and consequently the people superior to him ; which being allowed , it is impossible that princes should have any right to oppress or enslave the people ; that the inferior should have right to tyrannize over the superior . so that since kings cannot pretend to any right to do mischief , the right of the people must be acknowledged according to the law of nature to be superior to that of princes ; so that by the same right , that before king hip was known , men united their strength and counsels for their mutual safety and defence , by the same right , that for the preservation of all mens liberty , peace , and safety , they appointed one or more to govern the rest ; by the same right they may depose those very persons , whom for their valour or wisdom they advanced to the government , or any others that rule disorderly , if they find them by reason of their slothfulness , folly , or impiety , unfit for government ; since nature does not regard the good of one , or of a few , but of all in general . for what sort of persons were they whom you suppose to have been chosen ? you say they were such as excelled in courage and conduct ; to wit , such as by nature seemed fittest for government ; who by reason of their excellent wisdom and valour , were enabled to undertake so great a charge . the consequence of this i take to be , that right of succession is not by the law of nature ; that no man by the law of nature has right to be king , unless he excel all others in wisdom and courage ; that all such as reign , and want these qualifications , are advanced to the government by force or faction ; have no right by the law of nature to be what they are , but ought rather to be slaves than princes . for nature appoints that wise men should govern fools , not that wicked men should rule over good men ; fools over wise men : and consequently , they that take the government out of such mens hands , act according to the law of nature . to what end nature directs wise men should bear the rule , you shall hear in your own words , viz. that by force or by persuasion , they may keep such as are unruly , within due bounds . but how should he keep others within the bounds of their duty , that neglects , or is ignorant of , or wilfully acts contrary to his own ? alledg now , if you can , any dictate of nature , by which we are enjoyned to neglect the wise institutions of the law of nature , and have no regard to them in civil and publick concerns , when we see what great and admirable things nature her self effects in things that are inanimate and void of sense , rather than lose her end . produce any rule of nature , or natural justice , by which inferior criminals ought to be punished , but kings and princes to go unpunished ; and not only so , but tho guilty of the greatest crimes imaginable , be had in reverence , and almost adored . you agree , that all forms of government , whether by many , or a few , or by a single person , are equally agreeable to the law of nature . so that the person of a king is not by the law of nature more sacred than a senate of nobles , or magistrates , chosen from amongst the common people , who you grant may be punished , and ought to be , if they offend ; and consequently , kings ought to be so too , who are appointed to rule for the very same end and purpose that other magistrates are . for , say you , nature does not allow any single person to bear rule so entirely , as not to have partners in the government . it does not therefore allow of a monarch ; it does not allow one single person to rule so , as that all others should be in a slavish subjection to his commands only . you that give princes such partners in the government , as in whom , to use your own words , the government always resides , do at the same time make others colleagues with them , and equal to them ; nay , and consequently you settle a power in those colleagues of punishing , and of deposing them . so that while you your self go about , not to extol a kingly government , but to establish it by the law of nature , you destroy it ; no greater misfortune could befall soveraign princes , than to have such an advocate as you are . poor , unhappy wretch ! what blindness of mind has seiz'd you , that you should unwittingly take so much pains to discover your knavery and folly , and make it visible to the world , which before you conceal'd , in some measure and disguis'd ; that you should be so industrious to heap disgrace and ignominy upon your self . what offence does heaven punish you for , in making you appear in publick , and undertake the defence of a desperate cause , with so much impudence and childishness , and instead of defending it , to betray it by your ignorance ? what enemy of yours would desire to see you in a more forlorn , despicable condition than you are , who have no refuge left from the depth of misery , but in your own imprudence and want of sense , since by your unskilful and silly defence , you have rendred tyrants the more odious and detestable , by ascribing to them an unbounded liberty of doing mischief with impunity ; and consequently have created them more enemies than they had before ? but i return to your contradictions . when you had resolved with your self to be so wicked as to endeavour to find out a foundation for tyranny in the law of nature , you saw a necessity of extolling a monarchy above other sorts of government ; which you cannot go about to do , without doing as you use to do , that is contradicting your self . for having said but a little before , that all forms of government , whether by more or fewer , or by a single person , are equally according to the law of nature , now you tell us , that of all th●se sorts of government , that of a single person is most natural . nay , though you had said in express terms but lately , that the law of nature does not allow that any government should reside entirely in one man. now upbraid whom you will with the putting of tyrants to death ; since you your self by your own folly , have ●ut the throats of all monarchs , nay even of monarchy it self . but it is not to the purpose for us here to dispute which form of government is best , by one single person , or by many . i confess many eminent and famous men have extolled a monarchy ; but it has always been upon this supposition , that the prince were a very excellent person , and one that of all others deserved best to reign , without which supposition , no form of government can be so prone to tyranny as monarchy is . and whereas you resemble a monarchy to the government of the world , by one divine being . i pray answer me , whether you think that any other can deserve to be invested with a power here on earth , that shall resemble his power that governs the world , than such a person as doth infinitely excel all other men , and both for wisdom and goodness in some measure resemble the deity ? and such a person in my opinion , none can be but the son of god himself . and whereas you make a kingdom to be a kind of a family , and make a comparison betwixt a prince and a master of a family ; observe how lame the parallel is . for a master of a family begot part of his houshold , at least he feeds all those that are of his house ; and upon that account deserves to have the government ; but the reason holds not in the case of a prince ; nay 't is quite contrary . in the next place , you propose to us for our imitation the example of inferiour creatures , especially of birds , and amongst them of bees , which according to your skill in natural philosophy , are a sort of birds too ; the bees have a king over them . the bees of trent you mean ; do'nt you remember ? all other bees , you your self confess to be ●…wealths . but leave off playing the fool with bees ; they 〈◊〉 to the muses , and hate , and ( you see ) confute ●…etle as you are the quails are under a captain lay 〈◊〉 snares for your own bitterns ; you are not fowler good enough to catch us . now you begin to be personally concerned . galius gallinaceus , a cock say you , has both cocks and hens under him . how can that be , since you your self that are gallus , and but too much gallinaceus , by report , cannot govern your own single hen , but let her govern you : so that if a gallinaceus bee a king over many hens . you that are a slave to one , must own your self not to be so good as a gallinaceus , but some ster●orarius gallus , dunghill-cock or other . for matter of books , there is no body publishes huger dunghills than you , and you disturb all people with your shitten cock-crow ; that 's the only property in which you resemble a true cock. i 'le throw you a great many barley-corns , if in ransacking this dunghill book of yours , you can show me but one jewel ; but why should i promise you barley , that never p●●kt at corn , as that honest plain cock that we read of in aesop , but at gold , as that roguey cock in plautus ; though with a different event ; for you found a hundred jacobusses , and he was struck dead with euclio's club , which you deserve more than he did . but let us go on : that same natural reason that designs the good and safely of all mankind , requires , that whoever is once promoted to the s●…ignty , be preserved in the possession of it . whoever question'd this , as long as his preservation is consistent with the safety of all the rest ? but is it not obvious to all men that nothing can be more contrary to natural reason than that any one man should be preserved and defended to the utter ruin and destruction of all others ? but yet ( you say ) it is better to keep and defend a bad prince , nay one of the worst that ever was , than to change him for another ; because his ill government cannot do the commonwealth so much harm as the disturbances will occasion , which must of necessity be raised before the people can get rid of him . but what is this to the right of kings by the law of nature ? if nature teacheth me rather to suffer my self to be robbed by high-way men rather ; if i should be taken captive by such , to purchase my liberty with all my estate , than to fight with them for my life , can you infer from th●… that they have a natural right to rob and spoil me ? nature teacheth men to give way sometimes to the violence and outrages of tyrants , the necessity of affairs sometimes enforceth a toleration with their enormities ; what foundation can you find in this forced patience of a nation , in this compulsory submission , to build a right upon , for princes to tyrannize by the law of nature ? that right which nature has given the people for their own preservation , can you affirm that she has invested tyrants with for the people's ruin and destruction ? nature teacheth us , of two evils to chuse the least ; and to bear with oppression , as long as there is a necessity of so doing ; and will you infer from hence , that tyrants have some right by the law of nature to oppress their subjects , and go unpunished , because as circumstances may fall out , it may sometimes be a less mischief to bear with them than to remove them ? remember what your self once wrote concerning bishops against a jesuit ; you were then of another opinion than you are now : i have quoted your words formerly ; you there affirm that seditious civil dissentions and discords of the nobles and common people against and amongst one another , are much more tolerable , and less mischievous than certain misery and destruction under the government of a single person , that plays the tyrant . and you said very true . for you had not then run mad ; you had not then been bribed with charles his jacobusses . you had not got the king's-evil . i should tell you perhaps , if i did not know you , that you might be ashamed thus to prevaricate . but you can sooner burst than blush , who have cast off all shame for a little profit . did you not remember , that the commonwealth of the people of rome flourished and became glorious when they had banished their kings ? could you possibly forget that of the low-countries ? which after it had shook off the yoke of the king of spain , after long and tedious wars , but crown'd with success , obtained its liberty , and feeds such a pitiful grammarian as your self with a pension ; not that their youth might be so infatuated by your sophistry as to chuse rather to return to their former slavery than inherit the glorious liberty which their ancestors purchased for them . may those pernicious principles of yours be banished with your self into the most remote and barbarous corners of the world. and last of all , the commonwealth of england might have afforded you an example , in which charles , who had been their king , after he had been taken captive in war , and was found incurable , was put to death . but they have defaced and impoverished the island with civil broils and discords , which under its kings was happy , and swam in luxury . yea , when it was almost buried in luxury and voluptuousness , and the more inured thereto , that it might be enthralled the more easily ; when its laws were abolished , and its religion agreed to be sold , they delivered it from slavery . you are like him that published simplicius in the same volume with epictetus , a very grave stoick , who call an island happy , because it swims in luxury . i 'm sure no such doctrine ever came out of zeno's school . but why should not you , who would give kings a power of doing what they list , have liberty your self to broach what new philosophy you please ? now begin again to act your part . there never was in any king's reign so much blood spilt , so many families ruined . all this is to be imputed to charles , not to us , who first raised an army of irishmen against us ; who by his own warrant authorized the irish nation to conspire against the english ; who by their means slew two hundred thousand of his english subjects in the province of u●… , besides what numbers were s●ain in other parts of that kingdom ; who sollicited two armies towards the destruction of the parliament of england , and the city of london ; and did many other actions of hostility before the parliament and people had listed one soldier for the preservation and defence of the government . what principles , what law , what religion ever taught men rather to consult their ease , to save their money , their blood , nay their lives themselves , than to oppose an enemy with force ? for i make no difference betwixt a foreign enemy , and another , since both are equally dangerous and destructive to the good of the whole nation . the people of israel saw very well , that they could not possibly punish the benjamites forspan● murthering the levite's wife , without the loss of many men's lives : and did that induce them to sit still ? was that accounted a sufficient argument why they should abstain from war , from a very bloody , civil war ? did they therefore suffer the death of one poor woman to be unrevenged ? certainly if nature teacheth us rather to endure the government of a king , though he be never so bad , than to endanger the lives of a great many men in the recovery of our liberty ; it must teach us likewise not only to endure a kingly government , which is the only one that you argue ought to be submitted to , but an aristocracy and a democracy : nay , and sometimes it will persuade us , to submit to a multitude of highway-men , and to slaves that mutiny . fulvius and rupilius , if your principles had been received in their days , must not have engaged in the servile war ( as their writers call it ) after the praetorian armies were slain : crassus must not have marched against spartacus , after the rebels had destroyed one roman army , and spoil'd their tents : nor must ●●mp●y have undertaken the piratick war. but the state of rome must have pursued the dictates of nature , and must have submitted to their own slaves , or to the pyrates , rather than run the hazard of losing some mens lives . you do not prove at all , that nature has imprinted any such notion as this of yours on the minds of men : and yet you cannot forbear boding us ill luck , and denouncing the wrath of god against us , ( which may heaven divert and inflict it upon your self , and all such prognosticators as you ) who have punished as he deserved , one that had the name of our king , but was in fact our implacable enemy ; and we have made atonement for the death of so many of our countreymen , as our civil wars have occasion'd , by shedding his blood , that was the author and cause of them . then you tell us , that a kingly government appears to be more according to the laws of nature , because more nations , both in our days and of old , have submitted to that form of government , than ever did to any other . i answer , if that be so , it was neither the effect of any dictate of the law of nature , nor was it in obedience to any command from god. god would not suffer his own people to be under a king ; he consented at last , but unwillingly ; what nature and right reason dictates , we are not to gather from the practice of most nations , but of the wisest and most prudent . the grecians , the romans , the italians , and carthagenians , with many other , have of their own accord , out of choice , preferr'd a commonwealth to a kingly government ; and these nations that i have named , are better instances than all the rest . hence sulpitius severus says , that the very name of a king was always very odious among freeborn people . but these things concern not our present purpose , nor many other impertinences that follow over and over again . i 'll make haste to prove , that by examples , which i have proved already by reason , viz. that it is very agreeable to the law of nature , that tyrants should be punished ; and that all nations by the instinct of nature , have punished them ; which will expose your impudence , and make it evident , that you take a liberty to publish palpable down-right lies . you begin with the egyptians ; and indeed , who does not see , that you play the gipsy your self throughout ? amongst them , say you , there is no mention extant of any king , that was ever slain by the people in a popular insurrection , no war made upon any of their kings by their subjects , no attempt made to depose any of them . what think you then of osiris , who perhaps was the first king that the egyptians ever had ? was not he slain by his brother typhon , and five and twenty other conspirators ? and did not a great part of the body of the people side with them , and fight a battel with isis and orus , the late king's wife and son ? i pass by sesostris , whom his brother had well-nigh put to death , and chemmis , and cephrenes , against whom the people were deservedly enraged ; and because they could not do it while they were alive , they threatned to tear them in pieces after they were dead . do you think that a people that durst lay violent hands upon good kings , had any restraint upon them , either by the light of nature or religion , from putting bad ones to death ? could they that threatened to pull the dead bodies of their princes out of their graves , when they ceased to do mischief , tho by the custom of their own country , the corps of the meanest person was sacred and inviolable , abstain from inflicting punishment upon them in their life-time , when they were acting all their villanies , if they had been able ; and that upon some maxim of the law of nature ? i know you would not stick to answer me in the affirmative , how absurd soever it be ; but that you may not offer at it , i 'll pull out your tongue . know then , that some ages before cephrene s time , one ammosis was king of egypt , and was as great a tyrant , as who has been the greatest ; him the people bore with . this you are glad to hear ; this is what you would be at . but hear what follows , my honest tell-truth . i shall speak out of diodorus , they bore with him for some while , because he was too string for them . but when actisanes king of ethiopia made war upon him , they took that oppotunity to revolt , so that being deforced , he was easily subdued , and egypt became an accession to the kingdom of ethiopia . you see the ●…tians , as soon as they could , took up arms against a tyrant ; they joyned forces with a foreign saince , to depose their own king , and disinherit his posterity ; they chos● to live under a moderate and good prince , as actisanes was , tho a foreigner , rather than under a tyrant of their own . the same people with a very unanimous consent took up arms against apries , another tyrant , who relied upon foreign aids that he had hired to assist him . under the conduct of amasis their general they conquered , and afterward strangled him , and placed amasis in the throne . and observe this circumstance in the history ; amasis kept the 〈◊〉 aptive king a good while in the palace , and treated him well : at last , when the people com●●…d that he nourished his own and their enemy ; he put him into their hands , who put him to death in the manner i have mentioned . there things are related by heroditus and diodorus . where are you now ? do you think that any tyrant would not chuse a hatchet rather than an halter ? as●… say you , when the egyptians were brought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the persians , they continued faithful to 〈◊〉 which is most false , they never were faithful to 〈◊〉 : for in the fourth year after cambyses had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 th●m , they rebelled . afterward , when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tamed them , within a short time after 〈◊〉 r●volted from his son artaxerxes , and set up one 〈◊〉 to be their king. after whose death they rebell'd again , and made one tachus king , and made war upon artaxerxes mnemon . neither were they better subjects to their own princes , for they deposed tachus , and confer'd the government upon his son nectanebus , till at last artaxerxes ochus brought them the second time into subjection to the persian empire . when they were under the macedonian empire , they declared by their actions , that tyrants ought to be under some restraint : they threw down the statutes and images of ptolomaeus physco , and would have killed himself , but that the mercenary army that he commanded , was too strong for them . his son alexander was forced to leave his country by the meer violence of the people , who were incensed against him for killing his mother . and the people of alexandria dragged his son alexander out of the palace , whose insolent behaviour gave just offence , and killed him in the theatre . and the same people deposed ptolomaeus auletes for his many crimes . now , since it is impossible that any learned man should be ignorant of these things that are so generally known ; and since it is an inexcusable fault in salmasius to be ignorant of them , whose profession it is to teach them others , and whose very asserting things of this nature ought to carry in its self an argument of credibility ; it is certainly a very scandalous thing , either that so ignorant , unlearned a blockhead , should to the scandal of all learning , profess himself , and be accounted a learned man , and obtain salaries from princes and states ; or that so impudent and notorious a lyar should not be branded with some particular mark of infamy , and for ever banished from the society of learned and honest men. having searched among the egyptians for examples , let us now consider the ethiopians their neighbours . they adore their kings , whom they suppose god to have appointed over them , almost as if they were a sort of gods themselves : and yet whenever the priests condemn any of them , they kill themselves : and on that manner , says diodorus , they punish all their criminals ; they put them not to death , but send a minister of justice to command them to kill themselves . in the next place you mention the assyrians , the medes , and the persians , who of all others were most observant of their princes : and you affirm contrary to all historians that have wrote any thing concerning those nations , that the regal power there , had an unbounded liberty annexed to it , of doing what the king listed . in the first place the prophet daniel tells us , how the babylonians expelled nebuchadnezzar out of human society , and made him graze with the beasts , when his pride grew to be insufferable . the laws of those countries were not entituled the laws of their kings , but the laws of the medes and persians ; which laws were irrevocable , and the kings themselves were bound by them : insomuch that darius the mede , tho he earnestly desired to have delivered daniel from the hands of the princes , yet could not effect it . those nations , say you , thought it no sufficient pretence to reject a prince , because he abused the right which was inherent in him as he was sovereign . but in the very writing of these words you are so stupid , as that with the same breath that you commend the obedience and submissiveness of those nations , of your own accord you make mention of sardanapalus'r being deprived of his crown by arbaces . neither was it he alone that accomplished that enterprise , for he had the assistance of the priests , ( who of all others were best versed in the law ) , and of the people ; and it was wholly upon this account that he deposed him , because he abused his authority and power , not by giving himself over to cruelty , but to luxury and effeminacy . run over the histories of herodotus , ct●sias , diodorus , and you will find things quite contrary to what you assert here ; you will find that those kingdoms were destroyed for the most part by subjects , and not by foreigners ; that the assyrians were brought down by the medes , who then were their subjects , and the medes by the persians , who at that time were like wise subject to them . your self confess , that cyrus rebell'd , and that at the same time in divers parts of the empire little upstart governments were formed by those that shook off the medes . but does this agree with what you said before ? does this prove the obedience of the medes and persians to their princes , and that jus regium which you had asserted to have been universally received amongst those nations ? what potion can cure this brains●… frenzy of yours ? you say , it appears by herodotus how absolute the persian kings were . cambyses being desirous to marry his sister , consulted with the judges , who were the interpreters of the laws , to whose judgment all difficult matters were to be referred . what answer had he from them ? they told him , they knew no law which permitted a brother to marry his sister ; but another law they knew , that the kings of persia might do what they listed . now to this i answer , if the kings of persia were really so absolute , what need was there of any other to interpret the laws , besides the king himself ? those superfluous , unnecessary judges would have had their abode and residence in any other place rather than in the palace , where they were altogether useless . ag●in if those kings might do what ever they would , it is not credible that so ambitious a prince as cambyses was , should be so ignorant of that grand prerogative , as to consult with the judges , whether what he desired were according to law. what was the matter then ? either they designed to humour the king , as you say they did , or they were afraid to cross his inclination , which is the account that herodotus gives of it ; and so told him of such a law , as they knew would please him , and in plain terms made a fool of him ; which is no new thing with judges and lawyers now a days . but , say you , artabanus a persian told themistocles , that there was no better law in persia , than that by which it was enacted , that kings were to be honoured and adored . an excellent law that was without doubt which commanded subjects to adore their princes ! but the primitive fathers have long ago damned it ; and artabanus was a proper person to commend such a law , who was the very man that a little while after slew xerxes with his own hand . you quote regicides to assert royalty . i am afraid you have some design upon kings . in the next place you quote the poet claudian , to prove how obedient the persians were . but i appeal to their histories and annals , which are full of the revolts of the persians , the medes , the bactrians , and babylonians , and give us frequent instances of the murders of their princes . the next person whose authority you cite , is otanes the persian , who likewise killed smerdis then king of persia , to whom , out of the hatred which he bore to a kingly government , he reckons up the impieties and injurious actions of kings , their violation of all laws , their putting men to death without a legal conviction , their rapes and adulteries ; and all this you will have called the right of kings , and slander samuel again as a teacher of such doctrine . you quote homer , who says that kings derive their authority from jupiter ; to which i have already given an answer . for king philip of macedon , whose asserting the right of kings , you make use of : i 'le believe charles his description of it , as soon as his . then you quote some sentences out of a fragment of diogenes a pythagorean ; but you do not tell us what sort of a king he speaks of . observe therefore how he begins that discourse ; for whatever follows must be understood to have relation to it . let him be king , says he , that of all others is most just , and so he is that acts most according to law ; for no man can be king that is not just ; and without laws there can be no justice . this is directly opposite to that regal right of yours . and ecphantas , whom you likewise quote , is of the same opinion : whosoever takes upon him to be a king , ought to be naturally most pure and clear from all imputation : and a little after , him , says he , we call a king , that governs well , and he only is properly so . so that such a king as you speak of , according to the philosophy of the pythagoreans , is no king at all . hear now what plato says in his eighth epistle : let kings , says he , be liable to be called to account for what they do : let the laws controul not only the people , but kings themselves , if they do any thing not warranted by law. i 'le mention what aristotle says in the third book of his politicks ; it is neither for the publick good , nor is it just , says he , where all men are by nature alike and equal , that any one should be lord and master over all the rest , neither where there are no laws ; nor is it for the publick good , or just , that one man should be a law to the rest ; nor is it so where there are laws ; nor that any one , tho a good man , thould be lord over other good m●n , nor a bad man over bad men . and in the fifth book says he , that king whom the people refuse to be govern'd by , is no longer a king , but a tyrant . hear what xenophon says in hiero : people are so far from revenging the deaths of tyrants , that they confer great honour upon him that kills one , and erect statues in their temples to the honour of tyrannicides . of this i can produce an 〈◊〉 witness , marcus tullius , in his oration pro milone , the grecians , says he , ascribe divine worship to such as kill tyrants : what things of this nature have 〈◊〉 my self seen at athens , and in other cities of greece ? how many religious observances have been in●…ted in honour of such men ? how many hymns ? they are consecrated to immortality and adoration , and their memory endeavoured to be perpetuated . and ●…ly , polybius , an historian of great authority and gravity , in the sixth book of his 〈◊〉 says thus : when princes began to in 〈◊〉 their own lusts and sensual appetites , then ●…doms were turned into so many tyrannies , and the subjects began to conspire the death of their governors ; neither were they the profligate sort sort that were the authors of those designs , but the most generous and magnanimous . i could quote many 〈◊〉 like passage , but i shall instance in no more ▪ 〈…〉 philosophers you appeal to the poets ; and 〈…〉 willing to follow you thither . aeschylus 〈…〉 to inform us , that the power of the kings of 〈…〉 , as not to be liable to the censure of any 〈…〉 questioned before any human judicature ●…gedy that is called , the suppliants , calls 〈…〉 argives , a governor not obnoxious to th● 〈…〉 any tribunal . but you must know , for 〈…〉 you say , the more you discover your rashness and want of judgment ; you must know , i say , that one is not to regard what the poet says , but what person in the play speaks , and what that person says ; for different persons are introduced , sometimes good , sometimes bad ; sometimes wise men , sometimes fools ; and such words are put into their mouths , as it is most proper for them to speak ; not such as the poet would speak , if he were to speak in his own person . the fifty daughters of danaus being banished out of egypt , became suppliants to the king of the argives ; they begg'd of him , that he would protect them from the egyptians , who pursued them with a fleet of ships . the king told them he could not undertake their protection , till he had imparted the matter to the people ; for , says he , if i should make a promise to you , i should not be able to perform it , unless i consult with them first . the women being strangers and suppliants , and fearing the uncertain suffrages of the people , tell him , that the power of all the people resides in him alone ▪ that he judges all others , but is not judged himself by any . he answers : i have told you already , that i cannot do this thing that you desire of me , without the peoples consent ; nay , and tho i could , i would not . at last he refers the matter to the people ; i will assemble the people , says he , and persuade them to protect you . the people met , and resolved to engage in their quarrel ; insomuch that danaus their father bids his daughters be of good cheer , for the people of the countrey , in a popular convention had voted their safeguard and defence . if i had not related the whole thing , how rashly would this impertinent ignoramus have determined concerning the right of kings among the grecians , out of the mouths of a few women that were strangers and suppliants , tho the king himself , and the history be quite contrary ? the same thing appears by the story of orestes in euripides , who after his father's death was himself king of the argives , and yet was called in question by the people for the death of his mother , and made to plead for his life , and by the major suffrage was condemned to dye . the same poet in his play called the suppliants , declares , that at athens the kingly power was subject to the laws ; where theseus then king of that city is made to say these words : this is a free city , it is not governed by one man ; the people reigns here . and his son demophoon , who was king after him , in another tragedy of the same poet , called h●raclidae , i do not exercise a tyrannical power over them , as if they were barbarians : i am upon other terms with them ; but if i do them justice , they will do me the like . sophocles in his oedipus shows , that anciently in thebes the kings were not absolute neither : hence says tiresias to oedipus , i am not your slave . and creon to the same king , i have some right in this city , says he , as well as you . and in another tragedy of the same poet , called antigone , aemon tells the king , that the city of thebes is not govern'd by a single person . all men know that the kings of lacedemon have been arraigned , and sometimes put to death judicially . these instances are sufficient to evince what power the kings in greece had . let us consider now the romans : you betake your self to that passage of c. memmius in salust , of kings having a liberty to do what they list , and go unpunished ; to which i have given an answer already , salust himself says in express words , that the ancient government of rome was by their laws , tho the name and form of it was regal ; which form of government , when it grew into a tyranny , you know they put down and changed . cicero in his oration against piso , shall i , says he , account him a consul , who would not allow the senate to have any authority in the common-wealth ? shall i take notice of any man as consul , if at the same there be no such thing as a senate ; when of old , the city of rome acknowledged not their kings , if they acted without or in opposition to the senate ? do you hear ; the very kings themselves at rome signified nothing without the senate . but , say you , romulus governed as he listed ; and for that you quote tacitus . no wonder : the government was not then established by law ; they were a confus'd multitude of strangers more like , than a state ; and all mankind lived without laws , before governments were setled . but when romulus was dead , tho all the people were desirous of a king , not having yet experienced the sweetness of liberty , yet , as livy informs us , the soveraign power resided in the people ; so that they parted not with more right than they retained : the same author tells us , that that same power was afterwards extorted from them by their emperours . servius tullius at first reigned by fraud , and as it were a deputy to tarquinius priscus ; but afterward he referred it to the people , whether they would have him reign or no ? at last , says tacitus , he became the author of such laws as the kings were obliged to obey . do you think he would have done such an injury to himself and his posterity , if he had been of opinion that the right of kings had been above all laws ? their last king , tarquinius superbus , was the first that put an end to that custom of consulting the senate concerning all publick affairs ; for which very thing , and other enormities of his , the people deposed him and banished him and his family . these things i have out of livy and cicero , than whom you will hardly produce any better expositors of the right of kings among the romans . as for the dictatorship , that was but temporary , and was never made use of , but in great extremities , and was not to continue longer than six months . but that thing which you call the right of the roman emperors , was no right , but a plain downright force ; and was gained by war only . but tacitus , say you , that lived under the government of a single person , writes thus ; the gods have committed the sovereign power in human affairs to princes only , and have left to subjects the honour of being obedient . but you tell us not where tacitus has these words ; for you were conscious to your self , that you imposed upon your readers in quoting them ; which i presently smelt out , tho i could not find the place of a sudden : for that expression is not tacitus's own , who is an approved writer , and of all others the 〈◊〉 enemy to tyrants ; but tacitus relates that ●…us , a gentleman of rome , being accused for a capital crime , amongst other things that he said to save his life , flattered tiberius on this manner ; ( it is in the sixth book of his annals ) ; the gods have entrusted you with the ultimate judgment in all things ; they have left us the honour of obedience . and you cite this passage as if tacitus had said it himself ; you 〈◊〉 together whatever seems to make for your opinion , either out of oftentation , or out of weakness ; you would leave out nothing that you could find in a baker's , or a barber's shop ; ●ay , you would be glad of any thing that looked like an argument , from the hang-man himself . if you would have read tacitus himself , and not have transcribed some loose quotations out of him by other authors , he would have taught you whence that imperial right had its original . after the conquest of asia , says he , the whole state of our affairs was turned upside down ; nothing of the ancient integrity of our forefathers was left amongst us ; all men shook off that former equality which had been observed , and began to have a reverence for the mandates of princes . this you might have learned out of the third book of his annals , whence you have all your regal right : when that ancient equality was laid aside , and instead thereof ambition and violence took place , tyrannical forms of government started up , and fixed themselves in many countries . this same thing you might have learned out of dio , if your natural levity and unsetledness of judgment would have suffered you to apprehend any thing that 's solid . he tells us in his fifty third book of his history , out of which book you have made some quotation already , that octavius caesar , partly by force , and partly by fraud , brought things to that pass , that the emperors of rome became no longer fettered by laws . for he , tho he promised to the people in publick that he would lay down the government , and obey the laws , and become subject to others , yet under pretence of making war in several provinces of the empire , still retained the legions , and so by degrees invaded the government , which he pretended , he would forgo . this was not regularly getting from under the law , but breaking forcibly through all laws , as spartacus the gladiator might have done ; and then assuming to himself the style of prince or emperor , as if god or the law of nature had put all men and all laws into subjection under him . would yo● enquire a little further into the original of the right of the roman emperors ? mircus antonius , whom caesar , when by taking up arms against the commonwealth , he had got all the power into his hands , had made consul , when a solemnity called the luperelia was celebrated at rome , ( as had been contrived before-hand , that he should ) set a crown upon caesar's head , ( though the people sighed and lamented at the sight ) and caused it to be entred upon record , that mirous antonius at the lupercalia , made caesar king at the instance of the people of which action , cicero in his second philippick , was lucius tarquinius therefore expelled , says he , spurius cassius , sp. milius , and marcus manilius put to death , that after many ages marcus antonius should make a king in rome contrary to law ? but you deserve to be tortured , and loaded with everlasting disgrace , much more than mark antony ; tho i would not have you proud because he and your self are put together ; for i do not think so despicable a wretch as you fit to be compared with him in any thing but impiety ; you that in those horrible lupercalia of yours , set not a crown upon one tyrant's head , but upon all , and such a crown as you would have limited by no laws , nor liable to any . indeed if we must believe the oracles of the emperors themselves , ( for so some christian emperors , as theodosius and valens , have called their edicts , ●od . lib. . tit . . ) the authority of the emperors depends upon that of the law. so that the majesty of the person that reigns , even by the judgment , or call it the oracle , of the emperors themselves , must submit to the laws , on whose authority it depends . hence pliny tells trajan in his panegyrick , when the power of the emperors was grown to its height : a principality , and an absolute sovereignty are quite different things . trajan puts down whatever looks like a ringdom ; he rules like a prince , that there may be no room for a magisterial power . and afterwards , whatever i have said of other princes , i said that i might show how our prince reforms and corrects the manners of princes , which by long custom have been corrupted and depraved . are not you ashamed to call that the right of kings , that pliny calls the corrupt and depraved customs of princes ? but let this suffice to have been said in short of the right of kings , as it was taken at rome . how they dealt with their tyrants , whether kings or emperors , is generally known . they expelled tarquin . but , say you , how did they expel him ? did they proceed against him judicially ? no such matter : when he would have come into the city , they shut the gates against him . ridiculous fool ! what could they do but shut the gates , when he was hastning to them with part of the army ? and what great difference will there be , whether they banished him , or put him to death , so they punished him one way or other ? the best men of that age kill'd caesar the tyrant in the very senate . which action of theirs , marcus tullius , who was himself a very excellent man , and publickly call'd the father of his countrey , both elsewhere and particularly in his second philippick , extols wonderfully . i 'll repeat some of his words , all good men kill'd caesar , as far as in them lay . some men could not advise in it , others wanted courage to act in it , others wanted an opportunity , all had a good will to it . and afterwards , what greater and more glorious action ( ye holy gods ! ) ever was performed , not in this city only , but in any other country ? what action more worthy to be recommended to everlasting memory ? i am not unwilling to be included within the number of those that advised it , as within the trojan horse . the passage of seneca may relate both to the romans , and the grecians , there cannot be a greater , nor more acceptable sacrifice offered up to jupiter , than a wicked prince . for if you consider hercules , whose words these are , they shew what the opinion was of the principal men amongst the grecians in that age ; if the poet , who flourished under nero ( and the most worthy persons in plays generally express the poet 's own sense ) then this passage shows us what seneca himself and all good men , even in nero's time , thought was fit to be done to a tyrant ; and how vertuous an action , how acceptable to god they thought it to kill one . so every good man of rome , as far as in him lay , kill'd domitian . pliny the second , owns it openly in his panegyrick to trajan the emperor , we took pleasure in dashing those proud looks against the ground , in piercing him with our swords , in mangling him with axes , as if he had bled and felt pain at every stroke : no man could so command his passion of joy , but that he counted it a piece of revenge to behold his mangled limbs , his members torn asunder , and after all , his stern and hor●●● statues thrown down and burnt . and afterwards , they cannot love good princes enough , that cannot hate bad ones as they deserve . then amongst other enormities of domitian , he reckons this for one , that he put to death ep●phroditus , that had kill'd nero , had we forgotten the avenging nero's death ? was it likely that he would suffer his life and actions to be ill spoken of , whose death he revenged ? he seems to have thought it almost a crime not to kill nero , that counts it so great a one to punish him that did it . by what has been said , it is evident , that the best of the romans did not only kill tyrants , as oft as they could , and howsoever they could ; but that they thought it a commendable , and a praise-worthy action so to do , as the grecians had done before them . for when they could not proceed judicially against a tyrant in his life-time , being interior to him in strength and power , yet after his death they did it , and condemn'd him by the valerian law. for valerius publicola , junius brutus his colleague , when he saw , that tyrants being guarded with soldiers , could not be brought to a legal tryal , he devised a law to make it lawful to kill them any way , tho uncondemn'd , and that they that did it , should afterwards give an account of their so doing . hence , when cassius had actually run caligula through with a sword , tho every body else had done it in their hearts , valerius asiaticus , one that had been consul , being present at the time , cried out to the soldiers , that began to mutiny because of his death , i wish i my self had kill'd him . and the senate at the same time was so far from being displeased with cassius for what he had done , that they resolved to extirpate the memory of the emperors , and to raze the temples that had been erected in honour of them . when claudius was presently saluted emperor by the soldiers , they forbad him by the tribune of the people to take the government upon him ; but the power of the soldiers prevailed . the senate declared nero an enemy , and made enquiry after him , to have punished him according to the law of their ancestors ; which required , that he should be stript naked , and hung by the neck upon a forked stake , and whipt to death . consider now , how much more mildly and moderately the english dealt with their tyrant , tho many are of opinion , that he caused the spilling of more blood than ever nero himself did . so the senate condemn'd domitian after his death ; they commanded his statues to be pull'd down and dash'd in pieces , which was all they could do . when commodus was slain by his own officers , neither the senate , nor the people punisht the fact , but declared him an enemy , and enquired for his dead corps to have made it an example . an act of the senate made upon that occasion is extant in lampridius : let the enemy of his country be depriv'd of all his titles ; let the parricide be drawn , let him be torn in pieces in the spoliary , let the enemy of the gods , the executioner of the senate be drag'd with a hake , &c. the same persons in a very full senate condemn'd didius julianus to death , and sent a tribune to slay him in the palace . the same senate deposed maximinus , and declared him an enemy . let us hear the words of the decree of the senate concerning him , as capitolinus relates it , the consul put the question , conscript fathers , what is your pleasure concerning the maximines ? they answered , they are enemies , they are enemies , who ever kills them shall be rewarded . would you know now , whether the people of rome , and the provinces of the empire obeyed the senate , or maximine the emperor ? hear what the same author says , the senate wrote letters into all the provinces , requiring them to take care of their common safety and liberty ; the letters were publickly read . and the friends , the deputies , the generals , the tribunes , the soldiers of maximine , were slain in all places ; very few cities were found that kept their faith with the publick enemy . herodian relates the same thing . but what need we give any more instances out of the roman histories ? let us now see what manner of thing the right of kings was in those days , in the nations that bordered upon the empire . ambiorix , a king of the gauls , confesseth , the nature of his dominion to be such , that the people have as great power over him , as he over them . and consequently , as well as he judged them , he might be judged by them . vercingetorix , another king in gaul , was accused of treason by his own people . these things caesar relates in his history of the gallick wars . neither is the regal power among the germans absolute and uncontroulable ; lesser matters are ordered and disposed by the princes ; greater affairs by all the people . the king or prince is more considerable by the authority of his persuasions , than by any power that he has of commanding . if his opinion be not approv'd of , they declare their dislike of it by a general murmuring noise . this is out of tacitus . nay , and you your self now confess , that what but of late you exclaim'd against as an unheard of thing , has been often done , to wit , that no less than fifty scotish kings have been either banished , or imprisoned , or put to death , nay , and some of them publickly executed . which having come to pass in our very island ; why do you , as if it were your office to conceal the violent deaths of tyrants , by burying them in the dark , exclaim against it as an abominable and unheard of thing ? you proceed to commend the jews and christians for their religious obearence even to tyrants , and to heap one lye upon another , all which i have already con●uted you in . of late you made large enccmiums of the obedience of the assyrians and persians , and now you reckon up their rebellions ; and tho but of late you said they never had rebell'd at all , now you give us a great many reasons why they rebell'd so often . then you resume the narrative of the manner of our king's death , which you had broken off long since ; that if you had not taken care su●●i●ntly to appear ridiculous , and a fool then , you may do it now . you said , he was led through the members of his own court. what you mean by the members of the court , i would gladly know . you enumerate the calamities that the romans underwent by changing their kingdom into a commowealth . in which i have already shown how grosly you give your self the lye . what was it you said when you wrote against the jesuit ? you demonstrated , that in an aristocracy , or a popular state there c●uld but he sediti●●s and tumults , whereas under a tyrant nothing was to be l●ked for , but certain ruin and destruction : and dare you now say , you vain corrupt mortal , that th●se seditions were punishments inflicted upon them f●r ban●shing their kings ; to wit , because king charles gave you a hundred jacobuss●s afterward ? therefore the romans shall be punished for banishing their kings . but they that kill'd julius caesar , did not prosper afterwards . i confess , if i would have had any tyrant spared , it should have been him . for altho he introduced a monarchical government into a 〈◊〉 state by force of arms , yet perhaps himself deserved a kingdom best ; and yet i conceive that none of those that killed him can be said to have been punished for so doing , any more than caius anthonius , 〈…〉 's colleague for destroying cataline , who when he was afterward condemn'd for other crimes , says cicero in his oration , pro flacco , cataline's sepulch●… was ad●rn'd with flowers . for they that fa ▪ voured cataline , then rejoyced , they gave out then , that what cataline did was just , to encrease the peoples hatred against those that had cut him off . these are artifices , which wicked men make use of , to deter the best of men from punishing tyrants , and slagitious persons . i might as easily say the quite contrary , and instance in them that have killed tyrants , and prospered afterwards ; if any certain inference might be drawn in such ●…ases from the events of things . you object further , that the english did not put their hereditary king to death in like manner , as tyrants use to be slain , but as robbers and traytors are executed . in the first place i do not , nor can any wise man understand what a crowns being hereditary , should contribute to a king's crimes being unpunishable . what you ascribe to the barbarous cruelty of the english , proceeded rather for their clemency and moderation , and as such , deserves commendation ; who , tho the bein● a tyrant , is a crime that comprehends all sorts of enormities , such as robberies , treasons , and rebellions against the whole nation , yet were contented to inflict no greater punishment upon him for being so , than they used of course to do upon any common highway-man , or ordinary traytor . you hope some such men as harmodius and thrasibulus will rise up amongst us , and make expiation for the king's death by shedding th●ir blood that were the authors of it . but you will run ●…d with despair , and be detested by all good men and put an end to that wretched life of yours , by h●nging your self , before you see men like h●…dius avenging the blood of a tyrant upon such 〈◊〉 h●ve done no other than what they did themselves . that you will come to such an end is most pro●●ble , nor can any other be expected of so great a rogue ; but the other thing is an utter impossibility . you mention thirty tyrants that rebelled in callienus's time . and what if it fall out , that one tyrant happens to oppose another , must therefore all they that resist tyrants be accounted such themselves ? you cannot persuade men into such a belief , you slave of a knight ; nor your author trebellius pollio , the most inconsiderable of all historians that have writ . if any of the emperors were declared enemies by the senate , you say , it was done by faction , but could not have been by law. you put us in mind what it was that made emperours at first : it was faction and violence , and to speak plainer , it was the madness of anthony , that made generals at first rebel against the senate , and the people of rome ; there was no law , no right for their so doing . galba , you say , was punished for his insurection against nero. tell us likewise how ●●spasian was punished for taking up arms against vitellius . there was as much difference , you say , betwixt charles and nero , as betwixt those english ●…chers , and the roman senators of th●● age. des●ic●ble villain ! by whom it is scandalous to be commended , and a praise to be evil spoken of : but a few periods before , discoursing of this very thing , you said , that the roman senate under the emperors , was in effect but an assembly of slaves in robes : and here you say , that very senate was an assembly of kings ; which if it be allowed , then are kings according to your own opinion , but slaves with robes on . kings are blessed , that have such a fellow as you to write in their praise , than whom no man is more a rascal , no beast more void of sense , unless this one thing may be said to be peculiar to you , that none ever brayed so learnedly . you make the parliament of england more like to nero , than to the roman senate . this itch of yours of making silly similitudes , enforces me to rectify you , whether i will or no : and i will let you see how like king charles was to nero. nero , you say , commanded his own mother to be run through with a sword. but charles murdered both his prince , and his father , and that by poyson . for to omit other evidences ; he that would not suffer a duke that was accused for it , to come to his tryal , must needs have been guilty of it himself . nero slew many thousands of christians ; but charles slew many more . there were those , says suetonius , that praised nero after he was dead , that long'd to have had him again , that hung garlands of flowers upon his sepulchre , and gave out that they would never prosper that had been his enemies . and some there are transported with the like phrensy , that wish for king charles again , and extol him to the highest degree imaginable , of whom you a knight of the halter are a ringleader . the english soldiers more savage than their own mastiffs , erect●d a new and unheard-of court of justice . observe this ingenious symbol , or adage of salmasius , which he has now repeated six times over , more savage than their own mastiffs . take notice , orators and school-masters , pluck , if you are wise , this elegant flower , which salmasius is so very fond of : commit this flourish of a man , that is so much a master of words , to your desks for safe custody , lest it be lost . has your rage made you forget words to that degree , that like a cuckcow , you must needs say the same thing over and over again ? what strange thing has befallen you ? the poet tells us , that spleen and rage turn'd hecuba into a dog ; and it has turn'd you , the lord of st. lupus , into a cuckow . now you come out with fresh contradictions . you had said before , page . that princes were not bound by any laws , neither c●ercive , nor directory ; that they were bound by no law at all . now you say , that you will discourse by and by of the difference betwixt some kings and others , in point of pow●r ; some having had more , some less . you say , you will prove that kings cannot be judged , nor c●ndemn'd by their own subjects , by a most solid argument ; but you do it by a very silly one , and 't is this ; you say , there was no other difference than that betwixt the judges , and the kings of the jews ; and yet the reason why the jews required to have kings over them , was because they were weary of their judges , and hated their government . do you think that , because they might judge and condemn their judges , if they misbehaved themselves in the government ; they therefore hated and were weary of them , and would be under kings , whom they should have no power to restrain and keep within bounds , tho they should break through all laws ? who but you ever argued so childishly ? so that they desired a king for some other reason , than that they might have a master over them , whose power should be superior to that of the law ; which reason what it was , it is not to our present purpose to make a conjecture : whatever it was , both god and his prophets tells us , it was no piece of prudence in the people to desire a king. and now you fall foul upon your rabbins , and are very angry with them for saying , that a king might be judged and condemned to undergo stripes ; out of whose writings you said before you had proved that the kings of the jews could not be judged . wherein you confess , that you told a lye when you said you had proved any such thing out of their writings . nay , you come at last to forget the subject you were upon , of writing in the king's defence , and raise little impertinent controversies about solomon's stales , and how may stalls he had for his horses . then of a jocky you become a ballad-singer again , or rather , as i said before , a raving distracted cuckoo . you complain , that in these latter ages , discipline has been more remiss , and the rule less observed and kept up to ; to wit , because one tyrant is not permitted without a ●heck from the law , to let loose the roms of all discipline , and corrupt all mens manners . this doctrine , you say , the brownists introduced amongst those of the ●eform'd religion ; so that luther , calvin , zum●lius , bucer , and all the most celebrated orthodox divines are brownists in your opinion . the english have the less reason to take your reproaches ill , because they hear you belching out the same slanders against the most eminent doctors of the church , and in effect against the whole reformed church it self . chap. vi. after having discours'd upon the law of god , and of nature , and handled both so untowardly , that you have got nothing by the bargain but a deserved reproach of ignorance and knavery ; i cannot apprehend what you can have farther to alledg in defence of your royal cause , but meer trifles . i for my part hope i have given satisfaction already to all good and learned men , and shall have done this noble cause right , should i break off here ; yet lest i should seem to any to decline your variety of arguing and ingenuity , rather than your immoderate impertinence , and tittle-tattle , i 'le follow you where ever you have a mind to go ; but with such brevity as shall make it appear , that after having perform'd whatever the necessary defence of the cause required , if not , what the dignity of it merited , i now do but comply with some mens expectation , if not their curiosity . now , say you , i shall alledg other and greater arguments . what ? greater arguments than what the law of god and nature afforded ? help , lucina ! the mountain salmasius is in labour ! it is not for nothing that he has got a she-husband . mortals expect some extraordinary birth . if he that is , and is called a king , might be accused before any other power , that power must of necessity be greater than that of the king ; and if so , then must that power be indeed the kingly power , and ought to have the name of it : for a kingly power is thus defined ; to wit , the supreme power in the state residing in a single person , and which has no superior . o ridiculous birth ! a mouse crept out of the mountain ! help grammarians ! one of your number is in danger of perishing ! the law of god and of nature are safe ; but salmasius his dictionary is undone . what if i should answer you thus ? that words ought to give place to things ; that we having taken away kingly government it self , do not think our selves concerned about its name , and definition ; let others look to that , who are in love with kings : we are contented with the enjoyment of our liberty ; such an answer would be good enough for you . but to let you see that i deal fairly with you throughout , i will answer you , not only from my own , but from the opinion of very wise and good men , who have thought that the name and power of a king are very consistent with a power in the people and the law , superior to that of the king himself . in the first place lycurgus , a man very eminent for his wisdom , designing , as plato says , to secure a kingly government as well as it was possible , could find no better expedient to preserve it , than by making the power of the senate , and of the ephori , that is , the power of the people , superior to it . theseus in euripedes , king of athens was of the same opinion ; for he to his great honour restored the people to their liberty , and advanced the power of the people above that of the king , and yet left the regal power in that city to his posterity . whence euripedes in his play called the suppliants , introduceh him speaking on this manner : i have advanced the people themselves into the throne , having freed the city from slavery , and admitted the people to a share in the government , by giving them an equal right of suffrage . and in another place to the herald of thebes , in the first place , says he , you begin your speech , friend , with a thing that is not true ; in stiling me a monarch ; for this city is not governed by a single person , but is a free state ; the people reigns here . these were his words , when at the same time he was both called , and really was king there . the divine plato likewise in his eight epistle , lycurgus , says he , introduced the power of the senate and of the ephori , a thing very preservative of kingly government , which by this means hath honourably flourished for so many ages , because the law in effect was made king. now the law cannot be king , unless there be some , who , if there should be occasion , may put the law in execution against the king. a kingly government so bounded and limited , he himself commends to the sicilians , let the people enjoy their liberty under a kingly government ; let the king himself be accountable ; let the law take place even against kings themselves , if they act contrary to law. aristotle likewise in the third book of his politicks , of all kingdoms , says he , that are govern'd by laws , that of the lacedemonians seems to be most truly and properly so . and he says , all forms of kingly governments are according to setled and establisht laws , but one , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or absolute monarchy , which he does not mention ever to have obtain'd in any nation . so that aristotle thought such a kingdom , as that of the lacedemonians was , to be and deserve the name of a kingdom more properly than any other ; and consequently that a king , tho subordinate to his own people , was nevertheless actually a king properly so called . now since so many and so great authors assert that a kingly government both in name and thing may very well subsist even where the people , tho they do not ordinarily exercise the su●… power , yet have it actually residing in them , and exercise it upon occasion . be not you of so mean a soul as to fear the down-fall of grammer , and the 〈◊〉 of the signification of words to that de●… , as to betray the liberty of mankind , and the state , rather than your glossary should not hold water . and know for the future , that words must be conformable to things , not things to words . by this means you 'l have more wit and not run on in infinitum , which now you 're afraid of it was to no purpose then , for seneca , you say , to describe those three forms of government , as he has done . let seneca do a thing to no purpose , so we enjoy our liberty . and if i mistake us not , we are other sort of men than to be enslav'd by seneca's flowers . and yet seneca , though he says that the soveraign power in a kingly government resides in a single person , says withal that the power is the people's , and by them committed to the king for the welfare of the whole , not for their ruin and destruction ; and that the people has not given him a propriety in it , but the use of it . kings at this rate , you say , do not reign by god , but by the people . as if god did not so over-rule the people , that they set up such kings , as it pleases god. since justinian himself openly acknowledgeth , that the roman emperours derived their authority from that royal law , whereby the people granted to them and vested in them all their own power and authority . but how oft shall we repeat these things over and over again ? then you take upon you to intermeddle with the constitution of our government , in which you are no ways concerned , who are both a stranger and a foreigner ; but it shows your sawciness , and want of good manners . come then , let us hear your soloecisms , like a busie coxcomb as you are . you tell us , but 't is in false latin , that what those desperadoes say , is only to deceive the people . you rascal ! was it for this that you a renegado grammarian , were so forward to intermeddle with the affairs of our government , that you might introduce your soloecisms and barbarisms amongst us ? but say , how have we deceiv'd the people ? the form of government which they have set up , is not popular , but military . this is what that herd of fugitives and vagabonds hired you to write . so that i shall not trouble my self to answer you , who bleat what you know nothing of , but i 'le answer them that hired you . who excluded the lords from parliament , was it the people ? yea , it was the people ; and in so doing they threw an intollerable yoke of slavery from off their necks . those very soldiers , who you say did it , were not foreigners , but our own country-men , and a great part of the people ; and they did it with the consent , and at the desire of almost all the rest of the people , and not without the authority of the parliament neither . was it the people that cut off part of the house of commons , forcing some away , &c. yes , i say , it was the people . for whatever the better and sounder part of the senate did , in which the true power of the people resided , why may not the people be said to have done it ? what if the greater part of the senate should chuse to be slaves , or to expose the government to sale , ought not the lesser number to interpose , and endeavour to retain their liberty , if it be in their power ? but the officers of the army and their soldiers did it . and we are beholden to those officers for not being wanting to the state , but repelling the tumultary violence of the citizens and mechanicks of london , who , like that rabble that appear'd for clodius , had but a little before beset the very parliament house ? do you therefore call the right of the parliament , to whom it properly and originally belongs to take care of the liberty of the people both in peace and war , a military power ? but 't is no wonder that those traytors that have dictated these passages to you , should talk at that rate ; so that profligate faction of anthony and his adherents used to call the senate of rome , when they armed themselves against the enemies of their country , the camp of pompey . and now i 'm glad to understand that they of your party , envy cromwell , that most valiant general of our army , his undertaking that expedition in ireland , ( so acceptable to almighty god ) surrounded with a joyful crowd of his friends , and prosecuted with the well-wishes of the people , and the prayers of all good men : for i question not but at the news of his many victories there , they are by this time bursten with spleen . i pass by many of your impertinencies concerning the roman soldiers . what follows is most notoriously false : the power of the people , say you , ceases where there is a king. by what law or right is that ? since it is known that almost all kings of what nations soever , received their authority from the people upon certain conditions ; which if the king do not perform , i wish you would inform us , why that power , which was but a trust , should not return to the people , as well from a king , as from a consul , or any other magistrate . for when you tell us , that 't is necessary for the publick safety , you do but trifle with us ; for the safety of the publick is equally concerned , whether it be from a king , or from a senate , or from a triumvirate , that the power wherewith they were entrusted , revert to the people , upon their abuse of it ; and yet you your self grant that it may so revert from all sorts of magistrates , a king only excepted . certainly , if no people in their right wits ever committed the government either to a king , or other magistrates , for any other purpose , than for the common good of them all , there can be no reason why , to prevent the utter ruin of them all , they may not as well take it back again from a king , as from other governors ; nay , and it may with far greater ease be taken from one , than from many and to invest any mortal creature with a power over themselves , on any other terms than upon trust , were extreme madness ; nor is it credible that any people since the creation of the world , who had freedom of will , were ever so miserably silly , as either to depart with the power for ever , and to all purposes , or to revoke it from those whom they had entrusted with it , but upon most urgent and weighty reasons . if dissentions , if civil wars , are occasioned thereby , there cannot any right accrue from thence to the king , to retain that power by force of arms , which the people challenge from him as their own whence it follows that what you say , and we do not deny , that governors are not lightly to be changed , is true with respect to the peoples prudence , not the king 's right ; but that therefore they ought never to be changed , upon no occasion whatsoever , that does not follow by no means ; nor have you hitherto alledged any thing , nor made appear any right of kings to the contrary , but that all the people concurring , they may lawfully be deposed , when unfit for government ; provided it may be done , as it has been often done in your own countrey of france , without any tumults or civil wars since therefore the safety of the people , and not that of a tyrant , is the supreme law , and consequently ought to be alledged on the peoples behalf against a tyrant , and not for him against them , you that go about to pervert so sacred and so glorious a law , with your fallacies and juglings ; you who would have this supreme law , and which of all others is most beneficial to mankind , to serve only for the impunity of tyrants , let me fell you , since you call us englishmen so often inspired , and enthusiasts , and prophets ; let me , i say , be so far a prophet , as to tell you , that the vengeance of god and man hangs over your head for so horrid a crime ; altho your subjecting all mankind to tyranny , as far as in you lies , which in effect is no better than condemning them to be devoured by wild beasts , is in it self part of its own vengeance , and whithersoever you flye , and wheresoever you wander , will first or last pursue you with its furies , and overtake you , and cause you to rave worse than you do now . i come now to your second argument , which is not unlike the first : if the people may resume their liberty , there would be no difference , you say , betwixt a popular state and a kingdom ; but that in a kingdom one man rules , and in a popular state many . and what if that were true ; would the state have any prejudice by it ? but you your self tell us of other differences that would be notwithstanding ; to wit , of time and succession ; for in popular states , the magistrates are generally chosen yearly ; whereas kings , if they behave themselves well , are perpetual ; and in most kingdoms there is a succession in the same family . but let them differ from one another , or not differ , i regard not those petty things : in this they agree , that when the publick good requires it , the people may without doing injury to any , resume that power for the publick saftety , which they committed to another for that end and purpose . but by the royal law , by the romans so called , which is mentioned in the institutes , the people of rome granted all their power and authority to the prince . they did so by compulsion ; the emperor , being willing to ratifie their tyranny by the authority of a law ; but of this we have spoken before ; and their own lawyers commenting upon this place in the institutes , confess as much . so that we make no question but the people may revoke what they were forced to grant , and granted against their wills . but most rational it is to suppose , that the people of rome transferred no other power to the prince , than they had before granted to their own magistrates ; and that was a power to govern according to law , and a revocable , not an absurd , tyrannical power : hence it was that the emperors assumed the consular dignity , and that of the tribunes of the people ; but after julius caesar , not one of them pretended to the dictatorship : in the circus maximus they used to adore the people , as i have said already out of tacitus and claudian . but as heretofore many private persons have sold themselves into slavery , so a whole nation may . thou gaol-bird of a knight , thou day-spirit , thou everlasting scandal to thy native-countrey . the most despicable slaves in the world ought to abhor and spit upon such a factor for slavery , such a publick pander as thou art . certainly if people had so enslaved themselves to kings , then might kings turn them over to other masters , or fell them for money ; and yet we know that kings cannot so much as alienate the demesnes of the crown : and shall he , that has but the crown , and the revenues that belong to it , as an usufructuary , and those given him by the people , can he be said to have , as it were , purchased the people , and made them his propriety ? tho you were bored through both ears , and went bare-foot , you would not be so vile and despicable , so much more contemptible than all slaves , as the broaching such a scandalous doctrine as this makes you . but go on , and punish your self for your rogueries , as now you do , tho against your will. you frame a long discourse of the law of war ; which is nothing to the purpose in this place : for neither did charles conquer us ; and for his ancestors , if it were never so much granted that they did , yet have they often renounced their title as conquerors : and certain it is , that we were never so conquered , but that as we swore allegiance to them , so they swore to maintain our laws , and govern by them : which laws , when charles had notoriously violated , taken in what capacity you will , as one who had formerly been a conqueror , or was now a perjured king , we subdued him by force , he himself having begun with us first : and according to your own opinion , whatever is acquired by war , becomes his property that acquired it . so that how full soever you are of words , how impertinent soever a babler , whatever you prate , how great a noise soever you make , what quotations soever out of the rabbins , tho you make your self never so hoarse , to the end of this chapter , assure your self , that nothing of it makes for the king , he being now conquered , but all for us , who by god's assistance are conquerors . chap. vii . to avoid two very great inconveniences , and considering your own weight , very weighty ones indeed , you denied in the foregoing chapter , that the peoples power was superior to that of the king ; for if that should be granted , kings must provide themselves of some other name , because the people would indeed be king ; and some divisions in your system of politicks would be confounded ; the first of which inconveniences would thwart with your dictionary , and the latter overthrow your politicks . to these i have given such an answer as shows , that tho our own safety and liberty were the principal things i aimed the preservation of , yet withal , i had some consideration of salving your dictionary , and your politicks . now , say you , i will prove by other arguments , that a king cannot be judged by his own subjects ; of which arguments this shall be the greatest and most convincing , that a king has no peer in his kingdom . what ? can a king have no peer in his kingdom ? what then is the meaning of those twelve ancient peers of the kings of france ? are they fables and trifles ? are they called so in vain , and in mock only ? have a care how you affront those principal men of that kingdom : who if they are not the king's peers , as they are called , i am afraid your dictionary , which is the only thing you are concerned for , will be found more faulty in france , than in england ? but go to , let 's hear your demonstration , that a king has no peer in his own kingdom . because , say you , the people of rome , when they had banish'd their king , appointed not one , but two consuls ; and the reason was , that if one of them should transgress the laws , his collegue might be a check to him . there could hardly have been devised any thing more silly : how came it to pass then , that but one of the cousuls had the bundles of rods carried before him , and not both , if two were appointed , that each might have a power over the other ? and what if both had conspired against the commonwealth ? would not the case then be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 same that it would have been , if one con 〈◊〉 had been appointed without a colleague ? 〈◊〉 we know very well , that both consuls , and all 〈◊〉 magistrates were bound to obey the senate , ●…ever the senate and the people saw , that the interest of the commonwealth so required . we have a famous instance of that in the decemviri ; who tho they were invested with the power of consuls , and were the chief magistrates , yet the authority of the senate reduced them all , tho they struggled to retain their government : nay , we read that some consuls before they were out of office , have been declared enemies , and arms been taken up against them ; for in those days no man looked upon him as a consul , who acted as an enemy . so war was waged against antony , tho a consul , by authority of the senate ; in which being worsted , he would have been put to death , but that octavius , affecting the empire , sided with him to subvert the commonwealth . now whereas you say , that it is a property peculiar to kingly majesty , that the power resides in a single person ; that 's but a loose expression , like the rest of what you say , and is contradicted by your self a little after : for the hebrew judges , you say , ruled as long as they lived , and there was but one of them at a time : the scripture also calls them kings ; and yet they more accountable to the great councel . thus we see , that an itch of vain-glory , in being thought to have said all that can be said , makes you hardly say any thing but contradictions . then i ask , what kind of government that was in the roman empire , when sometimes two , sometimes three emperors , reign'd all at once ? do you reckon them to have been emperors , that is , kings , or was it an aristocracy , or a triumvirate ? or will you deny , that the roman empire under antoninus and verus , under dioclesian and maximian , under constantine and licinius , was still but one entire empire ? if these princes were not kings , your three forms of government will hardly hold ; if they were , then it is not an essential property of a kingly government , to reside in a single person . if one of these offend , say you , then may the other refer the matter to the senate , or the people , where he may be accused and condemned . and does not the senate and the people then judg , when the matter is so referred to them ? so that if you will give any credit to your self , there needs not one collegue to judg another . such a miserable advocate as you , if you were not so wretched a fellow as you are , would deserve compassion ; you lye every way so open to blows , that if one were minded for sports-sake to make a pass at any part of you , he could hardly miss , let him aim where he would . 't is ridiculous , say you , to imagine , that a king will ever appoint judges to condemn himself . but i can tell you of an emperor , that was no ridiculous person , but an excellent prince , and that was trajan , who when he delivered a dagger to a certain roman magistrate , as the custom was , that being the badge of his office , frequently thus admonished him , take this sword , and use it for me , if i do as i ought , if otherwise , against me ; for miscarriages in the supreme magistrate are less excusable . this dion and aurelius victor say of him : you see here , that a worthy emperor appointed one to judge himself , tho he did not make him his equal . tiberius perhaps might have said as much out of vanity and hypocrisie ; but 't is almost a crime to imagine that so good and virtuous a prince as trajan , did not really speak as he thought , and according to what he apprehended right and just . how much more reasonable was it that tho he were superior to the senate in power , and might if he would , have refused to yield them any obedience , yet he actually did obey them , as by vertue of his office he ought to do , and acknowledged 〈◊〉 right in the government to be superior to his 〈◊〉 ? for so pliny tells us in his panegyrick the senate both desired and commanded you to be consul a fourth time ; you may know by the obedience you pay them , that this is no word of flattery , but of power : and a little after : this is the design you aim at , to restore our lost liberty . and trajan was not of that mind alone ; the senate thought so too , and were of opinion , that their authority was indeed supreme : for they that could command their emperor , might judge him . so the emperor marcus aurelius , when cassius governor of syria endeavoured to get the empire from him , referred himself either to the senate , or the people of rome , and declared himself ready to lay down the government , if they would have it so . now how should a man determine of the right of kings , better , and more truly , than out of the very mouths of the best of kings ? indeed every good king accounts either the senate , or the people , not only equal , but superior to himself by the law of nature : but a tyrant being by nature inferior to all men , every one that is stronger than he , ought to be accounted not only his equal , but superior : for as heretofore nature taught men from force and violence to betake themselves to laws , so wherever the laws are set at naught , the same dictate of nature must necessarily prompt us to betake our selves to force again . to be of this opinion , says cicero pro sestio , is a sign of wisdom ; to put it in practice , argues courage and resolution ; to do both , is the effect of vertue in its perfection let this stand then as a setled maxim of the law of nature , never to be shaken by any artifices of flatterers , that the senate , or the people , are superior to kings , be they good or bad : which is but what you your self do in effect confess , when you tell us , that the authority of kings was derived from the people . for that power which they transferred to princes , doth yet naturally , or as i may say virtually reside in themselves notwithstanding ; for so natural causes that produce any effect by a certain eminency of operation , do always retain more of their own vertue and energy than they impart ; nor do they by communicating to others , exhaust themselves . you see , the closer we keep to nature , the more evidently does the peoples power appear to be above that of the prince . and this is likewise certain , that the people do not freely , and of choice , settle the government in their king absolutely , so as to give him a propriety in it ; nor by nature can do so ; but only for the publick safety and liberty ; which when the king ceaseth to take care of , then the people in effect have given him nothing at all : for nature says the people gave it him to a particular end and purpose ; which end , if neither nature nor the people can attain , the peoples gift becomes no more valid , than any other void covenant or agreement . these reasons prove very fully , that the people are superior to the king ; and so your greatest and most 〈◊〉 argument , that a king cannot be judged by his 〈◊〉 because he has no peer in his kingdom , nor any superior falls to the ground . for you take that for granted which we by no means allow . in a popular state , say you , the magistrates being appointed by the people , may likewise be punished for their crimes , by the people : in an a●…cracy the senators may be punished by their collegues . but 't is a 〈◊〉 thing to proceed criminally against a king in his own kingdom , and make him plead for his life . what can you conclude from hence , but that they who set up kings over them , are the most miserable and most silly people in the world . but , i paay , what 's the reason why the people may not punish a king that becomes a malefactor , as well as they may popular magistrates and senators in an aristocracy ? do you think that all they that live under a kingly government , were so strangely in love with slavery , as when they might be free , to chuse vassalage , and to put themselves all and entirely under the dominion of one man , who often happens to be an ill man , and often a fool , so as whatever cause might be , to leave themselves no 〈◊〉 in , no relief from the laws , nor the dictates of nature , against the tyranny of a most outragious master , when such a one happens ? why do they then tender conditions to their kings , when they first enter upon their government , and prescribe laws for them to govern by ? do they do this to be trampled upon the more , and be the more laughed to scorn ? can it ●e imagined , that a whole people would ever so 〈◊〉 themselves , depart from their own interest to that degree , be so wanting to themselves , as to place all their hopes in one man , and he very often the most vain person of them all ? to what end do they require an oath of their kings , not to act any 〈◊〉 contrary to law ? we must suppose them to do this , that ( poor creatures ! ) they may learn to their ●…rrow , that kings only may commit perjury with impunity . this is what your own wicked conclusions hold forth . if a king that is elected , promise any thing to his people upon oath , which if he would not have sw●rn to , perhaps they would not have chose him , yet if he refuse to perform that promise , he falls not under the peoples censure . nay , tho he swear to his subjects at his election , that he will administer justice to them according to the laws of the kingdom ; and that if he do not , they shall be discharged of their allegiance , and himself ipso facto cease to be their king , yet if he break this oath , 't is god and not man that must require it of him . i have transcribed these lines , not for their elegance , for they are barbarously expressed ; nor because i think there needs any answer to them , for they answer themselves , they explode and damn themselves by their notorious falshood and loathsomness ; but i did it to recommend you to kings for your great merits ; that among so many places as there are at court , they may put you into some preferment or office that may be fit for you ; some are princes secretaries , some their cup-bearers , some masters of the revels ; i think you had best be master of the perjuries to some of them ; you sha'nt be master of the ceremonies , you are too much a clown for that ; but their treachery and perfidiousness shall be under your care . but that men may see that you are both a fool and a knave to the highest degree , let us consider these last assertions of yours a little more narrowly ; a king , say you , tho he swear to his subjects at his election that he will govern according to law , and that if he do not , they shall be discharged of their allegiance , and he himself , ipso facto , cease to be their king ; yet can he not be deposed or punished by them . why not a king , i pray , as well as popular magistrates ? because in a popular state , the people do not transfer all their power to the magistrates . and do they in the case that you have put , vest it all in the king , when they place him in the government upon those terms expresly , to hold it no longer than he useth it well ? so that it is evident , that a king sworn to observe the laws , if he transgress them , may be punished and deposed , as well as popular magistrates . so , that you can make no more use of that invincible argument of the peoples tranferring all their right and power into the prince ; you your self have battered it down with your own engines . hear now another most powerful and invincible argument of his , why subjects cannot judge their kings , because he is bound by no law , being himself the sole lawgiver . which having been proved already to be most false , this great reason comes to nothing , as well as the former . but the reason why princes have but seldom been proceeded against for personal and private crimes , as whoredom , and adultery , and the like , is not because they could not justly be punished even for such , but lest the people should receive more prejudice through disturbances that might be occasioned by the king's death , and the change of affairs , than they would be profited by the punishment of one man or two . but when they begin to be universally injurious and insufferable , it has always been the opinion of all nations , that then , being tyrants , it is lawful to put them to death any how , condemn'd or uncondemn'd . hence cicero in his second phillippick , says thus of those that kill'd caesar , they were the first that ran through with their swords , not a man who affected to be king , but who was actually setled in the government ; which , as it was a worthy and godlike action , so it 's set before us for our imitation . how unlike are you to him ! murder , adultery , injuries , are not regal and publick , but private and personal crimes . well said parasite ! you have obliged all pimps and pros●igates in courts by this expression . how ingeniously do you act , both the parasite , and the pimp , with the same breath ? a king that is an adulterer , or a murderer , may yet govern well , and consequently ought not to be put to death , because together with his life he must lose his kingdom ; and it was never yet allowed by god's laws , or man's , that for one and the same crime , a man was to be punished twice . infamous foul-mouth , wretch ! by the same reason the magistrates in a popular state , or in an aristocracy , ought never to be put to death , for fear of double punishment ; no judge , no senator must dye , for they must lose their magistracy too , as well as their lives . as you have endeavoured to take all power out of the peoples hands , and vest it in the king , so you would all majesty too : a delegated , translatitious majesty we allow , but that majesty does chiefly and primarily reside in him , you can no more prove , than you can , that power and authority does . a king , you say , cannot commit treason against his people , but a people may against their king. and yet a king is what he is for the people only , not the people for him . hence i infer , that the whole body of the people , or the greater part of them must needs have greater power than the king. this you deny , and begin to cast up accounts . he is of greater power than any one , than any two , than any 〈◊〉 , than any ten , than any hundred , than any thousand , than any ten thousand ; be it so , he is of more power than half the people . i will not deny that neither ; add now half of the other half , will be not have more power than all th●se ? not at all . go on , why do you take away the board ? do you not understand progression in arithmetick ? he begins to reckon after another manner . has not the king , and the nobility together , more power ? no , mr changeling , i deny that too . if by the nobility , whom you stile optimates , you mean the peers only ; for it may happen , that amongst the whole number of them , there may not be one man deserving that appellation ; for it often falls out , that there are better and wiser men , than they amongst the commons , whom in conjunction with the greater , or the better part of the people , i should not scruple to call by the name of , and take them for all the people . but if the king is not superior in power to all the people together , he is then a king but of single persons , he is not the king of the whole body of the people . you say well , no more he is , unless they are content he should be so . now , balance your accounts , and you will find that by miscasting , you have lost your principal : the english say , that the right of majesty originally and principally resides in the people ; which principle would introduce a confusion of all states . what , of an aristocracy and democracy ? but let that pass . what if it would overthrow a gynaecocracy too ? ( i. e. a government of one or more women ) under which state or form of government , they say , you are in danger of being beaten at home ; would not the english do you a kindness in that , you sheepish fellow , you ? but there 's no hope of that . for 't is most justly so ordered , since you would subject all mankind to tyranny abroad , that you your self should live in a scandalous , most unmanlike slavery at home . we must tell you , you say , what we mean by the word people . there are a great many other things , which you stand more in need of being told : for of things that more immediately concern you , you seem altogether ignorant , and never to have learnt any thing but words and letters , nor to be capable of any thing else . but this you think you know , that by the word people , we mean the common people only , exclusive of the nobility , because we have put down the house of lords . and yet that very thing shows , that under the word people , we comprehend all our natives , of what order and degree soever ; in that we have setled one supreme senate only , in which the nobility also , as a part of the people , not in their own right , as they did before ; but representing those burroughs or counties , for which they may be chose , may give their votes . then you inveigh against the common people , as being blind and brutish , ignorant of the art of governing , you say there 's nothing more empty , more vain , more inconstant , more uncertain than they . all which is very true of your self , and it 's true likewise of the rabble , but not of the middle sort , amongst whom the most prudent men , and most skilful in affairs are generally found ; others are most commonly diverted either by luxury and plenty , or by want and poverty , from virtue , and the study of laws and government . there are many ways , you say , by which kings come to the crown , so as not to he beholden to the people at all for it ; and especially , those that inherit a kingdom . but those nations most certainly be slaves , and born to slavery , that acknowledge any one to be their lord and master so absolutely , as that they are his inheritance , and come to him by descent , without any consent of their own ; they deserve not the appellation of subjects , nor of freemen , nor can they be justly reputed such ; nor are they to be accounted as a civil society , but must be looked on as the possessions and estate of their lord , and his family : for i see no difference as to the right of ownership betwixt them , and slaves , and beasts . secondly , they that come to the crown by conquest , cannot acknowledge themselves to have receiv'd from the people , the power they usurp . we are not now discoursing of a conqueror , but of a conquered king ; what a conqueror may lawfully do , we 'll discourse elsewhere ; do you keep to your subject . but whereas you ascribe to kings that ancient right that masters of families have over their housholds , and take an example from thence of their absolute power , i have shown already over and over , that there is no likeness at all betwixt them . and aristotle , whom you name so often , if you had read him , would have taught you as much in the beginning of his politicks , where he says they judge amiss that think there is but little difference betwixt a king , and a master of a family : for that there is not a numerical , but a specifical difference betwixt a kingdom and a family . for when villages grew to be towns and cities , that regal domestick right vanished by degrees , and was no more owned . hence diodorus in his first book says , that anciently kingdoms were transmitted not to the former king's sons , but to those that had best deserved of the people . and justine , originally , says he , the government of nations , and of countries , was by kings , who were exalted to that height of majesty , not by popular ambition , but for their moderation which commended them to good men. whence it is manifest , that in the very beginning of nations , that fatherly and hereditary government gave way to vertue , and the peoples right . which is the most natural reason and cause , and was the true rise of kingly government . for at first , men entred into societies , not that any one might insult over all the rest , but that in case any should injure other , there might be laws and judges to protect them from wrong , or at least to punish the wrong doers . when men were at first dispers'd and scattered asunder , some wise and eloquent man perswaded them to enter into civil societies ; that he himself , say you , might exercise dominion over them , when so united . perhaps you meant this of nimrod , who is said to have been the first tyrant . or else it proceeds from your own malice only , and certainly it cannot have been true of those great and generous spirited men , but is a fiction of your own , not warranted by any authority that i ever heard of . for all ancient writers tell us , that those first instituters of communities of men , had a regard to the good and safety of mankind only , and not to any private advantages of their own , or to make themselves great or powerful . one thing i cannot pass by , which i suppose you intended for an emblem , to set off the rest of this chapter : if a consul , say you , had been to be accused before his magistracy expired , there must have been a dictator created for that purpose ; though you had said before , that for that very reason there were two of them . just so your positions always agree with one another , and almost every page declares how weak and frivolous whatever you say or write upon any subject , is . under the ancient english-saxon kings , you say , the people were never called to parliaments . if any of our own country-men had asserted such a thing ; i could easily have convinced him that he was in an error . but i am not so much concerned at your mistaking our affairs , because y' are a foreigner . this in effect is all you say of the right of kings in general . many other things i omit , for you use many digressions , and put things down that either have no ground at all , or are nothing to the purpose , and my design is not to vye with you in impertinence . chap. viii . if you had published your own opinion , salmasius , concerning the right of kings in general , without affronting any persons in particular , yet , notwithstanding this alteration of affairs in england , as long as you did but use your own liberty in writing what your self thought fit , no english man could have had any cause to have been displeased with you , nor would you have made good the opinion you maintain , ever a whit the less . for if it be a positive command both of moses and of christ himself , that all men whatsoever , whether spaniards , french , italians , germans , english or scotch , should be subject to their princes , be they good or bad , which you asserted ( page . ) to what purpose was it for you , who are a foreigner and unknown to us , to be tampering with our laws , and to read us lectures out of them as out of your own papers and miscellanies , which , be they how they will , you have taught us already in a great many words , that they ought to give way to the laws of god. but now it is apparent that you have undertaken the defence of this royal cause , not so much out of your own inclination , as partly because you were hired , and that at a good round price too , considering how things are with him , that set you on work ; and partly , 't is like , out of expectation of some greater reward hereafter , to publish a scandalous libel against the english , who are injurious to none of their neighbours , and meddle with their own matters only . if there were no such thing as that in the case , is it credible that any man should be so impudent or so mad , as though he be a stranger , and at a great distance from us , yet of his own accord to intermeddle with our affairs , and side with a party ? what , the devil , is it to you what the english do amongst themselves ? what would you have , pragmatical puppy ? what would ye be at ? have you no concerns of your own at home ? i wish you had the same concerns that that famous olus , your fellow busie-bosie body , in the epigram had ; and perhaps so you have ; you deserve them i 'm sure . or did that hotspur your wife , who encouraged you to write what you have done , for out-law'd charles his sake , promise you some profitable professors place in england , and god knows what gratifications at charles his return ? but assure your selves , my mistress and my master , that england admits neither of wolfes , nor owners of wolfes . so that it 's no wonder you spit so much venom at our english mastiffs . it were better for you to return to those illustrious titles of yours in france , first to that hunger-starved lordship of yours at st. lou ; and in the next place to the sacred consistory of the most christian king. being a counsellor to the prince , you are at too great a distance from your own country . but i see full well that she neither desires you , nor your counsel ; nor did it appear she did , when you were there a few years ago , and began to lick a cardinal's trencher ; she 's in the right , by my troth , and can very willingly suffer such a little fellow as you , that are but one half of a man , to run up and down with your mistress of a wife , and desks full of trifles and fooleries , till you light some where or other upon a stipend , large enough for a knight of the grammar , or an illustrious critick on horseback ; if any prince or state has a mind to hire a vagabond doctor that is to be sold at a good round price . but here 's one that will bid for you ; whether you 're a merchantable commodity or not , and what you are worth we shall see by and by . you say , the parricides assert , that the government of england is not meerly kingly , but that it is a mixt government . sir thomas smith , a country-man of ours in edward the sixth's days , a good lawyer , and a statesman , one whom you your self will not call a parricide , in the beginning of a book which he wrote of the common-wealth of england , asserts the same thing , and not of our government only , but of almost all others in the world , and that out of aristotle ; and he says it is not possible that any government should otherwise subsist . but as if you thought it a crime to say any thing , and not unsay it again , you repeat your former thread-bare contradictions : you say , there neither is nor ever was any nation that did not understand by the very name of a king , a person whose authority is inferior to god alone , and who is accountable to no other . and yet a little after you confess , that the name of a king was formerly given to such powers and magistrates , as had not a full and absolute right of themselves , but had a dependance upon the people , as the suffetes among the carthaginians , the hebrew judges , the kings of the lacedemonians , and of arragon . are you not very consistent with your self ? then you reckon up five several sorts of monarchies out of aristotle ; in one of which only that right obtain'd , which you say is common to all kings . concerning which i have said already more than once , that neither doth aristotle give an instance of any such monarchy , nor was there ever any such in being ; the other four he clearly demonstrates that they were bounded by establisht laws , and the king's power subject to those laws . the first of which four was that of the lacedemonians , which in his opinion did of all others best deserve the name of a kingdom . the second was such as obtain'd among barbarians , which was lasting , because regulated by laws , and because the people willingly submitted to it ; whereas by the same author's opinion in his third book , what king so ever retains the soveraignty against the people's will , is no longer to be accounted a king , but a downright tyrant ; all which is true likewise of his third sort of kings , which he calls aesymnete , who were chosen by the people , and most commonly for a certain time only , and for some particular purposes , such as the roman dictators were . the fourth sort he makes of such as reigned in the heroical days , upon whom for their extraordinary merits the people of their own accord conferr'd the government , but yet bounded by laws ; nor could these retain the soveraignty against the will of the people ; nor do these four sorts of kingly governments differ , he says , from tyranny in any thing else , but only in that these governments are with the good liking of the people ; and that against their will. the fifth sort of kingly government , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or absolute monarchy , in which the supreme power resides in the king's person , which you pretend to be the right of all kings , is utterly condemn'd by the philosopher , as neither for the good of mankind , nor consonant to justice or nature , unless some people should be content to live under such a government , and withal confer it upon such as excel all others in vertue . these things any man may read in the third book of his politicks . but you , i believe , that once in your life you might appear witty and florid , pleased your self with making a comparison betwixt these five sorts of kingly government , and the five zones of the world ; betwixt the two extremes of kingly power , there are three more temperate species interposed , as there lie three zones betwixt the torrid and the frigid . pretty rogue ! what ingenious comparisons he always makes us ! may you be for ever banished , whither you your self condemn an absolute kingdom to be , to wit , to the frigid zone , which when you are there , will be doubly cold to what it was before . in the mean while we shall expect that new fashioned sphere which you describe , from you our modern archimedes , in which there shall be two extreme zones , one torrid , and the other frigid , and three temperate ones lying betwixt . the kings of the lacedaemonians , you say , might lawfully be imprisoned , but it was not lawful to put them to death . why not ? because the ministers of justice , and some foreign soldiers , being surprised at the novelty of the thing , thought it not lawful to lead agis to his execution , though condem'd to die ? and the people of lacedemon were displeased at his death , not because condemn'd to die , though a king , but because he was a good man and popular , and had been circumvented by a faction of the great ones . says plutarch , agis was the first king that was put to death by the ephori ; in which words he does not pretend to tell us what lawfully might be done , but what actually was done . for to imagin that such as may lawfully accuse a king , and imprison him , may not also lawfully put him to death , is a childish conceit . at last you betake your self to give an account of the right of english kings . there never was , you say , but one king in england . this you say , because you had said before , that unless a king be sole in the government , we cannot be a king. which if it be true , some of them , who i had thought had been kings of england , were not really so ; for to omit many of our saxon kings , who had 〈◊〉 their sons , or their brothers partners with them in the government , it is known that king henry the second of the norman race , reign'd together with his son. let them show , say you , a president of any kingdom under the government of a single person , who has not an absolute power ; though in some kingdoms more remiss , in others more intense . do you show any power that 's absolute , and yet remiss , you ass ; is not that power that 's absolute , the supreme power of all ? how can it then be both supreme and remiss ? whatsoever kings you shall acknowledg to be invested with a remiss ( or a less ) power , those i will easily make appear to have no absolute power ; and consequently to be inferior to a people , free by nature , who is both its own law given , and can make the regal power more or less intense or remiss ; that is , greater or less . whether the whole island of britain was anciently governed by kings , or no , is uncertain . it 's most likely that the form of their government changed according to the exigencies of the times . whence tacitus says , the britains anciently were under kings ; now the great man amongst them divide them into parties and factions . when the romans left them , they were about forty years without kings ; they were not always therefore under a kingly government , as you say they were ; but when they were so , that the kingdom was hereditary , i positively deny ; which that it was not , is evident both from the series of their kings , and their way of creating them ; for the consent of the people is asked in express words . when the king has taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oath , the archbishop stepping to 〈◊〉 side of the stage erected for that purpose , asks the people four several times , in these words , do you consent to have this man to be your king ? just as if he spoke to them in the roman stile , vultis , jubetis hunc regnare ? is it your pleasure , do you appoint this man to reign ? which would be needless , if the kingdom were by the law hereditary : but with kings , usurpation passes very frequently for law and right . you go about to ground charles's right to the crown , who was so often conquered himself , upon the right of conquest . william , surnamed the conqueror , ●orsooth , subdued us . but they who are not strangers to our history , know full well , that the strength of the english nation was not so broken in that one fight at hastings , but that they might easily have renewed the war. but they chose rather to accept of a king , than to be under a conqueror and a tyrant : they swear therefore to william , to be his liege-men , and he swears to them at the altar , to carry to them as a good king ought to do in all respects . when he broke his word , and the english betook themselves again to their arms , being diffident of his strength , he renewed his oath upon the holy evangelists , to observe the ancient laws of england . and therefore , if after that he miserably oppressed the english , ( as you say he did ) he did it not by right of conquest , but by right of perjury . besides , it is certain , that many ages ago , the conquerors and conquered coalesced into one and the same people : so that that right of conquest , if any such ever were , must needs have been antiquated long ago . his own words at his death , which i give you out of a french manuscript written at cane , put all out of doubt : i appoint no man ( says he ) to inherit the kingdom of england . by which words , both his pretended right of conquest , and the hereditary right , were disclaim'd at his death , and buried together with him . i see now that you have gotten a place at court , as i foretold you would ; you are made the king's chief treasurer and steward of his court-craft : and what follows , you seem to write ex officio , as by virtue of your office , magnificent sir. if any preceding kings , being thereunto compelled by factions of great men , or seditions amongst the common people , have receded in some measure from their right , that cannot prejudice the successor ; but that he is at liberty to resume it . you say well ; if therefore at any time our ancestors have through neglect lost any thing that was their right , why should that prejudice us their posterity ? if they would promise for themselves to become slaves , they could make no such promise for us ; who shall always retain the same right of delivering our selves out of slavery , that they had of enslaving themselves to any whomsoever . you wonder how it comes to pass that a king of great britain must now-adays be looked upon as one of the magistrates of the kingdom only ; whereas in all other kingly governments in christendom , kings are invested with a free and absolute authority . for the scots , i remit you to buchanan : for france , your own native countrey , to which you seem to be a stranger , to hottoman's franco gallia , and girardus a french historian ; for the rest , to other authors , of whom none that i know of , were independents : out of whom you might have learned a quite other lesson concerning the right of kings , than what you teach . not being able to prove that a tyrannical power belongs to the kings of england by right of conquest , you try now to do it by right of perjury . kings profess themselves to reign by the grace of god : what if they had professed themselves to be gods ? i believe if they had , you might easily have been brought to become one of their priests . so the archbishops of canterbury pretended to archbishop it by divine providence . are you such a fool , as to deny the pope's being a king in the church , that you may make the king greater than a pope in the state ? but in the statutes of the realm the king is called our lord. you are become of a sudden a wonderful nomenclator of our statutes : but you know not that many are called lords and masters , who are not really so : you know not how unreasonable a thing it is to judge of truth and right by titles of honour , not to say of flattery . make the same inference , if you will , from the parliament's being called the king's parliament ; for it is called the king's bridle too ; or a bridle to the king ; and therefore the king is no more lord or master of his parliament , than a horse is of his bridle . but why not the king's parliament , since the king summons them ? i 'le tell you why ; because the consuls used to indict a meeting of the senate , yet were they not lords over that council . when the king therefore summons or calls together a parliament , he does it by vertue and in discharge of that office , which he has received from the people , that he may advise with them about the weighty affairs of the kingdom , not his own particular affairs : or when at any time the parliament debated of the king 's own affairs , if any could properly be called his own , they were always the last things they did ; and it was in their choice when to debate of them , and whether at all or no , and depended not upon the king's pleasure : and they whom it concerns to know this , know very well , that parliaments anciently , whether summoned or not , might by law meet twice a year : but the laws are called too , the king's laws . these are flattering ascriptions ; a king of england can of himself make no law : for he was not constituted to make laws , but to see those laws kept , which the people made . and you your self here confess , that parliaments meet to make laws : wherefore the law is also called the law of the land , and the peoples law. whence king ethelstane in the preface to his laws , speaking to all the people , i have granted you every thing , says he , by your own law. and in the form of the oath , which the kings of england used to take before they were made kings , the people stipulate with them thus ; will you grant those just laws , which the people shall chuse ? the king answers , i will. and you are infinitely mistaken in saying , that when there is no parliament sitting , the king governs the whole state of the kingdom , to all intents and purposes , by a regal power . for he can determine nothing of any moment , with respect to either peace or war ; nor can he put any stop to the proceedings of the courts of justice . and the judges therefore swear , that they will do nothing judicially , but according to law , tho the king by word , or m●…te , or letters under his own seal , should command the contrary . hence it is that the king is often said in our law to be an infant ; and to possess his rights and dignities , as a child or a ward does his : see the mirror , cap. . sect. . and hence is that common saying amongst us , that the king can do no wrong : which you , like a raseal , interpret thus , whatever the king does , is no injury , because be is not ●…ble to be punished for it . by this very comment , if there were nothing else , the wonderful impudence and villany of this fellow , discovers it self sufficiantly : it belongs to the h●ad , you say , to command , and 〈◊〉 to the members : the king is the head of the parliament . you would not trifle thus , if you had any guts in your brains . you are mistaken again ( but there 's no end of your mistakes ) in not distinguishing the king's counsellors from the states of the realm for neither ought he to make choice of all of them , nor of any of these , which the r●st do not approve of ; but for electing any member of the house of commons , he never so much as pretended to it . whom the people appointed to that service , they were severally chosen by the votes of all the people in their respective cities , towns , and counties . i speak now of things universally known , and therefore i am the shorter . but you say , 't is ●al●e that the parliament was instituted by the people , as the worshippers of saint independency assert . now i see why you took so much pains in endeavour●●g to subvert the pa●●cy ; you carry another pope in your belly , as we say . for what else should you be in labour of , the wi●e of a woman , a he-wolf , impregnated by a she-wolf , but either a monster , or some new sort of p●…cy ? you now make he-saints , and she-saints at your pleasure , as if you were a true genuine pope . you absolve kings of all their sins ; and as if you had utterly vanquish'd and subdu'd your antagonist the pope , you adorn your self with his spoils . but because you have not yet profligated the pope quite , till the second and third , and perhaps the fourth and fifth part of your book of his supremacy come out , which book will nauseate a great many readers to death , sooner than you 'll get the better of the pope by it ; let it suffice you in the mean time , 〈◊〉 you , to become some antipope or other : there 's another she-saint , besides that independency that you de●ide , which you have canonized in good earnest ; and that is , the tyranny of kings : you shall therefore by my consent be the high priest of tyranny ; and that you may have all the pope's titles , you shall be a servant of the servants , not of god , but of the court. for that curse pronounced upon canaan , seems to stick as close to you , as your shirt . you call the people , a beast . what are you then your self ? for neither can that sacred confistory , nor your lordship of st. lou , exempt you its master from being one of the people , nay , of the common people ; nor can make you other than what you really are , a most loathsome beast . indeed , the writings of the prophets shadow out to us the monarchy and dominion of great kings by the name , and under the resemblance of a great beast . you say , that there is no mention of parliaments held under our kings , that reigned before william the conqueror . it is not worth while to jangle about a french word : the thing was always in being ; and you your self allow that in the saxon times , concilia sapientum wittena-gemots , are mentioned . and there are wise men among the body of the people , as well as amongst the nobility . but in the statute of merton made in the twentieth year of king henry the d , the earls and barons are only named . thus you are always imposed upon by words , who yet have spent your whole life in nothing else but words ; for we know very well that in that age , not only the guardians of the cinque-ports , and magistrates of cities , but even tradesmen are sometimes called barons ; and without doubt they might much more reasonably call every member of parliament , tho never so much a commoner , by the name of a baron . for that in the fifty second year of the same king's reign , the commoners as well as the lords were summoned , the statute of marlbridge , and most other statutes , declare in express words , which commoners king edward the third , in the preface to the statute-staple , calls , magnates comitatum ; the great men of the counties , as you very learnedly quote it for me ; those to wit , that came out of the several counties , and served for them ; which number of men constituted the house of commons , and neither were lords , nor could be . besides , a book more ancient than those statutes , called , modus habendi parliamenta , i. e. the manner of holding parliaments ; tells us , that the king , and the commons may hold a parliament , and enact laws , tho the lords , the bishops are absent ; but that with the lords , and the bishops , in the absence of the commons , no parliament can be held . and there 's a reason given for it , viz. because kings held parliaments and councils with their people before any lords or bishops were made ; besides , the lords serve for themselves only , the commons each for the county , city , or burrough that sent them . and that therefore the commons in parliament represent the whole body of the nation ; in which respect they are more worthy , and every way preferable to the house of peers . but the power of judicature , you say , never was invested in the house of commons . nor was the king ever possessed of it : remember tho , that originally all power proceeded , and yet does proceed from the people . which marcus tullius , excellently well shows in his oration , de lege agraria , of the agrarian law. as all powers , authorities , and publick administrations ought to be derived from the whole body of the people ; so those of them ought in an especial manner so to be derived , which are ordained and appointed for the common benefit and interest of all ; to which impolyments every particular person , may both give his vote for the chusing such persons , as he thinks will take most care of the publick , and withal by voting and making interest for them , lay such obligations upon them , as may entitle them to their friendship , and good offices in time to come . here you see the true rise and original of parliaments , and that it was much ancienter than the saxon chronicles . whilst we may dwell in such a light of truth and wisdom , as cicero's age afforded , you labour in vain to blind us with the darkness of obseurer times . by the saying whereof , i would not be understood to derogate in the least from the authority and pruden●e of our ancestors , who most certainly went further in the enacting of good laws , than either the ages they lived in , or their own learning or education seem to have been capable of ; and tho sometimes they made laws that were none of the best , yet as being conscious to themselves of the ignorance● and infirmity of humane nature , they have conveyed this doctrine down to posterity , as the foundation of all laws , which likewise all our lawyers admit , that if any law , or custom , be contrary to the law of god , of nature , or of reason , ●●ought to be looked upon as null and void . whence it follows , that tho it were possible for you to discover any statute , or other publick sanction , which ascribed to the king a tyrannical power , since that would be repugnant to the will of god , to nature , and to right reason , you may learn from that general and primary law of ours , which i have just now quoted , that it will be null and void . but you will never be able to find that any such right of kings has the least foundation in our law. since it is plain therefore , that the power of judicature was originally in the people themselves , and that the people never did by any royal law part with it to the king , ( for the kings of england neither use to judge any man , nor can by the law do it , otherwise than according to laws settled and agreed to : fleta , book . cap. . ) it follows , that this power remains yet whole and entire in the people themselves . for that it was either never committed to the house of peers , or if it were , that it may lawfully be taken from them again , you your self will not deny . but , it is in the king's power , you say , to make a village into a burrough , and that into a city ; and consequently , the king does in effect create those that constitute the commons house of parliament . but , i say , that even towns and burroughs are more ancient than kings ; and that the people is the people , tho they should live in the open fields . and now we are extreamly well pleased with your anglicisms , county court , the turne , hundreda : you have quickly learnt to count your hundred jacobusses in english . quis expedirit salmasio suam hundredam ? picamque docuit verba nostra conari ? magister artis venter , & jacobaei centum , exulantis viscera marsupii regis . quod si dol●si spes refulserit nummi , ipse antichristi modò qui primatum papae minatus uno est dissipare sufflatu , cantabit ultrò cardmalitium melos . who taught salmasius that french chatt'ring pye , to aim at english and hundred a cry ? the starving rascal , flusht with just a hundred english jacobusses , hundred a blunder'd . an out-law'd king 's last stock . — a hundred more , would make him pimp for th' anchristian whore ; and in rome ' s praise employ his poyson'd breath , who threatn'd once to stink the pope to death . the next thing you do is to trouble us with a long discourse of the earls and the barons , to show that the king made them all ; which we readily grant , and for that reason they were most commonly at the king's beck ; and therefore we have done well to take care , that for the future they shall not be judges of a free people ? you affirm , that the power of calling parliaments as often as he pleases , and of dissolving them when he pleases , has belonged to the king time out of mind . whether such a vile , mercenary foreigner as you , who transcribe what some fugitives dictate to you , or the express letter of our own laws are more to be credited in this matter , we shall enquire hereafter . but , say you , there is another argument , and an invincible one , to prove the power of the kings of england superior to that of the parliament ; the king's power is perpetual and of course , whereby he administers the government singly without the parliament ; that of the parliament is extraordinary , or out of course , and limited to particulars only , nor can they enact any thing so as to be binding in law , without the king. where does the great force of this argument lye ? in the words of course and perpetual ? why many inferior magistrates have an ordinary and perpetual power , those whom we call justices of peace . have they therefore the supreme power ? and i have said already , that the king's power is committed to him , to take care , by interposing his authority , that nothing be done contrary to law , and that he may see to the due observation of our laws , not to top his own upon us ; and consequently that the king has no power out of his courts ; nay all the ordinary power is rather the proples , who determine all controversies themselves by juries of twelve men. and hence it is that when a malefactor is asked at his arraignment , how will you be tried ? he answers always according to law and custom , by god and my country ; not by god and the king , or the king's deputy . but the authority of the parliament , which indeed and in truth is the supreme power of the people committed to that senate , if it may be called extraordinary , it must be by reason of its eminence and superiority ; else it is known they are called ordines , and therefore cannot properly be said to be extra ordinem , out of order ; and if not actually , as they say , yet vertually they have a perpetual power and authority over all courts and ordinary magistrates , and that without the king. and now it seems our barbarous terms grate upon your critical ears , forsooth ! whereas , if i had leisure , or that it were worth my while , i could reckon up so many barbarisms of yours in this one book , as if you were to be chastiz'd for them as you deserve , all the school-boys ferulers in christendom would be broken upon you ; nor would you receive so many pieces of gold as that wretched poet did of old , but a great many more boxes o' th' ear . you say , 't is a prodigy more monstrous than all the most absurd opinions in the world put together , that the bedlams should make a distinction betwixt the king's power and his person . i will not quote what every author has said upon this subject ; but if by the words personam regis , you mean what we call in english , the person of the king ; chrysostome , who was no bedlam , might have caught you , that it is no absurd thing to make a distinction betwixt that and his power ; for that father explains the apostles command of being subject to the higher powers , to be meant of the thing , the power it self , and not of the persons of the magistrates . and why may not i say that a king , who acts any thing contrary to law , acts so far forth as a private person , or a tyrant , and not in the capacity of a king invested with a legal authority ? if you do not know that there may be in one and the same man more persons or capacities than one , and that those capacities may in thought and conception be severed from the man himself , you are altogether ignorant both of latin and common sense . but this you say to absolve kings from all sin and guilt ; and that you may make us believe that you are gotten into the chair vo●r self , which you have pull'd the pope out of : the king , you say , is supposed not capable of committing any crime , because no punishment is consequential upon any crime of his . whoever therefore is not punisht , offends not ; it is not the theft , but the punishment that makes the thief . salmasius the grammarian commits no soloecisms now , because he is from under the ferular ; when you have overthrown the pope , let these , for god's sake , be the canons of your pontificate , or at least your indulgences , whether you shall chuse to be called the high priest st. ●yranny , or of st. slavery i pass by the reproachful language which towards the latter end of the chapter you give the state of the commonwealth , and the church of england ; 't is common to such as you are , you contemptible varlet , to rail at those things most , that are most praise-worthy . but that i may not seem to have asserted any thing rashly concerning the right of the kings of england , or rather concerning the peoples right with respect to their princes ; i will now alledg out of our ancient histories a few things indeed of many , but such as will make it evident that the english lately tried their king according to the setled laws of the realm , and the customs of their ancestors . after the romans quitted this island , the britains for about forty years were sui juris , and without any kings at all . of whom those they first set up , some they put to death . and for that , gildas reprehends them , not as you do , for killing their kings , but for killing them uncondemned , and ( to use his own words ) non pro veri examinatione , without inquiring into the matter of fact . vortigerne was for his incestuous marriage with his own daughter , condemn'd , as nennius informs us , the most ancient of all our historians next to gildas , by st. german , and a general council of the britains , and his son vortimer set up in his stead . this came to pass not long after st. augustine's death , which is enough to discover how ●utilous you are , to say , as you have done , that it was a pope , and zachary by name , who first held the lawfulness of judging kings . about the year of our lord , morcantius , who then reign'd in wales , was by oudeceus bishop of landaff , condemn'd to exile , for the murther of his uncle , though he got the sentence off by bestowing some lands upon the church . come we now to the saxons , whose laws we have , and therefore i shall quote none of their presidents . remember that the saxons were of a german extract , who neither invested their kings with any absolute , unlimited power , and consulted in a body of the more weighty affairs of government ; whence we may perceive that in the time of our saxon ancestors parliaments ( the name it self only excepted ) had the supreme authority . the name they gave them , was councils of wise-men ; and this in the reign of ethelbert , of whom bede says , that he made laws in imitation of the roman laws , cum concilio sapientum ; by the advice , or in a council of his wise-men . so edwyn , king of northumberland , and ina king of the vvest-saxons , having consulted with their vvise-men , and the elders of the people , made new laws . other laws k. alfred made , by the advice in like manner of his wise-men , and he says himself , that it was by the consent of them all , that they were commanded to be observed . from these and many other like places , it is as clear as the sun , that chosen men even from amongst the common people , were members of the supreme councils , unless we must believe that no men are wise , but the nobility . we have likewise a very ancient book , called the mirror of justices , in which we are told , that the saxons , when they first subdued the brittains , and chose themselves kings , required an oath of them , to submit to the judgment of the law , as much as any of their subjects , cap. . sect. . in the same place 't is said , that it is but just that the king have his peers in parliament , to take cognizance of wrongs done by the king , or the queen ; and that there was a law made in king alored's time , that parliaments should be holden twice a year at london , or oftner , if need were . which law , when through neglect it grew into disuse , was revived by two statutes in king edward the third's time . and in another ancient manuscript , called modus tenendi parliamenta , we read thus , if the king dissolve the parliament before they have dispatcht the business , for which the council was summon'd , he is guilty of perjury ; and shall be reputed to have broken his coronation oath . for how can he be said to grant those good laws , which the people chuse , as he is sworn to do , if he hinders the people from chusing them , either by summoning parliaments seldomer , or by dissolving them sooner than the publick affairs require , or admit . and that oath , which the kings of england take at their coronation , has always been looked upon by our lawyers , as a most sacred law. and what remedy can be found to obviate the great dangers of the whole state ( which is the very end of summoning parliaments ) if that great and august assembly may be dissolved at the pleasure many times of a silly , head-strong king ? to absent himself from them , is certainly less than to dissolve them ; and yet by our laws , as that modus lays them down , the king neither can , nor ought to absent himself from his parliament , unless he be really indisposed in health ; nor then neither , till twelve of the peers have been with him to inspect his body , and give the parliament an account of his indisposition : is this like the carriage of servants to a master ? on the other hand , the house of commons , without whom there can be no parliament held , tho summoned by the king , may withdraw , and having made a secession , expostulate with the king concerning male-administration , as the same book has it . but , which is the greatest thing of all , amongst the laws of king edward , commonly called the confessor , there is one very excellent , relating to the kingly office ; which office , if the king do not discharge as he ought ; then , says the law , he shall not retain so much as the name of a king. and lest these words should not be sufficiently understood , the example of chilperic king of france is subjoyn'd , whom the people for that cause deposed . and that by this law a wicked king is liable to punishment , that sword of king edward , called curtana , denotes to us , which the earl of chester used to carry in the solemn procession at a coronation ; a token , says mathew paris , that he has authority by law to punish the king , if he will not do his duty : and the sword is hardly ever made use of but in capital punishments . this same law , together with other laws of that good king edward did william the conqueror ratifie in the fourth year of his reign , and in a very full council held at verulam , confirm'd it with a most solemn oath : and by so doing , he not only extinguish'd his right of conquest , if he ever had any over us , but subjected himself to be judged according to the tenor of this very law. and his son henry swore to the observance of king edward's laws , and of this amongst the rest ; and upon these only terms it was , that he was chosen king , whilst his elder brother robert was alive . the same oath was taken by all succeeding kings , before they were crowned . hence our ancient and famous lawyer bracton , in his first book , chap. . there is no king in the case , says he , where will rules 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and law does not take place . and in his third book , chap. . a king is a king so long as he rules well ; he becomes a tyrant when he oppresses the people committed to his charge . and in the same chapter , the king ought to use the power of law and right , as god's minister and vice-gerent ; the power of wrong is the devils , and not gods ; when the king turns aside to do injustice , he is the minister of the devil . the very same words almost another ancient lawyer has , who was the author of the book , called fleta ; both of them remembred that truly royal law of king edward , that fundamental maxim in our law , which i have formerly mentioned , by which nothing is to be accounted a law , that is contrary to the laws of god , or of reason ; no more than a tyrant can be said to be a king , or a minister of the devil , a minister of god. since therefore the law is chiefly right reason ; if we are bound to obey a king , and a minister of god ; by the very same reason , and the very same law , we ought to resist a tyrant , and a minister of the devil . and because controversies arise oftner about names than things ; the same authors tell us , that a king of england , tho he have not lost the name of a king , yet is as liable to be judged , and ought so to be , as any of the common people . bracton , book . chap. . fleta , book . chap. . no man ought to be greater than the king in the administration of justice ; but he himself ought to be as little as the least in receiving justice , si peccat , if he offend . others read it , si petat . since our kings therefore are liable to be judged , whether by the name of tyrants , or of kings , it must not be difficult to assign their legal judges . nor will it be amiss to consult the same authors upon that point . bracton , book . chap. . fleta , book . chap. . the king has his superiors in the government ; the law , by which he is made king , and his court , to wit , the earls , and the barons : comites ( earls ) are as much as to say , companions ; and he that has a companion , has a master ; and therefore , if the king will be without a bridle , that is , not govern by law , they ought to bridle him . that the commons are comprehended in the word barons , has been shown already ; nay , and in the books of our ancient laws they are frequently said to have been called peers of parliament ; and especially in the modus tenendi , &c. there shall be chosen ( says that book ) out of all the peers of the realm , five and twenty persons , of whom five shall be knight , five citizens , and five burg●ss●s ; and two knights of a county , have a greater vote in granting and rejecting than the greatest earl in england . and it is but reasonable they should , for they vote for a whole county , &c. the earls for themselves only . and who can but perceive that those patent earls , whom you call earls made by writ ( since we have now none that hold their earldoms by tenure ) are very unfit persons to try the king , who conferr'd their honours upon them ? since therefore by our law , as appears by that old book , call'd the mirror , the king has his peers , who in parliament have cognizance of wrongs done by the king to any of his people ; and since it is notoriously known , that the meanest man in the kingdom may even in inferior courts have the benefit of the law against the king himself in case of any injury , or wrong sustained ; how much more consonant to justice , how much more necessary is it , that in case the king oppress all his people , there should be such as have authority not only to restrain him , and keep him within bounds , but to judge and punish him ? for that government must needs be very ill , and most ridiculously constituted , in which remedy is provided in case of little injuries done by the prince to private persons , and no remedy , no redress for greater , no care taken for the safety of the whole ; no provision made to the contrary , but that the king may without any law ruin all his subjects , when at the same time he cannot by law , so much as hurt any one of them . and since i have shown that it is neither good manners , nor expedient , that the lords should be the kings judges ; it follows , that the power of judicature in that case , does wholly , and by very good right , belong to the commons , who are both peers of the realm , and barons , and have the power and authority of all the people committed to them . for since ( as we find it expresly in our written law , which i have already cited ) the commons together with the king , make a good parliament without either lords or bishops , because before either lords or bishops had a being , kings held parliaments with their commons only ; by the very same reason the commons apart must have the sovereign power without the king , and a power of judging the king himself , because before there ever was a king , they in the name of the whole body of the nation held councils and parliaments , had the power of judicature , made laws , and made the kings themselves ; not to lord it over the people , but to administer their publick affairs . whom if the king , instead of so doing shall endeavour to injure and oppress , our law pronounces him from time forward not so much as to retain the name of a king , to be no such thing as a king ; and if he be no king , what need we trouble our selves to find out peers for him ? for being then by all good men adjudged to be a tyrant , there are none but who are peers good enough for him , and proper enough to pronounce sentence of death upon him judicially . these things being so , i think i have sufficiently proved what i undertook , by many authorities , and written laws ; to wit , that since the commons have authority by very good right to try the king , and since they have actually tried him , and put him to death , for the mischief he had done both in church and state , and without all hope of amendment , they have done nothing therein but what was just and regular , for the interest of the state , in discharging of their trust , becoming their dignity , and according to the laws of the land. and i cannot upon this occasion , but congratulate my self with the honour of having had such ancestors , who founded this government with no less prudence , and in as much liberty as the most worthy of the ancient romans or grecians , ever sounded any of theirs ; and they must needs , if they have any knowledg of our affairs , rejoyce over their posterity , who when they were almost reduced to slavery , yet with so much wisdom and courage 〈◊〉 and asserted the state , which they so wisely sounded upon so much liberty , from the unruly government of a king. chap. ix . i think by this time 't is sufficiently evident that kings of england may be judged even by the laws of england ; and that they have their proper judges ; which was the thing to be proved . what do you do farther ? ( for whereas you repeat many things that you have said before i do not intend to repeat the answers that i have given them ) , 't is an easie thing to demonstrate even from the nature of the things for which parliaments are summon'd , that the king is above the parliament . the parliament , you say , is wont to be assembled upon weighty affairs , such as wherein the safety of the kingdom and of the people , is concerned . if therefore the king call parliaments together , not for his own concerns , but those of the nation , nor to settle those neither , but by their own consent , at their own discretion , what is he more than a minister , and as it were an agent for the people ? since without their suffrages that are chosen by the people , he cannot e●… the least thing whatsoever , either with relation to himself , or any body else ? which proves likewise that 't is the king's duty to call parliaments whenever the people desire it ; since the peoples and not the king 's concerns are to be treated of that assembly , and to be ordered as they see cause . for although the king's assent be required for fashion sake , which in lesser matters , that concerned the welfare of private persons only , he might refuse , and use that form , the king will advise ; yet in those greater affairs that concern'd the publick safety , and liberty of the people in general , he had no negative voice ; for it would have been against his coronation oath to deny his assent in such cases , which was as binding to him as any law could be , and against the chief article of magna charta , cap. . we will not deny to any man , nor will we delay to render to every man right and justice . shall it not be in the king's power to deny justice , and shall it be in his power to deny the enacting of just laws ? could he not deny justice to any particular person , and could he to all his people ? could he not do it in inferior courts , and could he in the supreme court of all ? or , can any king be so arrogant as to pretend to know what 's just and profitable better than the whole body of the people ? especially , since he is created and chosen for this very end and purpose , to do justice to all , as braction says , lib. . cap. . that is to do justice according to such laws , as the people agree upon . hence is what we find in our records , h . rott . parl. num . . the king has no prerogative that derogates from justice and equity . and formerly when kings have refused to confirm acts of parliament , to wit , magna charta , and some others , our ancestors have brought them to it by force of arms. and yet our lawyers never were of opinion that those laws were less valid , or less binding , since the king was forced to assent to no more than what he ought in justice to have assented to voluntarily , and without constraint . whilest you go about to prove that kings of other nations have been as much under the power of their senates or counsels , as our kings were , you do not argue us into slavery , but them into liberty . in which you do but that over again , that you have from the very beginning of your discourse , and which some silly leguleians now and then do , to argue unawares against their own clients . but you say , vve confess that the king where-ever he be , yet is supposed still to be present in his parliament by vertue of his power ; insomuch that whatever is transacted there , is supposed to be done by the king himself ; and then as if you had got some petty bribe or small morsel , and tickled with the remembrance of your purse of gold , we take , say you , what they give us ; and take a halter then , for i 'm sure you deserve it . but we do not give it for granted , which is the thing you thought would follow from thence , that therefore that court acts only by vertue of a delegated power from the king. for when we say that the regal power , be it what it will , cannot be absent from the parliament , do we thereby acknowledg that power to be supreme ? does not the king's authority seem rather to be transferred to the parliament , and , as being the lesser of the two , to be comprised in the greater ? certainly if the parliament may res●ind the king's acts , whether he will or no , and revoke priviledges granted by him , to whomsoever they be granted . if they may set bounds to his prerogative , as they see cause , if they may regulate his yearly revenue , and the expences of his court , his retinue , and generally all the concerns of his houshold ; if they may remove his most intimate friends and counsellors , and as it were pluck them out of his bosom , and bring them to condign punishment : finally , if any subject may by law appeal from the king to the parliament , all which things , that they may lawfully be done , and have been frequently practised , both our histories and records , and the most eminent of our lawyers assure us , i suppose no man in his right wits will deny the authority of the parliament to be superiour to that of the king. for even in an interregnum the authority of the parliament is in being , and ( than which nothing is more common in our histories ) they have often made a free choice of a successor , without any regard to an hereditary descent . in short , the parliament is the supreme councel of the nation , constituted and appointed by a most free people , and armed with ample power and authority , for this end and purpose ; viz. to consult together upon the most weighty affairs of the kingdom ; the king was created to put their laws in execution . which thing after the parliament themselves had declared in a publick edict ( for such is the justice of their proceedings , that of their own accord they have been willing to give an account of their actions to other nations ) is it not prodigious , that such a pitiful fellow as you are , a man of no authority , of no credit , of no estate in the world , a meer burgundian 〈◊〉 , should have the imprudence to accuse the parliament of england , asserting by a publick instrument their own and their countries right , of a detestable and ●●rrid imposture . your country may be a●…amed , you rascall , to have brought forth a little inconsiderable fellow of such profligate impudence . but perhaps you have somewhat to tell us that may be for our good : go on we 'l hear you . vvhat laws , say you , can a parliament enact , in which the bishops are 〈◊〉 present ? did you then , ye madman , expell the order of bishops out of the church to introduce them into the state ? o wicked wretch , who ought to be delivered over to satan , whom the church ought to forbid her communion , as being a hypocrite , and an atheist , and no civil society of men to acknowledg as a member , being a publick enemy , and a plague-sore to the common liberty of mankind ; who , where the gospel fails you , endeavour to prove out of aristetle , halicarnassaeus , and then from some popish authorities of the most corrupt ages , that the king of england is the head of the church of england , to the end that you may , as far as in you lies , bring in the bishops again , his intimates and table-companions , grown so of late , to rob and tyrannize in the church of god , whom god himself hath deposed and degraded , whose very order you had heretofore asserted in print that it ought to be rooted out of the world , as destructive of and pernicious to the christian religion . what apostate did ever so shamefully and wickedly desert as this man has done , i do not say his own , which indeed never was any , but the christian doctrine which he had formerly asserted ? the bishops being put down , who under the king , and by his permission held plea of ecclesiastical causes , upon whom , say you , will that jurisdiction devolve ? o villain , have some regard at least to your own conscience ; remember before it be too late , if at least this admonition of mine come not too late , remember that this mocking the holy spirit of god is an inexpiable crime , and will not be left unpunisht . stop at last , and set bounds to your fury , lest the wrath of god lay hold upon you suddenly , for endeavouring to deliver the flock of god , his anointed ones , that are not to be touched , to enemies and cruel tyrants , to be crusht and trampled on again , from whom himself by a high and stretched out arm had so lately delivered them ; and from whom you your self maintained that they ought to be delivered , i know not whether for any good of theirs , or in order to the hardning of your own heart , and to further your own damnation . if the bishops have no right to lord it over the church , certainly much less have kings , whatever the laws of men may be to the contrary . for they that know any thing of the gospel know thus much , that the government of the church is altogether divine and spiritual , and no civil constitution . whereas you say , that in secular affairs , the kings of england have always had the sovereign power . our laws do abundantly declare that to be false . our courts of justice are erected and suppressed , not by the king's authority , but that of the parliament ; and yet in any of them , the meanest subject might go to law with the ring ; nor is it a rare thing for the judges to give judgment against him ; which if the king should endeavour to obstruct by any prohibition , mandate , or letters , the judges were bound by law , and by their oaths not to obey him , but to reject such inhibitions as null and void in law ; the king could not imprison any man , or seize his estate as forfeited ; he could not punish any man , not summoned to appear in court , where not the king but the ordinary judges gave sentence ; which they frequently did , as i have said , against the king. hence our bractan , lib. . cap. . the regal power , says he , is according to law ; he has no power to do any wrong , nor can the king do any thing but what the law warrants . those lawyers that you have consulted , men that have lately fled their countrey , may tell you another tale , and acquaint you with some statutes , not very ancient neither , but made in king edward th's , king henry th's , and king edward th's days ; but they did not consider , that what power soever those statutes gave the king , was conferred upon him by authority of parliament ; so that he was beholding to them for it ; and the same power that conferr'd it , might at pleasure resume it . how comes it to pass that so acute a disputant as you , should suffer your self to be imposed upon to that degree , as to make use of that very argument to prove the king's power to be absolute and supreme , than which nothing proves more clearly , that it is subordinate to that of the parliament ? our records of the greatest authority with us , declare , that our kings owe all their power , not to any right of inheritance , of conquest , or succession , but to the people . so in the parliament rolls of king hen. . numb . . we read , that the kingly office and power was granted by the commons to king henry the th , and before him , to his predecessor king richard the d . just as kings use to grant commissioners places , and lieutenantships to their deputies , by edicts and patents . thus the house of commons ordered expresly to be entred upon record , that they had granted to king richard to use the same good liberty that the kings of england before him had used : which because that king abused to the subversion of the laws , and contrary to his oath at his coronation , the same persons that granted him that power , took it back again , and deposed him . the same men , as appears by the same record , declared in open parliament , that having confidence in the prudence and moderation of king henry the th . they will and enact , that he enjoy the same royal authority that his ancestors enjoyed . which if it had been any other than in the nature of a trust , as this was , either those houses of parliament were foolish and vain , to give what was none of their own , or those kings that were willing to receive as from them , what was already theirs , were too injurious both to themselves and their posterity ; neither of which is likely . a third part of the regal power , say you , is conversant about the m●litia ; this the kings of england have used to order and govern , without fellow or competitor . this is as false as all the rest that you have taken upon the credit of fugitives : for in the first place , both our own histories , and those of foreigners , that have been any whit exact in the relation of our affairs , declare , that the making of peace and war , always did belong to the parliament . and the laws of st. edward , which our kings were bound to swear that they would maintain , make this appear beyond all exception , in the chapter de heretochus , viz. that there were certain officers appointed in every province and county throughout the kingdom , that were called heretochs , in latin , d●…s , commanders of armies , that were to command the forces of the several counties , not for the honour of the crown only , but for the good of the realm . and they were chosen `by the general council , and in the several counties at publick assemblies of the inhabitants , as sheriffs ought to be chosen . whence it is evident , that the fo●… of the kingdom , and the commanders of those forces , were anciently , and ought to be still , not at the king's command , but at the people's ; and that this most reasonable and just law obtained in this kingdom of ours no less than heretofore it did in the commonwealth of the romans . concerning which , it will not be amiss to hear what cicera says , philip. 〈◊〉 . all the ●egions , all the forces of the commonwealth , wheresoever they are , are the people of rome's ; nor are those ●egions that deserted the consul antonins , said to have been antonin's , but the commonwealths ●egions . this very law of st. edward , together with the rest , did william the conqueror , at the desire and instance of the people , confirm by oath , and added over and above , cap. . that all cities , boroughs , castles , should be so watched every night , as the sheriffs , the aldermen , and other magistrates , should think meet for the safety of the kingdom . and in the th . law , castles , boroughs , and cities , were first built for the defence of the people , and therefore ought to be maintained free and entire , by all ways and means . what then ? shall towns and places of strength in times of peace be guarded against thieves and robbers by common councils of the several places , and shall they not be defended in dangerous times of war , against both domestick and foreign hostility , by the common council of the whole nation ? if this be not granted , there can be no freedom , no integrity , no reason in the guarding of them ; nor shall we obtain any of those ends , for which the law it self tells us , that towns and fortresses were at first founded . indeed our ancestors were willing to put any thing into the king's power , rather than their arms , and the garisons of their towns ; conceiving that to be neither better nor worse , than betraying their liberty to the fury and exorbitancy of their princes . of which there are so very many instances in our histories , and those so generally known , that it would be superfluous to mention any of them here . but the king owes protection to his subjects ; and how can be protect them , unless he have men and arms at command ? but , say i , he had all this for the good of the kingdom , as has been said , not for the destruction of his people , and the ruin of the kingdom : which in king henry the d's time , one leonard , a learned man in those days , in an assembly of bishops , told rustandus , the pope's nuncio and the king's procurator , in these words ; all churches are the pope's , as all temporal things are said to be the king 's , for defence and protection , not his in propriety and ownership , as we say ; they are his to de●end , not to destroy . the aforementioned law of st. edward , is to the same purpose ; and what does this import more than a trust ? does this look like absolute power ? such a kind of power a commander of an army always has , that is , a delegated power ; and yet both at home and abroad he is never the less able to defend the people that chuse him . our parliaments would anciently have contended with our kings about their liberty and the laws of st. edward , to very little purpose ; and ' ●would have been an unequal match betwixt the kings and them , if they had been of opinion , that that the power of the sword belonged to him alone ; for how unjust laws soever their kings would have imposed upon them , their charter , tho never so great , would have been a weak defence against force . but say you , what would the parliament be the better for the militia , since without the king's assent , they cannot raise the least earthing from the people towards the maintaining it ? take you no thought for that : for in the first place you go upon a false supposition , that parliaments cannot impose taxes without the king's assent , upon the people that send them , and whose concerns they undertake . in the next place , you that are so officious an enquirer into other mens matters , cannot but have heard , that the people of their own accord , by bringing in their plate to be melted down , raised a great sum of money towards the carrying on of this war against the king. then you mention the largeness of our king's revenue : you mention over and over again five hundred and forty thousands ; that these of our kings that have been eminent for their bounty and liberality , have used to give large boons out of their own partimony . this you were glad to hear ; 't was by this charm , that those traytors to their countrey allured you , as b●… the prophet was enticed of old , to curse the people of god , and exclaim against the judicial dispensations of his providence . you fool ! what was that unjust and violent king the better for such abundance of wealth ? what are you the better for it ? who have been no partaker of any part of it , that i can hear of , ( how great hopes soever you may have conceiv'd of being vastly enriched by it ) but only of a hundred pieces of gold , in a purse wrought with beads . take that reward of thine iniquity , balaam , which thou hast loved , and enjoy it . you go on to play the fool ; the setting up of a standard is a prerogative that belongs to the king only . how so ? why because virgil tells us in his aeneis , that turnus set up a standard on the top of the tower at laurentum , for an ensign of war. and do not you know , grammarian , that every general of an army does the same thing ? but , says aristotle , the king must always be provided of a military power , that he may be able to defend the laws , and therefore the king must be stronger than the whole body of the people . this man makes consequences just as o●nus does ropes in hell ; which are of no use but to be eaten by asses . for a number of soldiers given to the king by the people , is one thing , and the sole power of the militia is quite another thing ; the latter , aristotle does not allow that kings ought to be masters of , and that in this very place which you have quoted : he ought , says he , to have so many armed men about him , as to make him stronger than any one man , than many men got together ; but he must not be stronger than all the people , polit. lib. . cap. . else instead of protecting them , it would be in his power to subject both people and laws to himself . for this is the difference betwixt a king and a tyrant : a king , by consent of the senate and people , has about him so many armed men , as to enable him to resist enemies , and suppress seditions . a tyrant , against the will both of senate and people , gets as great a number as he can , either of enemies , or profligate subjects to side with him against the senate and the people . the parliament therefore allowed the king , as they did whatever he had besides , the setting up of a standard ; not to wage war against his own people , but to defend them against such as the parliament should declare enemies to the state : if he acted otherwise , himself was to be accounted an enemy ; since according to the very law of st. edward , or according to a more sacred law than that , the law of nature it self , he lost the name of a king , and was no longer such . whence cicero in his philip. he forfeits his command in the army , and interest in the government , that employs them against the state. neither could the king compel those that held of him by knight-service , to serve him in any other war , than such as was made by consent of parliament ; which is evident by many statutes . so for customs and other subsidies for the maintenance of the navy ; the king could not exact them without an act of parliament ; as was resolved about twelve years ago , by the ablest of our lawyers , when the king's authority was at the height . and long before them , fortescue , an eminent lawyer , and chancellor to king henry the th , the king of england , says he , can neither alter the laws , nor exact subsidies without the people's consent ; nor can any testimonies be brought from antiquity , to prove the kingdom of england to have been merely regal . the king , says bracton , has a jurisdiction over all his subjects ; that is , in his courts of justice , where justice is administred in the king's name indeed , but according to our own laws . all are subject to the king ; that is , every particular man is ; and so bracton explains himself in the places that i have cited . what follows is but turning the same stone over and over again ; ( at which sport i believe you are able to tire sisiphus himself ) , and is sufficiently answered by what has been said already . for the rest , if our parliaments have sometimes complimented good kings with submissive expressions , tho neither favouring of flattery nor slavery , those are not to be accounted due to tyrants , nor ought to prejudice the peoples right ; good manners and civility do not infringe liberty . whereas you cite out of sir edw. coke and others , that the kingdom of england is an absolute kingdom ; that is said with respect to any foreign prince , or the emperor ; because as cambden says , it is not under the patronage of the emperor ; but both of them affirm that the government of england resides not in the king alone , but in a body politick . whence fortescue in his book de laud. leg . angl. cap. . the king of england , says he , governs his people , not by a merely regal , but a political power ; for the english are govern'd by laws of their own making . foreign authors were not ignorant of this : hence philip de comines , a grave author , in the fifth book of his commentaries , of all the kingdoms of the earth , says he , that i have any knowledge of , there is none in my opinion , where the government is more moderate , where the king has less power of hurting his people , than in england . finally , 't is ridiculous , say you , for them to affirm that kingdoms were ancienter than kings ; which is as much as if they should say , that there was light before the sun was created . but with your good leave , sir , we do not say that kingdoms , but that the people were before kings . in the mean time , who can be more ridiculous than you , who deny there was light before the sun had a being . you pretend to a curiosity in other mens matters , and have forgot the very first things that were taught you . you wonder how they that have seen the king upon his throne , at a session of parliament ( sub aureo & serico coelo , under a golden and silken heaven ) under a canopy of state , should so much as make a question whether the majesty resided in him , or in the parliament ? they are certainly hard of belief , whom so lucid an argument coming down from heaven , cannot convince . which golden heaven , you , like a stoick , have so devoutly and seriously gaz'd upon , that you seem to have forgot what kind of heaven moses and aristotle describe to us ; for you deny that there was any light in moses his heaven , before the sun ; and in aristotle's you make three temperate zones . how many zones you observed in that golden and silken heaven of the king 's , i know not ; but i know you got one zone ( a purse ) well tempered with a hundred golden stars by your astronomy . chap. x. since this whole controversie , whether concerning the right of kings in general , or that of the king of england in particular , is rendred difficult and intricate , rather by the obstinacy of parties , than by the nature of the thing it self , i hope they that prefer truth before the interest of a faction , will be satisfied with what i have alledged out of the law of god , the law of nations , and the municipal laws of my own countrey , that a king of england may be brought to tryal , and put to death . as for those whose minds are either blinded with superstition , or so dazeled with the splendor and grandure of a court , that magnanimity and true liberty do not appear so glorious to them , as they are in themselves , it will be in vain to contend with them , either by reason and arguments , or examples . but you , salmasius , seem very absurd , as in every other part of your book , so particularly in this , who tho you ●ail perpetually at the independents , and revile them with all the terms of reproach imaginable , yet assert to the highest degree that can be , the independ●ncy of the king , whom you defend ; and will not allow him to owe his soveraignty to the people , but to his descent ; and whereas in the beginning of your book you complain'd that he was put to plead for his life , here y●u complain , that he perish'd without being heard to sp●… for himself . but if you have a mind to look into the history of his trial , which is very faithfully publish'd in french , it may be you 'l be of another opinion . whereas he had liberty given him for some day together , to say what he could for himself , he made use of it not to clear himself of the crimes 〈◊〉 to his charge , but to disprove the authority o● his judges , and the judicature that he was called before . and whenever a criminal is either mute , or says nothing to the purpose , there is no injustice in condemning him without hearing him , if his crimes are notorious , and publickly known . if you say that charles dyed as he lived , i agree with you : if you say that he died piously , holily , and at ease , you may remember that his grandmother mary , queen of scots , and infamous woman , dyed on a scaffold with as much outward appearance of piety , sanctity and constancy , as he did ; and lest you should ascribe too much to that presence of mind which some common malefactors have so great a measure of at their death ; many times despair , and a hardned heart puts on as it were a vizor of courage ; and stupidity , of quiet , and tranquility of mind : sometimes the worst of men desire to appear good , undaunted , innocent , and now and then religious , not only in their life , but at their death ; and in suffering death for their villanies , use to act the last part of their hypocrisie and cheats , with all the show imaginable ; and like bad poets or stage-players , are very ambitious of being clapp'd at the end of the play. now , you say , you are come to enquire who they chiesly were , that gave sentence against the king. whereas it ought first to be enquired into , how you , a foreigner , and a french vagabond , came to have any thing to do to raise a question about our affairs , to which you are so much a stranger ? and what reward induced you to it ? but we know enough of that , and who satisfied your curiosity in these matters of ours ; even those fugitives , and traytors to their countrey , that could easily hire such a vain fellow as you , to speak ill of us . then an account in writing , of the state of our affairs , was put into your hands by some hair-brain'd , half-protestant , half-papist chaplain or other , or by some sneaking courtier , and you were put to translate it into latin ; out of that you took these narratives , which , if you please , we 'll examine a little : not the hundred thousandth part of the people consented to this sentence of condemnation . what were the rest of the people then that suffered so great a thing to be transacted against their will ? were they stocks and stones , were they mere trunks of men only , or 〈◊〉 images of britans , as virgil describes to have been ●…ught in ●…ry ? purpurea intexti tollunt aulea britanni . and brittains interwove held up the purple hangings . for you describe no true britains but painted ones , or rather needle-wrought men instead of them . since therefore it is a thing so incredible that a warlike nation should be subdued by so few , and those of the dregs of the people , which is the first thing that occurs in your narrative , that appears in the very nature of the thing it self to be most false . the bishops were turn'd out of the house of lords by the parliament it self . the more deplorable is your madness ( for are you not yet sensible that you rave ? ) to complain of their being turn'd out of the parliament , whom you your self in a large book endeavour to prove that they ought to be turn'd out of the church ; one of the states of parliament , to wit , the house of lords , consisting of dukes , earls , and viscounts , was removed . and deservedly were they removed ; for they were not deputed to sit there by any town or county , but represented themselves only ; they had no right over the people , but ( as if they had been ordained for that very purpose ) used frequently to oppose their rights and liberties . they were created by the king , they were his companions , his servants , and as it were , shadows of him . he being removed , it was necessary they should be reduced to the same level with the body of the people , from amongst whom they took their rise . one part of the parliament , and that the worst of all , ought not to have assum'd that power of judging and condemning the king. but i have told you already , that the house of commons was not only the chief part of our parliament , while we had kings , but was a perfect and entire parliament of it self , without the temporal lords , much more without the bishops . but , the whole house of commons themselves were not admitted to have to do with the tryal of the king. to wit , that part of them was not admitted , that openly revolted to him in their minds and councels ; whom , tho they stil'd him their king , yet they had so often acted against , as an enemy . the parliament of england , and the deputies sent from the parliament of scotland , on the th of january , . wrote to the king , in answer to a letter of his , by which he desired a deceitful truce , and that he might treat with them at london ; that they could not admit him into that city , till he had made satisfaction to the state for the civil war that he had raised in the three kingdoms , and for the deaths of so many of his subjects slain by his order ; and till he had agreed to a true and firm peace upon such terms as the parliaments of both kingdoms had offered him so often already , and should offer him again . he on the other hand either refused to hear , or by ambiguous answers eluded their just and equal proposals , tho most humbly presented to him seven times over . the parliament at last , after so many years patience , lest the king should over-turn the state by his wiles and delays , when in prison , which he could not subdue in the field , and lest the vanquish'd enemy pleased with our divisions , should recover himself , and triumph unexpectedly over his conquerors , vote that for the future , they would have no regard to him , that they would send him no more proposals , nor receive any from him : after which vote , there were found even some members of parliament , who out of the hatred they bore that invincible army , whose glory they envied , and which they would have had disbanded , and sent home with disgrace , after they had deserved so well of their nation , and out of a servile compliance with some seditious ministers , finding their opportunity , when many , whom they knew to be otherwise minded than themselves , having been sent by the house it self to suppress the presbyterians , who began already to be turbulent , were absent in the several counties , with a strange levity , not to say perfidiousness , vote , that that inveterate enemy of the state , who had nothing of a king , but the name , without giving any satisfaction or security , should be brought back to london , and restored to his dignity and government , as if he had deserved well of the nation by what he had done . so that they preferr'd the king before their religion , their liberty , and that very celebrated covenant of theirs . what did they do in the mean time , who were sound themselves , and saw such pernicious councils on foot ? ought they therefore to have been wanting to the nation , and not provide for its safety , because the infection had spread it self even in their own house ? but , who secluded those ill affected members ? the english army , you say : so that it was not an army of foreigners , but of most valiant , and faithful , honest natives , whose officers for the most part were members of parliament ; and whom those good secluded members would have secluded their country , and banished into ireland ; while in the mean time the scots , whose alliance begin to be doubtful , had very considerable forces in four of our northern counties , and kept garisons in the best towns of those parts , and had the king himself in custody ; whilest they likewise encouraged the tumultuating of those of their own faction , who did more than threaten the parliament , both in city and country , and through whose means not only a civil , but a war with scotland too shortly after brake out . if it has been always accounted praise-worthy in private men to assist the state , and promote the publick good , whether by advice or action ; our army sure was in no fault , who being ordered by the parliament to come to town , obey'd and came , and when they were come , quell'd with ease , the faction and uproar of the king's party , who sometimes threatned the house it self . for things were brought to that pass , that of necessity either we must be run down by them , or they by us . they had on their side most of the shopkeepers and handicrafts-men of london , and generally those of the ministers , that were most factious . on our side was the army , whose fidelity , moderation , and courage were sufficiently known . it being in our power by their means to retain our liberty , our state , our common-safty , do you think we had not been fools to have lost all by our negligence and folly ? they who had had places of command in the kings army , after their party were subdued , had laid down their arms indeed against their wills , but continued enemies to us in their hearts ; and they flock'd to town , and were here watching all opportunities of renewing the war. with these men , tho they were the greatest enemies they had in the world , and thirsted after their blood , did the presbyterians , because they were not permitted to exercise a civil , as well as an ecclesiastical jurisdiction over all others , hold secret correspondence , and took measures very unworthy of what they had formerly both said and done ; and they came to that spleen at last , that they would rather enthral themselves to the king again , than admit their own brethren to share in their liberty , which they likewise had purchased at the price of their own blood ; they chose rather to be lorded over once more by a tyrant , polluted with the blood of so many of his own subjects , and who was enraged , and breath'd out nothing but revenge against those of them that were left , than endure their brethren and friends to be upon the square with them . the independents , as they are called , were the only men , that from first to last kept to their point , and knew what use to make of their victory : they refus'd , ( and wisely , in my opinion ) , to make him king again , being then an enemy ; who when he was their king , had made himself their enemy : nor were they ever the less averse to a peace , but they very prudently dreaded a new war , or a perpetual slavery under the name of a peace . to 〈◊〉 our army with the more reproaches , you begin a silly confused narrative of our affairs ; in which tho i find many things false , many things frivolous , many things laid to our charge , for which we rather merit ; yet i think it will be to no purpose for me to write a true relation , in answer to your false one . for you and i are arguing , not writing histories , and both sides will believe our reasons , but not our narrative ; and indeed the nature of the things themselves is such , that they cannot be related as they ought to be , but in a set history ; so that i think it better , as salust said of carthage , rather to say nothing at all , than to say but a little of things of this weight and importance , nay , and i scorn so much as to mention the praises of great men , and of almighty god himself , ( who in so wonderful a course of affairs ought to be frequently acknowledged ) amongst your slanders and reproaches . i 'le therefore only pick out such things as seem to have any colour of argument . you say , the english and scotch promised by a solemn covenant , to preserve the majesty of the king. but you omit upon what terms they promised it ; to wit , if it might consist with the safety of their religion and their liberty . to both which , religion and liberty , that king was so averse to his last breath , and watcht all opportunities of gaining advantages upon them , that it was evident that his life was dangerous to their religion , and the certain ruin of their liberty . but then you fall upon the king's judges again : if we consider the thing aright , the conclusion of this abominable action must be imputed to the independents , yet so as the presbyterians may justly challenge the glory of its beginning and progress . hark , ye presbyterians , what good has it done you ? how is your innocence and loyalty the more cleared by your seeming so much to abhor the putting the king to death ? you your selves in the opinion of this everlasting talkative advocate of the king , your accuser , went more than half-way towards it ; you were seen acting the fourth act and more , in this tragedy ; you may justly be charged with the king's death , since you ban'd the way to it ; 't was you and only you that laid his head upon the block . wo be to you in the first place , if ever charles his posterity recover the crown of england ; assure your selves , you are like to be put in the black list . but pay your vows to god , and love your brethren who have delivered you , who have prevented that calamity from falling upon you , who have saved you from inevitable ruin , tho against your own wills . you are accused likewise for that some years ago you endeavoured by sundry petitions to lessen the kings authority , that you publisht some scandalous expressions of the king himself in the papers you presented him with in the name of the parliament ; to wit , in that declaration of the lords and commons of the th . of may , you declar'd openly in some mad positions that breath'd nothing but rebellion , what your thoughts were of the king's authority : hotham by order of parliament shut the gates of hull against the king ; you had a mind to make a trial by this first act of rebellion how much the king would bear . what could this man say more if it were his design to reconcile the minds of all english men to one another , and alienate them wholly from the king ? for he gives them here to understand , that if ever the king be brought back , they must not only expect to be punisht for his father's death , but for the petitions they made long ago , and some acts that past in full parliament , concerning the putting down the common-prayer and bishops , and that of the triennial parliament , and several other things that were enacted with the greatest consent and applause of all the people that could be ; all which will be look'd upon as the seditions and mad positions of the presbyterians . but this vain fellow changes his mind all of a sudden , and what but of late , when he considered it aright , he thought was to be imputed wholly to the presbyterians ; now that he considers the same thing from first to last , he thinks the independents were the sole actors of it . but even now he told us , the presbyterians took up arms against the king , that by them he was beaten , taken captive , and put in prison ; now he says , this whole doctrine of rebellion is the independents principle . o! the faithfulness of this man's narrative . how consistent he is with himself ? what need is there of a counter narrative to this of his , that cuts its own throat ? but if any man should question whether you are an honest man or a knave , let him read these following lines of yours : it is time to explain whence and at what time this sect of enemies to kingship first began : vvhy truly these rare puritans began in queen elizabeths time to crawl out of hell , and disturb not only the church , but the state likewise ; for they are no less plagues to the latter than to the former . now your very speech bewrays you to be a right balaam ; for where you designed to spit out the most bitter poyson you could , there unwittingly and against your will you have pronounc'd a blessing . for it 's notoriously known all over england , that if any endeavoured to follow the example of those churches , whether in france or germany which they accounted best reformed , and to exercise the publick worship of god in a more pure manner , which our bishops had almost universally corrupted with their ceremonies and superstitions , or if any seemed either in point of religion or morality to be better than others , such ●…sons were by the favourers of episcopacy termed ●…ans . these are they whose principles you say are so opposite to kingship . nor are they the only persons , most of the reformed religion , that have not sucked in the rest of their principles , yet seem to have approved of those that strike at kingly government . so that ●hile you inveigh bitterly against the independents , and endeavour to separate them from christ's flock , with the same breath you praise them ; and those principles which almost every where you affirm to be peculiar to the independents , here you confess they have been approved of by most of the reformed religion . nay you are arrived to that degree of impudence , impiety and apostacy , that though formerly you maintained that bishops ought to be extirpated out of the church , root and branch , as so many pests and limbs of antichrist , here you say the king ought to protect them , for the saving of his coronation-oath . you cannot show your self a more infamous villain than you have done already , but by abjuring the protestant reformed religion , to which you are a scandal . whereas you tax us with giving a toleration of all sects and heresies , you ought not to find fault with us for that ; since the church bears with such a pros●igate wretch as you your self , such a vain fellow , such a lyar , such a mercenary slanderer , such an apostate , one who has the impudence to affirm , that the best and most pious of christians , and even most of those who profess the reformed religion , are crept out of hell , because they differ in opinion from you . i had best pass by the calumnies that fill up the rest of this chapter , and those prodigious tenents that you ascribe to the independents , to render them odious ; for neither do they at-all concern the cause you have in hand , and they are such for the most part as deserve to be laugh'd at , and despised , rather than receive a serious answer . chap. xi . you seem to begin this eleventh chapter , salmasius , though with no modesty , yet with some sense of your weakness and trifling in this discourse . for whereas you proposed to your self to enquire in this place , by what authority , sentence was given against the king ? you add immediately , which no body expected from you ; that 't is in vain to make any such enquiry ; to wit , because the quality of the persons that did it , leaves hardly any room for such a question . and therefore as you have been found guilty of a great deal of impupence and sauciness in the undertaking of this cause , so since you seem here conscious of your own impertinence ; i shall give you the shorter answer . to your question then ; by what authority the house of commons either condemn'd the king themselves , or delegated that power to others ; i answer , they did it by vertue of the supreme authority on earth . how they come to have the supreme power , you may learn by what i have said already , when i refuted your impertinencies upon that subject . if you believed your self that you could ever say enough upon any subject , you would not be so tedious in repeating the same things so many times over . and the house of commons might delegate their judicial power by the same reason , by which you say the king may delegate his , who received all he had from the people . hence in that solemn league and covenant that you object to us , the parliaments of england and scotland solemnly protest and engage to each other to punish the traytors in such manner as the supreme , judicial authority in both nations , or such as should have a delegate power from them , should think fit . here you hear the parliaments of both nations protest with one voice , that they may delegate their judicial power , which they call the supreme ; so that you move a vain and frivolous controversie about delegating this power . but , say you , there were added to those judges that were made choice of out of the house of commons , some officers of the army , and that never was known that soldiers had any right to try a subject for his life . i 'le silence you in a very few words : you may remember that we are not now discoursing of a subject , but of an enemy ; whom if a general of an army , after he has taken him prisoner resolves to dispatch , would he be thought to proceed otherwise than according to custom and martial law , if he himself with some of his officers should sit upon him , and try and cendemn him ? an enemy to a state made a prisouer of war , cannot be lookt upon to be so much as a member , much less a king in that state. this is declar'd by that sacred law of st. edward , which denies that a bad king is a king at all , or ought to be called so . whereas you say , it was not the whole but a part of the house of com●●ons that try'd and condemned the king , i give you this answer : the number of them , who gave their votes for putting the king to death , was far greater than is necessary according to the custom of our parliaments to transact the greatest affairs of the kingdom , in the absence of the rest ; who since they were absent through their own fault ( for to revolt to the common enemy in their hearts is the worst sort of absence ) their absence ought not to hinder the rest who continued faithful to the cause , from preserving the state ; which when it was in a tottering condition , and almost quite reduced to slavery and utter ruin , the whole body of the people had at first committed to their fidelity , prudence and courage . and they acted their parts like men ; they set themselves in opposition to the unruly wilfulness , the rage , the secret designs of an inveterate and exasperated king ; they prefer'd the common liberty and safety before their own ; they out-did all former parliaments , they out-did all their ancestors in conduct , magnanimity and steddiness to their cause . yet these very men did a great part of the people ungratefully desert in the midst of their undertaking , though they had promised them all fidelity , all the help and assistance they could afford them . these were for slavery and peace with sloth and luxury upon any terms : others demanded their liberty , nor would accept of a peace that was not sure and honourable . what should the parliament do in this case ? ought they to have defended this part of the people , that was sound and continued faithful to them and their country , or to have sided with those that deserted both ? i know what you will say they ought to have done . you are not eurulochus , but elpenor , a miserable enchanted beast , a filthy swine , accustomed to a sordid slavery , even under a woman ; so that you have not the least relish of true magnanimity , nor consequently of liberty , which is the effect of it : you would have all other men slaves , because you find in your self no generous , ingenuous inclinations , you say nothing , you breath nothing but what 's mean and servile . you raise another scruple , to wit , that he was the king of scotland too , whom we condemn'd ; as if he might therefore do what he would in england . but that you may conclude this chapter , which of all others is the most weak and insipid , at least with some witty querk , there are two little words , say you , that are made up of the same number of letters , and differ only in the placing of them , but whose significations are wide asunder , to wit , vis and jus , ( might and right . ) 't is no great wonder that such a three letter'd man as you , ( fur , a thief , ) should make such a witticism upon three letters : 't is the greater wonder ( which yet you assert throughout your book ) that two things so directly opposite to one another as those two are , should yet meet and become one and the same thing in kings . for what violence was ever acted by kings , which you do not affirm to be their right ? these are all the passages that i could pick out of nine long pages , that i thought deserved an answer . the rest consists either of repetitions of things that have been answered more than once , or such as have no relation to the matter in hand . so that my being more brief in this chapter than in the rest , is not to be imputed to want of diligence in me , which , how irksome soever you are to me , i have not slackned , but to your tedious impertinence , so void of matter and sense . chap. xii . i wish , salmasius , that you had left out this part of your discourse concerning the king's crimes , which it had been more advisable for your self and your party to have done , for i 'm afraid lest in giving you an answer to it , i should appear too sharp and severe upon him , now he is dead , and hath received his punishment . but since you chose rather to discourse confidently and at large upon that subject , i 'le make you sensible , that you could not have done a more inconsiderate thing , than to reserve the worst part of your cause to the last , to wit that of ripping up and enquiring into the kings crimes ; which when i shall have proved them to have been true and most exorbitant , they will render his memory unpleasant and odious to all good men , and imprint now in the close of the controversie , a just hatred of you , who undertake his defence , on the readers minds . say you , his accusation may be divided into two parts , one is conversant about his morals , the other taxeth him with such ●…lts as he might commit in his publick capacity . i 'le be 〈◊〉 to pass by in silence that part of his life that he spent in banque●tings , at plays , and in the conversation of women ; for what can there be in luxury and excess , worth relating ? and what would those things have been to us , if he had been a private person ? but since he would be a king , as he could not live a private life , so neither could his vices be like those of a private person . for in the first place , he did a great deal of mischief by his example : in the second place , all that time that he spent upon his lust , and in his sports , which was a great part of his time , he stole from the state , the government of which he had undertaken . thirdly and lastly , he squandered away vast sums of money , which were not his own , but the publick revenue of the nation , in his domestick luxury and extravagance . so that in his private life at home he first began to be an ill king. but let us rather pass over to those crimes that he is charged with on the account of misgovernment . here you lament his being condemned as a tyrant , a traytor , and a murderer . that he had no wrong done him , shall now be made appear . but first let us define a tyrant , not according to vulgar conceits , but the judgment of aristotle , and of all learned men. he is a tyrant who regards his own welfare and profit only , and not that of the people . so aristotle defines one in the tenth book of his ethicks , and elsewhere , and so do very many others . whether charles regarded his own or the peoples good , these few things of many that i shall but touch upon , will evince . when his rents and other publick revenues of the crown would not defray the expences of the court , he laid most heavy taxes upon the people ; and when they were squandred away , he invented new ones ; not for the benefit , honour , or defence of the state , but that he might hoard up , or lavish out in one house , the riches and wealth , not of one but of three nations . when at this rate he broke loose , and acted without any colour of law to warrant his proceedings , knowing that a parliament was the only thing that could give him check , he endeavoured either wholly to lay aside the very calling of parliaments , or calling them just as often , and no oftner , than to serve his own turn , to make them entirely at his devotion . which bridle when he had cast off himself , he put another bridle upon the people ; he put garrisons of german horse and irish foot in many towns and cities , and that in time of peace . do you think he does not begin to look like a tyrant ? in which very thing , as in many other particulars , which you have formerly given me occasion to instance in , ( though you scorn to have charles compared with so cruel a tyrant as nero ) he resembled him extremely much . for nero likewise often threatned to take away the senate . besides , he bore extreme hard upon the consciences of good men , and compelled them to the use of ceremonies and superstitious worship , borrowed from popery , and by him re-introduced into the church . they that would not conform , were imprisoned or banisht . he made war upon the scots twice for no other cause than that . by all these actions he has surely deserved the name of a tyrant once over at least . now i 'le tell you why the word traytor was put into his indictment : when he assured his parliament by promises , by proclamations , by imprecations , that he had no design against the state , at that very time did he list papists in ireland , he sent a private embassie to the king of denmark to beg assistance from him of arms , horses and men , expresly against the parliament ; and was endeavouring to raise an army first in england , and then in scotland . to the english he promised the plunder of the city of london , to the scots , that the four northern counties should be added to scotland , if they would but help him to get rid of the parliament , by what means soever . these projects not succeeding , he sent over one dillon a traytor , into ireland with private instructions to the natives , to fall suddenly upon all the english that inhabited there . these are the most remarkable instances of his treasons , not taken up upon hear-say and idle reports , but discovered by letters under his own hand and seal . and finally i suppose no man will deny that he was a murderer , by whose order the irish took arms , and put to death with most exquisite torments , above a hundred thousand english , who lived peaceably by them , and without any apprehension of danger ; and who raised so great a civil war in the other two kingdoms . add to all this , that at the treaty in the isle of wight , the king openly took upon himself the guilt of the war , and clear'd the parliament in the confession he made there , which is publickly known . thus you have in short why king charles was adjudged a tyrant , a traytor , and a murderer . but , say you , why was he not declared so before , neither in that solemn league and covenant , nor afterwards when he was delivered to them , either by the presbyterians or the independents , but on the other hand was receiv'd as a king ought to be , with all reverence ? this very thing is sufficient to persuade any rational man , that the parliament entred not into any councils of quite deposing the king , but as their last refuge , after they had suffered and undergone all that possibly they could , and had attempted all other ways and means . you alone endeavour maliciously to lay that to their charge , which to all good men cannot but evidence their great patience , moderation , and perhaps a too long forbearing with the king's pride and arrogance . but in the month of august , before the king suffered , the house of commons , which then bore the only sway , and was governed by the independants , wrote letters to the scots , in which they acquainted them that they never intended to alter the form of government that had obtain'd so long in england under king , lords , and commons . you may see from hen●e , how little reason there is to ascribe the deposing of the king , to the principles of the independents . they , that never used to dissemble and conceal their tenents , even then , when they had the sole management of affairs , profess , that they never intended to alter the government . but if afterwards a thing came into their minds , which at first they intended not , why might they not take such a course , tho before not intended , as appear'd most advisable , and most for the nation 's interest ? especially when they found that the king could not possibly be intreated or induced to assent to those just demands that they had made from time to time , and which were always the same from first to last . he persisted in those perverse sentiments with respect to religion and his own right , which he had all along espoused , and which were so destructive to us ; not in the least altered from the man that he was , when in peace and war , he did us all so much mischief . if he assented to any thing , he gave no obscure hints that he did it against his will , and that whenever he should come into power again , he would look upon such his assent as null and void . the same thing his son declared by writing under his hand , when in those days he ran away with part of the fleet , and so did the king himself by letters to some of his own party in london . in the mean time , against the avowed sense of the parliament , he struck up a private peace with the irish , the most barbarous enemies imaginable to england , upon base dishonourable terms ; but whenever he invited the english to treaties of peace , at those very times with all the power he had , and interest he could make , he was preparing for war. in this case , what should they do , who were intrusted with the care of the government ? ought they to have betrayed the safety of us all to our most bitter adversary ? or would you have had them le●● us to undergo the calamities of another seven years war , not to say worse ? god put a better mind into them , of preferring , pursuant to that very solemn league and covenant , their religion , and liberties , before those thoughts they once had , of not rejecting the king ; for they had not gone so far as to vote it ; all which they saw at last , ( tho indeed later than they might have done ) , could not possibly subsist , as long as the king continued king. the parliament ought and must of necessity be entirely free , and at liberty to provide for the good of the nation , as occasion requires ; nor ought they so to be wedded to their first sentiments , as to scruple the altering their minds , for their own , or the nation 's good , if god put an opportunity into their hands of procuring it . but the scots were of 〈…〉 opinion ; for they , in a letter to charles , the king's son , call his father a most sacred prince , and the putting him to death , a most execrable villany . do not you talk of the scots , whom you know not ; we know them well enough , and know the time , when they called that same king , a most ●…rable person , a murtherer , and traytor ; and the putting a tyrant to death a most sacred action . then you pick holes in the king's charge , as not being properly penn'd ; and you ask why we needed to call him a traytor and a murtherer , after we had stiled him a tyrant ; since the word tyrant , includes all the crimes that may be : and then you explain to us grammatically and critically , what a tyrant is . away with those trisles , you pedagogue , which that one definition of aristotle's , that has lately beeen cited , will utterly confound ; and teach such a doctor as you , that the word tyrant ( for all your concern is barely to have some understanding of words ) may be applied to one , who is neither a traytor nor a murtherer . but the laws of england do not make it treason in the king to stir up sedition against himself or the people . nor do they say , that the parliament can be guilty of treason by deposing a bad king , nor that any parliament ever was so , tho they have often done it ; but our laws plainly and clearly declare , that a king may violate , diminish , nay , and wholly lose his royalty . for that expression in the law of st. edward , of losing the name of a king , signifies neither more nor less , than being deprived of the kingly office and dignity ; which befel chilperic king of france , whose example , for illustration-sake , is taken notice of in the law it self . there is not a lawyer amongst us that can deny , but that the highest treason may be committed against the kingdom as well as against the king. i appeal to glanvile himself , whom you cite , if any man attempt to put the king to death , or raise sedition in the realm , it is high treason . so , that attempt of some papists to blow up the parliament-house , and the lords and commons there with gunpowder , was by king james himself , and both houses of parliament , declared to be high treason , not against the king only , but against the parliament and the whole kingdom . 't would be to no purpose to quote more of our statutes , to prove so clear a truth ; which yet i could easily do . for the thing it self is ridiculous , and absurd to imagine , that high treason may be committed against the king , and not against the people , for whose good nay , and by whose leave , as i may say , the king is what he is : so that you babble over so many statutes of ours to no purpose ; you toil and wallow in our ancient law-books , to no purpose ; for the laws themselves stand or fall by authority of parliament , who always had power to confirm or repeal them ; and the parliament is the sole judge of what is rebellion , what high treason ( iaesa majestas ) and what not . majesty never was vested to that degree in the person of the king , as not to be more conspicuous , and more august in parliament , as i have often shown : but who can endure to hear such a senseless fellow , such a french mountebank as you , declare what our laws are ? and you english fugitives , so many bishops , doctors , lawyers , who pretend that all learning and ingenuous literature , is fled out of england with your selves , was there not one of you that could defend the king's cause and your own , and that in good latin too , to be submitted to the judgment of other nations , but that this brain-sick , beggarly frenchman must be hired to undertake the defence of a poor indigent king , surrounded with so many infant-priests and doctors ? this very thing i assure you , will be a great imputation to you amongst foreigners ; and you will be thought deservedly to have lost that cause that you were so far from being able to defend by force of arms , as that you cannot so much as write in behalf of it . but now . i come to you again , good-man goose-cap , who scribble so finely ; if at least you are come to your self again ; for i find you here towards the latter end of your book , in a deep sleep , and dreaming of some voluntary death or other , that 's nothing to the purpose . then you deny that 't is possible for a king in his right wits to embroil his people in seditions , to betray his own forces to be slaughtered by enemies , and raise factions against himself . all which things having been done by many kings , and particularly by charles the late king of england , you will no longer doubt , i hope , especially being addicted to stoicism , but that all tyrants , as well as profligate villains are downright mad . hear what horace says , whoever through a senseless stupidity , or any other cause whatsoever , hath his understanding so blinded , as not to discern truth , the stoicks account of him as of a mad-man : and such are whole nations , such are kings and princes , such are all man kind ? except those very few that are wise . so that if you would clear king charles from the imputation of acting like a mad-man , you must first vindicate his integrity , and show that he never acted like an ill man. but a king , you say , cannot commit treason against his own subjects and vassals . in the first place , since we are as free as any people under heaven , we will not be impos'd upon by any barbarous custom of any other nation whatsoever . in the second place , suppose we had been the king's vassals ; that relation would not have obliged us to endure a tyrant to reign and lord it over us . all subjection to magistrates , as our own laws declare , is circumscribed , and confined within the bounds of honesty , and the publick good. read leg. hen. . cap. . the obligation betwixt a lord and his tenants , is mutual , and remains so long as the lord protects his tenant ; ( this all our lawyers tells us ) but if the lord be too severe and cruel to his tenant , and do him some heinous injury , the whole relation betwixt them , and whatever obligation the tenant is under by having done homage to his lord , is utterly dissolv'd and extinguish'd . these are the very words of bracton and fleta . so that in some case , the law it self warrants even a slave , or a vassal to oppose his lord , and allows the slave to kill him , if he vanquish him in battle . if a city , or a whole nation may not lawfully take the course with a tyrant ; the condition of freemen will be worse than that of slaves . then you go about to excuse king charles's shedding of innocent blood ; partly by murders committed by other kings , and partly by some instances of men put to death by them lawfully . for the matter of the irish massacre , you refer the reader to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and i refer you to eiconoclastes . the town of rochel being taken , and the towns-men betray'd , assistance shown , but not afforded them , you will not have laid at charlos's door ; nor have i any thing to say , whether he was faulty in that business or not ; he did mischief enough at home ; we need not enquire into what misdemeanors he was guilty of abroad . but you in the mean time would make all the protestant churches , that have at any time defended themselves by force of arms against princes , who were profess'd enemies of their religion to have been guilty of rebellion . let them consider how much it concerns them for the maintaining their ecclesiastical discipline , and asserting their own integrity , not to pass by so great an indignity offered them by a person bred up by and amongst themselves . that which troubles us most , is , that the english likewise were betray'd in that expedition . he , who had design'd long ago to convert the government of england into a tyranny , thought he could not bring it to pass , till the flower and strength of the military power of the nation were cut off . another of his crimes was , the causing some words to be struck out of the usual coronation-oath , before he himself would take it . unworthy and abominable action ! the act was wicked in it self ; what shall be said of him that undertakes to justifie it ? for , by the eternal god , what greater breach of faith , and violation of all laws can possibly be imagin'd ? what ought to been more sacred to him , next to the holy sacraments themselves , than that oath ? which of the two do you think the more flagitious person , him that offends against the law , or him that endeavours to make the law equally guilty with himself ? or rather him who subverts the law it self , that he may not seem to offend against it ? for thus , that king violated that oath which he ought most religiously to have sworn to ; but that he might not seem openly and publickly to violate it , he craftily adulterated and corrupted it ; and least he himself should be accounted perjur'd , he turn'd the very oath into a perjury . what other could be expected , then that his reign would be full of injustice , craft , and misfortune , who began it with so detestable an injury to his people ? and who durst pervert and adulterate that law which he thought the only obstacle that stood in his way , and hindred him from perverting all the rest of the laws ? but that oath ( thus you justify him ) lays no other obligation upon kings , then the laws themselves do ; and kings pretend that they will be bound and limited by laws , tho indeed they are altogether from under the power of laws . is it not prodigious , that a man should dare to express himself so sacrilegiously , and so senselesly , as to assert that am oath sacredly sworn upon the holy evangelists , mary be dispensed with , and set aside as a little insignifi cant thing , without any cause whatsoever ! charles himself refutes you , you prodigy of impiety : who thinking that oath no light matter , chose rather by a subterfuge to avoid the force of it , or by a fallacy to elude it , than openly to violate it ; and would rather falsifie and corrupt the oath , then manifestly forswear himself after he had taken it . but , the king indeed swears to his people , as the people do to him ; but the people swear fidelity to the king , not the king to them . pretty invention ! does not he that promises , and binds himself by an oath to do any thing to , or for another , oblige his fidelity to them that require the oath of him ? of a truth , every king sw●ears fidelity , and service , and obedience to the people , with respect to the performance of whatever he promiseth upon oath to do . then you run back to william the conqueror , who was forced more than once to swear to perform , not what he himself would , b●…t what the people , and the great men of the realm requir'd of him . if many kings are crown'd without the usual solemnity , and reign without taking any oath , the same thing may be said of the people ; a great many of whom never took the oath of allegiance . if the king by not taking an oath be at liberty , the people are so too . and that part of the people that has sworn , swore not to the king only , but to the realm , and the laws , by which the king came to his crown ; and no otherwise to the king , than wh●…st he should act according to those laws , that the common people , that is , the house of commons , should chuse ; ( quas vulgus elegerit . ) for it were folly to alter the phrase of our law , and turn it into more genuine latin. this clause ( quas vulgus elegerit ; ) which the commons shall abuse , charles before he was crown'd , procured to be razed out . but , say you , without the king's assent the people can chuse no laws ; and for this you cite two statutes , viz. anno h. . cap. . and edw. . cap. . but those two statutes are so far from appearing in our statute-books , that in the years you mention , neither of those kings enacted any laws at all . go now and complain , that those fugitives who pretended to furnish you with matter out of our statutes , imposed upon you in it ; and let other people in the mean time stand astonish'd at your impudence and vanity , who are not asham'd to pretend to be throughly vers'd in such books , as it is so evident you have never look'd into , nor so much as seen . and that clause in the coronation-oath , which such a brazen-fac'd brawler as you call fictitious , the king's friends , you say your self , acknowledge that it may possibly be extant in some ancient copies , but that it grew into disuse , because it had no convenient signification . but for that very reason , did our ancestors insert it in the oath , that the oath might have such a signification as would not be for a tyrant's conveniency . if it had really grown into disuse , which yet is most false ; there was the greater need of reviving it ; but even that would have been to no purpose , according to your doctrine : for that custom of taking an oath , as kings now-adays generally use it , is no more , you say , then a bare ceremony . and yet the king , when the bishops were to be put down , pretended that he could not do it by reason of that oath . and consequently , that reverend and sacred oath , as it serves for the kings turn or not , must be solemn and binding , or an empty ceremony . which i earnestly entreat my country-men to take notice of , and to consider what manner of a king they are like to have , if he ever 〈◊〉 back . for it would never have entred into the thoughts of this rascally-foreign grammarian to write a discourse of the rights of the crown of england unless both charles stuart now in banishment ▪ and tainted with his fathers principles , and those pros●igate tutors that he has along with him , had indu●uiously to suggested him what they would have writ . they dictated to him , that the whole parliament were liable to be proceded against as traitors , because they declar'd without the kings assent all them to be traitors , who had taken up arms against the parliament of england ; and that the parliaments were but the king's vassals : that the oath which our kings take at their coronations , is but a ceremony : and why not that a vassal too ? so that no reverence of laws , no sacredness of an oath , will be sufficient to protect your lives and fortunes , either from the exorbitance of a furious , or the revenge of an exasperated prince , who has been so instructed from his cradle , as to think laws , religion , nay , and oaths themselves ought to be subject to his will and pleasure . how much better is it , and more becoming your selves , if you desire riches , liberty , peace , and empire , to obtain them assuredly by your own virtue , industry , prudence , and valour , than to long after , and hope for them in vain under the rule of a king ? they , who are of opinion that these things cannot be compass'd , but under a king , and a lord ; it cannot well be expressed how mean , how base ; i do not say , how unworthy thoughts they have of themselves ; for in effect , what do they other than confess , that they themselves are lazy , weak , senseless , silly persons , and fram'd for slavery , both in body and mind ? and indeed all manner of slavery is scandalous and disgraceful to a freeborn ingenious person ; but for you , after you have recovered your lost liberty by god's assistance , and your own arms ; after the performance of so many valiant exploits , and the making so remarkable an example of a most potent king , to desire to return again into a condition of bondage and slavery , will not only be scandalous and disgraceful , but an impious and wicked thing ; and equal to that of the israelites , who for desiring to return to the egyptian slavery , were so severely punish'd for that sordid , slavish temper of mind , and so many of them destroy'd by that god , who had been their deliverer . but what say you now , who would perswade us to become slaves ? the king , say you , had a power of pardoning such as were guilty of treason , and other crimes ; which evinces sufficiently , that the king himself was under no law. the king might indeed pardon treason , not against the kingdom , but against himself ; and so may any body else pardon wrongs done to themselves ; and he might , perhaps , pardon some other offences , tho not always ; but does that follow , because in some cases he had the right of saving a malefactor's life , that therefore he must have a right to destroy all good men ? if the king be impleaded in an inferior court , he is not obliged to answer , but by his attorney : does it therefore follow , that when he is summon'd by all his subjects to appear in parliament , he may chuse whether he will appear or no , and refuse to answer in person ? you say , that we endeavour to justify what we have done by the hollander ' s example ; and upon this occasion , fearing the loss of that stipend with which the hollanders seed such a murraine and pest as you are , if by reviling the english , you should consequentially reflect upon them that maintain you , you endeavour to demonstrate how unlike their actions and ours are . the comparison that you make betwixt them , i resolve to omit ( tho many things in it are most false , and other things flattery all over , which yet you thought your self obliged to put down , to deserve your pension . ) for the english think they need not alledge the examples of foreigners for their justification . they have municipal laws of their own , by which they have acted ; laws with relation to the matter in hand , the best in the world : they have the examples of their ancestors , great and gallant men for their imitation , who never gave way to the exorbitant power of princes , and who have put many of them to death , when their government became insupportable . they were born free , they stand in need of no other nation , they can make what laws they please for their own good government . one law in particular they have a great veneration for , and a very ancient one it is , enacted by nature it self , that all humane laws , all civil right and government must have a respect to the safety and welfare of good men , and not be subject to the lusts of princes . from hence to the end of your book , i find nothing but rubbish and trifles , pick'd out of the former chapters ; of which you have here raised so great a heap , that i cannot imagine what other design you could have in it , than to presage the ruin of your whole fabrick . at last , after an infinite deal of tittle tatle , you make an end , calling god to witness , that you undertook the defence of this cause , not only because you were desired so to do , but because your own conscience told you , that you could not possibly undertake the defence of a better . is it fit for you to intermed●le with our matters , with which you have nothing to do , because you were desired , when we our selves did not desire you ? to reproach with contumelious and opprobrious language , and in a printed book , the supreme magistracy of the english nation , when according to the authority and power that they are entrusted with , they do but their duty within their own jurisdiction , and all this without the least injury or provocation from them ( for they did not so much as know that there was such a man in the world as you ) ? and i pray by whom were you desired ? by your wife , i suppose , who , they say , exercises a kingly right and jurisdiction over you ; and whenever she has a mind to it ( as fulvia is made to speak in that obscene epigram , that you collected some centoes out of , pag. . ) cries , either write , or let 's fight ; that made you write perhaps , lest the ●ignal should be given . or were you asked by charles the younger , and that pro●ligate gang of v●gabond courtiers , and like a second balaam call'd upon by another balak to restore a desperate cause by ill writing , that was lost by ill fighting ? that may be ; but there 's this difference , for he was a wise understanding man , and rid upon an ass that could speak , to curse the people of god : thou art a very talkative ass they self , and rid by a woman , and being surrounded with the healed heads of the bishops that heretofore thou hadst wounded , thou seem'st to represent that beast in the revelation . but they say that a little after you had written this book , you repented of what you had done . 't is well if it be so ; and to make your repentance publick , i think the best course that you can take will be , for this long book that you have writ , to take a halter , and make one long letter of your self . so judas iscariot repented , to whom you are like ; and that young charles knew , which made him send you the purse , judas his badg ; for he had heard before , and found afterward by experience , that you were an apostate and a devil . judas betray'd christ himself , and you betray his church ; you have taught heretofore that bishops were antichristian , and you are now revolted to their party : you now undertake the defence of their cause , whom formerly you damn'd to the pit of hell : christ delivered all men from bondage , and you endeavour to enslave all mankind . never question , since you have been such a villain to god himself , his church , and all mankind in general , but that the same fate attends you that befel your equal , out of despair rather than repentance , to be weary of your life , and hang your self , and burst asunder as he did ; and to send before-hand that faithless and treacherous conscience of yours , that railing conscience at good and holy men , to that place of torment that 's parpared for you . and now i think , through god's assistance , i have finished the work i undertook , to wit , the defence of the noble actions of my country-men at home and abroad , against the raging and envious madness of this distracted sophister ; and the asserting of the common rights of the people against the unjust domination of kings , not out of any hatred to kings , but tyrants : nor have i wittingly left unanswered any one argument alledged by my adversary , nor any one example or authority quoted by him , that seem'd to have any force in it , or the least colour of an argument . perhaps i have been guilty rather of the other extreme , of replying to some of his fooleries and trifles , as if they were solid arguments , and thereby may seem to have attributed more to them than they deserved . one thing yet remains to be done , which perhaps is of the greatest concern of all , and that is , that you , my country-men , refute this adversary of yours your selves ; which i do not see any other means of your effecting , than by a constant endeavour to out-do all men's bad words by your own good deeds . when you laboured under more sorts of oppression than one , you betook your selves to god for refuge , and he was graciously pleased to hear your most earnest prayers and desires . he has gloriously delivered you , the first of nations , from the two greatest mischiefs of this life , and most pernicious to vertue , tyranny and superstition ; he has endued you with greatness of mind , to be first of mankind , who after having conquered their own king , and having had him delivered into their hands , have not scrupled to condemn him judicially , and pursuant to that sentence of condemnation , to put him to death . after the performing so glorious an action as this , you ought to do nothing that 's mean and little , not so much as to think of , much less to do any thing but what is great and sublime . which to attain to , this is , your only way ; as you have subdued your enemies in field , so to make appear , that unarmed , and in the highest outward peace and tranquility , you of all mankind are best able to subdue ambition , avarice , the love of riches , and can best avoid the corruptions that prosperity is apt to introduce ; ( which generally subdue and triumph over other nations ) to show as great justice , temperance and moderation in the maintaining your liberty , as you have shown courage in freeing your selves from slavery . these are the only arguments by which you will be able to evince that you are not such persons as this fellow represents you , traytors , robbers , murderers , par●icides , mad-men ; that you did not put your king to death out of any ambitious design , or a desire of invading the rights of others , not out of any seditious principles or sinister ends ; that it was not an act of fury or madness ; but that it was wholly out of love to your liberty , your religion , to justice , vertue , and your countrey , that you punished a tyrant . but if it should fall out otherwise ( which god forbid ) if as you have been valiant in war , you should grow debauch'd in peace , you that have had such visible demonstrations of the goodness of god to your selves , and his wrath against your enemies ; and that you should not have learned by so eminent , so remarkable an example before your eyes , to fear god , and work righteousness , for my part , i shall easily grant and confess ( for i cannot deny it ) whatever ill men may speak or think of you , to be very true . and you will find in a little time , that god's displeasure against you , will be greater th●n it has yet been against your adversaries , greater than his grace and favour has been to your selves , which you have had larger experience of , than any other nation under heaven . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * lupus in latin , signifies a wolf. notes for div a -e ☞ notes for div a -e st. lou , in latin , sanctus lupus ; saint wolf , is the name of a place in france , where salmasius had some small estate , and was called so from st. lupus a german bishop , who with st. german came over into england , anno dom. . miltons republican-letters or a collection of such as were written by command of the late commonwealth of england from the year to the year / originally writ by the learned john milton, secretary to those times ; and now translated into english by a wel-wisher of england's honour. literae pseudo-senatûs anglicani cromwellii. english england and wales. council of state. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) miltons republican-letters or a collection of such as were written by command of the late commonwealth of england from the year to the year / originally writ by the learned john milton, secretary to those times ; and now translated into english by a wel-wisher of england's honour. literae pseudo-senatûs anglicani cromwellii. english england and wales. council of state. milton, john, - . england and wales. lord protector ( - : o. cromwell) england and wales. lord protector ( - : r. cromwell) [ ], p. s.n.], [amsterdam? : printed in the year . translation of: literae pseudo-senatûs anglicani cromwelli. place of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of 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copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -- lord protector ( - : o. cromwell) england and wales. -- lord protector ( - : r. cromwell) great britain -- foreign relations -- - . great britain -- history -- commonwealth and protectorate, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion miltons republican-letters or a collection of such as were written by comand of the late commonvvealth of england ; from the year . to the year . originally writ by the learned john milton , seecrtary to those times , and now translated into english , by a wel-wisher of englands honour . printed in the year . curteous reader when these following letters came first to my hand in latine , i began to question with myselfe whether the usurpatious proceedings of their authors had not rather fitted them for the fire , then reading . but considering that whatever their proceedings , previous to their obteining the goverment , might be , that , when obtein'd , the support thereof obliged them to consult the inclinations of the people , and square their actions by the most honourable of their humours : i adventured , and in their peruseall found the true spirit of the english nation soe livelyly displayed , that i was not onely glad i was swayed to their reading , but resolved for the comon benefit of my country , to translate them into english ; that they might see how zealous our predecessors have been in ascertaining and maintaining the liberty & property both of the civill , and religious rights , not onely of themselves , but also their allies & confederates , whensoever invaded , though by the most potent of their enemies . and of what necessity they then found a protestaut union to be , may easily be guest at by their continued cares and endeavours for the obteining and strengthening the same both at home and abroad . and in what degree of honour our nation must then have stood , when their resolutions were a ballance to the actions of europe ? nor will it be unworthy of consideration , that soe farr was the french king then from dareing to offer such violence to his protestant subjects , as of late he hath , that he , at our desire , became mediator with the duke of savoy , on behalse of his ; whom that prince for their close adherence to the reformed religion hath so barbarou●…y butchered . et readily disclaim●…d the a●…ions of such of his forces as were co-acters in that cruelty as done vvithout his consent or privity . neither rested he ●…ere ▪ but uudertooke vvith that prince for the future fidelity and obedience to goverment of those persecuted people . novv , that the consider aeion of these things may stirr up ●… zeal in every individuall englishman , to be , so farr as in his station he legally may , an augmentor or at least a pre●…erver of those libertyes , priviledges , and honours , vvhich our vvorthily ren●…ned predecessors transmitted to 〈◊〉 , not onely to secure us in a happy enjoyment of our lives and propertyes ; but also in trust for the generations unborn . and in what dishonerable characters those our posteritys will be inforced to vvrite our memory , if vve prove so faithless in our trust ▪ as to leave them onely ●… bare report of ▪ vvhat our progenitors have purchased for us and them , and , to their irrepairable vvrong , and our everlasting infamy , ●…ave imbezilled ; is that vvhich no true english ●…eart , ●…ut must tremble at the very thought of . fare well . letters from the common-wealth of england , to forreign princes , &c. the parliament , & people of england , to the most noble senat , and corporation of hamburgh greeting . wee doe unanimously acknowledge the antiquity of , and shall be 〈◊〉 willing also to revive the correspondence , which has been , upon severall good inducement●… , erected and established by our praedecessours , and to this day continued between this government , and your most noble corporation . and haveing by yours of the . of june understood of some alteration in the comportment of some of our people , who do not , it seemes , behave themselves with that punctualyty and integrity they formerly did among you , we did immediatly thereupon truly consult with some persons of judgment in the point ▪ whom we charged to inquire , narrowly among the clothiers and the rest of the people concerned in that manufacture ; assureing you withall , our further car●… such to be , as may render you sensible of all our genuine inclination and affection towards you . but some thing also there appeares , which not on●…ly we , but equity and ●…ason it selfe calls for from you , and that is , that some care , suitable to the dignity of your citty , be taken of the security of the priviledges , lives , and ●…ortunes of such of our merchants as are present liver●… a●…ong you . which as it has been the main purport of our former letters , so the d●…yly complaints broug●…t us on behalfe of the said merchants and estates ; ( all at stake ) render it necessary , that this repetition of the said letter of ours , be looked upon as comeing with suitable earnestnesse : for albeit they seeme to owne the recept of some ease , ( as to time ) from our former interposition on ●…heir behalfe ; and a proportionable breathing from the offensive villany of their enemies , yet , since th●… arriv●…le of cochrane ( of whom our former complaints made mention ) who pretends i know not what of an embassy from charles the son of the late decea●…ed king , they seem to complaine of the want of that protection , which they were formerly won●… to receive , upon demand made t●…erof against some late indecencies , and mortal assaul●…s made upon them . and that to such adegree that when one or more of the said merchants , together with the governour of the company himselfe , were , by fraude , seduced on board a certain privateer and thereupon applying to you for reliefe , they were deyed , so that the merchants themselves were by force of armes constrained ( not without hasard of their lives ) to rescue their friends from out of the hands of their enemies , and that at your very doore . whom when by good fortune they brought home , and as if it were r●…cued from slavery thro meere strength , and delivered t●…e pira●…s alsoe into custody , ●…uch has been the insolent p●…oceedings of that vagabonde and rebell cochrane ▪ we understand , as to require not onely the discharge of the said rovers , but the surrender of the said merchants as his prisoners . wee therefore with all earnestness pray and desire , that if you are such as you ●…eeme to be , inclinable to the inviolable support of those contracts , alliances , and commerce for along time observed be●…ween us , our people may be at some certainty to be at length relied upon , in your faith , prudence , and authority , and that in order thereto you he prevailed with to assigne them afair hearing in reference as well to cochrane and party concern'd in this fact , as such also as were concern'd in the yet un-accounted for affront tendered the curate , whom we exp●…ct you woud see right done unto ; by exposeing to prosecution , and seeing brought to condign punishment , those that abetted in that assault , or expelling them your ●…urisdiction ▪ and do not thinke , that people under their circumstances , and banished like tarquins , are preferrable to the amity and power of england . for if you do thinke fit to suffer our enemyes to practise what they list upon our merchants in your citty , consider among your selves how unsafeand dishonourable it may be for them to continne an●… longer among you . all which we referre to your prudence and equity ; recommendnig your selves , in the mean time , to the divine diety . adieu . westminster dated august . . to the senat of hamburgh . the experienxe which we have had of your integrity towards us , when our affaires lay under a declineing condition , gives us an assuran●… of the sincerity of your good will and affection to them now , at atime , when in a thriveing one. the determination of the warr , and the defeat of our enemies on all hands , have been our inducements to judge nothing to be either more equitable , or more conduceing to the establishment af a firme peace , and settlement of publick matters , then that those , who thro gods guidance , and our meanes , have either attain'd to their liberty , or who by our gift , and grace , have out of the broyles of a civill man , their lives and fortunes ●…ecured unto them , shoud on their part , if required , and that in a solemn manner too testify unto us as their governours a becomeing fealty and obedience ; now espe●…ally , at a time , when so many turbulent persons in enimity , and more then once taken into favours still continue their restlesse and perfidious practice of disturbing us both abroad , & at home , and sollicitting fresh ones against us . wee have therefore caused a certain forme of an oath to bee ●…ramed & expresly be be sworn unto by all such , who are to bear either publick office , or enjoy the benefit of our laws ; such as peace , tranquillity , or other the effects of a peaceable being . our care herein hath likewise extended to the forreige plantations , and where ever elce our merchants reside abroad upon the account of trade , in order to answer the conveniency and necessity of secureing the fealty and allegiance of those whom we govern which heightens our admiration , when we reflect upon some tideings sent us from some of our merchants liveing at hamburgh , who write of theirbeing interrupted by some among you in their due obedience to our commandment . the states of holland a truly thinking , politick people in their go●…ernment of aff●…ires , have judged it no way concerning them , 〈◊〉 strangers ; namely , english obeyd their magistrates at home in this or that method ; and for you to act contrarily is , we confesse , a point we cannot get over . but it is not a charge which we impute to you , but rather reckon it as the ●…ffect either of a privatc designe or fear of some who are reported to have been scar'd away from their al●…egiance unto us , by the insolent useage of some wandering and banish'd scotchmeu . we●… do in the meane time pray and desire ( not on behalfe of trade so much as that of the commonwealth ) that you ●…ill suffer none among you , here●…n concern'd , to interfere under , any pretence whatever , or meddle with the exercise of our gove●…ment over our people , as being an intrinsick jurisdiction of our owne without deferrence to any forreigne pow●…r or authority whateve●… . for w●…o among yourselves would not resent any practise tending to the alienation of the allegiance of your people ? adieu . dated january . ●… . to the king of spaine . anthony ascan , a man of justice , learning , and splendid family comes to your majesty in our name upon a message tending , we hope , to the mutnall and common profit as well of spaine as this nation . wee therefore desire that , as we are sincerely disposed to returne a suitable acknowledgment npon occasion , you will according to custome vouchsafe him a fair , and peaceable admission to , and retreat from year court : but if otherwise inclin'd , to order him a speedy intimation thereof , with liberty to repair with safety where he shall thinke fit . dated eebruary the . . ditto . your majesty , nor any elce , who have inpartially pereused our publick edicts concerning this matter , can pretend ignorance of the present state of our affaires , and how we were necessitated to shake off oppression by takeing up arms , rescuing our liberty , and establishing the forme of government which we now exercise . wee truly looke upon it as an easy taske to justify our proceedings to all the world , in referrence to our allegiance , equity and patience , nor ought we to under goe the harsh censures of any that are competent judges , for asserting our owne , and the guard of our authority , honour and dignity against the scandalous and infamous barking of banished wanderers . now that which more particularly concernes the intrest of forreign nations is this ; our enemyes are dissipated and quelled , and we thereby , thro gods assistance , arived at a wonderfull deliverance , and therefore do publickly and genuinly declare our readynesse to embrace and enter into an alliance athing preferrable to all ( controwle , with our neighbours : and previous thereto have deputed unto your majesty anthony ascane a person of knowne prudence and integrity , in order to his treating with your majesty on behalfe of the usuall alliance and correspondence between both nations , or of entering into a new one if need be ; who we pray may have free accesse to your majesty , and such furt●…er provision made for his safety and honour as is fitting , dureing the time of his abode with you under that character ; together with liberty freely , to make knownsuch matters as he hath in command from us to communicate to your maj. for that they tend , we hope , to the mutuall benefitof both nations , enableing him to return unto us the result of your sense of his said errand . dated at westminster february . . ditto . your majesty has ere this we presume , understood from what we have already publicky expos'd , the sundry mischiefes conveyed unto us fro●… an unfaithfull peace , and the civill warr that followed it ; the low condition which we were brought under of suffering the common-wealth either to sink under its own burthen , or altering , and that in a considerable degree , the form of the government . to which publick declarations if there be more weight applyed , or credit given , as of right there ought to be , then to the most insolent calumnies of needy people , verily those persons who judge very uncharitably of our affaires abroad , might depe●…d upon farr more moderate useage from ns . for to tax what ever we chearfully contended for , in imitation of our ancessours pnrsuant to our owne right , and the nationall liberty of england censeriously , argues ill breeding . but uow in referrence to matters of community with other nations , it is not our purpose to lessen , but rather promote and ratify all we can the alliance , and commerce usually observed by england with all other nations what ever . and in as much as our trade with your kingdome may be considerable and suitably profitable to both , all becomeing care imaginable shall be by us taken to prevent the same 's being impeded , or any way prejudiced . but yet all these our promisses are but wast paper , while pirates , and our revolters are tollerated to lay violent hands upon , carry in into your ports , and , as it is reported , expose to publick sale at lisbonemarket , our merchant men and goods loaded thereon . to your timely prevention of which practice , and to the end our desireof an alliance may appear more visible , we have sent your majesty charles vane a very noble gentleman under the figure of our embassadour with comands and credential letters testifiing our said trust committed to his care. and do therefore pray that your maj. may be pleased to admit & hear him courteously , and make all becomeing provision for his honour and safety thro out the extent of your empire . all which shall be kindly acknowledged by us from whom your majesty may depend upon suitable returnes when occasion shall seeme to call for it . dated at westminster february . . to the king of spaine . dayly almost , and most lamentable complaints are brought us against certain masters and pilots , who being english men , and revolting from us the last year , carrying away villanously and treacherously , ships committed to their care as masters , at length went off from that part in ireland where they were all last sumer besieged , and have scarce escaped the reproofe due to their wickednesse , but they betake themselves to the port of lisbone planting themselves at the mouth of the river . tagi , where they exercise wi●…hout controul , piracy upon all eng●…ish merchant men tradeing to and again thither infesting ; and renderiug infamous by robbers all the neighbouring , as well as the sea berdering upon the streights of gibraeltaer . to the speedy prevention and removeall of which practice if there be not some sudden remedy applyed , who cannot but discerne the drooping decay of the great trade now carryed on between us and portugall , and which intrinsically consist of vast advantage to both nations . wee therefore again and again pray , that you will forthwith issue your commands for the speedy suppressing of our said revolters , and rebells , causeing them to be with all imaginlble speed rooted out and banished the confines of portugall ; and if in case there be any false , conterfeited embassadour resideing there from charles stuart , you vouchafe him no hearing , or take any other notice of him , but rather looke upon us as those to whom the government of england is , thro gods decree , descended , and that you woud , not suffer the river and port of lisbone to be blockt up against a people who reckon the intrest of england and that of their yours as one. to the king of spaine . your majesties , and don alphonso de codenas your embassadours letters have demonstrated the quality and degree of your majesties resentment of the most wicked murther of our embassadour anthony ascane , and what has been hitherto done , towards the punishment of those that are suspected to have had a hand in his death . yet when we seriously consider upon that act , and that it removes and ●…estroyes the very foundation of entering into , or manteining a correspondence , when the right of embassadours ( most sacred among all nations . ) shall be found to suffer so great an affront , we cannot decline the repeating our instant pressures unto your majesty for due and speedy punishment to be exercised upon those parricides , and that your will not suffer justice to be further suspended thro any deferrence to , or restraint of religion . and albeit we very much admire the friendship of a most potent prince , yet we reckon it a breach of our duty to spare any endeavours tending to the reduceing to just acknowledgment , the authors of so great a villany wee kindly thanke your majesty for that kindnesse which it has commanded to be shewen our people in the ports of spaine , and the great signification of your affection , received by the conveyance of your embassadour ; nor will it be less pleasant unto us to meet with an opportunity that may furnish us with a capacity of makeing you suitable returnes . but if justice be further resoited ( as we have for a long time sollicitted that it shoud not ) we cannot apprehend any foundation to e●…ect a sincere and dureing alliauce upon , towards the support of which t●…ere shall not be however any honest occasion slipt on our parts , and are of opinion that the presence of an embassadour from you here , may not contribute a little thereto . to the spanish embassadour the councill of state have as soone ever as the other more weighty affaires of the nation coud permit them , presented the parliament with the four memorialls , which your excellency gave in thereto upon the . of december last , and in answer to the first paragraph thereof relateing to the wicked murther of mr ascane their late embassadour are commanded to offer the following reply ; viz. that the parliament haveing so long , so often , and so justly called for justice against the said persons , judge it an act of superfluity to add any further sollicitation thereto , especially when as your excelleu●…y well observed , his majesties owne honour was so much concern'd to do it without importunity ; and ●…thing which , if not complyed with , will certainly defeat the foundation upon which humane society is erected . nor can it be truly underastood by any argument borrowed from religion , why innocent blood , basely drawen , ought not to be vindicated . therefore the parliament seemes earnestly to require , and no less to depend upon an effectuall compliance with their former demands in referrence to a thro satisfaction to be given for the losse of their subject . to the most serene prince leopold , arch duke of austria , praesident to king philip in flanders . when we were , not without great clamour , made acquainted with the stealth of jeane puccheringam a maiden gentlewoman of good extraction , plentifull fortune , and an heiresse , who yet under age , and consequently the care of a guardian , has been seised upon , not far from the place of her habitation at greenwich , forced on board a vessell ready at hand for that purpose , and suddainly hurried away out of the hands and embraces of her friends , by the contrivance of one walsh , who since used indirect meanes ; such as the terrour of death &c. to freight the wealthy girle into a marriage with hm ; we did immediatly thereupon , previous to the stopping the successe of a villany fo cruel & un heard of , direct some persons to apply to the governours of newport & oostend ( to one of which two places shee was reported to have been snatched ) on behalfe of her freedome out of the hands of her ravishers , who both acted suitable to persons of singular integrity , & upright dealings to wards the reliefe of the poor captive thus felloniously hurried from home ; but shee s , to escape ( in the mean time ) the violence of these villans , retreating unto a nunnery as a sequestred person , the said walsh , to force her thence , brings his action at law in the spirituall court at ipre where in his declaration , he lays his claine to her by contract of marriage . now in regard the thiefe , and the heiresse are both our people , and that it , by good evidence , appeares , that this outrage has been commmitted within our dominion ; and withall that the considerable bait , being the estate , which he mainly and originally gaped at , lies under our jurisdiction ; as also that the cognisance of the whole cause , and consequently it's judgment does in our opinion , properly belong to us alone ; let him repair hither with his claime , let him comence his suit here , and make out the right he pretends unto her being his wife . this brings your excellency in the mean time , an earnest repetittion of what has been already very often pressed by our envoy at brussells , that the afflicted and forlorn maiden , the honesty of her exactation , the surreptitious method wherein shee was conveyed from out of her country by theft , be prevalent inducements to you to take care of her being in safety permitted to repaire home . which , not onelywe , ( who if there be occasion for it , shall make a suitably ready expression of our aknowledgments , but even humanity and modesty it selfe , which ought to influence the disposition of all good and valiant men and engage them in the de●…nc of the honour & chastity of her sex , se●…me , with united petition , to call for . dated at westminster , march . . to the most serene prince , john , the iv. king of portugall . the consideration of your majesties honourable reception of , and curteous speedy audience allowed unto our embassadour , hath induced us to let you know by the quick dispatch o●… this our second , that we accept thereof very kindly , and that our purposes contain nothing more venerably to observe with deeds , as well as words , then the inviolable support ( without we be first provoked to contrary dealings ) of the peace , alliance , & commerce which we are engaged in with severall nations , and which among the rest , have been for a long time ratified between us , and portugall . nor has our fleet gone to the river tagus upon any other different errand , then barely to chastise our enemies , ( who will not be warned by the many flights , which we so often already instructed them with the experience of ) and rescue such effects of ours , as , being by force and treachery taken away from our people , the murrain of these reb ils has carryed into your ports and especially lisbone it selfe , where they vend the proceed of their theft at open sale . but yet we are apt to believe that most of the peoole of portugall have , by their depraved behaviours , discovered what sort of persons they are , how addicted to impudence , fury , and madnesse . the consideration of which strenghtens our confidence and hopes so much the more , of prevailing ( in the first place ) with your majesty in favour of edward popham , a very worthy gentlemen , whom we have appointed comander in chiefe of this squadron ; & sent for the overthrow of these pirats ; and that in the next place you woud treat them , and their comanders not as persons worthy of hospitality , but ●…heeves , not merchants , but the bane of thrade and breakers of nationall laws , and consequently deny them admittance into , or shelter within the pro ection of your kingdome , but rather banish them the limitts thereof : but if you shou'd thinke fit to be otherwise inclinable , that then we may be at liberty , to assault , r●…duce , and , at our ●…ngle charge , force them to thatdue subjection from which they have renegadoes , and rogues like revolted . which as it has been the substance of our former pressing d●…es , so this comes to your majesty as a repetition thereof , accompanyed with no lesse fervency and earnestnesse . in which , be your compliance the effect either of justice , or complement , it will not onely advance and add to the glory of your j●…stice in all other well governed nations of the world , but oblige us and more particularly the people of england , before of no contrary disposition towards the people of portngall , and your family in amore especiall manner . dated at westminster aprell . . to the citty of hamburgh . letters have more then once interchangeably passed between us and you , concerning differences ariseing between merchants , and some other matters also , which seemed more particularly to relate to , and touch the dignity of our republicke . but in as much as we apprehend that such matters can be scarcetransacted by letters alone , and understanding of the refort of certain seditious persons thither from charles stuart , whose errands consist of nothing so much , as to practise wickedness and insolence in order to the defeating and ●…oly removeing the trade , which some of knowne affection to their country drove with your citty . wherefore having appointed richard bradshaw a very noble and worthy gentleman to go under the character of our envoy thither , to propose and transact such matter at large , as equally concerne the joint advantage of both republicks and that in pursuance of our commssiion and subsequent instructions to him , we pray that you give him speedy , audience , and in all things , cause such provision to be made for the honout and credit of his errand , as custo●…e has renderend practicable in all nations to persons of his degree . adieu . dated at westminster aprill ii. . to the corporation of hamburgh . most noble , magnificent and worthy gentlemen . dear friende . your entertainment to our resident , upon his arrivall with you , under that figure , has appeared so free , affectionate , and singular , that we owne it as such , and earnestly intreat your continuance of that inclination and disposition towards us. and that the rather , for that we are told , that those under banishment hence , of whom our former letters tooke so much notice , do dayly more and more heighten in ●…heir insolence among you , and that not onely in an instance of opprobrious language to our envoy , but an open declaration of some ill designe to be practised upon him . this therefore brings an earnest repetition of our recommendation of his safety , and due honour to your care. and the sooner you reprove those new , as well as old villains , and murtherers , the more acccptable shall we reckon the act●…on , and performe a deed very much consisting with your power and 〈◊〉 . dated at westminster mey . . to philip the iiii. king of spaine . wee are , to our great trouble , informed that am hony ascane lately deputed hence to your majesty as our embassadour , and as such , very civilly and publickly treated in his way thither , after haveing vanquished the hardships of a dangerous and tedious journey , was upon his first entry into your royall citty , stript of all protection , filthily sett upon , and , with his interpreter john baptista de ripa , most basily murthered at a certaine ●…nn where he tooke up his quartters , yet in as much as we apprehend that not onely we our selves , ●…ut your faith , and reputation also have been in this action stabb'd , ●…nd almost transfixt thro his fides , wee do with all imaginable earnestnesse pray your majesty , to see imme diat jus●…ice executed upon such of the murtherers , as are reported to have been already taken , and committed to prison , their punishments ●…roportioned to their guilt , and their abe●…s and confederates ( who ever they be ) exemplyed suitable to the quality of this crime , and as the 〈◊〉 calls for . albeit w●… doudt not but that a king naturally pious and just , woud unsollicited , persorme neverthelesse what we seeme here to desire . whereto what we have to add , is to pray that the body be deliver'd to the receipt of his friends and relations in order to its transportationin to its owne country , and our consulting a little , and provideing for the health of his survivers as we shall thinke fit ; till they , accompanid with an answer hereto give us , upon their returne if possible , an account of your piety and justice herein . westminster dat. . january , . to his excellency don antonio joanni ludovico , duke of corda , medina celi , praesident of andalitia . the councill of state constituted by the authority of the parliament of england , greeting . the person intrusted with the command in chiefe of that fleet sent hence to the coast of portugall to persecute , ●…d recover the damages sustein'd from our enemies in those parts , hath acquainted us with your highness friendship , upon the fleets touching upon the coast of galicia , a place belonging to your jurisdiction , where thy were , he saith , very curteously used , and furnished with all manner of necessary supplies incident to the want of seamen . which kindnes of yours , as it has always justly challenged our gratitude , so in a more particular manner now , at a time when experience acquaints us with the effects of some ill dispositions from abroad towards us un proveoked that we know of . we therefore pray you , most illustrious sir , to be pleased not to discontinue the same disposition , and affection towards us , and that as often as any of our ships may for the future happen to touch at any place in the said coasts , they faile not of the same favour and help ; resting in the mean time assured , that upon any opportunity occuring , and that may be improved to your advantage and service , our returnes shall be suitable . dated at westminster november . . the council-seale , affixed , and countersigned by john bradshaw , president . to the illustrious and magnificent senat of switserland &c. magnificent and most noble sirs , most dear friends , wee have , by letters from our merchants tradeing for prusia , received heavy complaints of an intolerable and inusual tax ; lately imposed upon them by a decree enacted by the great coudcil of poland , who seeme to have assessed them in the tenth part of their estates , with a designe of applying the same to t●…e support of our enemy the king of scots . which as it is an act standing indirect opposition to the laws of nations to treat merchants and sttangers after a method of this make , it is also as pregnant with injustice to force such to contribute to the maintenance of one abroad , from whose tiranny divine providence has so lately delivered them at home , and consequently do not doubt but that as we know you to be a free people , you will not abide , or give way to the laying of such impositions upon persons whose correspondence and traffique has for several yeares past been of no small advantage to your citty . if therefore you will protect them as merchants and strangers , it is no less then what we may undoubtedly expect , as being a thing becoming your justice , and prudence , and no less suitable to the dignity of your splendid corporation , and what our endeavours shall render you sensible of our acknowledgment of , as often as any of your people , or ships , which often happens , shall need the friendship of our ports . dated at westminster february . . to the portugal-envoy . yours of the . current were delivered us at hampton court signifying your being sent from the crowne of portugal , with a message to the representatives of the common-wealth of england , but take no notice under what character ; whether of an agent , embassadour , envoy , or what ; which pray resolve us in , by remitting us with as much speed as you can , coppys of such letters , and credentials as accompany you from your king ; together with an account whether you come with full power to repair such injuryes , and makeing amends for such damages as your king has been the occasion of involving this commonwealth in ; in protecting ( all the last sumer ) within your harbours our enemies , and rebels against the assault of our fleet while on the other hand , they were at liberty to invade us . if you say that you come with full power and directions to answer all these points , and that you send the aforesaid coppies , care shall be thereupon taken for your publick , and safe accesse unto us who , when we peruse the king's letters , shall direct liberty to be given you of expounding the errand you are sent upon . the representatives of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince , d. ferdinando the second , great duke of toskany . mr almerico salvetti , your resident here , hath delivered us your highnesse's letter , dated at florence the . of aprile , plainly shewing the value your highness retains for the english nation ; confirmed by the account we have not onely from such of our merchants as have for several years , lived as traders i●… your ports , but also young gentlemen of our best nobility , who have had the experience of your country either by travelling throw , or liveing there to gaine the education thereof . which as it is a thing that cannot misse of ouf gratefull approveall , so we earnestly pray , that you do not withdraw , or discontinue the like to such of our merchants or other our subjects , as may for the future have occasion of travelling thro your highness's dukedome : assureing you , that as far as it concerns the parliament , nothing shall be wanting that may conduce to the fortifying & establishing the commerce and mutuall affection with has ( time out of minde ) united both nations , which we truly desire and wish may be perpetually maintain'd with all true endeavours , and mutuall observance of both hands reciprocally . westminster . january . subscribed by william lenthale , speaker to the house of commons , whose seale he fixed hereto . the parliament of england , to the illustrious and magnificent senat of hamburgh . most magnificent , noble , & worthy gentlemen , dearest friends , the parliament of england , to evidence their great disposition to the inviolable observance of the mutual correspondence and commerce antiently held between england and your corporation hath lately deputed thither richard bradshaw esq to reside with you under the character of their resident , who among other t●…ings relating thereto , has it in expresse commands from them to demand justice upon certain of your people , who made an attempt upon the person of the minister belonging to the english company there , with a designe ( we understand ) of murthering him , as also their deputy , who had violent hands laid upon , as well as some of the chiefest of the merchants themselves , whom they dared to offer the like affront unto , by spiritting them on board a certain privateer &c. and albeit the said resident hath upon his first entrance , after he had audience given him , made particular pressure to you relateing thereto , pursuant to the parliaments said comands , in order to the obtaining of justice upon these villains , yet when we found our selves dis●…ppointed in our said expectation , and likewise considering the danger which our merchants , and estates should be alwayes exposed unto , ●…or want of a guard against the restlesse malice of their enemies , we have comanded him to represent a fresh our sense of that affair : and that he shou'd , in the name of this common-wealth sollicit your taking care of the preservation o●… the amity and alliance ratified between this republick and your citty , and the considerable comerce which intercedes between both , and with all to protect as well our marchants themselves , as their priviledges , without suffering them to be lyable to any violation what ever ; and that in a particular degree in referrence to one garmet whose deportment to this commonwealth has appear'd very insolent , and wh●… , to the great dislquiet o●… our merchants , and in contempt of this republick , has publickly cited certain merchants of the english company resi ●…eing in your citty , into the chamher of spire : wherein we depend upon such reparation , as may consist with equity and justice . all these particulars , and if there be any thing further , that may affect the ●…riendship novv on foot betvveen this repubblick and your citty , vve have directed the said resident to vvait upon you vvith : whom vve desire that you give ample credit unto in such things relating the reto as he shall propose . westwinster . march , . subscribed by the speaker of the house , whose 〈◊〉 be fixed thereto . to the most serene christiana , queen of sweedland &c. the parliament of england , greeting . this comes to your majesty with an account of our recept and peruseall of your letters , dated the . of september last from stokholme , directed to , and delivered the parliament of england by peter spiering silvercroon : and to intimate that we earnestly and cordially wish , that the alliance commerce , and great traffick anciently observed between england and sweedland be permanent , and dayly thrive , nor do we doubt but that an embassadour had come from your m●…jesty furnished with full power of makeing such proposalls , as principally tended to the mutuall intrest , and reputation of both governments , and such as we shoud very freely have received from him , and that should seem to imply more particularly the health and profit of both , and who shou'd have return'd upon the speedy accomplishment thereof : but it haveing pleased god ▪ the c●…iefe moderator of things , to remove that person out of this world ( whose losse we have as bitterly and sharply lamented , as consisted with our due deferrence to the will of god ▪ be●…ore he could have made knowne unto the parliament the message he came upon from your majesty , the same has kept them hitherto from the knowledge of your majesties mind , so that the further progresse thereof lies under present suspence ; wherefore we have thought fit to let you know by our envoy expresly dismissed herewith to that purpose ; what welcome your majesty letters and publick minister may depend upon from the parliament of england , and how ambitious we are of your majesties ●…riendshipp ; as also what weight we shall , as we ought , be found to lay upon the ●…avour of so great a prince : and our regard to the augmentation of that commerce now in bei●…g ●…etween this government and your majesties shall appear to be such , as we ought to retaine in re errence to a point in it sel●…e every way valuable : and which , for that very reason , shall be of ultimat acceptance to the parliament of england ; in whose name , and pursuant to whoseauthority , first recommending your majesty to the protection of god , their speaker has fixed their seale and counter signed this letters . dated at westminster march anno domini . the parliament of the comonwealth of england . to the most serene and potent prince , philip the iv. king of spaine greeting . great complaints have been made us from such of our people as exercise the faculty of merchandizeing within your majesties dominions , of great violence , and injurious practises , and of proportionably new customes imposed upon them by the magistrates and other officers of your respective ports and other places where the ▪ trade , and more particularly in the canaery islands ; and that contrary to the articles wherein both nations have engaged each ●…ther for the support of trade . the truth of whick complaints they have by oath made appear , and tell us , that if in case they are not justly treated , and their damages repaired , as also their persons and estates secured against such oppressions and affronts , they purpole to withdraw , and trade no longer into those places . which haveing seriously considering , and judgeing that the misbehaviours of your ministers , were not at all known , or represented to your maj. otherwise then as they really stood , they thought fit to transmit herewith their said complaints to your majesty , not questioning but that your majesty may , out of regard to justice , as the incentive consideration of trade , wherein your own people's , as well as the advantage of ours , is equally involved , be pleased to ●…ssue such directions to your officers , as may wean such vexatious practises , and that the english merchants have speedy justice done them in consideration of the damages sustain'd thro the meanes of mr peter de carillo de gusman and other persons , contrary to the said articles , and that your majesty may please to order that the said merchants receive the benefi●… of the said articles , and so to be retain'd in your majesty's ey , as that they in their persons and estates be lyableto no future oppression what ever . this they thinke they may , in a great measure attaine unto , if your majesty will grant them back again that charter which protected them in cases of this kind ; otherwise they may be , for want of a due refuge from injurys 〈◊〉 to the discontinuance of that comerce , which is of no small advantage to both thrô these kind of violations , and encroachments upon the articles of peace . to the most serene prince the duke of venice . the councell of state constituted by the authority of the common - wealth of england greeting . john dickons , and john throgmorton , with severall others of our merchants have complain'd that haveing , pursuant to the constitution & authority of our admirality court , about the . of november . seized upon a quantity of camphire of about one handred fatts on board a certain ship called the swallow , under the command of isaac tayler , then in the downes , but loaded thereon at a place in muscovy called the archangel , obtein'd , according to law , adecrre in that court ▪ , directing the delivery of the said goods to the receipt of the said petitioners , upon caution first enter'd into by them , of standing to the award of the court ; that the said court , by whom this matter was to be determin'd , writ , according to custome , to the magistrates and judges of venice , praying that john perat a venetian ; who pretended a propriety to the said good , would , by proxy appear in the admiralty court of england where that differrence depended , to prove the equity of his claime . yet the said piatt and one david butt●… a dutch man have , while this quarrell lay under the debate of our court ; exposed the said john dickons , and the other merchants to very much trouble touching the propriety of the said camphire , arresting their goods and effects at venice ▪ the particulars of all which , and the sum of all the proceedings hitherto acted in our court , are in these letters of request more succinctly and largely contain'd ; which , after they were inspected into and perused by us , we have thought fit to transmit to the most serene rebublick of venice , presumeing that they might help the merchants in this case , earnestly praying that the said letters carry not onely their owne force and weight , but that the merchants goods thus arrested by ●…he meanes of the said pat●…us and david rutts be discharged ; and the said controversys remitted to the determination of our court , who are ready to decide by law their right to this camphiré . in doing wh ch your highnesse , and the most serene republick will do an act that in it selfe is principally just ; worthy the untainted friendship of both republicks , and finally that shall be recompensed by this republick upon any occasion that may offer of expressing their affection or good offices . dated at whitehall febr. . sealed and sign'd by the president of the councell . to the spanish embassadour . most excellent sir , the councill of state haveing , in pursuance of a comand from the parliament dated the . of march , taken into their serious considederation your excellency's memoriall presented to a committee of this board the . of february , wherein your excellency has thought fit to propose a demand of an answer , to be before hand given to the two heads therein expressed : orderd your excellency the following reply . that the parliament , when they gave answer to such proposalls , as were made by your excellency upon your first audience , as also in the contents of the letters sent the most serene king of spaine , declared at large how gratefull & acceptable that friendships , and mutuall comerce offerd as well by the king himselfe , as you in his name was , and finally how much he stood disposed on his part towards the returning the like friendship and offices , that your excellency , being afterwards heard in councill , thought fit to propose thereto on the . of december old stile , a kind of a project tending to the fortifying of this alliance , whereof you haveing then made an offer ; as if certain of their board were appointed to receive , and debate such things as your excellency had to propose , and after deliberation had thereon , to report their opinion of the advantage thereof forthwith to the councill , the matter might receive no damage by it : they , did to gratify your said proposalls , nominate certain of their number , to give your excellency a meeting ▪ who haveing conv●…n'd pursuant thereto , their said meeting , instead of what were expected to be proposed , amounted to noe more then the purport of the aforsai'd memoriall , to which the councill directed the subsequent answer . that , considering the parliaments declaration , when your excellency is gott over the fere going progresse , we are ready to give your excellency a meeting touching such overtures as you shall have to make on behalfe of the king your master , in referrence as well to the alliance already made , as a stricter to be enter d into , or if there be any thing that may occur , or we judge to move on behalfe of this republic . and when we come to particulars , our reply shall be meet , and consistent . whitehall march . . the representatives of the comonwealth of england , to the most serene prince frederick the . king of denmarke greeting most serene and potent king , we have by the conveyance of henry williamson rosenwing of lysaker a worthy person received , and , suitable to the merit of their proposalls , freely perused your majesty's letters dated the . of december last from your court at hasnia , and desire that your majesty woud rest assured , that we retaine the same disposition of mind , and the same affection to the continuance and preservation of the ancient correspondence , comerce , and friendship for so many yeares supported between england and denmarke , which we apprehend your majesty to do ; knowing that albeit it has pleased god , in favour of the peace , and tranquillity of this nation , to alter ( we hope to abetter ( the formerly establisht form of this government , yet to continue imoveable the same correspondence , maintain the same intrest , and recover its former vigour , to the mutuall trade and comerce , which have been the results of former contracts and alliances between both nations , and by improveing those alliances all that may be to engage each other in an united and joint endeavour o●… perfecting and strengthering dayly more and more , that friendshipp , is what we understand to be our advantage . and when it shall please your majesty to pursue those councells mention'd in your royall letters , the parliament will , with all alacrity , and sincerity , be ready to embrace them , and joyne all they can in any other contribution that may conduce to the promotion of such a designe , and are therefore inclinable to believe your majesty's resolutions in referrence to this common-wealth to be such ( it being also provided for in former contracts ) as may consistwi●…h that willingnesse mett with by your majesty in us upon your 〈◊〉 proposall thereof . the parliament in the mean time wish your majesty and subjects health and happinesse ▪ dated at westminster april anno domini . signed and sealed by the speaker , directed there to by authority of parliament . the rèpresentatives of the comon-wealth of england , to the ●…llustrious and noble magistrates and senators of the hanseatick cittys greeting . the representatives of the republick of england have received , and perused your letters of the ▪ of january last , and conform●…ble to their demands admitted into audience leo ab aisem your publick minister who brought'em , and withall represented the ●…nclination and affection your people bear this republick , praying withall and solliciting the future inviolable continuance of the ancient alliance now in being between us . the parliament therefore do , for themselves , 〈◊〉 and assert it to be amost gratefull thing to them to renew and ratify that friendship and correspondence which have formerly interceded between this nation and those co●…porations , and their readynesse upon all fit occasions to evidence their promises in their performances , expecting to be treated with suitable faithfulness and integrity by those their antient friends and confederates . as to the other branches more particularly comitted to , and urged by your resident , no sooner were the same transmitted unto , proposed , and debated before the councill of state , but such an answer was resolved upon as seem'd to consist with equity and reason , and which your resident himselfe may remit to you , whose prudence and known integrity shew how much he deserves the honour of your present favour to him . dated at westminster aprill anno domini . sign'd and sealed , pursuant to the authority of parliament , by the speaker . the representatives of the comon-wealth of england , to the illustrious and noble corporation of hambroug greeting . most noble , renowned , and worthy gentlemen . dearest friends the representatives of the comonwealth of england have received and perused your letters dated at hambrough the ●… . of january last , brought them by a noble gentleman mr leo ab aisem , who stiles himselfe under the character of yours , and the rest of the hanseatique cittys resident , who has had audience allowed him pursuant to the import of the said letteas ; and what he had further in comand on the particular behalfe of your citty , transmitted to ●…he councill of state , whom having directed to receive such proposalls as he had to offer , and transact with him forthwithabout such thing as shoud consist with equity & justice treated with him since accordingly . and as the parliament has demonstrated the just regard that shoud be always had to such things as came from you , and testified it's singular affection to your city in the appointment of a resident sent to reside there , so it canot but depend upon , and justly challenge a suitable returne to such practicable proposalls as their said resident either already hath , or which he may for the future make in their name , to your citty so long in amity and confederacy with us . westminster april . subscribed ut supra . the council of state , &c. to the most serene prince ferdinando the ii. great duke of toskany greeting . whereas charles longland , sollicitour for the english merchants at livorne , having advised thence , that upon the arrival there of a fleet consisting of about fourteen sailes of dutch men of warr , publickly declareing that the errand they came upon was to burne within your port , or otherwise destroy such english ships as they found there , your highness was , upon application made on behalfe of the english , pleased to disappont the said designe , by recommending them to the protection of your governour there : the council of state has judgedit becoming her duty and office to observe unto your highnesse how gratefully that kindnesse and protection so seasonably and curteously done the english merchants , is accepted of by the republick of england ; promising and engageing unto your highnesse that the memory of this good turne has made such an impression , as is never to be forgot , and their readinesse to improve all opportunities that may offer of effectually returning your people the like frindship and office and performing all other things that may conduce to the support of the usual benevolence and commerce of this , and your nation . and whereas the dutch fleet have , even while conferences of their owne dictation concerning an alliance were under debate ; made perfidious attempts upon ours , and that not onely in our owne harbours even ( in which wicked attempt god , as a most just arbitrator , prevented their wickedness ) but in forreign ones also , where they would take , or sinke our merchant men ▪ we have thought it necessary to transmit unto your highnesse this paper on behalfe of the parliament of england ; which some controversies lately arisen between this government and holland ; have occasioned the sending of . whereby , how much the iniquity of that people in their behaviour to this republick has been , and how void of regard to all justice , and the law of lands themselves , is what may be very obvious to your highnesse , and how studious the parliament's endeavours have been to shew their tenderness to the publick peace ; coud the former friendship , and society of that people be any way continued . dated at whitehall july . . signed and sealed by the president of the councill to the spanish embassadonr . the council of state having considered the two memorials exhibited thereto by your excellency ; the one dated the . of june , or . may , and the other the ▪ or . current , return the following answer to both ; that the parliament of the commonwealth of england is very w●…ll ▪ disposed towards the continuance of that amity , and well constituted peace now in existency between this republick and the king of spaine's royal majesty , since your excellency has intimated that to be the bent of his said majesti●… too , and that all imaginable readiness should be met with of improving the same to the common good of both nations . the which , the council of state has in the name , and by the direction of the parliament so often demonstrated in their written replys to your excellency ; and particularly , in conformity to your excellencies desire , has appointed a comittee to give your excellency a meeting and receive such proposals as you had to offer conduceing to the aforesaid end. which meeting afterwards has , in liew of other expectations , produced some things consisting in general tearmes , and as it were , previous to a future conference , which the council believed the parliament had in former replies made plaine its opinion concerning : yet to give further satisfaction , and to remove any doubt which your excellency may pretend to remaine under , concerning the particular instances of the overtures you then made , the councils reply of the . march or . april , shewes that when all steps necessarily previous thereto , such as what your excellency had to offer on behalfe of his said royal majesty , in reference to the sormer , as any other stricter alliance to be entered into on the one hand , as what we should exhibit on behalfe of this republicke , were discoursed about & determined , on the other hand , yea when all things were truely debated as they ought to be , and that your excellency came to confer accordingly , they were ready : to which your excellency made no reply , nor proceeded further in the matter these almost two months past . and your excellencie's of the . may or . june . is the first that the council heard of since that time , which seemes to signify no more then to desire that the articles of peace and alliance entered into by charles the late king , and your master , dated the . or . of november . might be reviewed , and such alterations made in the heads thereof in reference to an addition to , or diminution therefrom , as the frame of the government and time now alter'd should call for ; which as it amounted to no more , then what we , in our aforesaid reply of the . aprile or . march , fully and plainly signified : the council did ere this expect some application from your exc●…llecy , with an account of those particular articles and alterations which you mention you would have made in the league , considering that it is otherwise impossible for us to give any other reply different from what we have already done . but whereas your excellency seemes , by your late memorial to lay the fault at our doore , the conncil therefore resolved , & made a fresh inspection into your said memorial of the . of may or . of june and its contents , and thinkes it has , in that former paper , fully satisfied your excellency . in addition whereto , can say no more then that when your excellency is at leisure to make known your desires of altering the alliances now establisht , or proposeing such other tearmes conduceing to the accomodation of times , and affaires , as they now stand , and which you woud , on your part lay the foundation of an alliance upon ; their answer thereupon shall be such as they judge may consist with equity , and testify the parliaments inclination of persevering in the same sincerity of maintaining unstain'd , and ●…irme , it 's friendship wi●…h the king your master ; and contributeing to any other expedient , which becoming it , may tend to the prosperity of such an alliance . the councill doth moreover judge it abranch of her duty to remind your excellency of our memoriall transmitted unto you under the . of january which being yet unanswerd , we continue still under instant expectations of the parliaments being satisfied in the contents of . the councill of state 's answer to a reply of the most serene king of denmarke's embassadours extraordinary delivered to the committee of councill , in answer to a former one of the councills concerning their fourteen demands . the council , previous to the satisfaction of the a foresaid embassadours , in her answer to the fifth , sixth , seaventh , eight and ninth articles doth assent to the following paragraph's being added to the foot of their former answer : that is to say ; besides those colonys , islands , ports and places under the government of either , whether it is by law forbidd to resort upon the account of trade , or traffique , without his speciall licence first obtein'd , to whose jurisdiction the said colony , island ports , or places shall appertaine . the takeing of any thing on board of a ship driven into the rivers , ports , or havens of either party , shall not render such a ship &c. liable to any molestation or search , as the said embassadours woud , in their said reply , seeme to have interpreted that of the councill to the eleaventh article , saveing in places where such a reception happens to fall contrary to the laws , statutes , and custome of the place wherein such a ship tooke port. in which case the councill doth , thinke to have imposed nothing of hardship , but that is equally conduceing to the welfare of both republicks . as to the proofe of the propriety of such shipps , or goods , as shall , by shipwrack , happen to be driven on shore : it is the opinion of the councill that , in such cases , oath be taken in such courts as either already are , or hereafter may be erected for the hearing and determining such cases , where , such as may at any time lay claime to such goods , may be distinctly heared , and every one's right knowne and determin'd ; which by paper ( comonly called certificates ) cannot ●…e so clearly and infallibly attain'd unto , whence a cloud of scruples and doubts may of times arise , as also cover a deal of fraud , a●…d deceipt often creeping under such a kind of proofe which concerne both partys equally to prevent . the councill is also of judgment that a certain time be limitted not to be exceeded without the forfeiture of such a claime , by persons to bring their proofe with in the extent of , of their propriety , and to be excluded the benefit of the court upon failing to make clear their right within the space of ) to avoid endles suites of law. as to a method of vending such goods found in the wrack , as are perishable , the councill has also thought fit to propose that of ( the inch of ca●…dle ) which as it is a meanes very probable , so it is equally as expedient to secure th●… o●…ner a good price for his goods ; but if the aforesaid embassadours shall come furnished with any other detected expedient , that may be found more conduceing to this end , the councill shall not withstand the promotion of what is equitable , nor can it see how it may occasion any demurr to the dispatch of this treaty . as to the forfeiture they are to be liable unto , that shall be found to incroach upon the proposalls herein contein'd , the councill inserted the same in their reply to the fourteenth article , to the rendering the said article of more efficacy , and the treaty it sel●…e more durable and firme . as for an answer to the last clause of the . article , it is inconsistent with our judgment to give our assen to those alliances , and fraternity mentioned in the said replys and which are proposed in generall tearmes onely , till , by a further explanation , we see what they may meane . which when your ●…xcellency is pleased to be plaine with the councill in , we shall be able then to be more particular on our part . the councill of states reply to the said embassadours answer , given in reply to theirs to the . articles exhibited by the council in the name of the republick of england . the council haveing perused the letters parents impowering the saids lords embassadours to treat with the parliament it selfe , or it's deputies in referrence to such matters as were expedient to be transacted towards the renewing the ancient alliances , and adding new ones , did truly thinke , that the said lords embassadours came with such authority , as to have been able to answer , and transact all such things as should be proposed on behalfe as well of this republick , as of the king of denmark and norway , and therefore did not expect those replies which the said lords embassadours were pleased to give to the council's first , second , third and fifth demand , which renders it necessarily obvious to be prest to the consideration of the present treaty ; as a thing in it selfe most just , & accordingly determined in council to comprimise , & take in the whole , as well vvhat concernes this republick , as the kingdomes o●… denmark and norway . it is therefore the earnest request of the council , that your excellencie's answer to our said first , second , third , and fifth demand be made known . as to the . article concerning the customes at gl●…kstadt , as your excellencie's answer intimated their being antiquated , the council seemes to presse that the same be expresly ratified in the treaty , least they should be hereafter revoaked . as to the . article about pirats , the mutual advantage of both parties has been the end of that article , and to establish the repose of trade in common against the disquiet and interruption of rogues & theeves , and as the lords embassadors reply to this article was peculiarly applicable to the enemy , and therefore tooke no special notice of pirats : the council therefore desires to be expressely dealt which in that point . and whereas the aforesaid lords embassadours , in their reply to the council's answer , in reference more especially to their . article tooke no notice of the council's answer , the council thought fit to add the following article to their former demands ; that the people , and inhabitants of the commonwealth of england , who held or exercised any trade or comerce with any of the kingdomes , dominions , or jurisdictions belonging in the crown of denmarke and norway ; should be liable to the payment of no excess of castome taxe , toll , tribute , or any other imposition what ever for the future , beyond what the dutch , and all other forreign nations , exerciseing trade , shall , or ought to pay , and to enjoy with freedome , the same full liberty , priviledges , and imunities in their comeing in , stay , as well as departure ; as also their fishing-trade , and all other circumstances what ever , equall , and in proportion with any other strangers inhabiting the aforesaid kingdomes or empire of the said king of denmark and norway ; which priviledges the said king of denmark's and norway's subjects shall likewise enjoy throughout all the provinces , and jurisdictions belonging to the republick of england . the council of state , to the most illustrious prince , ferdinando the ii great duke of toskany , greeting . most illustrious prince , and dearest friend , charles longland , atturney for the english factory at livorne , as also your high : resident here haveing comunicated unto us with what affection and sincerity our merchant-men were protected by your highnesse upon their repair to livorne , to escape the designe of dutch rovers , who breathed nothing but ruine and destruction against them , the council of state 's letters dated the . of july last , and come to hand ere this we hope , have signified unto your highness how grateful so seasonable a piece of kindness as that happened to be , was to them , where by the same conveyance , they transmitted unto your highnesse other papers containing an account of the ground of the controversy now depending between the parliament of england & the states of holland ; and upon such advise transmitted from the said charles longland , of your highness's further care bestow'd upon the english , by warning the dutch to supersede , notwithstanding their industrious sollicitation to the countrey , the said council has taken the liberty of signifying unto your highness by this conveyance , that as your justice and singular constancy in defending their ships calls for the height of their esteeme , so it likewise doth their g●…atitude . which as it is no slight indication of your sound friendship , and affection to this republick , so your highness may rest confident that upon any occasion opportunely represented , our returns shall lead your desires , & that in a method becoming the respect and affection we ow you and yours , and that in such a degree as may declare how much we make it our endeavour to render the alliance between this government and your highnesses both constant and permanent . we have in the mean time issued our strict command to such of our ships , as may happen to call at your ports , that they faile not saluteing you with a just number of canons , and paying you all other imaginable due respect . dated at whitehal , september . subscribed by the praesident of the council , whoseseale he fixed thereto . to alphonso de cardenas , the spanish embassador . most excellent sir , your excellencies letter , dated the . or . november , together with two petitions inclosed concerning the ship comonly knowne by the name of the samson and salvador , were by your secretary upon the . ditto , delivered unto , and read in council , who appointed the following answer to both . that the said shipp fell in the english-man's ways super altum mare not in the downes , as your excellency seems to have understood it , where having sett upon & seized her as a vessell belonging to the enemy , brought her home , & proceeded against her as a lawful prize in the admiralty court , to which alone the cognisance of such cases is solely belonging , and where the pretences of all parties are audibly and freely debated , and lawfully determined . we have moreover transmitted your excellencies demand to the ●…udges of the laid court , with directions requireing our being informed concerning what proceedings were made towards the condemnation of th●… said shipp . which when we have satisfaction given us in , such further care shall be taken therein , as is consistent with iustice , and becomeing the friendship subsisting between this republick and your king , relying upon a suitable confidence that his royal majesty will not suffer himselfe to be made a cloack of , to protect the goods of our enemies , or see us otherwise ba●…led under the pretence of their owning themselves his subjects . subscribed by william lenthal , president of the council ▪ whose seale he caused to be affixed thereto . dated at whitehal , november , . to the spanish embassadour . most noble sir , baldid , a comander of one of the men of war belonging to this commonwealth , having lately advised the council that being necessitated to put in at a place comonly called by the name of longone , to repair some damages susteind in a battle of two dayes constant continuance fought in the streights of gibralter against eleaven dutch men of war , haveing but three besides himselfe , and furnish himselfe and company with such further supplyes as he wanted for fight , the gouernour of that place acquitted himselfe like a very just , and civil person towards both him and the rest of his ships . and whereas the said place lies within the king of spain's dominions , the councill reckons the singular humanity of that civility effectually demonstrated , to be the true & plenti●…ul result of the strict alliance so fortunately establish't , and so judge it an act becoming them to thanke his majesty for so seasonable a piece of service , and desire your excellency to be pleased to signify the same without losse of time to his most serene majesty , and to assure him of a suitable returne of friendship and kindnesse upon any occasion that may offer . dated at westminster , november the . anno domini . signed and sealed by william masham , praesident of the council . to the most serene prince ferdinand the ii. duke of great toscany , the representa●…ives of the commonwealth of england greeting . most serene prince , and dearest friend , the representatives of the commonwealth of england , have received your highnesse's letter , dated the . of august , from florence , touching the restitution of a vessell loaded with rice , challeng'd by a master belonging to livorns called cardio , and albeit sentence is already awarded in our cour of admiralty against the said cardio concerning that affair , and that the appeal then hung before the delegate , yet upon your highnesses interposition , the parliament , to shew their opinion of the amity and friendship of so great a prince , comanded those that were intrusted with the management of that affair , that that vessel wit●… her loadeing of rice , or an equivalent value ( at least ) should be restored to the said captain cardeo , whose correspondent has since received the effect of the said comand accordingly : and as your highnesses protection to the english merchants , and principally in the port of livorne , has very much obliged the parliament ( of which your resident as well as charles longland , sollicitor for the english factor●… at livorne , have given us an account ) so the parliament is , on it's part , well disposed to the takeing care , that as often as there is occasion for it , no offices of sincere friendship or love towards your excellency shall need to be complain'd of . comendig you in the mean time fervently to the tuition of divine providence . dated at westminster november . subscribed b●… the speaker of the house of comons , whose seale he caused to be affixed thereto . the representatives of the republick of england . to the most serene and porent prince the king of denmarke . most serene and po●…ent king. the comander in chiefe of the fleet , la●…ely ●…ent hence to give convoy homewards to such of our merchant-men as attended , to that purpose , , at the port of hasnia haveing advised our parliament , that upon his arrivall thore , he found an embergo laid upon the departure of the said mer●…hant men , pursuant to an order of your majesties , comanding that none of them shoud be suffered to budge , notwithstanding his haveing produced your majesties letters signifiing your pleasure to the contrary , and demanding the reason of such detention . to prevent therefore any ill consequences that may arise therefrom to either of the nations so palpably concerned , and which may be pursued by a worse , the parliament has directed richard bradshaw esq. a worthy gentleman , of knowne fidelity , and their orator now at hamburgh , to wait upon your majesty under the same character , with expresse commands directing him to discourse and treat concerning that affair ; praying that your majesty would therefore please curteously to listen unto , & allow him full credit in what ever he shall propose unto your majesty in our name r●…lating to this affair ; whom we , in the mean time , heartily recomend to the care and protection of god. dated at westminster , november , . signed and sealed by the speaker , in pursuance of the parliaments direction . the representatives of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene duke of venice , greeting . laurence paulet has delivered the parliament your highness letter , dated the first of june . which as it testifys the good disposition of your senat , as well as your highnesses towards this republick , so they on their parts , have thought fit to make known by this occasion the respect & affection they bearto the most serene commonwealth of venice , and shall not grudge their continueing so to do , and makeing no difference between their performances and promises , as often as they are furnished with occasions that may enable them to act suitably , and also cheerfully pursue such meanes , as may be employed towards the support and improvement of the amity and mutual comerce now existent . wishing and praying , in the meane time , that all happiness and prosperity may attend your highness and most s●…rene republick . dated at westminster , december anno domini . signed and sealed by the speaker purs●…ant to the comand and authority of the parliament . the representatives of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince ferdinando the ii. great duke of toscany . whereas the representatives of the commonwealth of englaud have , in former ●…nstructions to their sea comanders , strictly charged them , upon their touching at any port within your highnesses empire , to behave themselves peaceably , modestly and suitable to that observance which your civilityes to this government justly call for from us , & to whose kindnesses they cannot but owne themselves much obliged . yet it proved matter of great surprize to them to find all forgot , in the comportment of one of their said officers , named appleton , whose demeanour to the watch at livorne is said to have been very insolent , and that contrary as well to the allegiance wherin be is indebted to this republick , as well as the regard every prince ought to have shewn him within his owne territories . which the parliament had an account of as it happend , not onel from your owne letters under the . and . of december last from florence , but more particularly from master almericus salvetus your resident ●…ere , who is a very worthy gentleman . your highnesses honour , which seemes to be involved in this matter , lies under that veneration with the state , as that this matter is wholly and particularly recommended to t●…e care of the council , with direction to write fortwith to captain appleton , for his repaiting home by land , to answer the insolency of this unpresidented misbehaviour of his ( of which the inclosed is a coppy ) who upon hi●… arrival , shall be examined , and such punishment awarded him , as shall testify that we are no lesse concerned , than if it were done in contempt of our owne government . as concerning the phenix taken at ●…vorne , your excellency and resident seem to say and urge , that the same was committed contrary to appletons promise , who was obliged to make no attempt upon the dutch vvithin sight of the port or its lantborne : that your e●…cellency relying thereon , entred into the like engagement to the d●…ch , and that therefore they ought to depend upon satisfaction for the damage susteind from their depending upon your protection and promise . the parliament assure you , that as the same vvas comitted vvithout their council or aduice , so it is a thing very distant from their inclination and mind to expose your excellency to any manner of inconveniency , or diminution of honour , upon the score of that deed ; nay shall endeavour that away be found out of makeing you such satis●…ction . as shall seem suitable to the demerit of the cause , after inquiry first made . to be more fully informed wherein , they thinke it a very necessary point to have appleton himselfe examined before them , who was obliged by his promise , and consequently believed by your excellency to have a betted ( at least ) in that violation ; especially considering that he is to returne in so short a time , who , when ever he is heard by the parliament , and further debate had thereon with your oratour , shall have such sentence awarded him upon this so considerable a crime , as shall consist with equity and the extraordinary affection which they bear your excellency , and finally not unworthy your kindnesses . to confirme your excellencies beliefe of which , they have directed this present messenger to be forthwith dispatched away with these letters , least they shoud be said to s●…ip any opportunity that may be improved into a real testimony of their sincerety towards you. dated at westminster , . december anno domini . by authority and command of parliament signed , and sealed by the speaker . the councill of state , to the most serene prince frederick heir of norway , duke of slesvice , alsace , ha●…mar , ditmarse , earle in oldenburgh and delmhorst greeting . altho it has been the decree of the all knowing god , and most mercifull ruler of the universe , to engage us , ( beyond that duty susteined by , and transmitted unto us from our ancestors ) in a most just quarrell , for the resuceing our liberty's from the oppression of tyrany , and lend us such singnall marks of his divine help , and assistance , in preferrence to them , as to have enabled us not onely to lay the fury of a civill warr , but destroy the future growth thereof , as also withstand and repell the unexpected assaults of forreign enemys . yetunder as sincere acknowledgments as we can be , of the favour and loue of the most high diety towards us , we are not neverthelesse so far transported with the consideration of our prosperity , as , pursuant to the singular providence and justice of god , ( which we have had a plentifull experience of ) not rather to declare all we can our aversnesse to warr , and readinesse to embrace a willing peace with all people , then otherwise . therefore as we our selves have not hitherto nor leaded , nor promoted in others , the violation of such friendship and tearmes of alliances , as have formerly interceded between us , and all forreign people and princes whatever , so your excellency may rest assured , on behalfe of your people , as well as your owne , of all fair dealings from us , pursuant to the antient correspondence settled by your ancestors with the english. and as we are ready to returne all due acknowledgments , for those affectionate offices already bestowed by your highnesse upon us , soe our worke shall be to render you , and yours sensible of the want of none on our part : recomending the while , as much as may be , your excellency to the omnipotenty , and diety of almighty god. dated at whitehall july anno domini . sign'd and sealed ( ut supra ) by the president . to the earle of oldenburgh . most illustrious sir. the representatives of the comonwealth of england have received your many salutes , very carefully and curteously comunicated by harmanus miles your councellour , deputy ; and sollicitor , who in your name wished that all happinesse might attend england and it's parliament , and sollicited the continuance of the friendship now in being between this republick and you ; as also the grant of our letters of safe conduct , to the end your people might trade the securer and navigate and exercise comerce ; together with our comands , to be transmitted to our publick ministers abroad , in order to their being aiding with their councills and offices to you and yours . which we have freely assented unto , and granted as well what his demand was in referrece to an alliance , as the other two , under the parliaments seale : albeit some monthes are slipt , since our sirst receipt of your ministers address unto us . yet that delay canot be properly imputed to any difficulty of ours to assent to your petition , nor neglect in your servant of pressing it ( who to ●…ave his sollicitations answered , and he dismissed master of his errand , behaved himselfe dilligently , and with all pressure imaginable ) it springing wholly from the great & weighty concernes of the republick , whose transactions have taken up most of this win●…er . which we thought fit to acquaint your most serene honour with , that none , by inter preting this demurr otherwise then as it is occasioned , may take the liberty of saying that what the parliament of england has freely granted , might be said to have been extorted therefrom , in whose name this was directed to be signed by . henry seobele , cl. of the parliament . the parliament of the comonwealth of england to the illustrious , and most noble counsellours and states of the cantons of switzerland &c. greeting , wee have , ( illustrious , and dearest friends ) received yours letter dated the decemb. pregnant with all humanity , kindness and great assection towards us and our government ; and which ought to sway more with us , breathing brotherly and truly christian charity : and must be more particular in our acknowledgments to the most good and great god , for that he has been pleased to raise and secure , ( as a most firme bulwarke to the safety of the protestant intrest there ) you , and your so many most noble corporations , surrounded and munified not so much by those muontains , with which you are impaled , as your naturable courage , piety , prudence , and most just administration of publick affaires ; together with the mutuall reputation of alliances : you afterwards , ( who after the removeall of the tirany of barbarous kings from the north , have been almost the sirst of all europe , who , god favouring your enterprise , purchased your libertys , and mainteind it so purchased untainted , with no lesse prudence and moderation , thro the difficulty of so many yeares ) to judge so charitably of us , and our lately purchased liberty , & being such sencere admirers of the gospell ; to be so constant in your opinion of the love and affection we bear to the orthodox faith , is a thing which we canot but value at a●… extraordinar rate . and as to the affection with vv●…ich you sollicit us to a peace , vve novvay question the sincerity thereof , but that it proceeds from pi●…ty and true affection ; that intepposition ought to influence us very much , as vvell for vvhat it leades unto . ( vvhich is in it selfe ver●… desireable ) as the authority , vvhich in pref●…ence to all others , is justly applicable to you , vvho among all the stormes of warr , blovving from every corner , have main●…aind so long your peace abroad and at home , and vvere examples vvithout exception , and persvvaders of peace to all other people ; and because you persvvade that vvhich vve endeavoured more then once ( not so much o●…t of regard to our ovvne , as the intrest of the protestants universally ) and sollicitted by embassys and other publick ministers to effect , that is ; to contract astrict alliance and friendship vvith the states generall of the vnited provinces . but they ( or as vve ought to stile them ) that orange faction our perpetuall enemys , addict●…d to the royall party , and among their owne club , of knowne affection to tyranny , how have they entertained our embassadours ? not as people that came to discourse of peace , but brotherly kindnesse and most strict alliance , what provocations have they given to a war afterwards may plentifully appear from what we publickly writ concerning it , and herewit●… transmit nnto you , of their haveing , while their owne embass●…dours were treating , surprised and saulted our ships with a fleet of theirs and that at a time , when ours lay in their stations , without as much as imagining such a thing . but thro gods help such has been our care hitherto , as that altho matters happened to fall out so well , yet we do not take the glory to our selves , our strength , or number of hands , but give all to god alone . nor are wee troubled with the least extraordinary fit of transportation upon the score of our prosperity ; wee are still the same people & very ready to embrace all occasions of makeing a just & honourable peace . in the mean time illustrious and most noble sirs , you who , under the impulse of evangelicall love , make it your pious and sincere endeavour to reconcile , and compose brotherly misunderstandings , and who , wor●…hy the esteeme of all mankind ; entitle your selves doubtless to that blessing awarded by the divine sentence of gods decree to the peace makers , and to whose most lofty affection and grace , we do most sincerely and heartily recommend you , if in any thing our service can be of service to you , we are ready to shew our selves not as friends but brethren . dated at westminster october anno . signed and sealed by the speaker to the house of commons . to the spanish embassador . most illustrious sir , upon the receipt of a petition in the names of philip noel , john goddall and other merchants belonging to foy in england , heavily bemoaning that a ship of theirs called the ann of foy of their own buildding in england , was about michaelmas last most injustly sett upon , and seised by a certain privateer belonging to ostend comanded by erasmus bruerus , who in his way homewards seised her loading , wholly belonging to the petitioners , and treated the marriners unworthily and barbarously : the councill of state thereupon writ to the duke of leda ( a copy whereof comes herewith to your excellency ) and expected that he woud , according to justice and equity , make speedy inquiry into that affair . but the said noel , and the rest of the petitioners renewing their said heavy complaint , and urgeing , that although the said duke had our said letters delivered him , and that the said merchants repaired since to bruges , where at the admiralty court they made proofe of their cause and the integrity of their claime , but that justice is neverthelesse denyed 'em , and they exposed to so unjust use●…ge ; that albeit the case has stood ready for determination any time these three monthes and more , yet coud not obteine the sentence of that court ; but that their said shipp and goods are still nevertheless under the same restraint , and they themselves , from this delay of justice , exposed to considerable expences in the prosecution of their right . your excellency is not ignorant of its being contrary to the laws of nations , as well as the tearmes of trade and correspondence ●…ow existent between the english and flanders , that any osteender shoud offer to touch any english ship , provided shee be loaded with euglish goods , and bound for england , and that the said captain 's in●…umane and barbarous useage of the marriners ought to be severly punished . the councill therefore recommends the case to your consideration , and prays that you woud write to flanders about it , and endeavour that speedy care be taken , that this busynesse be no longer prolonged , but that justice be done : as that the said shipp and goods , together with the damages , expences , and loss which the said english have susteind upon the score of that injust interception , be by the authority of the said maritime court of brussels , or some other good manner , restored them , and provision made against any such future interception , but that the correspondence now in being betvveen england and france be supported vvithout any interruption . signed and sealed by the direction of the councill of state appointed by the parliament . to the duke of lisle . phillip noel , john gad●…ll , with severall other merchants belonging to the towne of foy haveing made large complaints unto us concerning a ship of theirs called the ann of foy , representing that the said ship anne built , and loaded at their sole and peculiar cost and charges , was about michaelmas last in her way homewards , unawares sett upon , & seised by one erasmus bruerus a master of a shipp belonging to ostend . they moreover say , that the osteenders , when they gott the vessell into their possession misused the marriners very inhumanely by dipping and almost stiffleing'em , to prevent their telling of tales , and disposed of the goods , as if they were french propriety . which albe it the master as well as the mariners positively denyed to be , yet the ostenders carried both ship and goods to their owne homes . the truth of these things has , upon inquiry made , and the testimony of sworne witnesses been proved , as is evident by the certificate herewith sent . in as much therefore as the said ship , called the anne of foy , witth all the goods truly , properly , and bonafide b●…longed to the english , so as that there appears no cause why they of ostend shoud lay violent hands on her or them , much lesse touch the master or expose the seamen to so much hardship ; and whereas the constitution of the laws of nations , and the alliance now existent between england , and flanders call for the restitution of the said shipp and goods , wee earnestly desire your excellency , that timely right be done the english in haveing their owne forthvvith returned 'em , and satisfaction made for the dammages they suftein'd , and that the trade and commerce vvhich novv interceede betvveen england and flanders may be supported firme a●…d permanent . to the spanish embassador . whereas the representatives of the commonwealth of england , being informed , that great many people about towne relating as well to your excellency , as other embassadours and for●…eign publick ministers attending here , resort to your , as well as other hou●…es under the pretence of hearing masse , gave it in strict charge to the coun●…il to observe to your excellency , that as the ●…aid practice tends to the expresse prejudice of the laws of this nation , and of proportionable ●…ll example and offence to the government : they judged it abranch of their ossice to prohibit such a practice for the future , and declare their dislike of such assemblies for the ensuing time . whereof we desire your excellency to take notice , and suffer none of the subjects of this republick to frequent your house for the time to come to hear masse . and as the parliament shall take due care to have the right of embassadors as well as their priviledges secured inviolable to your excellency , so they depend upon no encroachments to be made by you or yours upon the lawes of the land dureing your abode therein . an abstract of the particular damages susteind by the english east india company thrò the meanes of the dutch , in severall places of the east indies . imprimis , the damages conteind in the . articles lately exhibitted , amounting in pieces 〈◊〉 . in sterling make- : lb . , ss . . satisfaction is expected for the croppariseing from the ●…sland of pularon from between the year . to this time , amounting in value to two handred thousane preces / besides future expence , till the same be restored , as it was when it was taken from us ; and that according to articles of agreement . which in sterling is . — . lb . : . . wee expect satisfaction for all those sea pr●…visions and apparell aken from the english in the indies , by the dutch factory , delivered to , or forc'd from their ships in their going to , or returning thence . amounting to . royalls , and in sterling . — : lb . . . wee expect satisfaction for the custom of all dutch comoditys imported into , & exported out of persia from the year . according to the king of that countryes grant unto us , which we canot calculat at less●…n value then eighty thousand royalls . — — . lb . . . . wee expect satisfaction for the reparation of four houses most malitiously and unjustly destroyed at jocatra , together with warehouses and other necessarys , occasioned by the meanes of the dutch governour there . of all which we have had an account send us thence before our former complaint was exhibitted , which damage amounts unto two hundred thousand pieces 〈◊〉 . — — . lb . . . wee expect satisfaction for pounds of pepper taken by force out of the shipp endimion , in the year . whose damage amounts unto — — — . lb . . . lb . . ss . an abstract of some particular losses sustein'd by the english east india company from that of the dutch , . for the dama●…es sustaind from the siege of bantham , which hindred our trade with that place for the continued space of six years , and prevented our laying in a stok of . pieces 〈◊〉 for the buying of pepper according to our proportion . which might serve to loade such of our shipps , as wandered up and downe the indian coast in their ballast , for want of freight : our adventure haveing been , in the mean space , in sea-mens wages , victualls , and apparell diminished and exhausted among the indians to that degree , that the loss canot amount to lesse then . pieces / which in our coyne is . — ▪ lb . . ss ▪ . . more for the damages sustaind by the losse of our just part of the islands of molluco , banda and amboyna , since the time we have been murthered , and driven thence . for the prejudice of which and other expences we expect to be satisfied , amounting ( in time ) from the year . to che current year . at the yearly income of . lb . for . yeares the su●…e of . — — . lb , . ss . . reparation is likewise expected for . pieces 〈◊〉 damage done us at surrat by those of mogul so protected by the dutch , that we coud not repay our selves either in money , or goods which we might otherwise , and had it in our power to have taken from them ▪ had not the dutch most unjustly stood in their defence . which losse might in europe be improved ere this , to triple the value . whi●… we judge to amount to . — — — — . lb . for customs at persia , whose moity the king of that place granted the english anno . which to the year ●… . is calculated to come to . mille royalls as aforesaid . which being substracted , they are obliged to pay from the year . being twenty one yeares , at the rate off our thousand pounds a year , comes to the sume of . . lb . . ss . the kings hand . from the other side . lb . . ss . . the summe total . lb . . ss . . the intrest for the said time having farr exceeded the principle . here follow all the letters written by oliver cromwell , to forreign princes and potentates , while protector of england . to the count of oldenburgh . most illustrious sir. i do , by yours of the . of january . apprehend , that frederick 〈◊〉 wollisogg , ●… noble gentleman , and your secretary , with christopher griffie , were with certain comands sent from your most illustrious dignity into england : who , upon their approach unto us , have in your name both congratulated our undertaking of the administration of the government of the republick of england , and sollicited for an admittance for you and people into the peace lately concluded between us and the hollanders : petitioning ( with all ) our confirming the grant lately obteind from the parliament of letters , commonly knowne by the name of letters of safe conduct . we therefore , pursuant to our obligation , returne our thanks for so friendly a complement , and ●…ave freely assented to the said two petitions , as being disposed to improve all future occasions , which may at any time expresse our affection towards you , and are of opinion that you have had the same communicated unto you at large , by your said 〈◊〉 , whose fidelity and diligence in this affair have been apparent . what i have to add is sincerely to wish you and affairs prosperity and tranquility . westminster , june . . i am your &c. most affectionally oliver protector of england , scotland and ireland , &c. to the count of oldinburgh . your letters of the . of may from oldenburgh , are come to hand , and obliged me not in a single degree , for that the letters themselves were so pregnant with singular kindness & affection towards me and withall delive●…ed by the hand of the most illustrious lord count antonio , your most beloved son. that that i apprehend my selfe most dignified by , being the knowledge i now have of his vertues , whorthy so noble ancestors of his extraordinary behaviour , & finally of his singular affection testified unto me now beyond words . nor ought it to be a thing disputable , whether he gives his relations at home inducements , to hope his inheriting the qualities of his worthy , and noble father , whose clear vertue and prudence administred the continuance of many yeares interrupted peace to the people of oldenburgh , and cherished them with the effects of tranquillity among the severe stormes of warr , blowing from every corner . why should i therefore do otherwise then value the alliance of such a friend ? whose conduct is so wise , and provident , so as to be able to avoide the enmity of all people . it is finally for that gift alone , most illustrious sir , that i am thankfull ; it is out of regard to justice , and your merits that i 〈◊〉 subscribe my selfe your most &c. oliver protector of england , &c. westminster , . june , . to the most illustrious lord anthony gunter , 〈◊〉 of oldenburgh & delmhorst , leid in jehven & kniphausen . olivier , protector of the republick of england , scotland , ireland , &c. to the most serene prince charles gustavus , king of sweedland , goths and vandals , great prince of finland ▪ duke of esthany , carelia , bremen , verde , stetin , pomeranie , castalies and vandale , prince of russin , lord of ingry wismare , as also duke palatin of the rhine , bavaria , jul. clivia , and duke of monts , greeting . most serene king. the choice made by your majesty of communicateing unto us by your most friendly letters that in particular , which comon same has for some dayes disperst over all the world , of the delcent of the government of the kingdome of sweedland upon you , and that to the great content of the people , and the free suffrage of all persons , i●… no slender argument of your great affection towards us , and an honour not of the meanest degree . wee therefore freely and with justice congratulate that addition of dignity to your most singu 〈◊〉 merits , and reward very worthy of so great a vertue , and do , with united prayers to god , wish , that which we are confident you do , namely , that the same may prove to the good , and prosperity of your majesty the kingdome of sweedland , and the intrest of all christendome . but as to what you mention touching your disposition to the alliance lately contracted between england and sweedland , and acting our part towards its support , as also that your majesty will endeavour not onely the 〈◊〉 , but likewise the improveing ( if it were a thing fesible ) the league now established , were an injustice to call to question the sinc●…rity of : the faith of so great a prince haveing engaged for 't : whose extraordinary vertue has not onely won an everlasting inheritance in the affection of stangers abroad , but has been soe povverfull ▪ as to have invited 〈◊〉 most august queen , daughter of gustaves ( whose m●…tch in all manner of good qualitys many past ages coud not produce ) to make a resignation of the government to you without either your knowledge or seeking . be pleased therefore to be confident that your so singular affection unto us , and so clear a signification of your mind , are circumst●…nces of utmost acceptance unto us ; and that nothing shall promote more our delight , then to oblige your kindnesse with our endeavours never to be wanting as farr as they can be made serviceable , westminster . july . your majestyes most affectionally oliver , protector of england , scotland , ireland , &c. to the most 〈◊〉 ludovico mendesio de haro . what you write me , illustrious sir , of the most serene king of spains haveing appointed , and nominated a person to come hitheir under the character of his e●…bassadour to congratulate with me my undertaking in the 〈◊〉 of england , as it is a thing in it selfe justly gratefull , sovour 〈◊〉 study and quicknesse of care has renderd it so much the more so , who to heighten the obligation , have been pleased to be the first admenisher your selfe : for to have the love and affection of one , who , by his prudence and vertue , 〈◊〉 gaind so much authority with his owne prince , as to influence , ( like your selfe ) matters of the greatest moment in that kingdome , ought to be no less pleasure to me , then ●…nunderstand the good opinion of a most excellent person , to be an ornament to me . but as to any disposition of mind to wards the most serene king of spaine , in referrence as well to the support of an alliance with that king , as readynesse to improve it dayly more and more , i hope , i have satisfied the embassadour here , in that point , and may do it plentifully to him that is to succede him . i wish that the figure moreover , and favour , under which you now move most illustrious sir , may be dureable ; and that what ever you manage , or administer for the good of the publick , may end in aprosperous and happy 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 am most illustrious sir , your excellencies most affectionatly . oliver protector of the republick of england , scotland , 〈◊〉 , &c. whitehall , september , . to the most serene prince , carolus gustavus adolphus , king of sweedland , goths and vandales , &c. as your majesties last letter , answered by me with a suitable reply , represented your majesties singular love to me , so the consideration of our friendships seemed to establish such an obligation upon me for the future , that as i communicate occurrences answering our mutual desires , so to observe unto you , as a'most dear friend , my sense and griefe in instances of contrary effects . i am truly of opinion that the figure i make in this republick , implyes a duty of studying , all ●… can , the comon repose of the protestants in particular . which heightens our concernednesse so much the more , when we hear of the battails and mutuall slaughters acted by those of bremen and sweedland upon each other . i am , in the first place sorry to see both our friends ingaged in such bloody differences , so much to the hazard of the intrest of the protestant religion ; next that peace of . which was believed to be a main bulwarke to all reformed churches , should prove the cause of such an uhappy 〈◊〉 that the armes of sweedland are now employed to destroy those who , for religion sake , they woud so lately engage in the vigarous defence of : and that now , at a time , when the episcopacy is reported to persecute the 〈◊〉 all germany over , & revive former violences and oppressions upon them . being therefore informed that the 〈◊〉 of bremen h●…d few days cessation of armes 〈◊〉 it , i cou'd not truly decline the signifing unto your majesty by this opportunity , how heartily i coud wish , and how earnestly i woud pray the god of peace , that that truce may end in a happy reconcliation of both partys , and that things be drawen to a peaceable composure equally conduceing to the advantage of both . to the promotion of which , if your majesty can judge my endeavour capable of contributing oug●…t , i do promise , and freely tender the same , as in apoint of utmost acceptance ( without doubt ) to god almighty : and do in the mean time from my hart wish , that god almighty may direct and steer all your majesty councills , to the publick advantage of christendom ; a prayer which i doubt not but may 〈◊〉 with your owne inclination too . whitehall october , . your majestys most affectionately . oliver protector of the repnblick of england . to the most magnificent and noble magistrates and senators of bremen . i do , with so much the more 〈◊〉 and griefe of mind , see by the account brought me by henry oldenburgh your envoy , the difference arisen between your corporation and your most potent neighbour , and the extremity which you are thence reduced unto , by how much i love and respect the citty of bremen for her affection to the orthodox religion beyond others ; nor do i entertaine any thing more in my wishes , then that the universall name of the protestants may at length be cemented into a brotherly union and concord ▪ that the comon enemy of the reformation does , in the mean space , rejoyce at these our contentions , & promote th●…m the more violently abroad , is a thing most certaine . but the controversy it selfe , as it is not the matter now to be debated , i pray god that the progress therefore already made towards a peace , may determine happily . i have , according to you desires , writ to the king of sweedland touching this matter , sollicitting him to peace and concord , as a thing of utmost acceptance to god , and acted freely and as iough in a thing of th●…r piety , and ofter it as my opinion that it is not 〈◊〉 viseable for you to stand off , bat bear an affectionat inclination to any conditions of peace that are truly honourable . comending you and your citty , in the mean time , to gods tuition an providence . whitehall october . . your highnesses most aff ection ally o protector , &c oliver , protector of the republick of england , to themost 〈◊〉 prince tarentine . your affection to religion , made apparent in your letters to me , together with your extraordinary piety , and singular love to the reformed church's ; more especially the nobility and generosity of the manner wherein ; and that in a government , wherein so many of the nobility dissenting from theprotestant faith , receive such plentiful encouragements of preferment , w●…ile on the other hand , such as adhere thereto , are , for that very reason , exposed to proportionable inconveniencies ; are instances that have filled me with very much content and pleasure . nor has it proved lesso delightful to me to have pleased you , by being of that religion , which is the inducement which principally ought to endear and render you a subject fit for my esteeme . but as to what you mention concerning what the churches may hope or expect from me , i pray god i may be able to answer the same , one time or other , if they need it , and let the world see how i stand inclined towards it ; for i should not truly judge my selfe better rewarded in any thing ariseing from the station i hold in this my republicke , then to be able to promote the intrest , safety , and ( which exceeds all ) the repaire of the reformed churches . let me therefore earnestly desire that the piety and affection with which you professe the orthodox faith , transmitted unto you from your ancestors , be to the end steddily and constantly adhered unto . nor will there be any thing more truly worthy both your selfe , and your most religious progeny , nor ought wherein i can wishingly expresse my gratitude in better and clearer acknowledgments of your obligations upon me , ( albeit i wish all things well for your sake ) then to compose and accommodate your selfe so , as that the churches , ( those of your countrey more especially , under whose discipline you have had so 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 and education ) may , in you , sensibly find a protection proportionable to those merits , wherein you exceed others . whitehall april . oliver , protector of the republick of england to the most serene prince emanuel , duke of savoy , prince of piedmont , greeting . most serene prince . wee are , by letters sent us from geneva , as well as delphin , and many other places bordering upon your confines , informed of a proclamation lately published by your royall highnesse , implying that if such of your subjects , as were professors of the protestant religion , did not , within three dayes after the publication thereof , either declare their renunciation of their owne , and acceptance of the popish religion they were strictly charged to forsake their lands and habitations , within twenty days after upon paine of forfeiting their lives and fortunes : and that haveing thereupon made humble supplication to your royall highnesse , praying that the same might be repealed , and that they , ( taken into former favour ) migt be restored to the priviledges granted 'em by your most serene predecessors ; yet they were sett upon by part of your army , who cruelly murthered many , chain'd others ▪ and drove the rest into wildernesses , and uninhabited mountaines covered with snow and desolation , where hundreds of familys are reduced to that extremity , that it is much to be fear'd whether their misery may not be such , as may soone draw utter ruine upon them , under the oppression of cowld and hunger . upon our receipt of this account , we coud not truly decline our being troubled at hart , at so unhear'd of a calamity imposed upon these most afflicted people . but as we owne our selves united to them , not onely as men , but ( in communion of religion ) altogether related as brethren also . we judged our selves imperfect in the discharge of our duty to god , the charity due to our brethren , and our profession to religion it selfe , did we barely pity this calamity and misery of our brethren , without applying all the further endeavour we cou'd , towards the meeting 'em with reliefe against so many unexpected mischiefs . wee do therefore , in the first place pray and beseech your royal highness with all imaginable earnestnesse , to incline your heart to the continueing to your subjects at piedmont , those institutions granted , and from time to times conf●…irmed unto them by your most serene predecessors . in the allowance and con●… of which , as thoir grants were , without doubt , conformable to gods owne approvall ( who has decreed and appropriated unto himselfe onely , the inviolable goverment and jurisdiction of soules ) so there was also due regard held ( doubtless ) to their meritts , who , in time of warr , were found equally positive in their loyalty and courage , and of peace , subjects suitably obedient to goverment . and as your royal highnesse in all other things bravely and gloriously accomplished , has pursued directly the paterne of your forefathers , so we do again and again beseech , that you woud not begin to act the contrary in this ; but that this proclamation , and if their be any other demand made use of , to interrupt your subjects , upon the score of their professing the reformed religion , be abolished ; they restored to their native country and habitations ; their former rights and libortys ratified unto 'em ; their sustain'd damages repaired ; and that you cause all their vexations to be drawen to an end . which if your royall highness will see done , you will act a thing of utmost acceptance to god , raise and comfort those miserable and calamitous peopl●… , win the good opinion both of all your neighbours , and those who admire the reformed religion , and more 〈◊〉 ours , who shall looke upon your kindness and clemency to them as the essectof this our request . which will draw us under an obligation o makeing all suitable returnes ; and lay a most solid found●…tion not onely of an alliance and friendship to be raised , but improved upon , between this goverment and yours . nor do we truly entertaine a cheaper opinion of your justice and moderation of mind in this case . to the 〈◊〉 of whom , that almighty god may incline your disposition and thoughts : and do heartily wish both your selfe and people , peace , truth , and a happy ●…ssue in all your affairs . whitehall may . oliver , p. of the republick of england to the most serene prince 〈◊〉 transsilvania , greeting . most serene prince . your letters of the . of december . whom this brings you an account of our receipt of , have shewen us , the singular love and affection you bear us ; your envoy who brought and delivered e'm haveing declared at large your ambition of contracting a fellowship and alliance with this government . it did not truly please us in any small degree , to meet with this occasion of declareing and demonstrateing all we can , our inclination towards you , and how much we ought to value that of your highnesses . but considering that the account , which we have had of your clear obligations upon , and undertaking for the welfare of the christian republick , hitherto unknown unto us otherwise then by report , and that all these , besides what you designe further to be concerned in , either for the defence or promotion of the christian interest , are come confirmed in the letters which your 〈◊〉 ness has been so friendly pleased to send us : the same have plenti●…ully added to our satisfaction : namely that it has been gods pleasure to have raised in those countrys , so powerful and worthy a minister , to the service of his providence and glory ; who notwithstanding the efficacy of his owne power and arms , desires to joyne with us for the defence of the protestant religion , now groaning under the oppression and design of all hands . but god , whose providence has inspired us both ( albeit at this distance ) with the same inclination and disposition towards the support of the orthodox religion , he will doubtless become our author in such future resolutions , as may enable us to be in , and among our selves as wel as all other protestants and corporations , a considerable reliefe & advantage , in a matter of this consequence , as being truly bent upon all opportunity administred by god , which we shall not , thro the good help of the 〈◊〉 god , decline the doing our part in the improvement of . we cannot in the mean time , without very great griefe observe unto your highnesse , with what inclemency the duke of savoy persecutes such of his subjects , as ( inhabitingabout the alps ) professe the protestant religion , and whom he has not onely 〈◊〉 as many of , as denyed to embrace the roman religion ; to quit their nature country and abandon all their possessions ▪ , but also set upon them with his forces , who exposed many to most cruel murthers , dispatched others with barbarous and invented tortures , and drove great multitudes of 'em into the mountains , there to be consumed with hunger and cowld , having sett fire to their houses , and goods , ( if these butchers did chance to leave any unplunderd for want of conveyance . ) and are very apt to believe that your highnesse could not decline being much displeased at so great a cruelty , when first you heard it , ( which i presume may be some time past , ) and that you did what you could towards the reliefe & assi●…tance of those miserable wretches , if inhuman murthers and miseries have left any surviveing . we have writ to the duke of savoy to divert his rage from off his people ; as also the king of france , that he might do so too ; together , with the neighbouring protestant princes ▪ to let them understand how we resented so inhumane an instance of cruelty : which albeit it was begun upon these needy wretches , yet its designe seemes to extend to all that are of the same judgment in religion : and so heightens the necessity conveyed unto them so much the mor●… , of taking care of ▪ hemselves , and consulting the welfare of all their friends : which pursuant to that light , which god has inspired us with , shall always be the very levell of our pursuit . a thing your highness may depend upon the sincerity of , as that of our love and affection wherewith we heartily wish you a properous issue in all things ; praying that all your enterprises and approaches towards the asserting the liberty of the gospel and its adherents may determine happily . whitehall , may . oliver , protector , &c. to the most serene prince charles gustavus adolphus , king of sweedland , greeting . your majesty has ere this ( and to your great trouble we presume ) had an account of that most bitter proclamation , reported to have b●…en lately published , whereby the duke of savoy has afflicted to the marrow , such of his subjects inhabiting about the alpes , as stile themselves reformed protestants , and directed , that if in case they did not renounce their owne , and embrace the roman catholick religion within twenty dayes , they should be rooted out of their native country & habitations , so that after the murther of many , the rest plunder'd & exposed to invented deaths , they wander now with their wives , and small children over the wild mountains in a continual winter , consum'd wit●… hunger and cowld . for the universall hatred of the contrary party , even unto all protestants , demonstrates that albeit they differ in some frivolus things among themselves , their cause and intrest yet in the main ought to be the same , and almost one . and there is none but knowes , that how , upon all occasions , the kings of sweedland have joyned with the reformed , and powred their forces into germany to defend without distinction the protestant religion there : wee therefore ( and that with more then ordinary earnestnesse ) pray that your majesty would in the first place ( if you have not already done it in imitation of us and other protestant republicks ) write to the duke of savoy , concerning this matter , and endeavour to reverse ( if it be possible ) by the interposition of your authority ) the severitd of this so cruel a proclamation , from off of a people , that are innocent as well as religious : for these so cruel beginnings what do they mean , what may they threaten us all ; is a thing which we judge very unnecessary to advise your majesty of . if this man will sligth all our prayers to gratify his owne peevish humour , truly we shall , after haveing first con●…ulted with your majesty and the rest of the protestant princes ( as we ought ●…f , there be any obligation ▪ any love or community of religion to be regarded or observed ) fix upon some speedy resolution that may serve timelily to prevent the miserable destruction of a multude of our most innocent brethren destitute of all help . which as vve do not in the least question to have beeu your majesties sense , and resolution too , nothing can , in our opinion , be more adviseable in this point , than that vve all , vvithout the least losse of time , unite our povver , council , purses , and if there be any thing else that can be judged to stop the further gro●…vth of this evil . in the mean time we heartily recommend your majesties to the tuitionof the most great omnipotent god. oliver protector of the republick of england ▪ to the high and mighty lords , the states generall of the united provinces . rumor , and the frequent advices and tideings which letters bring you from your correspondents abroad , have ere this we judge , informed you of the duke of savoyꝰs late proclamation issued against such under his subjection about the alpes , as have been antient professors of the protestant religion , by verture of which proclamation , they , unlesse they embrace the roman catholick religion ●…ithin twenty da●…s , are comanded to quit their lands and houses , being first stript of all they have besides . ●…nd with what cruelty the authority ●…f t●…at edict has tyranyzed over inocent persons , and ( which very much concernes us ) our helplesse friends , and brethren in christ. many of them being destroyed by a limb of his forces appointed to that purpose , the rest plundred & forc't from home , so that they , with their wives and smalle ones , have been for some time , driven into the roughest of mountains covered with continual snow , where they now labour under the oppression of hunger & cowld . but your concernednesse whereat , & how you symphathyzed these calamities of our brethren , is a thing we can easily gues●… at by our own griefe which is truly very great . for we that are but one ( as it were ) in point of religion , why should not we be equally such in our concernednesse at so unworthy a misuseage of our brethren ? and truly many are the experiences of your apparent piety to the orthodox people in times of oppression , and no lesse favourable to many ecclesiasticall difficultys and adversitys , as for my part , i had , ( if i know my owne mind , ) rather been outon in any thing elce , then in love and charity to brethren labouring under affliction and persecution , upon the account of their religion : for that i would freely give way to the health & repose of the church , in preferrence to my owne par ticular safety . what we coud therefore hitherto act in it , was to writ to the duke of savoy , almost humbly praying him to entertain milder thoughts and disposition towards these his most inocent subjects and humble people ; that he woud restore the wretches to their homes and estates , and put them in possession of their former liberty of religion . we did the like to the chiefest of the protestant princes and magistrates , whom we judged it most concerning , to joine with us in our mediation with the duke of savoy on behalfe of this people . you have done the same perhaps & more . for if this so dangerous example succeeds with the instruments concerned , and this revivall of their late cruelty upon the protestants thrives with them , to admonish your prudence how farr the same may endanger the protestant intrest , is a thing we judge uunecessary ▪ and this person , if he suffers himselfe to be perswaded by our united importunitys and prevailed with to give over , we shall reape a noble and plentifull crop , and recompence from our susteind care ; but if we shoud find him wilfull so as to endeavour to bring into utter dispair , or destroy totally those , who with their owne strength , and ( free from corruption , ) have either preserved our religion delivered by the originall preachers of the gospell , or long before it was restored to its primitive purity in all other nations , wee are ready to joine with you and the rest of our reformed brethren and confederates , in a comon councill , whereby the support of the sincking just , may be , with most inconveniency provided for , and let him at length see how impossible it is for us to put up the injuries and burthensome afflictions of the protestants . fare yee well . to the evangelicall cantons of svvitzerland . you have , ere we had it , doubtlesse , an account of that calamity which those of our religion about piedmont , were lately exposed unto , who , being under the allegiance and subjection of the duke of savoy , were by their own prince's prolam●…tion ▪ strictly comanded to forsake their native habitations , if th●…t in three days they gave not satisfaction of their turning to the roman religion , and thereupon soone set upon with arms , and destroyed by the forces of their said duke : many also driven into banishment , do now with their wives and children , wander most miserably over the deserted mountains loaded with snow &c. where they are ready to perish under the afflictions of hunger , cowld , nakednesse & want of places of habitation there is lesse reason why we shoud doubt of your being equally troubled at your first receipt of these tydeings , and it may be more , proportionable to your neernes to them in point of neighbourhood in excess of us . for your singular affection to the o●…hodox faith , and great stedd●…nesse in adhereing as well to , as resolution in defending it , is a thing we very well know you to be inferiour to none in . therefore as yee are in the str ctest comunion of religion brethren unto , or rather incorporated with these wretches equall with us ; of which body not one member can suffer affl●…ction without the sense , t●…e smart , the detriment , and the hasard of the whole : wee have thought fit to write and signify unto you , how much we judge it concerning us all to help , 〈◊〉 comfort ( all we can ) & that in a comon , ●…id and assistance ; the want and distresse of our brethren ; and make timely provision for the removeing not onely their mischiefess and misfort●…es , but also stopping the further growth of any danger , which ( by example or chance may be created us ▪ wee likewise writ to the duke of savoy , earnestly intreating , that he vvoud out of his clemency , treat his most fa thfull people more gently , and that he vvou●… restore ●…em already almost destroyed , to their goods and 〈◊〉 . and do very vvell 〈◊〉 that these our letters , or rather the joint importunity of this nation may easily induce a most glorious prince to listen to vvhat we have , with so much toyle , petitioned him for . but if he should happen to persist , we are ready to joine advice with you , concerning a meanes to be fixed upon , for the preservation of soe many most inocent persons , labouring under the yoake of so m●…ny oppressions and vexations ; comfort and bear up our most dear brethren in christ , and protect them from most exquisit and unworthy ends . whose health and safety your piety leads ( lam confident ) very much to study the preservation of : for my part i woud neglect my owne most important concernes , yea my life , to make way for it . adieu . westminster may . . oliver protector . to the most illustrious and noble lords the councills and senators of the protestant and confederat townes of switzerland . greeting . to the most serene and potent prince lewis , king of france . your majesties letters in answer to mine of the . of may , plainly shew how little i was mislead by that opinion i entertained that those late most inhumane slaughters and barbarous butchery , comitted by certain squadrons of your army , upon the persons of such in the duke of savoy's country , as professe the protestant religion , vvere not the effects either of your direction or comand , and am exceeding gladd truly of your haveing so timelyly signified unto your comanders ( vvho unbidd committed these inhumane outrages pursuant to the dictates of their ovvne inclinations ) hovv much the same displeas●…d your majesty , and the notice you tooke of so great a cruelty to the duke of savoy himselfe , and vvithall your haveing vvith so much sincerity and humanity interposed and employed your intrest , friendshipp and povver for the bringing back those miserable banished people , to the place vvhere they vvere driven from , and might vvell expect that that prince vvond have done some thing at the desire and request of your majesty . but apprehending that yours , nor the sollicitation and pressure of other princes , can no vvay incline him in favour of the distressed , i hold it consistent vvith the duty of my province , to depute this noble person under the character of our embassadour extraordinary to the duke of savoy , to tell him plainly , how i take his useage of the protestants , thô for no other reason , then out of detestation to the religion it selfe . and do truly hope , that the account which this embassy comes to , may prove so much the more succesfull , if your majesty will be pleased to adhibit a fresh , and with more instance , your authority to , and endeavour in the thing . and as your majesty has undertaken unto that prince , for their future fidelity and obedience to government , so be pleased to make some provision likewise sor their safety and security , against any the like injuries , and most cruel affronts , that may be offer'd for the future , to the inocent and peaceable : this , as it is in it selfe an act of justice , and truly becoming majesty , and no lesse suitable to your benignity and mercy , who secures the peace and safety of such of your owne subjects in all places , as profess that religion , so we canot in any reason decline the expectation of , from your majesty , which , in this very worke , will make a thro conquest over the harts of all the protestants inhabiting your owne dominions , who in times of difficulty , have been already found of unexceptable affection and loyalty towards you , as well as shevv your neighbours , that royall councill has no vvay abetted to this mischiefe , whatever royall ministers and magistrates might presume to have done : especially if your majesty exacts due punishment , to be examplified upon those captains and officers , who , pursuant to their owne wills and pleasures , have dared to be the actors of such inhumane villanys , in the mean time , when your majesty will thinke fit to shew your aversnes to the detestation this deserves , i do not doubt but that your kingdome may , by your allowance , become a reception and secure refuge to those miserable and distressed people , when their address shall seeme to call for 't , nor that you will suffer , that any of your subjects give the duke of savoy any assistance to their prejudice . what we have to add , is to assure your majesty how much i esteeme your friendship : to the improvement of which i assert to be wanting neither in faith nor ●…ndeavour . i am your majesty's most affectionatly oliver , protector of the republick of england . whitehall july . ●… . to his excellency cardiual mazarine . most eminent lord cardinall . upon my resolveing to send the bearer with letters ( whereof the inclosed is a copie ) to the king , i did then direct him to accost your eminency in my name , and committed some things to his trust , to be comunicated to you in particular : wherein i desire your excellency to give him full credit , as being a person in whom i have reposed very great confidence . whitehall july . . your eminency's most affectionatly oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c. oliver , protector &c , to the most serene prince frederick the . king of denmarke , norway , &c greeting . your majesty has ( erè this we judge , and that as much to your griefe as becomes a champion and a protestant prince , ) had an account of the unmercifull proclamation lately published by imanuel , duke of savoy , for the overthrow of his own subjects , inhabiting about the alpes , inocent people and men of note and renowne , and that for the sincerity of their zeale to the true protestant religion , for many yeares past ; haveing driven them out of their native land , out of detestation to their faith , and after butchering many , expos●…d the rest , ( needy naked , and lo●…ded with all other miserys ) unto all the mischiefs and hardships , which those desered mountains usually administer . if the principles of christianity layes an obligation upon us in generall to resent or sympathize the sufferings of any particular scan●…leing thereof , we do not , if well acquainted with your piety & prudence , know of any that can clearlyer foresee what danger the example and consequence of this fact bespeakes us all , as well as the protestant intrest , then your selfe . wee have therefore exercised all freedome in our letters , to let you know , that however you resent this calamity of our most inocent brethren , what opinion or judgment we expect you may entertaine of it , the same shoud be a paterne for our imitation . and , for that reason , have writ to the duke of savoy , where we earnestly prayed , that he wou'd treat the poore and meeke more spareingly , and prevent the said bloody proclamation's being of any further force . which if your majesty and the rest of the protestant princes , have imitated , or otherwi●…e perform'd , ( as we believe you have , ) it is to be hoped , that the most serene duk 's , fury may be allayed , and this his rage appeased , at the intercession and instance of so many neighbouring princes at least . but if he will rather choose to continue his resolution , we declare our readynesse to joine with your majesty , & the rest of our confederats ( concern'd for the ●…ntrest of the protestant religion , ) in such a resolution as may provide for their speedy reliefe , srom their distresse , and do what we can for their sasety and liberty . our prayers , in the mean time , bespeake your majesty all health and happynesse . westminster may . oliver protector &c. to the most noble magistrates and senators of geneva . our letters lately send you to shoud have intimated the very great griefe conveyed unto us from the vast , and unheard of calamitys , to which the duke of savoy has exposed the protestants , inhabiting in , and about the vallyes of piedmont , did we not then make it more our businesse , to let you know , that we were not onely concern'd at such their miserys , as it was our care to provide ( all we could ) for their reliefe and comfort . wherefore we have caused a collection to be levyed over all this republick : which we justly expect may prove such , as may expresse the passionat affection , which this land bear to their brethren ' in time of such most inhumane persecution . and as we are one in point of religion , so we ought to admit of a fellowfeeling of their calamityes . in the meane time , while the collection is a raising , which will take up time ; and considering that their want and helplessnes canot admit of any delay ; we have judged it necessary to transmit ( with all imaginable speed , to be , before hand , distributed among 'em , who shall appear most to need present help & comfort ) the present sum : of . li : but in as much , as wee know , how much the miserys and injurys done inocencyl , affect you , and that you will looke upon nothing either painfull or troublesome , that may tend to their help and assistance , we have ventured the transmitting the said sume to you , to be distributed among these calamitous people , and give you the trouble of considering in your piety and prudence , of the justest method , pursuant to vvhich , that money may be soonest disposed of among the needyest of those people , and albeit the sume is truly small , yet some vvhat it may be at least tovvards their present ease and refreshment , till vve grovv able to enlarge our charity by sending them a greater sume : and as vve doubt not of your accepting of this employment in good part , so vve pray the omnipotent great god to furnish his ovvne protestant people vvith the courage of desending each other in common , and of being a mutuall assistance to each other , against the barbarity of their enemy ; vvherein vve shoud be gladd , that our endeavour might be of any use to the service of the church . adieu . fifteen hundred pounds of the said sume of two thousand remitted by gerard hensh to paris , the other five hundred shall be taken care of , by master stoupely in bills of exchange . oliver , protector of england , &c. to the most serene prince duke , of venice . most serene prince . as we have been always found manifest 〈◊〉 of your outdoing your enemys , in instances 〈◊〉 to the promotion of the christain interest more particularly , so now more especially , at the tydeing of the late sea-battle which we no way repine at the success of , altho it seemes ( as we are inform'd ) to have happend some thing to the detriment of our people . for certain of our traders ▪ namely william , and daniel williams with edward beale merchants , have , by petition , humbly represented unto us , that a ship of theirs called the great prince , employed for their account to constantinople , was there ptessed by the grand signeur's ministers , and employed to transport provision and soldiers to crete , in which constrain'd service vvhile sailing , vvas , among others of the turcks fleet , vvhich happend to engage vvith the venetians , taken , carryed to venice , and by the gourt of admiralty there , condemn'd to the use of the publicke . as the said shipp therefore vvas , contrary to the approvall and knowledge of her owners , forc't into the turcks service , and that he cou'd not disintangle himselfe , out of the 〈◊〉 , being loaded with soldiers , we earnestly intreat your serenity to repeal , ( out of regard to 〈◊〉 alliance ) the sentence of that admiralty court , and take care of the restitution of the said shipp ( haveing no way deserved ill of your republick ) , to her owners . the allowance of which we have no reason to dispair 〈◊〉 obtain ( atour request especially ) when we find the merchants themselves entertain so good an opinion of your clemency : and therefore hartily recommend your great councills and the affairs of venice both by sea and land , to the happy guidance of god almighty . i am westminster , . your serenity's , and the republick of venice's very affectionately . oliver protector . oliver , protector of the comonwealah of england , to the most serene prince , lewis king of france . most serene king. samuel mico , william coran , george poyner , with severall others of 〈◊〉 merchants have shewed us by their humble petition , that they , in the year . 〈◊〉 on board a certain shipp called the unicorne a very considerable part of their estates , and that the same shipp , with her feight of raw silcks , oyles and other goods ( amounting , by their estimate , to no lesse then four and thirty thousand pounds sterling ) was , by two of your men of warr , set upon and taken in the ●…ranea sea : that our subjects wou'd not , out of regard to the peace that was then between the english and the french , make any violent defence , but referr to the maritime laws , as being induced thereto by the promisses of paul & terrer , the comanders of the said men of warr , who engaged to dismisse the shipp upon peruseall of her bills of loading : that the said merchants employd moreover , & sent into france an attorney to sollicit the restitution of the said ship and goods : where after , the expence of three yeares and more , when matters were brought to that maturity , as that there was nothing 〈◊〉 to be done but to award sentence for restitution his emenency cardinall mazarine owned unto hugh morelly their attorny , that the merchants had wrong done 'em ; and undertooke that they shou'd have satisfaction done 'em as soone ever , as the peace between both nations , and the alliance then under treaty was ended and ratified : yea his excelleecy the lord de bordeaux your majesties embassadour has lately confirmed the same , in express words , pursuant to your majesties comands , seconded by those of the councill , and that the said shipp and goods and the peculiar demurr , under which they lay , shoud be taken into consideration , a part from those other controversys provided for the decision of , by the generall import of the treaty . of which promise the said embassadour him selfe , who by good luck has repaired home upon occasions of his owne , can bear testimony . upon the allowance of such strong presumptions , and that the right of these merchants in the repetition of their goods , lies so clear , it 's our earnest request to your majesty , that they be put off no longer , and that you woud be pleased ( at our instance ▪ ) to render your compliance herewith the leading fruits of the treaty lately revived , and restablish't . which wee confide in the effect of : wishing that the omnipotent great god may influence your selfe and kingdome with all imaginable felicity . westminster december . your majesties most affectionatly oliver protector of england , &c. to the evangelicall cantons of svvitzerland . the account transmitted unto us from our commissioners at genova concerning your publick proceedings , as well as the substance of your letters of the . of december from tigur , sufficiently informe us in the posture of your affaires ( being none of the best we doubt : ) wherein albeit we apprehend , ( to our trouble ) that your peace , & so long continued collaterall alliance is dissolved into a rupture , yet nothing appearing applicable to your fault , the iniquity & perversnesse of your enemys may ( we doubt not ) furnish you with an opportunity of repeating your knowne disposition & constancy to the protestant religion . for the swi●…zers ▪ who condemn ( for traytors any who turne to our religion , what have they attempted , what have their practises been , to raise malitious spirits against the orthodox faith ; is a thing that can escape the knowledge of none , who has not totally forgot that most unworthy massacre comitted upon our brethren at piedmont . wherefore , dearest friends , forget not your former wont , rouse up in gods name , yeeld not your reights , friends , your liberty of conscience , and conscience it selfe to be trampled in the dirt , under the heels of incroaching idolatrous ; prepare your selves therefore , that you may not seeme to looke like men , who cared not how the world went , so they themselves were well , but such as reckon the sufferings of their neighbours their owne , especially theirs of piedmont ; help and comfort those most distressed people all you can : assureing your selves that your own sides were darted at , and their deaths and blood made but an inled of , to reach you . as for my part , know , that your safety and prosperity , are no lesse the subject of my care and trouble , than if this massacre had been executed within the bowels of this republick and , as if the switzers axes and drawen swords ( as they truly are against all protestants ) were ready to fall upon our own necks . no sooner had we therefore had an account of your condition , & the virulency of your enemys , but we presently entred into a strict consultation with persons of very great worth , & knowne piety and affection to the church , in order to the makeing such provision for your subsistence , as the posture of our owne affairs at home cou'd bear , and came to such a determination , as you may know from our comissary mr pell . what i have to add is the continuance of our petitions to almighty god that he wou'd be pleased to stand by , and guide all your councills , and take under his more particular conduct , and defend by peace or warr ( which he thinkes most adviseable ) this your most just cause . westminster january . yours &c. most affectionatly oliver protector of the republick of england , &c. oliver , p. of the republick of england , to the most serene prince charles gustavus , by the grace of god , king of sweedland , gothes , and vandalls , great prince of finland , &c. most serene prince . as it is a custome of knowne antiquity , especially among friends , to admit of an obligation of useing all freedome in communicateing to each other , passages of adversity as well as prosperity and comunity , so that most delightfull part of friendship relateing to the import of the letters , which your majesty has been pleased to give us the honour of , is what we cannot but take very kindly : seeing that it is an indication of singular humanity , and true royalty , to be as communicable in enjoyments , as way of liveing , and to believe nothing to be pleasant , without it be in community with friends and confederates ▪ and therefore cannot but justly rejoyce at the birth of a young prince to his son , to inherit ( we hope ) the glory and vertue of so good a king , and gladly lay it in parallel with the felicity , and glory that befell philip of macedone both abroad and at home , whom records cite to have conquer'd the most powerful greeks , at the very time of the birth of his son alexander . for we do not doubt , but that your kindness to poland in dischargeing , and ▪ as it were , forceing it by the very strength of your army , from the papall ●…oke ▪ and the establishment of that peace with brandenburgh ; which the desires of all pious men gaped for , notwitstanding the storming opposition made to the contrary , may conduce very considerably to the peace and advantage of the church . that god may , in the mean time bless such glorious beginings with suitable issues ; that his gift of a son may pursue the patern of his father in piety , vertue , and noble deeds : that which we truly both hope , and from our hearts wish the omnipotent and great god , ( always favourable to your undertakings ) may grant . westminster , . your majesties most affectionally , oliver , protector of england , &c. to the king of denmarke . most serene and potent prince . john freeman and phillip traverse subjects of this republick , have , 〈◊〉 their owne , and the names of severall other merchants of london a petition'd humbly complain'd , that haveing in the month of october . loaded on board a certain ship of sunderbrugh called the salvador , nicolas winskins master , severall merchandizes , woolen manufacture , cloathes , and other woven comodities and goods , amounting ( according to estimate ) to the value of between three and foure thousand pounds sterling , charged the said master , that as he sailed thro the baltique sea , he shoud go directly to dantzick , and pay the usuall duty at elsenor , and for the same purpose furnished him with a competent sume of money . yetnotwithstanding , t hat the said master most treacherously , and contrary to his instructions from the merchants , pass'd by the said place , without dischargeing that duty ; so that the said ship , with her whole loading , had hue and cry sent after them and were arrested , to the great damage of the owners , in favour of whom we writ to your majesties embassadour then here in london , who , as they say , engaged , that as soone as he came to speake with your majesty , he woud endeavour to 〈◊〉 justice done the merchants . but in as much as the said person has been dispatched upon your majesties affaires into other countryes , and that their application to him before his departure , amounted to nothing ; so that they were forc't to sen'd an atturney purposely to sollicit their right at hafnia , and demand restitution of said shipp and goods : which they also found coud amount to no more then an aggravation of the former reckoning & heape of fruitless trouble upon trouble ; & that the said goods ly under confiscation & present restraint , notwithstanding that , according to the laws of denmarke , a master of a ship ought , ( as they seeme to urge in their petition upon any misdedmeanour of his own ) to suffer corporall punishment , exclusive to any confiscation that shipp or merchandises can be pretended to be liable unto : and reckon themselves so much the unkindlyer dealt with all , for that the custome which ought to be paid at essen'or , is ( as we apprehend ) very inconsiderable . therefore as our merchants have given no provocation , that can be interpreted to the rendering their effects liable to forfeiture ; and that the master , a little before his death , confessed that the neglect was wholly applicable to his proper guilt , which exposed the merchants to so 〈◊〉 damage ; and in as much as the parent of the deceased master himselfe ▪ has , as we understand , by petition already presented unto your majesty , charged all the blame to his son's account , and quitted the merchants : wee coud not truly decline our condemning the detention of the said 〈◊〉 and goods to be most arbitrary ; and are so much the more strengthen'd in our confidence , that as soone as your majesty has a clear state of this thing , you will not onely award a competent reproofe to the ministers concernd in these injuryes , but issue your comands also for the doing the mercha●…ts right , and direct speedy restitution to be made of those goods and reparation of damages sustaind , to the said owuers or asfignes . which we instantly pray your majesties compliance in , as a thing guarded with so much reason and justice , that we canot appear in the sollicitation of ought on behalfe of our people , which we lesse ought to accept of a denyall in , as being ready to make suitable returnes on behalfe of your subjects as often as there is like occasion for 't . to the most serene prince john the . king of portugal . the peace and alliance , which your majesties most noble and splendid embassy , lately sent hither , sollicitted the parliament about , ( which then had the conduct of this republick in their hand ) wee have now at length , thro gods help , and pursuant to the 〈◊〉 we hold in the administration of this goverment , as well as the affection we always bore theteto , drawn unto a happy 〈◊〉 , and such ( we hope ) as may continue to perpetuity . and therefore returne you your ambassader extraordinary , mr john roderick de saa menesses , count pennagavad , a per son whose civill carriage , understanding , prudence and faithfulnesse , we have found very eminent , and worthy your esteeme , and one who haveing discharged this trust with extraordinary applause , comes to you with the ratification of the said pe●…ce . as to the import of your letters of the second of april from lisbona , intimating your good esteem of us , how much you tender our honour , and the excesse of your gladness●… at your ●…earing of our present undertakeing in this goverment ; the same are apparent indications of singular affection , and shall endeavour that all men may hereafter see from my readynesse to serve your majesty at all times , that the same is of utmost acceptance unto me . nor am i in the mean time , lesse painfull in the preferrence of my expres prayers to god for your safety , for the happy state of your kingdome , and the prosperity of your affaires . your majestie 's most affectionatl●… oliver , protector of england , scotland , ireland , &c oliver , protector of the republick of england to the high and mighty states of holland , &c. high and mighty lords , dearest friends . thomas bushell and richard bear , with severall other of our subjects have made their joint complaint unto us , setting forth , that a shipp of theirs called the edmond and john did ( being set upon in her way between brasile and 〈◊〉 ) submit to the assault of a certain privateor belonging to vlushing , called the red lyon , whose comander went by the name of lambert bartelson , but upon such conditions and tearmes ( 〈◊〉 by the said lamberts hand and seale ) as that upon their arrivall at vluissing , restitution shoud be made of such goods as shoud appear to belong unto the english ; that upon their arrivall there , the shipp was acquitted , and the seamen their respective goods restored them , but the merchants effects taken out , and exposed to imediat sale ; that they , namely the merchants , who had this affront put upon , did , ( upon their repair to vlushing to demand their effects at the admiralty court there ) after five y●…ares expensive prosecution , loose the cause with vast charges thro amost wicked sentence awarded against them , by those judges , namely they who , concern'd in the said privateer , were themselves both juges and jury in the thing ; that they have no other hope left 'em , except it be in your equity and incorrupted uprightnesse , which they now at length fly unto , whom they judge some reliefe & favour from , if back'd with our 〈◊〉 of their complaint to you . and truly this is a thing pardonable in the people ▪ if in so great a hasard of their fortunes as this seemes to be , they , under an uuiversall dread from all hands , consider what they ought to fear from your power and authority , as wel as what they were to hope from the integrity of judges especially in a case where they were themselves 〈◊〉 . we do not doubt but that the influence you are under of religion , justice and integrity may , in preferrence to any sollicitation of ours , become an incentive to you of comeing to such a determination herein , as you may 〈◊〉 to consist with equity and justice , and an act that may become you . god preserve both your selves , and republick , to t●…e service of his glory , and the comfort of his church . westminster april . . oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the comonwealth of england . to the most serene prince charles gustavus king of sweedland , gothes , and vandalls , great prince of finland , duke of esthon , carelia , bremen , verda ▪ stetin , pomerania , cassubia ▪ and vandalia , prince of russia , lord of ingry , wismar ; as also count pallatine of the rhine , bavaria , jul clevia , and duke of the mounains , &c. most serene prince . peter julius coitus , haveing discharged his embassy here , and so discharged it , as that i thought it a thing unfit to dismisse him hence , without , accompanying him with my opinion of his just merits , which he now returnes to your majesty with ; as being a person who , upon your score ( who have a just right to our highest esteeme ) was , as ( well as for that of his owne meritts ) very acceptable unto us , and no lesse praise worthy by the most dilligent discharge of this trust. therefore we freely certify ( if any testimony can add thereto ) that he has answerd that character which he brought us , as your majestys most just gift to him : who may with the same fidelity and integrity relate the singular respect , which we bear towards your majesty . what we have to add is to breath our wishes to the omnipotent great god to bless your majesty with all prosperity , and continue the influence of your victorys over the enemys of the church , to perpetuity . westminster aprill . . your majestie 's most affectionately oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republick of england . to the most serene and potent prince lewis king of france . s. d. application being by petition made us , in the names of john dethicke present lord mayor of t●…is citty of london , and william wackfield merchant , setting forth , that haveing about the calends of the month of october auno . loaded a certaine shipp called the 〈◊〉 of london , one lig●…tbagh master , the whole freight consisting of their owne proper goods , to be transported to ostend , the said shipp was seised upon in the mouth of the river of thames , carryed away , and disposed of at dunkirk , then under the obedience of the crowne of france , and that by the contrivance of a certaine privateer called white belonging to berkin , who exerciseth piracy , by vertue of a comission from the son of charles the late deceased king , contrary to the purport of your majest●…s proclamations published to the contrary annis . and ; besides some resolutions of councill in favour of the parliament of england , whereby they ( understanding that the transportation of any goods , or ships taken from the english , dureing that 〈◊〉 , into any place under your majesties jurisdiction , or suffered to be in any such place exposed to sale was provided against as unlawfull ) dispatched hugh morrell their solliciter to dunkirke , with directions to apply to mr lestrado governour of that citty , and demand restitution of the said shipp and goods , as knowing that they were in a great measure yet untoucht in towne ; who upon such application replyed , not like a gentleman nor one that woud seem to be very observable of the comands of his prince , that his present employ was a benefit comferr'd upon him in consideration of publick & past services , perform'd in the king of france s service , & that he therefore intended to make as much improvement thereof as he coud ( as if comisionated to robb his neighbours . ) upon which disappointment , the said sollicitour , after a great expence both of money and time , comeing home , the peti●…ioners ( destitute of all other hopes other then what they imagin'd they might meet with upon appeal to your majesties clemency and justice , and believing that our recomendatory letters in their favour might render their access to your majesty more facile ) pray that you woud not decline your help from a people robbed in defiance of all justice , and in derision of your repeated comands to the contrary . which if obtainable at our importunity ; albeit it is truly a thing which seemes ver equitable , yet we shall believe it to be rather the effect of your naturall 〈◊〉 to justice , then the fruit of my so●…licitation . westminster may . your majestie 's most affectionately oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords , the states general of the united provinces , s. d. high and mighty lords , dearest friends , ioohn browne , nicolas williams , with other londoners , have in a petition humbly shewed unto us , that having severally ventured to the east indies , by the ship good hope of london , then bound thither , directed their correspondents at amsterdam , about the month of february , . to ensure there two thousand and forty pounds flemish : that the said ship being ▪ in her way thither , taken upon the very east india coast , by a certain ship , belonging to the 〈◊〉 east india company ; the ensurer's denyed to fulfill their contract in paying the ensured summe ▪ and have so far prevailed , as to be capable , by various delays , to elude our people now after the expensive consumption of six yeares in prosecution of their right which in regard they looke upon as an usage of great oppression and injustice , and that some obliged for the payment of the money agreed for , are either already dead , or become insolvent , we earnestly pray that you would ( to prevent ●…urther expences in addition to the said losses ▪ be pleased to suffer your equity , to be a safe port and refuge to them after so many yeares stormy useage , and almost shipwrack in your court of ●…udicature ; and that sentence be with all speed awarded concerning their cause , in whose ●…ustice they seeme very confident . wishing ( in the meane time ) that happine●…s and prosperity may attend all you undertake , to the glory of god , & the safety of his church . your high and mighty lordships most affectionally , oliver , protector , &c. oliver , protector of the commonwealth of england , to the high and mighty lords , the states of holland . s , d. thomas and william lower , lawfull heires of nicholas lower , lately deceased , on whose account you have had some former trouble giveu you , ( about the ●…des of september last i thinke , ) do bawl now a fresh again , alleadging , that they still labour under the oppression of their adversaries , who●…e power , or other private intrest has ( notwitstanding the integrity of their claimes , and when that coud not doe , our letters sent in favour of their cause ) ●…o far prevailed , as to hinder them from entering upon the benefit of their father's will : that being rejected by the court of holland , where the action first began , and thrown upon yours , pack'd thence to zee-land , and thence hurryed back again to your high court of judicatorie ( to their content ) accompanyed to each place with our letters ( for where the hight and power is , there they depend upon the dispensation of justice proportionably ) if that fails they are at a losse to know where to cast anchor for reliefe after the pains they undertoke in pursuit of justice : for if they find that this our fourth recomendation of their cause can do no good , it will be to little purpose for 'em to extend their hopes any further . wee shall reckon it as a true instance of kindnesse , if after so many rejections , you let them see , that your apprehension of our authority cou'd contribute somewhat to their reliefe in bringing their claime to a speedy determination , as well altogether as have them believe it to be the intire effect of your own justice and equity . as we can no way dispond of your allowance of the former of which , so we are confident that the consideration of our friendship will incline you to the later . your's , &c. oliver , protector . oliver , protector of the republick of england , to the most serene prince john , king of portugal . most serene prince . whereas several merchants , belonging the brazil company in portugal , did in the yeares . and . becom indebted unto sundry english merchants , in a considerable sume of money , upon the account of freight and moorage , & that the said society respit the payment thereof , pursuant to an order of your majesties to that purpose ; notwithstanding that they did truly depend upon the payment thereof conformable to the tearmes , and conditions of the league lately ratified : but fear they may be frustrated in their hope , and other meanes of recovering their right , as being informed of your majesty hayeing seized , and sent to the exchequer their said debt , and assigned the repayment thereof upon the moity of your customes , so that the merchants are like to have no more then the bare interest of their money , the principal lying ( in the mean while ) wholly dead . haveing taken the hardship of which under our strict consideration , the conviction of their just importunities prevailed upon our giveing your majesty this trouble on their behalfe , requireing that instant satisfaction be by the brazil company , made the merchants of his republick , in reference as well to each ma ns demand respectively , as five yeares intrest . this as it is a thing in it selfe consistent with lustice , and conformable with the league lately contracted with you , let me on their behalfe desire in an amicable manner , that it be complyed with without further delay . from our pallace at westminster , july . your ma●…esties most affectionally oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , p. of the republick of england , to the most sere●…e prince charles gustavus , by the grace of god , king of sweedland , gothes , and vandalls , great prince of finland , &c. most serene king. as the alliance of so great a prince , and so famous for his actions , as your majesty is , hath ●… just title to the height of our esteeme , so that person , thrô whose means we have been so strictly allyed , i mean that most ●…llustrious gentleman christernus bondur , your embassadour extraordinary , must have been ( upon that very consideration ) necessarily gratful and welcome unto us . whom therefore ( having laudably discharged this embassy ) we cou'd not dismisse hence , without accompanying him with a testimony of our being highly satisfied in the rest of ●…is singular vertues ; as being one who seemes to entert●…ine a bel●…efe , that this our recommendation of him may add ' considerably to that value and esteeme which he is already in possession of with your majesty , in reference 〈◊〉 particularly to the diligence and prudence he exerted in this affair . what remaines to be further transacted , we have resolved to send your majesty an embassadour soone about : whose health god ( in the mean time ) preserve , for the defence of his church , and that of the kingdome of sweedland . from our court at westminster , july , an. dom. . your majestie 's most affectionally , oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c. oliver , protector of the repbul . of england , &c to the most serene prince lewis , king of france . most serene prince , friend and dearest consederate . we have had a petition in the names of richard baker , and severall other merchants of london , and his associates , wherein they humbly complaine , that an english built ship , called the endeavour , william jopp master , and hired into their service , was , about the . of novemder . set upon in her way , between a place called the palm , and the island of tenerif ( where shee put out for london from ) & seized by four french vessels who , in appearance looking like merchant-men , but arm'd like men of war , and under the chiefe comand of one egedius de la rocke , carried her with her whole freight , consisting in medera , wines , to the east indy's , whether they said they were bound ; together with most o●… the mariners , saveing fourteen which they landed upon the shore of guiny ; which the said egidius declared the inten●… of to be , to prevent ( by planting them in so remote and inhumane a place ) the escape of any who might by a declaration of the fact , hurht him for he did owne , that he had no directions to meddle either with the english , or others , which he might have troubled before ; and with all that he was not ignorant of the english and french's being at peace at that vety time : but designing to revictual at portugal , but was prevented therein by contrary winds , was necessitated to supply his wants with what he found in that ship : that he moreover believed he might content the owners thereof in what damage they didthem . which , by sworne testimony , will appear to amount to above sixteen thousand pounds damage to the merchants . but yet if people will , upon such slender temptations , venture upon the rash violation , and turn into scorne ( as it were ) the decrees of princes , ( whose force ought to be of utmost weight , ) so as to exercise 〈◊〉 licentiousnesse upon merchants to serve their own ends , it truly acts towards a totall dissolution of the ty of alliances for the future , the word and authority of princes will decline ; and signify just nothing . we do therefore not onely pray , but ●…udge it very much concerning your majesty's intrest that those who have dared , to make so slight a matter of being the first breakers of their king's contract , and most sacred word , have speedy punishments executed upon them , suitable to the nature of their perfidiousnesse and insolency ; and that the owners of the said ships , do in the mean time , make our merchants full satisfaction for the damage , and prejudice which this act has injuriously exposed 'em unto . gods care be your majesties continual guard , and become the defence of the affaires of france against both our comon enemy . from our court at westminster , august an. dom. . y●…ur majesty's most affectionally oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c ▪ to cardinal mazarine . most eminent sir when the imporatance of any affair gives me a necessary invitation of writeing to the king. i do judge the same , expediently to include an occasion of doing the like to your excellency ; for to conceale from his knowledge , whose singular prudence alone moderates , with suitable fidelity , advice and vigilancy , the weightyest affaires of france what i write about , is apoint i reckon ' of utmost inconsistency . that treaty most strictly establisht by you , ( whose sinceriry were a sin to dispute ) we complain of the violation and contempt of , and that thro the meanes of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called egidius , who with his abettors , broake the same the very sameday ( almost ) of its confirmation , as our letters to the king , and the applications from the merchants themselves can make appear to your excellency , who must in particular know how much it concernes not onely the magistrates , but his majestys owne intrest , to see the originall infringers of this contract brought to justice . but these perhaps upon their arrivall in the indies , whether they went , may looke upon the goods of our subject ( seised upon , upon the heeles if so fresh an alliance contrary to all justice and truth ) as prised goods lawfully forc't from the enemy . that that we woud have your excellency ( in the mean time ) do , amounts to no more , then that 〈◊〉 owners of the said shipps woud make good the promise of this comander in chiefe , in returning to our people that that may be equivalent to what he has taken from 'em , to supply the necestary occasi●…ns o●… his voyage : wherein we understand your excellency to be able to do much by vertue of your authority . from our court at westminster , august , a. d. . your eminency's most affectionatly oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the high and mighty states of the united provinces high and mighty friends and dearest confederates . wee doe not ( truly ) doubt , but that all persons will say , that nothing has been more the designe of our making friends abroad , then in order to the raising of them , as such , for the intrest of the protestant religion , nor that has appear'd more the subject of our aim , then the uniteing of their hearts , who either were friends and champions for the protestants , or who were not their enemys at least . which raises our griefe and trouble of mind so much the higher , when we heare of their suspecting and entertaining of suspitions and animositys against each other , who , as protestant princes and republicks ought to cherish one another in all imaginable sincerity ; especially you , and the kingdome of sweedland , ( two of the principallest defenders of the protestant religion , and the best friends this republick hath ) not to have that confidence in each other , whick you were wont to have , yea to ●…et appear signes either of a growing difference , or an evident decay of your friendship . what the causes were , or how farr this alienation of mind has extended of either hand , are things which we profess our ignorance of . we coud not ( neverthelesse ) but be much troubled at these ( thô never so inconsiderable ) sparcks of disagreements between brethren , which must necessarily convey a deal of inconveniency to the repose of the protestant religion's intrest , and ( whichif sufferd to goe on , ( which god farbidd ) how will it endanger the reform'd churches , how will the enemy swell and tryumph thereat , the ( spaniards more especially ) ; is a thing that canot escape the prudent ey of one of your experience . the spaniard will certainly so swell and swagger hereat , as not to faile of rendering it the business of his embsssadour with you , to obtrude his advices ( and that more confidently ) upon you to be guided by ; and with the apprehension of raiseing new warr partly , and by the prospect , of a false advantage partly ; tempt to sollicit you to forsake ( at his instance ) your old and faithfull friends ; the french , english and sweedes , and engage in a very strict fellowshipp with one , formerly your enemy and tyrant , thô now a seeming friend , and ( which is much to be feared ) a a conterfeited one. truly he , who from a most canker'd enemy , shall , upon so slight an occasion , presse of a sudden , to become your councellour , what is it that such a man will not assume unto himselfe ? what confidence will he raise to , if he can but once see with his eys , such things as are now onely the b●…re conceptions and imaginations of his heart ; namely to plant discord and civill warr amongst the protestant confederates ? wee know that you often , pursuant to your wisedome , take the state of all europe , and the condition of the protestant religion more especially , into your consideration ; that such of the cantons of switzerland as profess the orthodox faith , are amused ; ●…nd grow pregnant with the apprehension of new troubles from their neighbours the papists , w●…le yet scare cowld from the heat of that wart levyed upon them by the spaniard , upon the bare score of their religion , who haveing inflamed and kindled that warr , supplyed their enemys with men and money ; that the massacre a●…d destruction executed the last year upon the protestant inhabitants of piedmont , were the effects of spanish influences ; that the protestants of germany under the subjection of the emperour , underwent intollerable disquiets and with much difficulty held their native habitations ; that the king of sweedland , whom god ( we hope ) raised as a most curagious champion for the protestant religion , was exposed to the necessity of maintaining with the strength of his whole kingdome , a fowle aud rigid warr against the most powerfull enemy , that the reformation has extant ; how your own provinces are threatend by the malicious confederacy lately struck by your neighbours the papists , who are the king of spaine's subjects ; and sinally we , who are taken up by the warr declared against the king of spaine . if , while things stand thus , a misunderstanding shoud happen to arise between you and the king of sweedl●…nd , what a sad and lamentable condition shoud protestancy fall under , all europe over being subjected to the cruelty , and fury of inhuman enemys ? the consideration of which doth not a little trouble us ; and believe you to be of the same mind , and that you will withall , pursuant to the great affection you always expressed on behalfe of the protestant cause in generall , and disposition to the maintaining uninterupted the peace of such , as are 〈◊〉 both in their judgment and desires , accommodate your counsells to these considerations , which are preferrable to all others whatever , and that you will not decline the doing of ought , that may conduce to the establishing of a peace between you and the king of sweedland . wherein 〈◊〉 we can ●…e of any service ; what ever opinion you may entertaine of our authority or intrest , we most freely offer you the tender of our endeavour , with the same readynesse , which we do it to th●… king of sweedland , to whom we designe likewise to send an embassy out of hand , to let him know our opinion of this affair . and ●…ope that god will incline your minds on both sides to moderat couucills , and prevent the falling out of any thing that may give cause of offence on either hand , or carry things to an extremity . but that contrarywise , both partys endeavour to remove what may offend or administer matter of iealousy to to'ther . which if you concurr to , you will ●…oth disappoint your enemys , and become a comfor't to your friends , and finally provide plentifully for your owne , and the safety of the republicke : and do pray you to rest likewise very confident in this , that we , as often as we are supplyd with an opportunity for it , shall employ our endeavour towards the rendering the united provinces sensible of the great affection and love we bear 'em . sollicitting god wit●…all , with our dayly prayers , that he woud be pleased to bless your repulick with a flourishing peace , riches , liberty and more especially love and true worshipp , to the christian faith . from our court at westminster , august . your &c. oliver , protector . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince john king of portugall , most serene king. thomas maynard has , upon the . of july last ( old stile ) delivevered into our receipt , your majesties ratification of the peace concluded by your embassador at london , as well as of the private and preliminary articles thereof , and by letters then transmitted hither from phillip meaddaw our envoy at lisbona , understand that he has deliver'd your majesty ours likewise , pursuant to our direction to him on that behalfe : the aforesaid instruments of ratification being about the beginning of june last interchanged . so that a most firme peace is confirmed between both nations . from which peace we have derived no small pleasure ; for that we judged that as it bespeakes a general advantage to both , so it doth a proportionable detriment to the comon enemy : who as they have been the first inventers of meanes to interrupt the former alliance , so they have lefr nothing unattempted to prevent its renovation novv . nor do vve doubt of their slipping any occasion that can be improved tovvards the creating matter of suspicion and offence between us. which vve have truly resolved to employ our utmost endeavours and constancy in opposition of ; yea it 's our earnest desire that the alliance may strengthen our confidence in each other dayly more and more , so as to reckon those our enemys , vvho , by any artifices , shall appear to employ any project tovvards the lesseningh our friendship among ourselves , and those contain'd in this ratification ; and are verily persvvaded that your majesty is much of the same mind . and vvhereas your majesty has been pleased ( in it's letters to us under the . of june nevv stile , and delivered unto our envoy some days after the mutual exchange of the instrument concerning the establih't peace ) to mention some clauses of this treaty , vvhich you vvould have alter'd , as things vvhich , thô of small moment to this republick in your majesties opinion , yet of very great consequence to the kingdome of portugal , we shall be found ready to treat apart about such things as shall be propound on your majesties behalfe , and settleing such things as shall seeme to either party to conduce to the further strengthening or binding the same : wherein we shall observe such measures as may equally conduce to the satisfaction of your majesty and people , as our owne , and referr to your choice where you will have all these things debated , either at london or lisbona . but this treaty being already confirm'd , passed the lawfull firme of both nations , and mutually interchanged ; to alter any part of it , were to destroy the whole , which we know is a thing far from your majesties seeking . we wish your majesty all prosperi●…y and happiness . from our court at westminster august . your majesties most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince john , king of portugal . s. d. wee have had an account of that base and wicked attempt , made towards the murther of phillip meadowes sent hence under the character of our envoy , to treat with you touching a peace : the cruelty of which has appeared so great , that his escape is the sole effect of god providence and care of him . and do by your majestys letters of the . of may delivered by thomas maynard , understand , that your majesty , moved at the indignity of the fact , issued your comands in pursuit of the assacinates , in order to their being brought to condign punishment : but do not yet heare of the apprehension of any of them , nor that your comands concerning them signified any thing . we have therefore thought fitt to declare openly how much we resent that base and barbarous attempt , and the approach it made towards its designe : and require that due punishment ●…e executed upon the authors , confederates and instruments concern'd in that villany : and the sooner its done , and people of honesty , utmost integrity , aud who study the peace of both nations , appointed to inquire into this affront , whereby the whole may receive a thro inspection , and the authors of the villany , and those that employed'em , punisht with the great or severity the better . for without which , it will 〈◊〉 raine your majesty laws of ●…njustice , nor will the reputation of this republick be vindicated ; nor can any true friendshipp subsist between both nations , without its correction . we wish your majesty all felicity and good luck : remaining erom our court at westminster , august . your maiesties most affectionately oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most ●…llustrious lord connt mariano . s. d. most illustrious sir. the indication of your singular love both to me , and this republick , contained in your letter of the . of june , last to me ; as also the import of others ▪ sent me from phillip meaddow , whom i sent to the king of portugal to treat with him about the conclusion of a peace , wherein he gives us a full account of your extraordinary parts and endeavour in the transaction thereof , has obliged us very much by what i 〈◊〉 from the import of the said letters . this last consirmation i have received with very much content , and am so farr satisfied in the issue of things , as that you shall never have cause to repent of whatever you have 〈◊〉 contributed 〈◊〉 the promotion of this peace , 〈◊〉 your sincerity to the english , nor of your faithfulness , exerted in this point to his majesty : it 〈◊〉 ( thro gods assistance ) to be hoped , that this peace may be very advantagious to both nations , as well as of contrary effects to the enemy . all the misfortune and ill luck that attended thi●… affair consists in that wicked attempt basely projected against our envoy philips meaddow , against whose unknowne authors there ought to be no lesse care taken , then in instances of manifest roguery : nor 〈◊〉 i doubt of your kings justice and severity in punishing soo deepe a piece of villany , nor of your 〈◊〉 promotion thereof in particular , as one , whose practice is justice and piety , and make it your businesse to continue both nations in amity and peace : which can no way subsist , if such wicked attempts shall be suffer'd to escape unpunishd and unvindicated . but your know●… detestation of that villany renders it unnecessary for me to enlarge any further upon it for the present . as i have therefore assured you how ready i shall ( at all times ) be to demonstrate my sincerity towards you ; that that remains is , to let you know of my haveing recommended very fervently both you and all yours to the favour and protection of the almighty . from our court at westminster , august . yours , &c. oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince charles gustavus , king of sweedland , gothes and vandals , &c. most serene king , friend and dearest confederated . when i consider that your majesty and i , concur both in disposition and resolution , in reference to the defence of the protestant religion against it s now ( if never before ) malignant enewys : thence it comes to passe , that as your prosperous successes & tideings of your dayly ( almost ) victories adds to our satisfaction , so i am very much troubled at that one thing , which disquiets , and destroys this our united content , and that is , to hear , among other news , that your former understanding with the states of holland doth not stand as well as it did , and that things 〈◊〉 carry'd to that state 〈◊〉 you ( 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 zea especially ) as to draw seemingly towards a rupture . the causes i know not i must confesse ; i visibly see that without it please god divert it ; it will very much devolve the protestant intrest . wherefore we thought it becomeing that neerest relation wherein we are united to you both , and ( pursuant to that love and affection to the reformed religion , which ought to be a principall inducement to us all ) to repeat unto your majesty now those perswa●…ions which we highly pres'st upon the states of holland to list●…n unto , of peace and quietnesse . every corner swells with envy against the protestants ; they seeme to have conspired our destruction as being never pregnant with more malice . witnesse piedmont loaded but yesterday ( as it were ) with the blood and massacre of those miserable wretches ; germany quashed by the late edicts and proscriptions of the emperour ; witnes switz●…rland . what need there many words to overhall the memory and griefe of so many fresh calamity's ? who knowes not but that those massacres , distractions and vexations , to which the protestants were for three yeares together exposed , were the effects of spanish couucils , and those of roman pontificates . if to so many mischiefs a civill dissention among protestant brethren be added ; among you more especially , in whose power , riches and constancy the greatest safety left to the reform'd churches , is ( as farr as human help is to be depended upon ) lodged : it vvill unavoidably hasard the reform'd religion it selfe , & plunge it into the depth of danger . whereas on the other side , if the protestants universally joine in that brotherly unity vvhich becomes them to doe , vve neede fear nothing that the arts , or povver of our enemy's can doe to hurt us ; vvhom our concord alone vvill baffle and disappoint . i therefore in an extraordinary manner pray and beseech your majesty , that you vvould be pleased to apply a vvilling and vvell disposed mind to the confirming the former understanding vvith the states of holland , if in any point the same b●… slacken or abated . if in any thing my endeavour , faith & diligence can be thought of use towards an accommodation ; i do promised and tender you the same . god in the mean time bless , and prosper the success of vvhat i vvish ; vvhich is , that your majesties affaires may prosper and run in an interrupted stream of felicity . from our court at westminster , august . your majesties most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the states of holland . high and mighty lords , dearest frirnds . william cooper a — londone●… and our subject made his complaint , that john la mair an amsterdamer & his father in law , did about thirty yeares agoe ; invent a meanes of raiseing the revenue of your republick ●…arr higher then it was , and that without any extraordinary burthen to the people ; and made a covenant with one john van den brooke , importing that upon some consideration between 'em , he should receive the moity of such 〈◊〉 as should redound from the said invention , which was the 〈◊〉 of the small seal in the provinees . in consideration of which your mighty highnesse were pleased to settle the yearly allowance of three thousand guilders ( which amounts to three hundred pounds in english money ) to be paid annually to the said van den 〈◊〉 and posterity : but now , albeit the said invention of the small seal has been found very easy and expedient , and of a considerable advantage to your highnesses and the other provinces , yet no part of the said settlement has been made good to this day , altho sought with much sollicicitation . so that he the said van den brooke , and la maire being tired out with delays , that affair lawfully descended to the said william cooper our subject ; who out of a desire of receiveing the effects of his father in laws industry , applyed unto us by petition , praying that we woud recomend this his request to the consideration of your mighty highnesses ; which we thought unsit to de●…y ' him in . wherefore make it our friendly request to your mighty highnesses , that you would please to give a fair hearing to the petition of the said william cooper , and take care that the stipulated reward of industry , and so just a stipend , and for so many yeares past , with a yearly 〈◊〉 fot the time to come , be paid him . which as we doubt not of your mighty highnesses free allowance of , as a just thing and worthy your bounty ; so we shall be on ou●… part ready to shew the like just disposition to your people in their requests , as often as we are in that nature applyed unto . from our court at westminster , september , anno dom. . i am your mighty highnesses most affectionally , oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince lewis , king of france . most serene king , friend , and dearest confederate . it is with violence to our inclination , that so many complaints of ours , against the injustice of your subjects , should happen to pursue the peace reestablish't vvith your majesty : but as vve are confident that our sufferings are no vvay the effects of your consent , so vve cannot be vvanting to the complaints of our people . it is evident that the capture of the ship anthony of deepe vvas lavvful prize , if the sentence of our admiralty court be consulted vvith ; vvhich says , that her seisure happen'd before the treaty vvas concluded . part of vvhich prize , to the number of about four thousand hides more or lesse , robert browne merchant of london , bought of those vvho had the overseeing of the publick sale : upon his sending , selling , ●…d calling for the price of about tvvo hundred of vvhich hides from a certain skinner at deepe , he complaines that the same vvas stopt and arrested in his correspondents hands , a quarrel fastend upon him , so that he cannot attain to justice in that court. wherefore vve have thought fit to desire your majesty to cause the vvhole matter , to be brought before your council , and that mony disengaged from that most u●…just restraint . for if vvhat vvere comitted before the conclusion of the peace , shall be liable to be called into question and judgment after its confirmation : we do not see vvhat a treaty can signify . for there can be no end of quarrels of this kind , if some severe punishment be not timely avvarded these frequent peace-breakers , vvhich vve hope your majesty vvill take speedy care to see done ▪ whom god honour vvith his most holy def●…nce . ●…om our p●…llace at westminster , september , . your majesty's most affectionatly , oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince john , king of portugall . most serene king. the peace between this republick and the kingdome of portugall , being now transacted , and all due provision and 〈◊〉 ●…ken of trade . wee have thought it a thing 〈◊〉 and necessary to dispatch the bearer thomas maynard to your majesty , to act in your kingdome as consul ; to hear and determine matters of debate usually ariseing amongst merchan●… . but in regard it often f●…lls out , that the nature of his employ may necess●…rily require 〈◊〉 to your majesty , relateing as well to the intrest of this nation , as trade , in generall . wee desire your majesty , that as often as he has occasion of being h●…ar'd , you will please to allow him the liberty of approaching to , and being heard by your maj●…sty , which shall pass with us for an evident argument and singular testimony of your esteeme of us . that the omnipotent great god may ( in the mean time ) prosper all your majestys undertakeings . from our court at westminster october . your majestie 's most affectionately oliver , protector of england , &c. to the king of svveedland . most serene a●…d potent king. albeit your majesties wonted and naturall disposition to men of merit is such , as to reckon all additionall comendations unecessary , yet we coud not dismiss this worthy gentleman sir william vavasor knight a person of note in warlike discipline , and now upon his journey towards you , with out accompaining him with the trouble of a letter to your majesty . our freedome in the doing of which was prompted so much the mor●… , when we were tould that much of his time & blood has been spent in the pursuit of your service , and in many battells fought on your behalfe : so that the late kings of sweedland have , in consideration of his warlike skill and true courage , often exerted in warr , settled landsand annuall pensions upon him . nor do we doubt but that he may be of future great use to your majesty in the present warrs , as being faithfull and of knowne skill in martiall discipline . it is therefore but what he merits , if we recomend him to your majesty ; that the allowances granted him by them formerly , be paid . this we will take very kindly ; nor shall we , upon any the like occasion that may offer grudge , to gratify your m●…jesty , whom we wish all hapy●… and prosperity unto . from our court at westminster octob. an. dom. . your majesties most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince , john , king of portugall . s. d. most serene king , friend and dearest confederate . thomas evans skipper , and one of the subjects of this l●…d , complains that , haveing served the brasile company annis . and in a small vessell of his , of about forty tuns , and whereof he was himselfe master , the said vessell , with all her freight and apparell , was taken from him , pursuant to a comand of your majestys : so that the damages done the man , besides the loss of six yeares profit , amounts ( according to the report of the commissioner appointed by the league to decide differrences on both sides , ) to above seaven thousand pounds sterling or twice that number of milreis of portugall , which proveing such a great affliction to the a foresaid thomas , so as to be constrain'd to repair to lisbon to recover his right according to tearms of the treaty , humbly prayed us , that we vvoud gra●…t him our letters to your majesty : wee , ( altho we did the last year writ on behalfe of those merchants cause in comon , to whom the brasile company is indebted , yet that we may be wanting to none justly requireing our help ) : pray , that the consideration of our friendship may be an inducement to your majesty to take particular care of this mans case , & so direct your people , that nothing may , in your city , stand in this mans way , which may interrupt his demanding & without delay recovering forthwith what ever the said company or any others ●…an accountable to him in . god incr●…se your majesty in perpetuall felicity , and render our friendship d●…eable . from our court at westminster octob. an. dom. . your m●…jesties most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the illustrious and magnificent citty of hamburgh . noble , magnificent , and worthy gentlemen , dearest friends . james and patrick hay , subjects of this republick made us their heavy complaint , setting forth , that being the lavvsul heires to a third brother called alexander , vvho died intestate , and so declared by a sentence of your court , pronounc'd thirteen yeares ago against his vviddovv , avvarding the petitioners the estate of their said brother , dedueting onely her portion ; coud not hither to , either by by their ovvne solicitation , or the interposition of the late king charles ( vvho vvrit to that effect , ) received he benefit of the said sentence ; that the purse and ●…ntrest of one albert van eisen , a great man among you , ( in whose hands great part of this estate lies ) are made use of to keepe them out of their right , who acts all he can to prevent their recepit thereof . being thus eluded , sham'd oft with delays , and at length reduced to great poverty , and supplicateing that we woud not suffer them to sink under the oppression of a corporation that 's our friend . and looking upon it as a principall branch of our office to deny our assistance to none of our subjects in cases , wherein our help and protection are justly called for and applicable , our request to your corporation shall not exceed what may be easily obtein'd , and that is ; to give the said sentence its due force , without suffering your justice to be further suspended , or the said brethren exposed to any the like future delays whatever ; for we have consulted and accordingly herewith send you under hand & sealed the opinion of our learn'd in the law , awarded here concerning their cause . w●…erein if intreatys cano●… doe , the laws of nations must 〈◊〉 such other methods as we woud willingly avoid the pursuit of , and which we are confident your prudence will invite you to prevent . from our court at westminster , octob , . a. d. . yours most affectionately oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince lewis , king of france . s. d. most serene and potent king , friend , and dearest confederate our letters of the . of the may last was twelve month are ( we suppose ) come to your majesty's hands , containing acomplaint made by john dethick , then lord mayor of the cit●…y of london , and william wackfield merchant , who declared that a ship of theirs , called the john , laden with their proper goods , to be transported to ostend , was snatched away from out of the river of thames's mouth , and carryed to dunkirke , by a cer●…ain privateer comissionated thereto , by th●… son of charles stuart : that they ( pursuant to your proclamations and decrees of councill prohibitting the admission into , or s●…le of any ship taken from t●…e parliament of england , in any of your po●…ts ) praying monsr . l'estrade governour of that gitty to comand the restitution of the said s●…ipp and goods ; had an answer ●…o way truly suitable to the worth of a gentleman , nor such as would seem ▪ inclinable to shew obedience enough to his kings comands ; namely that the king of france conferred that governership upon him in consideration of services in the warrs ; moreover , that he would take care to improve it all he coud ( right or wrong for sooth he did not seem to matter which ) as if your majesty had bestowed this governership and office upon him to robb his neighbours vvith and wipe his breech ( as it were ) with edicts proclaimd in their favour . if the king of france will be no more concern'd at injurys done us by our 〈◊〉 , then b●…ly to forbidd his subjects from abetting therein a royall governour has , in his connivance thereat , not onely violated and dispised a royall prohibition , in suffering us to be robbd , and made a prey of before your doores , but he himselfe is the robber and made a prey of us , and owned himsel●…e openly to be author of the fact. t●…e merchants therefore pu●…t off with this answer ; provoaked and eluded , went away with a flea in their eares : our letters of last yeares date carryed your majesty an account of this affair , tho to as little purpose wee must confesse ( for we we have yet seen no answer thereto ) the reason why was , we believe , because that governour attended , about that time , your army in flanders ; he lives now at paris , or rather rants up and downe , citty and country loaded with the spoyles of our people unpunished . this therefore brings your majesty a repetition of our said demands , which concernes your majesties owne intrest principally to provide for , that none dare to heighten the thing by adding the contempt of royall edicts to injuries done his neighbours : this matter canot be properly referr'd , or carried before the deputys or commissioners appointed to the decision of controversys on both sides ; seeing it goes beyond the right of society , royall authority and the reverence due to that name is struck at . it is to be truly admired , if merchants will be more concerned at their sufferings , then your majesty at yours , namely the diminution of your honour . which if you will not suffer , you will at one stroake shew , that it doth not repent you of any friendly office which those most friendly edicts might have intended in favour of us and this republick , nor that you have connived at the sufferings of our people , nor that you would not listen to our demands . i am , in affection , friendship and fellowship , from our court at westminster an. dom. . your majesty's most affectionally oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince frederick the . king of denmark , norway , vandalls and gothes ; duke of slesvice , holsatia , stormaria and dithmarsia , earle of oldenburgh and delmenhort , &c. s. d. most serene king , friend and dearest confederate . this brings you an account of our receipt of your majesties letters of the . of frebuary from hasnia , brought by amost worthy gentleman simon de perkinn your embassadour here ; the peruseall of which , and the very weight of their contents , did so affect us , that we did forthwith resolve upon sending unto your majesty one , furnished with such instructions as should enable him to open unto your majesty at large our sense of this affair . and altho we continue still under the same inclination , yet we cou'd not hitherto fix upon one fit to be intrusted with a matter of that importance , as we hope we may in very little time . wee did in the mean time , judge it inconsistent with conveniency to suspend any longer the letting you know for a truth , how much our thoughts and care are taken up ( and that in an imoderat measure ) for the present state of europe : wee haveing , from severall yeares observation , collected to our great 〈◊〉 , matter enough to inferr from , that the principall protestant princes and corporations ( who out of regard to their comunity in religion and its support , ought to use all meanes tending to its confirmation and defence ) grow dayly more and more animated against each other , and suspect , or put an ill meaning , upon whatever the rest attempt or project ; freightening their friends , while on the contrary they dictat hopes to the enemy of ensuing enmity and dissent in this bent of affaires , rather then a firme union of minds to the mutuall safeguard and defence of each other . and truly this anxiety made the deeper figure in our minds , and continues to gaine daily , from some sparkes of jealousy , which seem to remain unquelled between your majesty and the king of sweedland ; or at last from your being at greater distance in your minds , then our comon love and affection to the orthodox religion seemes to call for ; whilest your majesty entertains ( by what fate i know not ) a jealousy that the trade of your kingdome may receive some prejudice from the king of sweedland ; who is likewise little better satisfied , but that you may aggravat the warr , wherein he is now engaged , and render the termes of peace , which he might otherwise make , more intricat . your majesty canot but , from that great prudence exerted in all your affaires , know , how much it will expose the protestant religion , if such suspition continues long among you , and how much more , if , ( which god forbidd ) any token of hostility shoud breake out . however these things stand , we , as we have earnestly sollicitted both the king of sweedland and states of holland to peace and moderat resolutions , ( and shou'd be extraordinarily gladd to see you reconciled to peace and concord , the states haveing sent us the heads of that league ) so we reckon'd it our part , and very consistent with our friendshipp , not to co●…ceale from your majesty what ever we thought of this matter , especially when we consider the most friendly invitation given us by your majesties letters so to do ; a thing we looke upon to be a singular argument , and embrace it as one , of your good disposition towards us . and lay before your majesty what a charge divine providence has laid upon the professors of protestancy , of maintaining peace among our selves , when our enemyes ( now especially if never before ) seeme so violent against us , as to have conspired , as it were , from all places to our destructiom . it helps not to overhall the blood and massacre , wherein these at piedmont lately swam ; nor those of germany tore to pieces by the edicts and proscriptions of the emperour , nor finally the furious assaults of the popish swittsers upon their protestant neighbour . if to these misfortunes a falling ou●… among protestant brethren be added , as oyle to quench fire ; especially among you , who are so great a part of our strength , and in whom so much o●… the protestant protection and strength is reposed in tickelish times ; reformation must ( as farr as human power can reach , ) go downe and be destroyed . when on the contrary , if you cherish peace among your selvas as neighbours , and the rest of the protestant princes , if brotherly concord be of all hands studyed , we shall have no reason to fear ( with gods help ) what the artifice or force of our enemy can do us. the dissipation of whose designes depending wholly upon our agreement . nor do we truly fear , but that your majesty , will contribute all it can ( and that 's much ) towards that end . wherein i shall ( my selfe ) be very ready to joyne issue with your majesty as a professor of true friendshipp , and one whose study shall be not only in maintaining the peace already so happily establisht , but also go as farr as god shall be pleased to suffer me to go , towards the improveing that now existent . god , in the mean time , bless and prosper all your undertakeings ▪ iam in friendship , alliance and affection . from our court at westminster , decemb. an. dom. . your majesties most affectionately oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and illustrious prince and lord , the lord william , earle of hasnia , prince of herefield counte in cattimelibock ▪ decia lingehain , nidda and schaumburgh , &c. most serene prince . wee woud not have respitted the answering your highnesses letters so long , ( of which we are almost ashamed ) did not many other affairs , of utmost importance truly ( which our charge in the administration of this government wou'd not suffer us to deferr the dispatch of , much against our inclination ) prevent it . for what letters ought i to entertaine with more regard , then such as come from a most vertuous prince , and related to a race suitably religious , and which concerne nothing so much , as the repose of religion , and the reconcileing of curches to concord ; and which also , not onely in your , but in the opinion and judgment of the christian world , ought to be generally attributed unto me as an honour to be the promoter of the christian peace ? and truly what we have endeavoured'd towards it , thro these three ( formerly ) kingdomes , what have we accomplished ( thro divine help ) by perswadeing , suffering , and conquest ; is a thing not unknowne to most of our owne people , and that which they are very sensible of in the great tranquility of their conscience . we have studyed the repose of all the churches , thro out germany more especially , where they have been most , and longest at variance ; and have been , for a considerable time past , wanting in nothi●…g that coud contribure thereto . we continue the same inclination still ; we wish the said churches may be united among themselves in brotherly charity . but we are , to our very great griefe , more then sensible , how difficult a taske he undertakes , who takes upon him the reconciliation of such ( as pretend onely ) to be sons of peace ▪ for it is a thing to be scarce hoped ever to see the resormed and augustins brought to one church ; nor preaching nor writeing will be able to reconcile their opinion , nor prohibitted without violence ; but violence is a thing inconsistent with the peace of the church : dissenters may be prevailed upon by prayers , to act more meekly and moderately at least , nor ought they to grow the cowlder among themselves ; differing not as enemys but friends , 〈◊〉 at variance in frivolous matters , yet most united in the main point of faith. we shall never own our selves weary in the repeating and perswadeing of these things ; which the strength nor councell of man can exceed : god ▪ whose peculiar worke it is , will in his time do it . you have in the mean time , most serene prince , left a samous declaration of your inclination to the churches , as ●…n everlasting monument , becoming your family , and a patern fit for the imitation of all princes hereafter . wee do , pursuant to your deserts , pray that the great good god may bless all your other undertakeings with as much felicity as you your selfe can desire , and continue you in your present mind , no alteration being able to mend it ▪ westminster march an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince , the duke of courland . most serene prince , your kind entertainment of our embassadour , during those few dayes , he stayed in your country , in his way to the duke of 〈◊〉 , has , beside other considerations , shewed your highness's opinion of us ; who hope that your owne natural disposition , added to our interposition , may 〈◊〉 your highnesse not toalter those inclinations of your kindnesse towards us now ; ●…n the case of john jameson a scotchman , who having 〈◊〉 you seaven yeares , and that faithfully , as master at sea , deliver'd a ship of yours lately comitted to his charge , in her ballast , to the care of a pilot , upon her arrival ( as the custome is ) in the mouth of the river , and made out by good evidence , that discovering the ignorance of the said pilot , did all he coud to advise him , so that the miscarriage of the said ship can be no way imputed to him , but wholly to the un skill fulnesse or obstinacy of the said pilot. admitting which , it s our earnest request to your excellency , that the said shipwrack be not laid to the said john the master's charge , nor the wages remaining due to him stopt therefore , upon that score ; which is what he has left to subsist , comfort himselfe with , or take to in the end , having , by a precedent shipwrack , lost what he had a little before . westminster , march , anno . oliver , protector of the repbul . of england , &c. to the noble consuls and senators of the commonwealth of switzerland . s. p. d. most noble , magnificent gentlemen , we have been alwayes of opinion , that in industry , riches , and practise of arts and sciences , the fame of your citty might vie and stand in competition with any the noblest citty ▪ s whatever : now having chosen to take part with poland , rather then sweedland , in that warr , which has for ▪ a considerable time raged upon the frontiers of your country , it were truly to be wished , that the consideration of that religion which you professe , and of the antient comerce between you and the english , had inclined you to the choice of such resolutions , as shoud seeme to consist with the glory of god , and the dignity and splendor of your corporation . we therefore pray that the alliance established by the length of custome and now extant between the english nation and you , & my name , ( if it may add any thing , ) may induce you to set at liberty the noble and famous conismarek , the chiefest among the sweedish captains , a singular person in warlike discipline more especially , and who has been casually , and thro the treachery of his people , betrayed at sea and by the law of warr ( not yet gott to the height of bitternesse ) made prisonner : but if you shou'd chance to judge it inconsistent with the present posture of your affairs to free him that then you wou'd please to render his confinement more easy . whatever of these two you happen to resolve upon , you will resolve upon that which will be truly and principally consistent with the reputation of your corporation ; and consequently beget the esteem of all noble comanders & oblige us more especially in an extraordinary manner what ever you thinke it may avail you . from our court at westminster , anno dom. . your most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince and lord , the emperour , and great duke of all russia , lord of voladomar , muschow , novogrady , king of kazin , and astracan , syboria , lord of vobsco , great duke of novcgrod , and of the law countreys , chernigoy , rezanscoa , &c. lord of all the north seas , also lord of everscoa , cartaluisa , and many other places . s. p. d. the antiquity of the alliance , great and generally noted trafficq , together with the vast and antient comerce for along time observed betvveen this government and your people , but ( great emperour ) that 〈◊〉 vertue more especially , wherein you outdo your ancestors very much , with the opinion entertained thereof by all your neighbouring princes ; have been our principall inducement , to cherish that affection for your majesty , which vve do , and communicate thereto , what vve may judge not a little conduceing to the intrest of christian affaires , and suitably subservient to the glory of your name . previous whereto ; wee have deputed , under the character of our embassadour to your majeay , a very vvorthy gentlemen mr richard bradshaw , in whose fidelity , integrity , prudence , and experience , we have been sufficiently satisfied by his discharge of former embassys , and who comes fully capacitated , to make kowne the singular affection and observance we bear you ; and suitably impower'd to treat with your majesty concerning the affaires above mentioned be plased therefore to receive him curteously in our name , and order him , as he shall have occasion for it , 〈◊〉 access to your speech and ear , with proportionable credit to what he shall propose or transact and that in as full a 〈◊〉 as you woud unto us if personally present . wee wish that the almighty and great god may bless your majesty and kingdome of russia with all properity . from our court at westminster april an. dom. . your majesties most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince charles gustavus ▪ king of sweedland , gothe aud uandals , great prince of finland , duke of esthon , carelia , bremen , verd , stetin , pomerania , cassuby and vandall , &c. most serene and potent king , friend and dearest confederate william jepson kinght , and a member 〈◊〉 our parliament , vvho reckons it an honour to have the delivery hereof to your majesty , comes to let your majesty knovv , vvith vvhat trouble and griefe of mind 〈◊〉 vve surprised at our receipt of the 〈◊〉 of that fatall warr arisen between your majesty and the king of sweedland , and how much its become our study and care to advance as 〈◊〉 as god will enable us to go , towards the 〈◊〉 stopping of this growing mischiefe , and 〈◊〉 to beat back those calamitys which this warr must necessarily beget to the generall concerns of religion ; now more especially , at a time when our adversarys are visibly seen united in their most pernicious counsells , and consequently in their strength against us . these and many other considerations and reasons , of utmost moment to the publick advantage of both nations , have been our inducements to dispatch this very worthy gentleman under the character of our envoy extraordinary to your majesty , whom we pray you to 〈◊〉 kindly , and throly confide in , in referrence to such things as he shall comunicate in our name to your majesty ; as being a person whose fidelity & prudence we confide very much in ; praying withal that you woud not in the least suspect our singular affection and sincerity we bear your majesty . which our disposition of mind , and redynes to serve you upon all occasions , shall contain real demonstrations of . from our court at westminster , . your majestie 's most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. to this excellency the lord of bourdeaux , embassadour extraordinary from his most 〈◊〉 majesty the king of france , most excellent sr. samuel dawson , john campsey , and john nevin merchants of london , have preferred a petition to the most serene lord protector , setting forth , that they , upon their being informed of the conclusion of the treaty between this republick and france , freighted anno . a ship ( called by a name not answered by her luck ; viz. the speedwel , whereof john karr war master ) with 〈◊〉 comodities , to be thence transported to portugall ; where haveing unloaded , and taken in fresh freight consisting in wines , and other comodities , was , in her way back , set upon about the . of november in the said year , and seized by two men of warr belonging to brest , whose comanders were called , the one adrian vindmain swart , and the other james jonshon , who carried her to a place comonly called brivat ; where shee was condemn'd as lawfull prize , and exposed to publick sale , the goods taken from 'em being bona fide and really worth eleaven hundred pounds , besides the further damage of a thousand pound : that they pursued all lawfull meanes with the governour and magistrates of that place to recover'em : that all amounted to nothing hitherto : that they 〈◊〉 , pursuant to the customes of the admiralty court , sued out a publication , whereby they were to be sumond and cited to justice , who were concern'd in the capture of the said shipp , who 〈◊〉 to insist upon the legalty of their seizure . that this publication was duely & orderly published & delivered , & 〈◊〉 the publick ministers of the saide court , timelily 〈◊〉 to the french embassadour ; that when none appeared on the contrary side , it was desired that witnesses might be 〈◊〉 and examin'd concerning the matter under 〈◊〉 . which , as it was presented to the lord protector by the petitioners , and by him referred to the cognisance and opinion of the councill ; and whereas the affidavits of witnesses annexed to the petition make plain enough , that the petitioners were at liberty to trade with portugall ; and seeing none can be so blind but may see , that the after-seisure of goods bought and loaded there , is ( as we said before ) an act contrary to the reputation of the alliance : who canot but judge it a very 〈◊〉 demand to have the said shipp and goods restord , or full satisfaction made of the damage 〈◊〉 from this 〈◊〉 , in referrence as well to the expence 〈◊〉 in the prosecution at law , as the goods and shipp themselves ? let me therefore desire you in the name of the most serene protector , added to my own request to your excellency , that you woud endeavour all you can , ( and therein to employ the authority of your employment too ) towards the speedy effecting of either of the two . in regard you canot labour in a cause more equitable , nor that you can please me more in ; who , by how much the earlyer your excellency shall appear to have acquitted your 〈◊〉 in what you ought to do herein ; by so much the more that diligence shall appear , which i am always inclinable to observe in the allowance of the demands made upon me by my people . whitehall august an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince , the lord frederick williams , duke of brandenburgh , high chamberlain of the holy roman empire , and prince elector of magdeburgh , prussia , julia , clivia ▪ the mountains of stetin , pomerania , cassubyes , and vandalls ; as also in silesia , crosna and carnovia , duke burgrave , norinbergin , prince of halberstad and mind , earle of marca and ravensbergh , lord in ravestein , s. p. d. most serene prince , friend , and dearest confederate . whereas you 〈◊〉 singular vertue in peace & warr , haveing sounded all over the world with that renowne ( such is your greatnes and 〈◊〉 of courage that the ambition of your friendship is gaped at by the neighbouring princes about you , ) so as that none need to desire a friend and neighbour of more fidelity or constancy . wee have also ( to let you know of our being one of thsoe , who entertaine high and clear thoughts of you , and your exttaordinary obligations upon the christian republick ) 〈◊〉 you a very worthy gentleman william jepson knight , and one of our parliament men , who comes to salute 〈◊〉 in our name , bespeake and wish your affaires all happynesse , and finally to make knowne at large the love and great affection . vve bear your highnesse : praying that vvhatever proposalls he makes you , you listen thereto vvith as much attention and confidence , as you vvoud to our selves if personally present at the delivery thereof . from our court at westminster august dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most noble magistrates and senators of the city of hambrough . s. p. d. most noble , magnificent and worthy gentleman , dearest friends ▪ haveing directed a very worthy gentleman william jepson knt , and member of our parliament ( upon his going thrô 〈◊〉 citty , in his way to the most serene king of sweedland , whether we sent him on an embassy ) not to pass by , without saluteing you in our name ; and praying that if in ought he judged your authority and advice to be of any service to him , you woud deny him in neither : the freelyer you shew you selves wherein , the more sensible shall you be made of our disposition towards you . from 〈◊〉 court at 〈◊〉 august an. 〈◊〉 . . to the most noble magistrates of the citty of bremen . s. p. d. most noble , magnisicent and worthy gentlemen , dearest friends . you have heretofore , and shall as often as there is occasion for it , be made sensible , how you stood in our opinion , and affection , and that as well out of regard to your religion as the renowne of your citty . now ; whereas william jeps●…n kut , a member of our parliament , and a very worthy person , may in his way to the most serene king of sweedland ( whether he goes on an embassy ) pass thro ●…our citty , our present request to you amounts to no more then this , that upon his delivery of our salutes , which he is directed to hand to you , if in any thing he happens to need your help or ●…iendshipp , we have ordered him to propose our ●…ntrest with you as an inducement to your complying with him in any demand he shall make upon you wherein we no lesse rely upon your allowance of , then you ought to doe upon our love and singular affection towards you . from our court at westminster august an. dom. ●… . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most noble corporation of lubeck . most noble , magnificent , and worthy gentleman , dearest friends . william jepson knt , a very worthy person , and a member of our senat , proceeds under the character of our publick minister , to the most serene king of sweedland's court , held not farr distant from yours . do therefore pray that while his journey happens to continue within the limits either of your citty or jurisdiction , our alliance and comerce may be inducements to you to aid , if need be , and protect him . we moreover directed him to salute you in our name very kindly . and invite you to an assurance of our clear disposition of mind and 〈◊〉 towards you . from our court at westminster , august an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most noble magistrates and senators of the citty of hambrugh . s. p. d. most noble , magnificent , and worthy gentlemen , dearest friends . phillip meddow , who brings you this , takes your citty in his way to denmarke , ( whether wee have sent him as our embassadour to the most serene king of that c●…ntry . ) whom we earnestly recomend to your favour , if in any thin●… he may judge it needfull to make use of your authority or help . praying that our recomendation be of no less weight now , than it was always wont to draw with you ; who shall 〈◊〉 of nothing from us of an acknowledgment upon a like occasion . from our court at westminster august an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince frederick heir of norway , duke of slesvice , holsatia , flormaria , ditmarsia , count in oldenburgh and delmenhorst . wee have sent william jepson to the most serene king of denmarke , ( being a gentleman of a noble family , & member of our parliament , ) to treat with him as our embassader , about an affair that concernes the felicity and prosperity of the peace of christendome . and have , among other things , directed him to visit and salute ( in his way shither ) your in our name , and make mention of our former kindness and most constant affection . and desire that your authority may be employed to secure and 〈◊〉 his journey thrô your country . in which your highness will oblige us and ours in a more speciall manner to suitable returnes . from our court at whitehall august an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince ferdinando , great duke of toskany . most serene great duke , dearest friend . application has been made unto us by petition , in the names of severall merchants tradeing to the levant seas , setting forth , that one william ellis master of a certain shipp called the little l●…wis being by an otoman peere hired in the 〈◊〉 of alexandria , to carry rice , suggars with other comodities thence●… constantinople or smirna , there to be disposed of to his directions ; the said person withdrew from the 〈◊〉 fleet , and , contrary to his trust , 〈◊〉 the said 〈◊〉 to livorne : where he disposes of it as prized goods . which misbehaviour as it is of utmost 〈◊〉 example , of great infamy to the name of christians , and a passage that may expose the fortunes of such english merchants as live in the ottoman empire , to reprizall . wee desire that your highnese woud issue your comands for the apprehension and laying up of the said perfon , secureing ( in the mean time ) the said shipp and goods , till intimation be transm●…tted hence to the said ottoman prince of the care taken of the re●…titution of his said goods . promiseing that if your excellency shall happen to need the like from us , in any instance of this kind , we shall be as ready to answer it , as we are now to aske . from our court at westminster , an dom. . your highness's most affectionatly , oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince and lord , the lord frederick william , duke of brandeburgh , &c. most serene prince , friend , and dearest conf●…derate , our last to your highnesse by william jepson , who either already has , or soone may deliver'em , will shew you what errand we have sent him upon ; and how that we could not have done the same without doing you the justice of inserting som mentions of your vertues , and the affection we bear you . but to prevent any mans thinking , that our notice of these great obligations of yours conferr'd upon the protestant interest , and celebrated as such in the report of all men , is the slight effect of ordinary custome ; we must ●…ay hold upon the same argument now , where , tho we cannot be more sincere , yet a little more large we have thought fit to be then we have been , in our expressions towards your serenity . and not without cause truly , considering that we are dayly told , that notvvithstanding all the attempts , that are made upon you by the supple address of trick and artifices , yet your constancy and loyalty is found to give no way , nor be perswaded to part from the friendship of a most couragious king and confeder●…t ; and that at a time , when the condition of sweedland is such , as that it is manifest , that your regard to the welfare of the protestant religion in general , is the onely inducement that keepes you to their society , and no privat end of your owne : as also when hem'd in , and , as it were , besieged by private as well as publick enemy , peeping from every corner : to continue neverthelesse that steddynesse and comanding-vertue , as that the judgment of the whole matter & the issue of this very great warr seeme to acquiesce in whatever your shall determine . wherefore your highnesse has no re●…son to question , but promise it sel●…e any thing that may be expected from our friendshipp ; who woud arraign our selfe of all delinquency , if we did seeme to entertaine cheaper thoug 〈◊〉 of your fidelity , constancy , and other merits , or seeme less in our acknowledgments to your particular government upon the comon account o●… religion . as to the delay met with by john frederick 〈◊〉 your councellour and embassadour here , and our respitting hitherto that reply which , according to our inclinations , we ought to have made to his proposalls , we pray that our highnesse woud impute the same to the condition 〈◊〉 our affaires , and not the said person , whose industry and diligence act and contend for it ; and rest assured , that we looke upon nothing more dear or desireable , then to be serviceable and assisting to your affaires so inseperable from the intrest of the protestant religion . wee , in the mean time , pray in our prayers to to the most great and omnipotent god , that your apparent vertue and courage may never saile , fall under oppression , or misse of its due reward and praise . from onr court at westminster september an. dom. . your highnes's most affectionately oliver , protector of england , &c. to the most excellent lord , monsieur de bourdeux , embassadour extraordinary from his most serene majesty the king of france . most excellent sir , the most serene lord protector has had a demand , made upon him by luke lucius ' merchant of london , concerning a ship of his , called the maria , which , in her way between ireland and bajone , ( being by distress of weather forced into a place called the bay of divi johannis de luce , ) was there retain'd and arrested in the name of one martine de lawson ; nor to be discharged , till satisfied by his merchant correspondents , and the propriety of the said ship and goods decided by a law-suit to be comenced between them and the said martin . the said martin pretending to a considerable debt due from the parliament of england upon the account of some goods of his , which were laid hold o●… , pursuant to the authority of parliament anno . but whereas it is manifest that the said martin had nothing to doe with the propriety of the said goods , but sollicited the right of two persons richald and triat , against one anthony fernand , and the said anthony and martine at variance among themselves , the parliament directed that the said merchandises should be laid up , till the law did determine who of the two had most right to 'em ; the said anthony , being always ready to goe to law ; whereas ; nor martin , nor any for ●…im has hitherto appeared in court , as may appear throly in the former proceedings annexed to the humble address of the petitioner ; it is a point of very great injustice t●…at the person who denyes to try his pretended title with anthony his collegue , concerning other mens goods here , shoud be able to force our people and the true owners too , to the trouble of proveing their right to their owne goods there : the most serene lord protector is of opinion , that to be of the same judgment i●… a thing consistent with your equity and prudence too , by whom i have it in comand to recomend this case of luke lucius the petitioner to your excellency in an extraordinar namer : that martin , who neglects to prosecute the right of another here , be not sufferrd in that restraint to lay hold upon other mens goods ●…here . westminster october an. dom. . your excellencys most affectionatly oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene duke and state of venice . most serene duke , and senat , dearest friends , wee have such frequent tideings da●…ly brought us of your happy successe against the infidels , that nothing happens to be oftener the subject of our pen , then to congratulate with you concerning some signall victory or other . wee wish , that this very last one may prove comfortable and of advantage to your republicke , & which is of utmost glory , a deliverer of all the christians laboureing under the slavery of the turke ; more particularly of thomas galile , formerly master of a shipp called the reliefe , whom albeit this is not the first time of our recomending to your government , yet we do it with so much the more freedome now , by how much we consider the length of his captivity , being now the fifth year : when you comanded him and shipp into the service of your rebublick , he did , in an engagement with many gally's belonging to the enemy , depresse some , and comitted a great massacre among others ; he was at length ( the good man ) taken , his ship burnt , after the good service he did the venetians , and lives now in the fifth year of his captivity under the slavery of barbary : he has nothing left to pay his ransom ; for whatever there was either in goods , shipp , or sallary , he says it remains yet due from your government . but , that meanes may not be wanting for his redemption ; ( ●…et the enemy say they i part with him upon no other termes , then in exchange of one of theirs of an equivalent price . ) we earnestly desire your's , and the serenity of the senat , jointly , ( as doth the most miserable antient man his father , pregnant with griefe aud yeares , which have truly engaged us in his behalfe ) that you wound , as soone as may be , out of the multitude of turkish prisoners , which so many prosperous battells must have furnished you with , pick out some person which they may accept of , in exchange of one , who has fought so well for you , and is the onely son of the most afflicted old man as well as our subject . and thereupon see that , whatever appeares due unto him from your government upon the account of wages or otherwise , be forth with paid unto either his father , or atturney . our former interposition , or rather your owne justice has induced you , upon a former inspection made into this matter , and examination of accounts , to order the imediat 〈◊〉 of what was his due : but no payment has pursued that direction , the intervention of other urgent considerations haveing possibly prevented it . now the poor man's health can bear with no further delay . you must , if you desire he may live , endeavour to discharge him forthwith out of the filthy sestraint of imprisonment . we are confident that your own most naturall inclination will ( without any importunity of ours ) prompt you to his speedy enlargement : considering that , in justice , moderation , and prudence , you are no less considerable and flourishiug , then in glory and warlike tryumphs . and that you may long continue therein in prejudice of your most iminent enemy , is the content of our supplications to the omnipotent greatest god. from our court at westminster october an. dom. . your highnsse's most affectionally oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the high and mighty states of holland . s. p. d. high and mighty states , friends , and dearest consederates , willam newport , that very worthy person , who for some yeares past , attended here as your embassadour extraordinary , brings you this upon his returne home : but goes with your permission onely , leaveing us , in the mean time , under hopes of his returne hither quickly again . his conversation , while here , has been accompanyed wi●…h so much faithfulnes , vigilance , prudence and justice , as that we woud not , nor can expectmore vertue & integrity ( in all respects ) from an embassadour , and a very good man , so addicted was he to the study and practice of manteining a fair understanding , ( void of all deceit and fraude ) between us , as that dureing his continuance among us under that character , we cou'd not see any thing of offence or jealousy that cou'd arise or spring up among us : and truly we wou'd have been much more troubled at his departure ( as things seem now to stand ) were we not very assur'd , that none being better , or that with more faithfulness can represent the general state of our affaires , or the sincerity of the love and affection , we bear your excellency , will force his returne hither a gain . wherefore wee pray that you wou'd please to receive him both as a person , who in all circumstances , has done both our governments extraordinary good service : and dismissed him , ( tho as ) such almost against our will , accompanyed with the most genuin ' testimony of our thought of him . god prosper your affaires , in subserviency to his owne glory , the defence of the true protestant religion , and perseverance of friendshipp . from our court at westminster , nomember , anno dom. . your highnesses most affectionatly , oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords , the states generall of the united provinces . high and mighty lords ; friends , and dearest confederates , wee have ( in consideration of the long and clear experience had of his fidelity in several affaires , uprightness , and knowledge ) sent you george downing , gentleman , under the character of our envoy , and furnished him with ample directions accordingly . we therefore pray that you wou'd , according to your wont , receive him kindly , and give credit to what he shall say ; as often as he shall signify his haveing ougt to be ( in our name ) comunicated to your excellency ; and likewise comit to him with as little distrust , as if it were to ourselves , whatever you wou'd have imparted unto us . what we have to add , is fervently to wish you all prosperity , in subserviency to t●… glory of god , and the keeping up of the church . from our court at westminster , december . yours highnesse's most affectionatly oliver , protector of england , &c. to the states of holland . wher●…as such is the correspondence between this republick and yours , and such is the mutuall trasficq , that unless an envoy or agent be sent hither thence , or hence thither , matters of that great importance to t●…e advantage of both nations , canot be so conveniently carryed on . we have , in pursuance of comon custome , determin'd upon the sending you under that character , george downing gentleman , a person whom , in the discharge of many and various former trusts , we found of great faithfullnesse integrity and knowledge ; to continue there in our name , and spend his time in such offices , as may seem most conduceing to the inviolable preservation and continuance of our alliance . haveing comunicated these things in writeing to the high and mighty states , we have thought it requisit to do the like to you also , ( who in your province bear so great a part of the government , and are so considerable a limb of the states of holland ) to the end you might receive our envoy with all convenient decency . and assure yourselves that what ever he treates with the states generall about , or conclude we shall stand thereto as imoveable and steddy , as if we our selves were personally present there at . god direct all your councils and actions to his owne glory , and the repose of the church . westminster , &c. deeember , . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince ferdinando , great duke of toskany . most serene great duke , much to be honoured friend . your highness ▪ s letter of the . of november from florence , has added considerably to our delight , in that the contents thereof shew much of your affection towards us , and that in a nature so extraordinary , as to 〈◊〉 the true image o●… a sincere mind : your excellency writes of it●… haveing , with all imaginable care ( we understand ) performed our request , which sollicited , that you woud ●…ssue forth your comands for the appre●…ending of wiliam ellis master of the ship called the little lewis ( who very dirtily broake his word to the turcks ) and stopping in port the said shipp and goods , till the turcks had restitution made them , to prev●…nt any disgrace that might ari●…e from such theft to the reputation of christianity . wee therefore both thanke you for this kindnesse , and withall desire this ; that in regard thè merchants undertooke to satisfy the turkes , you forthwith discharge the said master , shipp , and goods ; least we shoud seem to take more care of the concernes of infidels , then those of our owne people . your highness es affection has been ( in the mean time ) so apparent , so 〈◊〉 , and so acceptable unto us , that to deferr our wishes of being supplyed with an occasion of makeing you suitable returnes , were to own the stain of being reputed ungratefull persons ▪ and whereby we might also demonstrate our dispofition of mind in the ready returne of our effectuall acknowledgments . from our court at westminster december an. dom. . your highness's most affectionately oliver , protector of the republick of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , charles gustavus king of sweedland , &c. most serene , &c. your majesties letter of the . of february from your court at selandia , came pregnant with matter enough to fill us with satis●…action of no small degree , in reference as well to our own private , as the concerne of the intire welfare of christendome : first that the king of denmarck , ( to gratify i believe no private inclination or end of his owne , but driven into hostility , rather by the artifice of the comon enemy ) shoud be , upon your entry into the bowles of his countr●… , suddainly so reduced , and that without much blood , ( that as the case stood ) he judged his takeing up of armes against you , might be ameanes of his atteining at length to a more advantagious peace : next concluding that the onely means of accomplishing such a peace , was to make use of our interposition if he coud obteine it ; that your majesty , prevailed upon at the single ●…nstance of our envoy in his letter , shoud , in so easy a condescention , shew what value it had for the interposition of our friendshipp and intrest : and to have been pleased to lodge my endeavour in the front of so pious aworke ; so as to become the main instrument and author my sel●…e of a peace so promiseing as this ( i hope ) may be to the protestant intrest . for whereas the enemys of religion dispaired of disuniteing yours , by any other meanes then that of setting you by the eares among your selves , they must now certainly have reason to apprehend ▪ that this suddain conjunction of your forces , and of your minds ( we hope ) may turne to the destruction of the kindlers of this warr ; go on in the mean time , ( most valiant king ) in prosperity , and see that the enemys of the church smart now ( thro gods help ) under the weight of that felicity , which they lately admired in your exploits and stream of victories , against a king now your friend . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince ferdinando , great duke of toskany . most serene prince . our answer to your envoy here , may , we suppose , prove of satisfaction to your highnes , concerning the comander in chiefe of our fleet lately arrived in your roade . wee have been in the mean time ) petitioned unto by john hosier a londoner , and master of a certain vessell called the mistriss , wherein he says , that , haveing in the month of aprill comited by charter party his shipp to one joseph harman an italian . and finding that the said italian apparently broake the termes of the said charter party , was forc't , ( to prevent the losse of ship , goods and adventure , to call him to justice at livorn●… , haveing previous thereto published , ( according to the custome of merchants in like cases ) and recorded the cheat. but that he , to back one fraud by another , seized ( by a feign'd attach'ment ) upon six thousand pieces of eight of one mr thomas c●…atterbuck money in the name of the petitioner , having ( to promote the design ) drawen in , two other litigious fellowes : that he , after the expence of much money and time , 〈◊〉 not attain to justice at livorne ; nor indeed dared to appear at that court , for 〈◊〉 of the threatenings and snares ●…aid for him by his adversaryes . wee therefore pray your highness to be pleased to lend your help to this petitioner thus oppressed , and , according to your wonted custome , checque the artifice of his adver●…aries : for it totally defeates the d●…signe of such lawes as the authority of princes confines corporations unto , if what violence and injury , for want of the force of a law , canot doe , terror and threatenings must supply the place of , to keepe the lawes from being appealed unto . yet we do not doubt but that your highnesse whom the almighty and most high god blesse with peace & prosperity , will order timely reproof to be awarded these methods of presumption . dated at westminster . april , anno dom. . to the most serene and potent prince levis , king of france . most serene and potent king , friend , and a●…gust confederate , your majesty may call to mind , that when we treated about renew●…ning of the league , ( the fortunately laid fundation of which has proved the spring , whence arose so many advantages to both parties concern ▪ d , as well as expose the comon enemy to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that miserable massacre befell at piedmont ; whose cause ( 〈◊〉 and afflicted on all hands ) we did , with great 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of mind , recomend to your pity and reliefe . nor do we thinke that your majesty has , as far as concernes your own particular , been wanting to a worke of that piety ; yea so human , as not to have employed the extent of what you ought to have of favour or intrest , with the duke of savoy . our interposition by embassyes , letters , and prayers has , in imitation of other many princes and corporations , not been wanting . after the execution of a most bloody massacre upon both sexes of all ages , a peace is at length given , or rather a secret kind of hostility , wrapt up and laid under the vizard of a seeming peace : the conditions of this peace are brought to your towne of 〈◊〉 , yea those hard ones , but such , as those wretched and needy people ( tired out with all imaginable hardship and cruelty ) wou'd gladly have condescended unto , as hard and unjust as they were , provided they were stood unto ; 〈◊〉 the faith of every single one of 'em is eluded and violated , under false constructions & quibleing equivocations ; many being thrown out of their 〈◊〉 habitations ; prohibited the exercise of the religion of their forefathers ; new taxes exacted ; new yokes clapt to their necks ; to that degree , that such as happen to fall in the way of the soldiers , ( who often ●…ally out upon 'em ) are either robb'd or murther'd . to which , add the new levyes lately and secretly raised against 'em ; and such of 'em as are roman catholicques comanded to stepp out of the way within a certain time limitted ; so that all things seem now a fresh to threaten the ruine and destruction of those few , which the last massacre left undispacht . which i beseech and pray , tha●… by that right hand of yours ( most christian king ) which has confirmed the league and alliance with us , by the most holy reputation of that most christian title , you will not suffer to be carryed on , nor give countenanceto ( i do not mean any prince for no prince , much lesse one of his tender yeares and motherly spirit , can entertain so much ▪ tyrany , but those most sanctified murtherers ) to the promotions of so much li●…entious tyrany ; the persons concern'd , 〈◊〉 they pretend to act as servants and pursuers of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our saviour christ , who came into the mansion of flesh to becom a sacrifice for the sins of mankind ▪ ) a buseing his most meeke name and lawes in the cruel murther of the 〈◊〉 . releive , ( you that can , and who , in such a case , are worthy of the power ) so many humble petitioners of yours out of the 〈◊〉 of men - bu●…chers , who lately drunk with blood , woud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thirst with the same liquor ; and who judge it very aduiseable to charge the effect of their cruelty , to the account of princes . but do not you 〈◊〉 your titles , or the hem's of your kingdome ▪ nor the most 〈◊〉 gospell of christ to be ( while you reigne ▪ ) 〈◊〉 with that envy or cruelty . remember , that these very people , in the time of your 〈◊〉 king he●…ry , a great friend of the protesta●…ts , 〈◊〉 a submissive people ; and promoters of the entrance of digvierius , when he , thro the most accessible places o●… italy , victoriously invaded the yeeldieg people of savoy , over the alpes ▪ the instrument containing that submission remains yet extant among the record●… of your kingdome ; wherein it is , among other things , excepted and provided for , that the protestants about the 〈◊〉 shou'd not ●…e yeelded to any , except it were under the tea●…mes which your most invincible father received em upon , into his allegeance . this they now lay claime to ▪ they humbly require a grandfather from you his nephew : they woud wish that , if by any exchange it might be done , they might be come yours , rather then remain his , whose subject●… they now are . which if it canot be ; you may lawfully become a harbour ( at least ) comfort , & refuge unto ' em . there are some intreagues of state , which may render it adviseable for you , not to reject the revolt of the protestants of piedmont to you ; but i woud not , considering the greatness of such a king as you are , propose any other inducement to invite you to the defense of the calamitous , different from the engagements of your predecesser's piety , royall benignity , & greatnesse of spirit : so that the praise and glory of a most noble deed will be uncomunicably and intirely your ovvn , and you your selfe find , that the father of mercy , and his son christ , king , whose name and doctrine you will thereby vindicate from all wicked cruelty , will so much the more favour and prosper the remaining part of all your life time . the omnipotent most great god inspire your majesty with this inclination , for the service of his owne glory , the salvation of so many most inocent christians now at stake , and your own reputation . dated at westminster may . to the evangelicall cantons of switzerland . wee have judge it an unnecessary worke , to write you about matters , which ( you your selves knowing better byfarr then we ) we abhor in our soules to remember ▪ & that out of detestation to the barbarity of the things themselves , imposed upon your most afflicted neighbours the protestants of savoy ▪ and the intollerable persecutions which their own prince has exposed 'em to , upon the account of their religion . wee have also seen a copy of the letter , which your embassadours , sollicitours and other persons present at the late peace at pinaroll , writ to the duke of savoy ; and the praesident of his — councill , wherein they shew , & evince , that all the conditions of peace ( broke , as soon as made ) tended ratherto amus & impose upon the poore people , then provide in any sense for their security . the violation of which , following upon the veryheeles of the grant of the peace , is to this day continued , & their su●…ferings likely to grow worse . if they do not submit patiently , if they do not prostrate & cast themselves downright , to be kicked , & have the dirt strained thrô their bodies , & forsake their religion the same calamity still hang's over their heads , the same massacre , which has raced & afflicted them , their wives & children most lamentably , but three yeares a goe , is still in view & which if they undergo again , will destroy 'em stock and branch . what will you have the wretches doe ? on whose behalfe no prayers can prevaile , no ease can be had , no refuge yet open for ; they have to do with wild beasts and furyes , whom the memory of former slaughters canot call to the grace of repentance , nor pitty towards their countrymen , quench their thirst of shedding inocent blood . these things are not , in plain termes , to be boarn vvith , if we either bear any love to the safety of our brethren , so an●…ient adherers to the orthodox religion , or if we tender the safety of religion it selfe . wee have , albeit at this great distance , already done it , & shall not forbear our cordiall supplying , of what we can , either of help or subsistence towards their reliefe . you that are , not onely within call of the groanes & clamours of your brethren , but also stand in the mouth of their enemyes fury , looke about you , in the name of the imortal god , and see timelily what you ought to do on your part , advise with your owne prudence , piety and courage , and consider what you can , or ought to contribut of help or protection towards the support of your perishing neighbours and brethren . you may certainly assure your selves that the very same enemy woud , for the very same reason , ( being religion ) rejoyce at your destruction too ; yea consume your confederates in the flames of an 〈◊〉 warr the very same time of the a●…oresaid year . the power , next to god , seemes to remain in your hand , of preventing the ultimat decay of the reformed religion , in the ashes of that remaining scantleing of antient fidelity ▪ vvhom if you novv neglect in the height of their distresse , take care that the next turne prove not your ovvne , & that in little time . while vve are employing our selves in the promoteing of these persvvasions , as brethren and plaine dealers , they languish : what vve can do at this great distance tovvards the purchase of the safety of the afflicted , as vvell as easeing the vvant of the needy ; vve have , and shall do all vve can . god provide us both that tranquility and peace at home , and put our affaires in such a conditiou of settlement , as that vve may employ all our povver and strength and affection for the d●…fence of his church against the fury and rage of the enemy . dated at westminster may an. dom. . to his eminency cardinall mazarine greeting . most eminent sir. the inclosed to his royall majesty , as well as the other to your eminency , are the effects of the intollerable calamityes and most cruel massacre lately exercised by the duke of savoy upon such of his subjects , as professe the protestant religion , and albeit i canot judge so uncharitably , as not to believe , that to a most glorious king such barbarous proceedings , of destroying the inocency and helpesnesse of people , must imply much displeasure and offence , yet i am of opinion that what i move about , on behalfe of their condition ( which is miserable ) may not misse of your furtherance & favour towards the procureing of its end ; ●…t being a very plain thing that nothing can goe further towards the establishing a good opinion of france in the harts of her protestant neighbours abroad , then to assert , the grant of the liberty and priviledges settled upon 'em by the publick acts of former times . and truly this was ( among other considerations ) a maine one , to induce this republicke to engage in an alliance and league with france ▪ previous to the establishment of which his majesties embassadour has sollicitted here for a considerable time , and things seem now to draw towards a conclusion . the singular sincerity & moderation , which in the conduct of the considerable concernes of the kingdome , you have testified to the protestants of france , doth truly induce me to hope for , and rely upon this ; and from which , a bottome will be also laid by your excellency ●…or the raiseing an alliance upon of stricter friendshipp between england and france , and oblige me in particular to the makeing all imaginable returnes of friendshipp and kindnes : and woud have your excellency think soe . your eminency's most affectionately oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene and potent king , friend , and august confederat . albeit the affability of his society coud scarce suffer me to give way to the departure of thomas vicount falkonbridge my son in law , who , bent upon a present visit into france , desired to beenabled to testify the duty and reuerence he beares your majesty , by haveing a view of , and kissing your royall hand ; yet i did not thinke fit to baulke or withstand his said purpose , or decline his request : when i canot doubt but that upon his returne after little time from the court of so great a king , where the conversation of so many very prudent and valiant men is to be had , he may come back better instructed , and as it were , perfected in all manner of good accomplishments , and albeit he is , if i mistake not , one who carries his owne recomendation wherever he goes , yet if he finds himselfe the more so , upon my account , i shall reckon the favour done my selfe . god preserve your majestys safety , and long continue our friendshipp steddy for the comon good of all europe . dated at our court at westminster may an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to his eminency cardinall mazarine . most eminent lord. haveing recomended thomas vicount falconbridge my son in law ▪ now bound for france , to the most serene king , i coud not decline ●…omunicateing the knowledge thereof , with a repetition of the like trouble to your excellency , as being unignorant of the weight and moment the same may be of to the former one . the benefit which he proposes to himselfe from his stay among you ( and he hopes this may be no small one ) he canot but own the most part of to your favour and kindnesse ; whose judgment and vigilance alone beare so great a share in the goverment of that kingdome . what ever kindness your eminency will please to shew him , reckon it to my account ; who shall add it to the ma●… other instanc●…s of friendshipp which you have been curteously and amicably concern'd in upon my account . dated at westminster may an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to his eminency cardinall mazarine ▪ most eminent lord. haveing sent a very worthy gentleman thomas bellasis vicount faulcounbridge my son in law , to compliment the most serene king upon his arrivall at dunkirke ; i comanded him to attend upon , and salute your eminency in my name , and thanke you , as the person to whose fidelity , prudence , and vigilance alone , the affaires 〈◊〉 france in divers places , and in the neighbour hood of flanders , more especially ovv their prosperity against the 〈◊〉 enemy the spaniard ; whom i hope , open & prepared force may soon bring to a reckoning for his fraudulent & underhand dealings ▪ wherein consisted much of his defence : towards the speedy promotion of which , our prayer and pikes shall not , as farr a●… we are able , be wanting . dated at court at westminster an dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c ▪ to the most serene aud potent prince lewis king of france . most serene and potent king , friend , and august confederate . as soone ever as i had an account of your majestys comeing into the field , and with such a force , to lay a siege to dunkirke , that infamous recess for theeves ; i grew much affected thereat , and began to entertain sure apprehensions that little time might , with gods assistance , render the sea more navigable and less inflected with rovers , th●…n it has hitherto been ; that your majesty woud bring the fraudulent spaniards to an account for hesden and ostend ( being both the purchase of corruption and bribery ) by w●…ning that with your sword , which was iost thrô the treachery of ill servants . i therefore send thomas vicount falkonbridge my son in law , and a very worthy person , to bidd you , and the approach of your camp so neeer , welcome ; and to let you know personally , how ready are , not onely our wis●…es , but also our united strength , to testify the affection we bear to t●…e good successe of your conq●…ests , and our supplications to the almighty great god for your safety , and the long continuance thereof , for the comon good of christendom and the friendshipp wherein we are now engaged . dated at westminster may an. dom. . to the most serene prince ferdinando , great duke os toskany . most serene great duke . the purport of all your highness s former letters haveing invited us into a dependance upon the sincerity of the disposition you bo●…r us , wee are troubled to find that the same has been so obscurely signified unto ●…our governours and publicke ministers , or soe ill understood , as that in the port of livorne ( where your good inclinations towards us ought most to be knowne ) we canot receive the benefit or eflect thereof ; but the contrary rather ; from the tryalls which we are forced to contend dayly vvith , of animosities and strangness . wee seem to have more then knovvne the unfriendlynesse , vvith vvhich those of livo●…ne lately treated our fleet , how little help or supply it cou'd receive , and fin●…lly with what hostility entertained , and how it was forc't ●…o quit that port , ( as the testimony of several credible wiltnesses belonging to that place makes appear , as well as that of the comander in chiefe of the fleet , whom as we have intrusted therewith , we canot den●… beliefe unto in this point ) upon his first arrival & the delivery of our letters to your highnessse about the calends of 〈◊〉 , your promises of all friendship and good offices passed to our men , were very large . when , praying the liberty of makeing use of the conveniency of port ferara , the following reply was given ; that the same cou'd not be granted least the king of spaine ( our enemy ) shoud be offended at it forsooth . and yet what is it that a friendly prince is more usual in the grant of to his neighbours , then the liberty of his port and shore ? what is it that we can propose of advantage from such a friendship , which , rather then offend our enemys shall be found ready er to incomode , then act the contrary , or supply , us in the least of our necessities ? and more particularly , that out of every of our ships , there were not above two or three suffer'd to goe a shore and that conditionally too , videlicet praticque ; that as soone ever as the towne understood and had notice of our haveing intercepted a dutch vessel design'd for sapine with a supply of corne , there was present admittance . mr longland , president to our factory there , was denyed the liberty of going a board our fleet : fresh water , which is a comodity free for the use of all nations , that are not dovvne right enemys , vve cou'd not obtaine , but at an ext●…aordinary price , and that under the difficulty of a guard too : so many of our merchants , vvhose residence there is of no small advantage to your country , are forbid to visit or help their countrymen vvith any thing : upon the approach of our fleet about the latter end of march last , none were suffer'd to go a shore : five days a●…ter ; vvhen by chance one of our men of vvarr ●…ell fo vvl of a little inconsiderable boat belonging to the states of venice , and tooke her ▪ your city tooke it in such a dudgeon i warrant you as to have accosted us vvith tvvo hundred guns , or thereabouts , tho vvithout damage , vvhat ever they intended . which argues how farr into the sea from the reach of your castle and the privilege of your port these things were comitted which you woud causlely pretend to be an incroachment upon the priviledge of 〈◊〉 port . for presently our waterboates ( then a shore ) vvere set upon before your doores , one taken & detained , and vvhen demanded that vvithout restitution of the said naple's boot , notwitstanding the justifiableness of her capture , considering vvhere it happen'd ; nor men 〈◊〉 boate were to be parted with , so that our people were 〈◊〉 at last , to rest contended under their losses , and pack away without carrying along what they so dearly paid for . if all these things were , ( as we hope they were ) committed without the consent or comand of your highnesse , we desire that you shew it in the punishment of that governour , who made so slight a matter of 〈◊〉 ●…is masters 〈◊〉 . but if otherwise , and that you were privy to it , thinke that as we alwayes valued your friendship at an extraordinary rate , so we have learn'd the lesson of distinguishing between kindnesses , and open injuries . iam. &c. dated at our court at westminster , may , an. dom. ●… . your friend as far as i may , oliver , protector of england , &c. oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , l●…vis king of france . most serene and potent king , friend , and august confederate , the double amends made me by the quickness by your majesty 's so illustrious an embassy , as it has testified your singular goodness and grandeur of mind , so it has laid open not onely to me , but all england also , the height of the regard you bear to my honour and dignity : for which i do , in theirs and my ovvne name ( render a●… i ought , ) you very great thanks . i wish you joy of that signall victory , which god and our aid has blessed you with over your enemy , and looke upon it as a thing of utmost acceptance to us , to find that our people have not , in that battle , been wanting to your help , the warlike glory of their ancessors , nor their owne former valour . as to dunkirk and the hopes your write to be under , of haveing it soone surrendered ; it adds to my content to be able to take notice in writeing so soone of its capture : hopeing vvithall that the double fraud of the spaniard may be punished beyond the loss of a single citty ; that the takeing of another citty may furnish your majesty with an occasion of being as quick in your reply hereto concerning the takeing of another . as to what you add of your intentions towards my concernes , that is a thing i no was distrust , as haveing the word of so good a king confirmed by so worthy a noble ma●… as captain crequi's your envoy for it ; and do wish that the almighty high god may endow your majesty , and the affaires of france with prosperity both at home and abroad . dated at westminster jun. an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to his eminency cardinall mazarine . most eminent sir. in the comunication of my acnowledgments to the most serene king by letter , ( who , to give me the honour of a salute , and an account of his late most noble victory d●…spatcht hither a most splendid embassy ) i shoud own the guilt of ingratitude , if i failed in 〈◊〉 your eminency mutuall payment of my acknowledgment in the same met●…od , who ▪ to testify your good disposition towards me , and st●…dy of doing me all the honour lying within your power , have sent your nephew , a ve●…y worthy exquisit gentleman , adding that if you had a neerer relation , or whom you esteem'd more , you would not fail of ●…aveing sent him to choose . to which consideration adding also , that the comei●…g under the approveal of the judgment of so 〈◊〉 a man , is a thing which i deeme for no small honour , or ornament unto me ; namely that the nearest of your relations , shoud , in the payment of their resp●…cts and kindnes to me , follow the patterne of your excellency : they may ( its probable ) looke upon this example of your worthynes , candor and friendshipp in loveing of me , as none o the least ; others they may find in you , which for great vertue and prudence , are farr fitter to be imitated , as leading to the knowledge o●… governing and managei●…g the reins of state affaires . your eminencie's long and happy conduct of which , the comon good of the kingdome of france , the intire christian republick , and your owne reputation , are instances vvhich vve vvish all happyness unto . from our court of westminster june an. dom. ●… . your eminency's most affectionately . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince charles gustavus king of sweedland , &c. most ssrene and potent king , friend and dearest confed●…rate ▪ as often as the councels and various artifices of the comon enemy of religion come under our deliberation , soe often do vvee enter into a consultation vvith our selves , and calculate hovv necessary and hovv conduceing to the future vvelfare of the chri●…ian vvorld it vvoud be , if the protestant princes did among themselves , and more especially your majesty and this republick , engage in a very strict alliance , in order to the easy disappointing of the projects of the adversary . the subject of our conversation vvith your embassadours , ever since first they came hither to treat about this busynesse , has evidenc'd unto'em , hovv ear●…estly and painfully have our vvishes been , and withall hovv much it vvoud have ansvverd our aime , if ours , and the concernes of sweedland were putt into such a condition and posture , as that the said alliance might be settled under such an establishment , as might answer both partys expecta tions equally , and enable'em to be in a capacity of supplying each other with timely help upon any emergent occasion . nor were they wanting on their parts , who exercised that prudence and dilligence in this , which they usually observed in all the rest of their sollicitations . but we have been soe taken up in looking a●…ter the treachery of some insolent people at home , ( who tho often forgiven , yet imbark upon new attempts and desist not in conjunction of rebells ( and those spaniards too ) to venture upon resolutions wherein they were often shaken & defeated ) that , employed in removeing of domestick dangers , we coud not hitherto apply that care ( which vve wished we might ) or intire help to the comon defence of religion . yet what we coud have done , we have ( as farr as we were able ) carefully perform'd before , and if vve are apprehended capable of conduceing ought , that may be thought of future service to your majesties affaires , vve shall be not onely vvilling , but also ready to joyne vvith you to the utmost , upon any occasion in the promotion of it . wee do ( in the mean time ) congratulate , and from our hearts vvish you joy in your most prudently and resolutely managed enterprizes : and continue our constant prayers to god , that he vvoud be pleased to enable your course of felicity and victory to be permanent to the service of his glory . dated at our court at westminster june an. dom. . oliver , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince , the king of portugal . most serene king , friend , and confederate , john buffield of london , marchant complains of his haveing deliver'd in the year . certain comodities to antony jones & manuel ferdinand ●…astaneo of tamarin , to be by them disposed of by sale , and to be , accordi●…g to the custome among 〈◊〉 , accounted for with him : that fallin●… , in his way to england , into the hands of pirats , and sufficiently damaged ; the said anthony and manuel , upon an account had thereof , and beleeveing that he was dead , looked upon the said goods as their owne , and accordingly retaine 'em hitherto , denying to come to any account for 'em ; and subsequent to this fraud , exposed the said english goods to open sale ; the better to paliate their designe : of his being himselfe forc't at length to repair in the depth of last winter to portugal to challenge his owne ; but in vaine ; for that he cou'd not prevaile with these persons to returne him either goods , or money ; but found them ( which is to be wondered at ) justifying the private possession of these goods , with the pretence of their being the result of a publick sale : being a stranger , and haveing to do with a people in their owne c●…untry ( which is worse ) he appealed to your majesty , and humbly petitiond for his judgement ; who is appointed to the decision of differences relating to the english ; but was sent back again by your majesty to that court , that had rejected him . which albeit it is in it selfe an act full of iujustice , yet in regard it is apparent that these tamiran merchants have incroached upon the reputation of that publick edict of yours , in perverting its intent to serve their owne fraudulent ends : it is our earnest request to your majesty , that the cause of these persons , whose afflictions are manifold thro the poverty which they are reduced unto , be wholly referr'd , ( as the effect of your clemency ) to the determination of the proper judge : whereby , the unfortuna●…e may rescue the remainder of theirfortunes out of the hands of such a perfidious society , which ( the thing , being apparent and clear ) we doubt not of your majesties concurring with us in . dated at our court at westminster , august a. d. . to the most serene prince leopald , arch - duke of austria , praesident to philip , king of spaine ▪ now in flanders . most serene sir , charles harbert , knt ; petitioned unto us ; that haveing directed the transportation of some certain goods and other houshold stuff out of holland into bruges , within your jurisdiction , to prevent their being taken from him by forme of injustice , is unexpectedly fallen into the hasard of looseing the same ; videlicet by the means of the earle o●… suffolcke , for whom the p●…titioner being engaged for the payment of considerable sumes of money , and haveing in the year . sent out of england the said goods as a security to the petitione●… , to answer any de●…and , which might be made upon him , upon the account of the said obligation : richard greenwill , one of the order of knihthood also , broke in into the place , where they were laid up , seized and keepes'em , in violation of the termes under which they came into the 〈◊〉 possession : under this pretence of right onely , that there remain'd due ●…o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 know not what from theophilus ●…arle of suffolcke deceased , by vertue of a decree of our court of chancry , and th●…t those goods , as bein●… the said e●…rles , were subject to the said decree , and therefore ar●…ested them : whereas according to our lawes , the said earle , who now is , and whose goods these are , nor is obliged b●… that decree , nor oug●…t ●…is goods to be liable to seisure or restraint upon it's score ; as appeares by the sentence of the said court herewi●… sent you , at the request of the said charles harbert . we pray your highnsse to see the said goods forthwith discharged from all restraint , as well as from the unjust action of the said . richard greenwill : in regard it is a thing soe plainly contrary to the lawes and practice of nations to give way to the legality of an action in another land , which in the land , where the cause of the action originally arose , canot be lawfully allowed of . the consideration of justice it selfe , and the reputation which you have abroad of an upright man , has induced us to recomend this cause to your highnesse . which if it falls out at any time , that the right or concernes of your sub●…ects come under debate with us in this kind , assure your sel●…e of finding u●… 〈◊〉 way slack ; but rather very r●…dy to serve you upon all occasions . westminster . your highness's most affectionately oliver , 〈◊〉 of the republick of england , &c ▪ to t●… high court of parliament at paris . wee the commiss●…yes of the great seale of england make it our request ●…o the hig●… ▪ court of parliament at paris , that it woud be intreated ●…o s●…e care taken , that miles , william and mary sandys children of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ellsabeth soame his wife lately dece●…sed , english natives and under age ; be at liberty forthwith to repaire to us hither from pa●…is where they now remaine under the tuition & guarranty of the said court : comitting them to the care of james mowath a scoth man , and a person of integrity and uprightnesse , to whom we have assign'd this trouble of takeing them thence and bringing of 'em hither : engageing that upon any the like occasion or demand , the like right and justice shall be by this court administred in favour of any of the subjects of france . letters written in the name of richard cromwel protector upon the death of oliver his father . richard , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene aud potent king , friend and confederate . whereas my most serene father of glorious memory oliver , protector of the comonwealth of england haveing , pursuant to the will of almighty god , departed this li●…e the . of this instant september , i declared his l●…wfull successor in the administration of this goverment , coud not decline , ( not without very great griefe and troubie i must confesse ) the giveing timely account of a matter of that importance , to your majesty , who i am confident ca●…t , considering your friendly disposition as well towards him as this republick , conceive any pl●… at this so sudden an account of his death . it is now become my w●…ke to invite your majesty into such apprehensions of me , as are fitt to be entertain'd of one , who hath nothing more in his thoughts , then a f●…hfull and constant inclination to the support of that society and amity , which my iaid most glorious father and your majesty were concern'd in with each other ; and with the same study and affection maintaine and observe the alliances , resolutions , and intelligencie wherein he was engaged with you ▪ it is my purpose to continue to our embassadour there , the powe●… formerly lodged with him . what ever he offers you in our name , accept thereof , i pray , as if tender'd you by our selfe . that that remains , is to tell you that i wish you all happynes . d●…ted at our court at westminster . september . to his eminency cardinall mazarine . most eminent sir. altho nothing coud fall out more to my trouble , then to have an occasion given me of writeing concerning the death of my most serene and famous father , and considering the mutuall esteem which fl●…wed between your eminency and him , and that i do not question but t●…at the death of so faithfull and constant a friend , must affect one so much concern'd in the government of france as your eminency is , i have judged it very materiall to accompany the account i sent o●… this m●…st fatall bus●…nesse to the king , wit●… a letter to you ; and withall to act that that is just , in assureing you of a most sacred per●…ormance of all those things by me , which my father of most serene memory has been by agreement obliged to y●…u to ●…eepe and performe : and take care that tho you may justly lament the l●…sse of one so much your friend and admi●…er , you may not misse him as farr forth as may concern the preservation of his promise to you : to the performance of which on your part also , that god may preserve your eminency long , and as an ●…nstrument for the promotion of the comon good of both nations . westminster september . ●…hard , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most sere●…e and potent prince charles gustavus , king of sweedland , gothes and vandals , &c. most serene and p●…tent king , friend and confederate . when i co●…sider that it is scarce possible for me to follow the patern of my fathers vertu●…s , without i expres it in a desire of retaining & valuing those intrests also , which were both the purchase of his valour , and that which 〈◊〉 judged very adviseable to retaine and cherish , you●… ma ●…sty need no●… q●…stion whether i understand the incumbency of continueing that study and affection towards you , which my father of most famous memory seems to h●…ve entertaind . notwithstanding therefore that i do not , upon my entry upon this g●…verment and its dignity , find things in such a posture 〈◊〉 the present , so as to be able to be so quick in an answer to s●…me heads offe●…r'd by your embass●…dours , as i woud , ●…et t●… continue the league establish ▪ by my father with your majesty , & enter into another also of stricter tearins ; is a thing i shall very willingly listen to . and s●… soone as i have a true state of things as they stand of both sides , shall , as far as concernes me , be alwayes very ready to come to such resolutions , as shall seem to consist most with the advantage o●… both goverments : god , in the mean time , long preserve your majesty to his owne glory , and the defence and protection of the orthodox church . dated at our court at westminster october . richard , protector of the repub. of england , &c. to the most se●…ene and potent prince charles gustavus . king of sweedland , gothes vandalls , great prince of finland , duke of scania , erthonia , care●…ia , bremen ▪ verda , & vandal , prince of russia , lord of engria & wismar , as also count pallatin of the rhine , bavaria , julia , clivia , and duke of the mounts . most serene , potent king , friend , and confiderate . this brings you an account of my receipt of both your majesties letters , the one by your e●…vo , and the other transmitted unto us from mr philip meadow our embassadour . which denote not onely your m●…griefe concerning the death of my most serene father evident & your opinion of him , but of me also his successor , & your expectations of me and as to my father , nothing can truly add to his future 〈◊〉 , which for nobility or wor●…h can exceed the praise of so worthy a person ; nothing that can portend m●…re good luck to my undertakeing of the administration of the goverment , then to be c●…ngratulated by so great a congratulator nothing of an estate tho never so plentiful , coud have adv●…nced so farr towards the kindleing an ambition of pursueing the v●…rtue of a father , equall to so considerable a councellour . as to what you mention concerning the comon safety of protestancy , and the reasons you offer to draw us into a concurrence of with you , i would have your majesty believe , that , albeit since my arrivall to this goverment , the posture of our affaires has been such , as to have taken up and approprinted the re●…ult o●… our dilligence , care and vigilancy to the speciall consideration o●… matters at home , yet nothing has been , or is dearer , or more in our purposes , then to employ all meanes tending to the support of that alliance ratify'd in my fathers time with your majesty . i have therefore taken care of sending a fleet to the baltique sea , with such instrucons , as our envoy , pursuant to such directions as we ●…ave given him at large relateing thereto , shall communicate to your majesty . whom the almighty god take care of the safety of , and make ●…ortunate and succesfull in all your undertakeing ; in referrence more particularly to the orthodox faith , for whose defence may he long stand by you . dated at our court at westminster october . . richard , protector of the republ. of england , &c to the most serene and potent prince charles gustavus king of sweedland , gothes , and vandalls &c. most serene and potent king , friend and confederate , i send your majesty the best thing i coud part with , both in w●…rth and excellency , i mean sir george ascue knight , a very worthy and noble gentleman , & a person of long knowledge and tryed experience not onely in warlike affaires , especially those of the sea , but also inrich'd 〈◊〉 integrity , modesty , understanding , and learning , unwelcome upon the account of his most acceptable moralls to none ; and , which is above all , now & ●…or some time , under a desire of serveing under your majesties 〈◊〉 , so famous every where upon the score of your power in warlike discipline . and woud have your majesty thinke , that what ever you please to comit to the care of this man , either of trust or otherwise , wherein faithfulnesse , experience , and courage is requisit to be shewn or exercised , you canot doe it to a more faithfull , stout , or probably skillfull person . as to what i committed to his trust to be communicated to your majesty , let his admittance ( i pray ) be quick , his audience curteous , and that very weight laid upon what he says , which you woud upon our imediat delivery thereof : shew him such respect withall , as you shall judge convenient to be shewen to a person of his character , & , for his merits , very worthy of our recomendation . that god may blesse your affaires , and assign them a happy issue , and that to his owne glory and the support of the orthodox faith. dated at our court at westminster october . richard , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene prince , charles gustavus king of svveedland , gothes and vandals . most serene and potent king , friend , and confederate . complaint has been made us by petition , in the name of samuel piggot of london merchant , setting forth ; his haveing lately sent two shipps ( the one called the post , jacob tidd master , and the other the water dog graband pieters master ) from london into france . upon the account of trade ; thence to amsterdam with their loading of salt ; thence to stetin neere pomerania in the baltique sea within your jurisdiction , the one in her ballast , and the other with her freight of salt , loaded at the joint cost of the petitioner and one peter hensbergh , who was his copartener ; but that both the said shipps were , as he understands , sett upon and taken by some of your forces in some part of the said sea , and retain'd ; altho he has ( to prevent this mischiefe ) sent a certificate under the seal of the admiralty court , with both the said ships , testifying that , 〈◊〉 the moity of the said herings , the sole propriety of both lay peculiarly in him . which haveing made clear proof of before us , i 〈◊〉 desire , that in regard the losse of both the ships canot be without very gre●… prejudice to the man , and , it may be , the 〈◊〉 of his whole fortune : your majesty wou'd charge and comand your subjects to discharge the said ships without the least delay of time . god preserve your majesty long , to the service of his owne glory , and the protection of the orthodox church . dated at our court at westminster jan. . ann●… dom. . richard , protector of the republ. of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords the states of west friesland . s. d. high and mighty lords , friends and dearest confederates . mary grindar widdow has , in her petition to me , made a great complaint against one thomas killig rue now a soldier in your service , who to escape the paying of a considerable sum of mony due from him to the petitioner for about eighteen yeares , or being brought to any account either with her , or her atturney by law , or other tendency to a satisfaction ; is said to have petition'd your highnesses , that he might not be prosecuted by law upon the score of any debt contracted in england . but if i let your highnesses see this onely , that shee is a widdow , poore , a mother of many small children , whose entire support almost this man seemes to endeavour to divert , i shall keepe farr from thinking that i need the use of many arguments with you , who are too wel acquainted with gods comands , especially on behalfe of widdowes and orphanes against oppression ; as to imagine your giveing way to the grant of such a fraudulent priviledge : which i am confident you will never allow of . dated from our court at westminster january . . richard , protector of the republ. of england , &c ▪ to the most serene and potent prince lewis , king of france . most serene and potent king , friend , and august confed●…rate . wee have , not without griefe , had and account of some unworthy interruption given , by some ill minded persons , to the protestants while in the exercise of their devotion in province ; to that degree , that when complaint was made thereof to the magistrates at gratianopoli , whom it lawfully concern'd , they condemn'd the thing as worthy of a severe reproofe : and that the neighbouring clergy did thereupon prevaile with your majesty to remit the whole matter to the judgment of your royall councill at paris : w●…o haveing done nothing hitherto , 〈◊〉 churches there , the protestants more 〈◊〉 , conot peaceably 〈◊〉 to the exercise of their devotion . let my earnest desires therefore prevaile with your majesty , first that they , whose prayers sacrificed for your 〈◊〉 , and the prosperity of your kingdome , were not rejected , their publick meetings to pray be not prohibitted : next that the disturber of gods peace be , pursuant to their judgment , to whom alone belongs the law●…ll and usual cognisance of such cases at gratianopoli , accounted with , long and peaceable may god render your majestys days ; and that if these our desires prove acceptable and judged ( by you ) of service to god , you declare them as such , by removeing that prohibition from off the protestants churchs , and laying a speedy injunction to have the same repealed , dated at westminster february . an. . to his eminency cardinall mazarine . most eminent mr cardinall . the most illustrious lady richmond , widdow of the duke of richmond lately deceased , designes with her yong son , to visit and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 small stay in france . my earnest request therefore to your eminency is , that , if they chance to need , in any instance , you●… 〈◊〉 , favour , o●… help as strangers , you woud please to exercise that regard to their quality consisting with your wont in instances of extraordinary comendations ; so as to let them see , that as farr as the usuall dispensation of your curtesys to all persons coud be render'd more then ordinary , our letters were able to do it : and rest assured in this , that if an●… comendation from your eminency doe seem to call for any thing of this kind at my hands , my allowance thereof may be noe less depended upon . westminster february . . richard , protector of the repub. of england , &c to the most serene and potent prince 〈◊〉 , king of portugall . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and potent king. friend , and 〈◊〉 altho i ought to write upon various subjects to a prince that is a friend , and ver●… much concern'd in the welfare of this republick , yet there is nothing which i can with more freedome goe about , then what i now 〈◊〉 of letting your majesty and the people of 〈◊〉 know how glad i am of the late sig●…all victory 〈◊〉 of the comon enemy the spaniard : tending in the apprehension of all men , not onely to your owne , but the most 〈◊〉 peace and repose of all europe , and which may 〈◊〉 entail thereon an advantage of many yeares continuance . the next thing is to owne your majestys justice as the undoubted fountain , from whence spring your victorys instance'd in the provision made by the ▪ article of the league concluded b●… the arbitrators at london for the satisfaction of our merchants , whose merchant men were hired into the service of the brasile company . thereis one alexandar banck merchant of london , whom the said company denyes to pray the freight contracted for , for the service of a ship of his called the three brothers john wilk master in consideration of two voyages perform'd in the said company 's service : whereas the rest have been long ago paid , notwithstanding their haveing been in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but once . which i do not understand the reason of , except he ; in their opinion , is beter worthy of a reward , who has serv'd them once , then he that did it twice . my earnest request to your majesty therefore is , that this onely man , to whom a double reward is due , be not kept out , of the satisfaction of his hire , and cause , by the influenc●… of your authority , the said company to fix upon some speedy day of payment , & repairing his damages , their delays haveing exposed the merchant to inconveniencyes farr exceeding his hire . god increase your power and continue unto you the uper hand over your enemies . dated at our court rt westminster an. . richard , protector of the republ. of egland , &c. to his eminency cardinall mazarine . most eminent sr. the case of peter pett , a person of singular honesty , and very serviceable to us and the republick in navall affaires , came recomended to your eminency in ours of the . of june , being now about eight monthes past . it was about a vessell of his called the edward , which was , as we observ'd , seised upon in the mouth of the river of thames and sould at the port of bayon by one bascon a frenchman in the year . and altho the king did by an order of councill dated the . of november . direct ; that what ever the councill shoud judge equivalent in mony to answer the damage susteind , care shoud be taken of his being satisfied accordingly : yet the petitioner complains of his haveing received no benefit hitherto from the said decree . but as i no way doubt , but that your eminency will , at my request , comand the speedy application of what may be requisit , ●…revious to the execution of that order : this brings you an earnest repetion of my said request , praying that you woud inspect where it sticks , inquire thro whose neglect or obstinacy it comes to passe , that the kings order shall not , after ten yeares respit , be obeyed , & exercise your authority in the pressure of the execution of that decree , and payment of that appointed sume , which we judge has been 〈◊〉 long agoe : causeing'a speedy demand to be made thereof , and the result paid to the receipt of the petitioner . wherein your eminency will act a thing conformable principally with justice , and that shall oblige me besides in a singular degree . dated at our court at westminster february . . the two following letters were written in the name of the long parliament , when restrored , upon the removeall of richard cromwell . the parliament of the republ. of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince charles gustavus king of sweedland , gothes & vandalls . most serene and potent king , dearest friend , it haveing pleased the almighty god , with whom the power of all changes in kingdomes and republicks is lodged , to restore us to our former charge in this the government of the comonwealth of england , we have thought fit first to acquaint you therewith , and next to let your majesty know of the very great affection we bear to so potent a prince as you are , and how ben●… upon the support of that peace , which our industry and most sincere endeavour were the sole means of establishing between you and the king of denmarke , also a potent protestant prince . it is therefore ou●… will that the authority , by which philip meddowes our ex●…raordinary embassadour there has in the name of this republick hitherto acted , be now continued as from us : and do hereby confirme unto him the power of proposeing , acting , and transacting with your majesty to be the same , with the originall : what ever he acts or contracts in our name , we do , with gods assistance , engage to make good : god take your majesty into his continuall guide ; with tendency to the safety and security of the protestants . westminster may ▪ an ▪ ▪ subscribed by william leuthall , speaker to the parliament . the parliament of the republick of england . to the most se●…ne prince frederick king of denmark . most serene king , dearest friend . it gaveing pleased the almighty great god , the chiefe ruler of all things to 〈◊〉 us 〈◊〉 former s●…ion and charge in the administration of this republick , we held it apoint mainly becomeing our disposition to our neighbour , and ally , to observe the same to your majesty , and to intimat how much we are concern'd at your troubles : the proofe whereof you shall see in the endeavour and dilligence , which we now do , and shall , as farr as there is necessity for it , exercise to reconcile your majesty and the king of sweedland to peace . to which purpose we have directed phillip meadows our extraordinary embasadour at the court of swedland , that for the furure he wait upon your majesty in our name concerning this affair , and let you know , that whatever he communicateth , proposeth , acteth or transact the , at he shou'd doe the same as the effect of our comands . the credit given him by your majesty in the discharge of which character , we pray that it be believed as given to our selves . god deliver your majesty to your content , out of all those difficultyes which you so resolutely contend with , and draw all to happy and pleasing issue . westminster may . . sign'd by william leuthall speaker to the comonwealth parliament . finis . directions to a painter for describing our naval business in imitation of mr. waller / being the last works of sir iohn denham ; whereunto is annexed, clarindons house-warming, by an unknown author. denham, john, sir, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) directions to a painter for describing our naval business in imitation of mr. waller / being the last works of sir iohn denham ; whereunto is annexed, clarindons house-warming, by an unknown author. denham, john, sir, - . waller, edmund, - . marvell, andrew, - . milton, john, - . [ ], p. s.n.], [london : . a satire in verse. the main part of the work includes reprints of the second advice to a painter and the third advice to a painter, as well as two new sections, none of which can be attributed to denham. both it and clarindon's housewarming have been attributed to andrew marvell. place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in henry e. huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion directions to a painter . by sir john denham . nay painter , if thou darst design that fight , which waller only courage had to write , if thy bold hands can without shaking draw what ev'n th' actors trembled at when they saw , enough to make thy colours change like theirs , and all thy pencils bristle like their hairs . first in fit distance of the prospect main , paint allen tilting at the coast of spain ; heroick act ! and never heard till now ! stemming of herc'les pillars with the prow ! and how he left his ships the hills to waft , and with new sea-marks cales and dover graft . next let the flaming london come in view , like nero's rome , burnt to rebuild it new ; what less'r sacrifice than this , was meet to offer for the safety of the fleet ? blow one ship up , another thence will grow : see what free cities and wise courts can do ! so some old merchant , to insure his name , marries afresh , and courtiers share the dame : so whatsoe'er is broke , the servants pay 't , and glasses are more durable than plate . no may'r till now , so rich a pageant faign'd , not one barge all the compani●s contain'd . then painter , draw cerulean coventry , keeper , or rather chancelour o' th' sea , and more exactly to express his hue , use nothing but vltra-marinish blew . to pay his fees , the silver trumpet spends , and boat-swains whistle , for his place depends . pilots in vain repeat their compass o'er , until of him they learn that one point more . the constant magnet to the pole do●h hold , steel to the magnet , coventry to gold. muscovy sells us pitch , and hemp , and tar ; iron and copper , sweden ; munster , war ; ashly , prize ; warwick , customs ; cart'ret , pay ; but coventry doth sell the fleet away . now let our navy stretch its canvas wings , swoln like his purse , with tacking like his strings , by slow degrees of the increasing gale , first under sail , and after under sale : then in kind visit unto opdam's gout , hedge the dutch in , onely to let them out . so huntsmen fair unto the hares give law , first find them , and then civilly withdraw . that the blind archer , when they take the seas , the hambrough-convoy may betray with ease . so , that the fish may more securely b●●e , the angler baits the river over night . but painter , now prepare t' inrich thy piece , pencil of ermins , oyl of ambergreece : see where the dutchess with triumpha●t trail of numerous coaches , harwich does assail ! so the land-crabs , at natures kindly call , down to ingender to the sea do crawl . see then the admiral with navy whole , to harwich through the ocean carry co●l : so swallows buried in the sea at spring , return to land with summer in their wing . one thrifty ferry-boat of mother pearl , suffic'd , of old , the citherean girl ; yet navies are but proper●ies when here , a small sea-mask , and built to court your dear : three goddesses in one , pallas for ar● , venus for sport , but iuno in your heart . o dutchess ! if thy nuptial pomp was mean , 't is paid with intrest in thy naval scene . never did roman mark within the nile , so feast the fair egyptian crocodile ; nor the venetian duke with such a state the adriatick marry , at that rate . now painter , spare thy weaker art ; forbear to draw her parting passions , and each tear ; for love , alas ! hath but a short delight : the sea , the dutch , the king , all call to fight . she therefore the dukes person recommends to brunker , pen , and coventry , ●e● friends ; to pen much , brunker more , most coventry : for they she knew were all more fraid then he : of flying fishes one had sav'd the fin , and hop'd by this he through the air might spin ▪ the other thought he might avoid the knell , by the invention of the diving bell ; the ●●i●d had try'd it , and affirm'd a cable coyl● rou●d about him , was impenitrable . but the●e ●he duke rejected , onely chose t● keep far off ; let others interpose . rupert , that knew no fear , but health did want , kept state suspended in a chair volant ; all save his head shut in that wooden case , he she●'d but like a broken weather glass ; but arm'd with the whole lyon cap-a-chin , did represent the hercules within . dear shall the dutch his twinging anguish know ▪ and see what valour whet with pain can do . curst in the ●e●n time be that treach'rous iael , that through h●s princely temples drove the nail . rupert resolv'd to fight it like a lyon , and sandwich hop'd to fight it like arion ; he to prolong his life in the dispute , and charm the holland pirates , tun'd his lute , till some judicious dolphin might approach , and land him safe and sound as any roach . now painter , reassume thy pencils care , thou hast but skirmish'd yet , now fight prepare . and draw the battel terrible to show , as the last judgement was to anneslow . fi●st let our navy scour through silver froth , the oceans burthen , and the kingdoms both ; wh●●e very bulk may represent its birth , from hide and paston , burthens of the earth ; h — whose transcendent panch so swells of late , that he the rupture seems of law and state ; paston whose belly bears more millions than indian carrocks , and cont●ins more tuns . let sh●als of porpo●ses on every side wonder in swiming by our oak● out-vy'd ; and the sea fowl all gaze , t' behold a thing so va●● , mo●e swift and strong than they of wing . but with presaging george , yet keep in sight , and follow for the reliques of a fight . then let the dutch with well-dissembled fear , or bold despair , more than we wish , draw near : at which our gallants , to the sea but tender , and more to fight , their easie stomachs render , wi●h brests so panting , that at ev'ry st●oke you m●ght have felt their hearts b●a● through the oak : wh●●e one concerned in the interval of straining choller , thus did vent his gall : noah be damn'd ! and all his race accurst , who in sea brine did pickle timber first ! what though he planted vines , he pines cut down , he taught us how to drink , and how to drown : he first built ships , and in his wooden wall , saving but eight , e'er since endanger'd all . and thou dutch necromantick fryar , be damn'd , and in thine own first mortar-piece be ram'd ! who first invented canon in thy cell , nitre from earth , and brimstone fetch from hell. but damnd and treble d●mnd be clarendine , our seventh edward , with all his house and line ! who to divert the danger of the war with bristol , ●ounds us on the hollander : fool-coated gownman ! sells , to fight with hance , dunkirk ; dismantling scotland , quarrels france : and hopes he now hath bus'ness shap'd , and power t' out-last our lives or his , and scape the tower ; and that he yet may see , ere he go down , his dear clarinda circled in a crown . by this time both the fleets in reach dispute , and each the other mortally salute : draw pensive neptune biting of his thumbs , to think himself a slave , whoe'er o'ercomes . the frighted nymphs retreating to their rocks . beating their blew brests , tearing their gr●en locks . paint eccho slain , onely th' alternate sound from the repeating cannon do●h rebound . opdam ●ails placed on his naval throne , assuming courage greater than his own ; makes to the duke , and threatens him from far , to nail him to his boards , like a petar ; but in the vain attempt , took fire too soon , and flies up in his ship to catch the moon . mounsieurs like rockets mount aloft , and crack in thousand sparks , then dancingly fal● back . yet ere this happen'd , destiny allow'd him his revenge , to make his death more proud ; a fatal bullet from his side did range , and batter'd lawson : oh too dear exchange ! he led our fleet that day too short a space , but lost his knee ; since dy'd in glory's race : lawson ! whose valour beyond fate did go , and still fights opdam in the l●ke below . the duke himself , tho pe● did not forget , yet was not out of dangers random set . falmouth was there , i know not what to act ; some say 't was to grow duke too , any contract : an untaught bullet in its wanton scope , dashes him ▪ all to pieces , and his hope . such was his rise , such was his fall , unprais`d ; a chance-shot sooner took him than chance rais'd : his shatter'd head the fearless duke distains , and gave the last first-proof that he had brains . bartlet had heard it soon , and thought not good to venture more of royal harding`s blood : to be immortal he was not of age , and did ēvn now the indian prize presage ; and judg`d it safe and decent , cost what cost , to lose the day , since his dear brother`s lost : with his whole squadron straight away he bore , and like good boy , promis'd to fight no more . the dutch auranea careless , at us saild , and promised to do what opdam faild ; smith to the duke doth intercept her way . and cleaves there closer than a remora : the captain wonder'd , and withal disdain'd , so strongly by a thing so small , detain`d , and in a raging brav'ry to him runs , they stab their ships with one anothers guns : they fight so near , it seems to be on ground , and ev'n the bullets meeting , bullets wound . the noise , the smoak , the fire , the sweat , the blood , ●s not to be exprest , nor nnderstood . each captain from his quarter-deck commands , they wave their bright swords glittering in their hands . all luxury of wa● , all man can do ●n a sea-fight , did pass between them two : but one must conquer , whosoever fight , smith takes the gyant , and is made a knight . marlbrough that knew , and durst do more than all , f●lls undistinguisht by an iron-ball : dear lord ! but born under a star ingrate ! no soul more clear , nor no more gloomy fate ! who would set up wars trade that means to thrive ? death picks the valiant out , cowards survive : what the brave merit , th' impudent do vaunt , and none's rewarded but the sycophant : hence all his life he against fortune fenc`d , or not well known , or not well recompenc'd : but envy not this pr●ise 〈◊〉 his memory , none mo●e prepar'd was , or less fit to die . rupert did others and himself excell ; holms , tydiman , minus ; bravely sanson fell . what others did , let one omitted , blame , i shall record , whoe'er brings in his name : but unless after stories disagree , nine o●ely came to fight , the rest to see . now all conspire unto the dutchmens lo●s ; the wind , the fire , we , they themselves do cross . when a sweet sleep began the duke to drown , and with ●oft diadems his temples crown : and fi●st he orders all the rest to watch , a●d they the foe , whilst he a nap doth catch : but lo , brunkar by a secre instinct , slept not , nor needed , he all day had winkt . the duke in bed , he then first draws his steel , whose vertue makes the misled compass wheel . so ere he wak'd ▪ both fleets were innocent : and brunkar member is of parliament . and now , dear painter , after pains , like those , 't were time that i and thou too do repose . but all our navy scap'd so sound of limb , that a sho●t space serv`d to refresh and trim ; and a tame fleet of theirs doth convoy want , laden with both the indies , and levant : p●int but this one scene more , the world`s our own , and halcyon sandwich doth command alone : to bergen we with confidence made haste , and th' secret spoils by hope already taste ; though clifford in the character appear of supra-cargo to our fleet and their ▪ wearing a signet ready to clap on , and seiz all for his master arlington . ruyter whose little squadron skim'd the seas , and wasted our remotest coloneys ; with ships all foul , return'd upon our way ; sandwich would not disperse , nor yet delay ; and therefore like commander grave and wise , to scape his sight and flight , shut both his eyes , and for more state and sureness , cutting true , the left eye closeth , the right mountague ; and even clifford proferr'd in his zeal , to make all safe , t' apply to both his seal . vlysses so , till syrens he had past , would by his mates be pinion'd to the ma●t . now can our navy view the wished port , but there ( to see the fortune ! ) was a fort : sandwich would not be beaten , nor yet beat ; fools onely fight , the prudent use to treat . his cousin mountague by court-disaster , dwindled into the wooden horse`s master , to speak of peace seem'd amongst all most proper , had talbot then treated of nought but copper : o● what are forts , when void of ammuition ? with friends or foes what would we more condition ? yet we three days , till the dutch furnish'd all , men , powder , money , cannon , — treat with wall ! then tydiman , finding the danes would not , sent in six captains bravely to be shot . and mountague , though drest like any bride , and aboard him too , yet was reach'd and dy'd : sad was the chance , and yet a deeper care wrinkled his membrains under forehead fair . the dutch armado yet had th' impudence to put to sea , to waft their merchants thence ; for as if all their ships of walnut were , the more we beat them , still the more they bear . but a good pilot , and a favouring wind , brings sandwich back , and once again did blind . now gentle painter , ere we leap on shore , with thy last strokes ruffle a tempest o'er ; as if in our reproach , the wind and seas would undertake the dutch , while we take ease : the seas the spoils within our hatches throw , the winds both flee●s into our mouths do blow : strew all their ships along the shore by ours , as eas'ly to be gather ▪ d up as flow'rs : but sandwich fears for merchants to mistake a man of war , and among flow'rs a snake . two indian ships pregnant with eastern pearl , and diamonds , sate th' officers and earl : then warning of our fleet , he it divides into the ports , and so to oxford rides . mean while the dutch uniting , to our shames , ride all insulting o'er the downs and thames ! now treating sandwich seems the fittest choice for spain , there to condole , and to rejoyce : he meets the french ; but to avoid all harms ships to ●he groyn : embassies bear no arms : there let him languish a long quarantain , and ne'er to england come , till he be clean . thus having ●ought , we know not why as yet , we 've done we know not what , nor what we get : if to espouse the ocean all this pains ; princes unite , and do forbid the bains : if to discharge phanaticks , this makes more ; for all phanaticks are , when they are poor : or if the house of commons to repay , their prize-commissions are transferr'd away : but for triumphant check-stones if , and shell for dutchess closet , 't hath succeeded well . if to make parliaments as odious pass , or to reserve a standing force , alas ! or if , as just , orange to re-instate , instead of that , he is regenerate : and with four millions vainly giv'n as spent , and with five millions more of detriment , our sum amounts yet onely to have won a bastard orange for pimp arlington . now may historians argue con and pro ; denham says thus ; though always waller so : and he good man , in his long sheet and staff , this pennance did for cromwels epitaph : and his next theam must be o' th' dukes mistress , advice to draw madam l' edificatress . henceforth , o gemini ! two dukes command , castor and pollux , aumarle and cumberland . since in one ship , it had been fit they 'd went in petty's double-keel'd experiment . to the king . by sir john denham . imperial prince ! king of the seas and isles ! dear object of our ioy , and heavens smiles ! what boots it that thy light doth gild our days , a●d we lie basking in thy milder rays ; while swarms of insects , from thy warmth begun , our land devour , and intercept our sun ? thou , like ioves minos , rul'st a greater creet ; and for its hundred cities , count'st thy fleet. why wilt thou that state - daedalus allow , who builds the bull , a labrinth and a cow ? if thou art minos , be a iudge severe , and in 's own maze confine the engineer ▪ o may our sun , since he too nigh presumes , melt the soft wax wherewith he imps his plumes ! and may he falling leave his hated name vnto those seas his war hath set on flame from that inchanter having clear'd thine eyes , thy native sight will peirce within the skies , and view those kingdoms calm with ioy and light , where 's vniversal triumph , but no fight . since both from heav'n thy race and pow'r descend , rule by its pattern there to reascend . let iustice onely awe , and battel cease : kings are but cards in war , they 're gods in peace ▪ directions to a painter . by sir john denham . sandwich in spain now , and the duke in love , let 's with new gen'rals a new painter prove : lilly's a dutchman , danger 's in his art , his pencils may intelligence impart . thou gibson , that amongst the navy small of muscle-shells , commandest admiral , thy self so slender , that thou shew'st no more than barnacle new hatch'd of them before : come mix thy water-colours , and express , drawing in little , what we yet do less . first paint me george and rupert ratling far both in one box , like the two dice of vvar ; and let the terror of their linked name , fly through the air like chain-shot , tearing fame : iove in one cloud did scarcely ever wrap lightning so fierce , but never such a clap . united gen'rals sure are th' onely spell vvherewith united provinces to quell : alas , even they , though shell'd in treble oak , vvill prove an addle egge , with double yolk . and there●ore next uncouple either hound , and loo them at two hares ere one be found : rupert to beaufort ; halloo ! ah there rupert : like the phantastick hunting of st. hubert , vvhen he with airy hounds , and horn of air , pursues by fountain-bleau the witchy hare . deep providence of state ! that could so soon fight beaufort here , ere he had quit taloon . so have i seen , ere humane quarrels rise , fore-boding meteors combate in the skies . but let the prince to fight with rumour go , the gen'ral meets a more substantial foe : ruyter he spies , and full of youthful heat ▪ though half their number , thinks the odds too great . the fowler watching so his watry spot , and more the fowl , hopes for the better shot . though such a limb was from his navy torn , he found no weakness yet , like sampson shorn ; but swoln with sense of former glory won , thought monk must be by albemarle out-done : little he knew with the same armand sword , how far the gentleman out-cuts the lord. ruyter , inferiour unto none for heart , superiour now in number and in art ; ask'd if he thought , as once our rebel-nation , to co●quer theirs too , with a declaration and threatens , though he now so proudly sail , he shall tread back his iter boreale : this said , he the short period , ere it ends , with iron-words from brazen-mouths extends : monk yet prevents him , ere the navies meet , and charges in himself alone a fleet ; and with so quick and frequent motion wound his murthering sides about , the ship seem'd round ; and the exchanges of his circling tire , like whirling hoops , shew'd of triumphant fire . single he doth at their whole navy aim , and shoots them through a porcupine of flame . in noise so regular his cannons met , you 'd think that thunder was to musick set : ah had the rest but kept a time as true , what age could such a martial consort shew ! the listning air unto the distant shore , through secret pipes conveys the tuned rore ; till as the eccho's , vanishing , abate , men feel a dead sound like the pulse of state. if fate expire , let monk her place supply , his guns determine who shall live or dye . but victory doth always hate a rant ; valour 's her brave , but skill is her gallant : ruyter no less with vertuous envy burns , and prodigies for miracles returns : yet he observ'd how still his iron-balls recoy●d in vain against our oaken-walls ; how the hard pelle●s fell away as dead , by our inchanted timber fillipped . leave then , said he , th' invulnerable keel , vve 'll find they'●e feeble , like achilles heel : he quickly taught , pours in continual clouds of chain'd dilemma's through our sinew'd shrouds , forrests of masts fall with their rude embrace , our stiff sails masht , and netted into lace ; till our whole navy lay their wanton mark , nor any ship could sail but as the ark. shot in the wing , so at the powder 's call , the disappointed bird doth flutt'ring fall . yet monk disabled , still such courage shows , that none into his mortal gripe dare close : so an old bustard , maim'd yet loth to yeild ▪ duels the fowler in new-market field . but since he found it was in vain to fight , he imps his plumes the best he can for flight . this , painter , were a noble task to tell , what indignation his great brest did swell ! not vertuous men unworthily abus'd , not constant lover without cause refus'd , not honest merchant broke , nor skilful player h●st off the stage , nor sinners in despair ; not parents mockt , not favorites disgrac●d , not rump by monk or oliver displac'd , not kings depos'd , nor prelates ere they die , feel half the rage of gen'rals when they fly. ah rather than transmit th'story to fame , draw curtains , gentle artist , o'er the shame : cashier the mem'ry of dutell , rais'd up to taste , instead of death , his highness cup : and if the thing were true , yet paint it not , how bartlet , as he long deserv'd , was shot ; though others , that survey'd the corps so clear , said he was onely petrifi'd for fear : if so , th`hard statue mummi`d without gum , might the dutch balm have spar`d , & english tomb. yet if thou wilt , paint minns turn`d all to soul , and the great harman charkt almost to coal ; and iordain old , worthy thy pencils pain , who all the while held up the ducal train : but in a dark cloud cover askew , when he quit the prince to embarque in loeustein ; and wounded ships , which we immortal boast , now first led cap●ive to an hostile coast. but most with story of his hand and thumb ▪ conceal ( as honour would ) his grace's bum , when the rude bullet a large collop tore out of that buttock never turn'd before : fortune ( it seems ) would give him by that lash , gentle correction for his fight so rash . but should the rump perceive 't , they 'd say that mars had now reveng'd them upon aumarle's arse . the long disaster better o'er to vail , paint onely ionas three days in the whale ; for no less time did conqu'ring ruyter chaw our flying gen'ral in his spungy jaw . then draw the youthful perseus all in haste , from a sea-be●st to free the virgin chaste ; but neither riding pegasus for speed , nor with the gorgon shielded at his need : so rupert the sea-dragon did invade , but to save george himself , and not the maid ; and though arriving late , he quickly mist ev'n sails to fly , unable to resist . not greenland seamen that survive the fright of the cold chaos , and half eternal night , so gladly the returning sun adore , or run to spy the next years fleet from shore , hoping yet once within the oyly side of the fat whale , again their spears to hide : as our glad fleet , with universal shout , salute the prince , and wish the second bout . nor winds , long pris'ners in earth's hollow vault , the fallow seas so eagerly assault ; as fiery rvpert , with revengeful joy , doth on the dutch his hungry courage cloy ; but soon unrigg'd , lay like an useless board ; ( as wounded in the wrist , men drop their sword. ) vvhen a propitious cloud between us stept , and in our aid did rvyter intercept . old homer yet did never introduce , to save his herce● , mists of better use . vvorship the sun , who dwell where he doth rise ; this mist doth more deserve our sacrifice . now joyful fires , and the exalted bell , and court-gazzets , our empty triumphs tell ! alas ! the time draws near , when overturn'd , the lying bells shall through the tongues be burn'd ; paper shall want to print that lie of state , and our false fires , true fires shall expiate . stay painter , here a while , and i will stay ; nor vex the future times with my survey : seest not the monky dutchess all undrest ? paint thou but her , and she will paint the rest . this sad tale found her in her outward room , nailing up hangings not of persian loom : l●ke chaste penelope that ne'er did rome ▪ but made all fine against her george came home . upon a ladde● , in her coat , much shorter , she stood , with groom & coachman for supporter ; a●d careless what they saw , or what they thought , with honi pense full honestly she wronght : one te●ter drove , to lose no time nor place , a once the ladder they remove , and grace . vvhilst thus they her translate from north to east , in posture just of a four-footed beast ▪ she heard the news : but alter'd yet no more , than that which was behind , she turn'd before ; nor would come down , but with an handkercher , vvhich pocket soul did to her neck prefer , she shed no tears , for she was too viraginous , but onely snuffling her trunk cartilaginous , from scaling ladder she began a story , worthy to be had in memento mori ; arraigning past , and present , and futuri , vvith a prophetick , if not fiendly fury : her hair began to creep , her belly sound , her eyes to sparkle , and her udder bound ; half vvitch , half prophet ; thus the albemarle , like presbyterian sybil , 'gan to snarl : traytors both to my lord , and to the king ▪ nay now it is beyond all suffering ! one valiant man by land , and he must be commanded out to stop their leaks at sea : yet send him rupert , as an helper meet ; first the command dividing , then the fleet : one may if they be beat , or both be hit , or if they over-come , yet honours split : but reck'ning george already knock'd i' th' head , they cut him out like bief , ere he be dead : each for a quarter hopes ; the first doth skip , but shall fall short though , at the gen●rals●hip : next they for master of the horse agree ; a third the cock-pit begs ; not any me : but they shall know , ay marry shall they do , that who the cock-pit hath , shall have me too . i told george first , as calamy told me , if the king brought these o'er , how it would be : men that there pick his pocket to his face , and sell intelligence to buy a place . t●at their relig`on`s pawn`d for cloathes ; nor care , 't is run so long now , to redeem`t , nor dare . o what egreg`ous loyalty to cheat ! o what fidelity it was to eat ! whilst langdales , hoptons , glenhams ●tarv`d abroad and here true roy`lists sink beneath their load . men that did there affront , defame , betray the king , and so do here ; now who but they ! what! say i men ! nay rather monsters ; men onely in bed , nor to my knowledge then . see how they home return`d in revel rout , with the small manners that they first went out : not better grown , nor wiser all the while , renew the causes of their first exile : as if , to shew the fool what `t is i mean , i chose a foul smock , when i might have clean ▪ first they for fear disband the army tame , and leave good george a gen`rals empty name : then bishops must revive , and all unfix with discontents , to content twenty six : the lords house drains the houses of the lord , for bishops voices silencing the word : o barthol●mew ! saint of their kalendar ! what`s worse , th` ejection , or the massacre ? then culpepper , gloster , and th` princess dy`d ; nothing can live that interupts an hide . o more than humane gloster ! fate did shew thee but to earth , and back again withdrew . then the fat scrivener doth begin to think ●twas time to mix the royal blood with ink. barkley that swore as oft as he had toes , doth kneeling now her chastity depose ; ●ust as the first french card`nal could restore maidenhead to his widdow , niece , and whore. for portion , if she should prove light , when weigh`d , four millions shall within three years be paid , to raise it , we must have a naval vvar , as if `twere nothing but tara — tan — tar : abroad all princes disobliging first , at home all parties but the very worst . to tell of ireland , scotland , dunkirk , 's sad ; or the kings marr`age : but he thinks i`m mad : and sweeter creature never saw the sun , if we the king wish monk , or queen a nun. but a dutch vva● shall all these rumours still , bleed out these humours , and our purses fill ; yet after four days fight , they clearly saw ` t was too much danger for a son-in-law : hire him to leave , for six score thousand pound : so with the kings drums men for sleep compound . but modest sandwich thought it might agree vvith the state-prudence , to do less than he : and to excuse their timerousness and sloth , they found how george might now be less than both first smith must for legorn , with force enough to venture back again , but not go through : beaufort is there , and to their dazling eyes the distance more the object magnifies ; yet this they gain , that smith his time should lose , and for my duke too , cannot interpose : but fearing hat our navy , george to break , might yet not be sufficiently weak ; the secretary , that had never yet intelligence , but from his own gazzet , discovers a great secret , fit to sell , and pays himself for`t , ere he would it tell ; beaufort is in the channel ; hixy here ! ●oxy thoulou ! beaufort is ev`ry where . herewith assembling the supreme divan , vvhere enters none but devil , ned , and nan ▪ and upon this pretence they straight design`d the fleet to sep`rate , and the vvorl● to blind : monk to the dutch , and rupert ( here the vvench could not but smile ) is destin`d to the french. to write the order , bristol`s clerk is chose , one slit in`s pen , the other in his nose ; for he first brought the news , it is his place ; he`ll see the fleet divided like his face , and through the cranny in his grisly part , to the dutch chink intelligence impart . the plot succeeds : the dutch in haste prepar`d , and poor peel-garlick george`s arse they shar`d ; and then presuming of his certain wrack , to help him late , they send for rupert back . officious vvill seem`d fittest , as afraid left george should look too far into his trade . at the first draught they pause with statesmens care , they write it fou● , then copy it as fair ; and then compare them , when at last it s sign`d , vvill soon his purse-strings , but no seal could find ▪ at night he sends it by the common post , to save the king of an express the cost . lord , what adoe to pack one letter hence ▪ some patents pass with less circumference . vvell george , in spite of them thou safe dost ride , lessen`d i hope in nought but thy backside ; for as to reputation , this retreat of thine exceeds their victories so great : nor shalt thou stir from thence , by my consent , till thou hast made the dutch and them repent . ` t is true , i want so long the nuptial gi●t , but as i oft have done , i `ll make a shift ; nor will i with vain pomp accost the shore , to try thy valour at the buoy i`th` nore . fall to thy work there , george , as i do here ; cherish the valiant up , cowards cashier : see that the men have pay , and bief , and beer , find out the cheats of the four millioneer . out of the very beer , they sell the malt ; powder of powder , from powder`d bief the salt. put thy hand to the tub ; instead of oxe , they victual with french pork that hath the pox. never such cotqueans by small arts to wring , ne`er such ill huswives in the managing ! pursers at sea know fewer cheats than they , marr`ners on shore less madly spend their pay . see that thou hast new sails thy self , and spoil all their sea-market , and their cable-coyl . look that good chaplains on each ship do wait , nor the sea-diocess be impropriate : look to the sick and wounded pris`ners ; all is prize ; they rob even the hospital . recover back the prizes too ; in vain we fight , if all be taken that is ta'en . now by our coast the dutchmen , like a flight of feeding ducks , ev`ning and morning light ; how our land-hectors , tremble , void of sense , as if they came straight to transport them hence : some sheep are stoln ; the kingdom`s all arraid , and e`vn presbyters now call`d out for aid . they wish ev`n george divided to command , one half of him at sea , th` other on land. 〈◊〉 ●hat`s that i see ! ah `t is my george agen ! 〈…〉 they in sev'n weeks have rigg`d him then . 〈◊〉 curious heav`ns with lightning him surrounds ▪ 〈◊〉 v●●w him , and his name in thunder sounds . but with the same swift goes , their navy's near : so ere we hunt , the keeper shoots the dee● ▪ stay heav'n a while , and thou shalt see him sail , and george too , he can thunder , lighten , hail . happy the time that i e'er wedded george , the sword of england , and the holland scourge . avaunt rotterdam-dog , ruyter avaunt , thou water-rat , thou shark , thou cormorant . i 'll teach thee to shoot scissers : i 'll repair each rope thou losest , george , out of this hair. 't is strong and course enough ; i 'll hem this shift , ere thou shalt lack a sail , and lie adrift : bring home the old ones ; i again will sew , and darn them up , to be as good as new . what twice disabled ! never such a thing ! now soveraign help him that brought in the king ▪ guard thy posteriors , george , ere all be gone ; though jur●-masts , thou 'st jury-buttocks none . courage ! how bravely ( whet with this disgrace ) he turns , and bullets spits in ruyters face ! they fly , they fly , their fleet doth now divide , but they discard their trump : our trump is hide . where are you now , de ruyter , with your bears ? see where your merchants burn about your ears . fire out the wasps , george , from the hollow trees , cramm'd with the honey of our english bees . ah now they 're paid for guinney : ere they steer to the gold coast , they find it hotter here . turn all your ships to stoves ere you set forth , to warm your traffique in the frozen north. ah sandwich ! had thy conduct been the same , bergen had seen a less but richer flame ; nor ruyter liv'd new battel to repea● , and oftner beaten be , than we can beat . scarce had george leisure , after all his pain , to tie his bre●ches ; ruyter's out again : thr●●e in one year ! why sure this ma● is wood● b●a● him like s●ock-●●sh , or he 'll ne'er be good . i see them both again prepare to try ; they first shoot through each other with the eye . then — but the ruling providence that must with humane projects play , as wind with dust , raises a storm . so constables a fray knock down ; and send them both well cuff'd away . plant now new england fir● in english oak , build your ships ribs proof to the cannon-stroke : to get a fleet to sea , exhaust the land ; let longing princes pine for the command : strong march-panes ! wafers light ! so thin a puff of angry air can ruine all that huff : so champions having shar'd the lists and sun , the judge throws down's award , and they have done , for shame come home , george ; 't is for thee too much to fight at once with heaven and the dutch. woes me ! what see i next ! alas , the fate i see of england , and its utmost date . those flames of theirs at which we fondly smile , ki●dle like torches our sepulchral pile . war , fire , and plague against us all conspire ; we the war , god the plague , who rais'd the fire ? see how men all like ghosts , while london burns , w●nder , and each over his ashes mourns ! curs'd be the man that first begat this war , 〈◊〉 ill hour , under a blazing star. ●o● others sport two nations fight a prize ; between them both , religion wounded dies . so of first troy , the angry gods unpaid , raz'd the foundations which themselves had laid . welcome , though late , dear george : here hadst thou bin , we'd scap'd : ( let rupert bring the navy in . ) thou still must help them out , when in the mire ; gen'ral at land , at plague , at sea , at fire . now thou art gone , see beaufort dares approach , and our fleets angling , as to catch a roach . gibson farewel , till next we put to sea : truth is , thou`st drawn her in effigie . to the king . by sir john denham . great prince ! and so much greater as more wise ; sweet as our life , and dearer than our eyes : what servants will conceal , and councels spare to tell , the painter and the poet dare . and the assistance of an heav'nly muse and pencil , represent the crimes abstruse . here needs no fleet , no sword , no forreign foe ; onely let vice be damn'd , and iustice flow . shake but , like jove , thy locks divine , and frown , thy scepter will suffice to guard thy crown . hark to cassandra's song , ere fate destroy by thine own navy's wooden horse , thy troy. as our apollo , from the tumults wave , and gentle calms , though but in oars , will save . so philomel her sad embroidery strung , and vocal silks tun'd with her needles tongue . the pictures dumb in colours loud reveald the tragedies of courts so long conceald ; but when restor'd to voice inclos'd with wings to woods and groves what once the painter sings . directions to a painter . by sir john denham . draw england ruin'd by what was giv'n before , then draw the commons slow in giving more : too late grown wiser , they their treasure see consum'd by fraud , or lost by treachery ; and vainly now would some account receive of those vast sums which they so idly gave , and trusted to the management of such as dunkirk sold , to make war with the dutch ; dunkirk , de●ign'd once to a nobler use , than to erect a party lawyers house . but what account could they from t●ose expect , who 〈◊〉 grow rich themselves , the state neglect : men who in england have no other lot , than what they by betraying it have got ; who can pretend to nothing but disgrace , vvhere either birth or merit find a place . plague , fire and vvar , have been the nations curse , but to have these our rulers , is a worse : yet draw these ca●sers of the kingdoms wo , still urging dangers from our growing foe , asking new aid for vvar with the same face , as if , when giv'n , they meant not to make peace . mean while they cheat the publick with such haste , they will have nothing that may ease it , past . the law 'gainst irish cattel they condemn , as shewing distrust o' th king , that is , of them . yet they must now swallow this bitter p●ll , or money want , which were the greater ill . and then the king to westminster is brought , imperfectly to speak the chanc'lors thought ; in which , as if no age could parallel a prince and council that had rul'd so well , he tells the parliament he cannot brook vvhat ●re in them like jealousie doth look : adds , that no grieva●ces the nation load , while we 're undone at home , despis'd abroad . thus past the irish , wi●h the money-bill , the first not half to good , as th● other ill . with these new millions might we not expect our foes to vanquish , or our selves protect , if not to beat them off usurped seas , at least to force an honourable peace ? but though the angry fa●e , or folly rather , of our pe●verted state , al●ew us ●ei●her ; could we hope less than to defend our shores , than guard our harbours , forts , our ships & stores ? we hop'd in vain : of these , remaining are , not what we sav'd , but what the dutch did spare . such was our rulers generous stratagem ; a policy worthy of none but them . after two millions more laid on the nation , the parliament grows ripe for prorogation : they rise , and now a treaty is confest , ●gainst which before these state-cheats did protest : a treaty which too well makes it appear , theirs ▪ not the kingdom 's intrest , is their care . 〈…〉 tatesmen of old , thought arms the way to peace ; 〈…〉 thread-bare policies as these : 〈…〉 for the state 's defence , they 〈◊〉 too little for their own expence : or if 〈…〉 they any thing can spare , it is to bu● peace , not maintain a war ▪ for which gre●● work embassadors must go with b●re submissions to our arming foe : thus leaving a defenceles● state behind , vast 〈◊〉 preparing by the belgians find ; against whose 〈◊〉 what can us defend , whilst our great 〈◊〉 here depend upon the dutch good nature : for when peace ( say they ) is making ▪ acts of war must cease . thus were we by the name of truce betray'd , though by the dutch nothing like it was made . here , p●inter , let thine art describe a story shaming our warlike islands ●ntient glory : a scene which never on our seas appear'd , since o●r fi●st ships were on the ocean steerd ; make the du●ch fleet , while we supinely sleep , vvi●hout opposers , masters of the deep : make them securely the thames mouth invade , at once depriving us of that and trade : draw thunder from their floating castles , sent against our forts , weak as our government : draw wollage , deptford , london , and the tower , meanly abandon'd to a forreign power . yet turn their first attempt another way , and let their cannons upon sheerness play ; which soon destroy'd , their lofty vessels ride big with the hope of the approaching tide : make them more help from our remisness find , than from the tide , or from the eastern wimd . their canvas swelling with a prosp'rous gale , swift as our fears make them to chattam sail : through our weak chain their fireships break their way , and our great ships ( unman'd ) become their prey : then draw the fruit of our ill-manag`d cost , at once our honour and our safety lost : bury those bulwarks of our isle in smoak , while their thick flames the neighb'ring country choak . the charles escapes the raging element , to be with triumph into holland sent ; where the glad people to the shore resort , to see their terror now become their sport ▪ but painter , fill not up thy piece before thou paint'st confusion on our troubled shore : instruct then thy bold pencil to relate the saddest marks of an ill-govern'd state. draw th' injur'd seamen deaf to all command , while some with horror and amazement stand : others will know no enemy but they who have unjustly robb'd them of their pay : boldly refusing to oppose a fire , to kindle which our errors did conspire : some ( though but few ) perswaded to obey , use●ess for want of ammunition stay : the forts design'd to guard our ships of war , void both of powder and of bullets are : and what past reigns in peace did ne'er omit , the present ( whilst invaded ) doth forget . surpassing chattam , make whitehall appear , if not in danger , yet at least in fear . make our dejection ( if thou canst ) seem more than our pride , sloth , and ign'rance did before : the king , of danger now shews far more fear , than he did ever to prevent it , care : yet to the city doth himself convey , bravely to shew he was not r●n away : whilst the black prince , and our fifth harry's wars , are onely acted on our theatres : our states-men finding no expedient , ( if fear of danger ) but a parliament , twice would avoid , by clapping up a peace ; the cure's to them as bad as the disease : but painter , end not , till it does appear which most , the dutch or parliament they fear . as nero once , with harp in hand , survey'd his flaming rome ; and as that burnt , he plaid : so our great prince , when the dutch fleet arriv'd , saw his ships burnt ; and as they burnt , he — directions to a painter . by sir john denham . painter , vvhere wast thy former work did cease ? oh `twas at parliament , and the brave peace ! now for a cornucopia : peace all know ●rings plenty with it : wish it be not woe . ●raw coats of pageantry , and proclamations of peace , concluded with one , two , three nations . ●anst thou not on the change make merchants grin ●ike outward smiles , whiles vexing thoughts within ? thou art no artist , if thou canst not faign , and counterfeit the counterfeit disdain . draw a brave standard , rufling at a rate much other than it did for chathams fate . the tow'r-guns too , thundring their joys , that they have scap'd the danger of b●ing ta●en away : these , as now mann`d , for triumphare , not fight : as painted fire for show , not heat or light . amongst the roar of these , and the mad shout of a poor nothing-understanding rout , that think the on-and-off-peace now is true , thou might`st draw mourners for black bartholmew ▪ mourners in sion ! oh `t is not to be discover`d ; draw a curtain curteously to hide them . now proceed to draw at night a bonfire here and there ; but none too bright , nor lasting : for `twas brushwood , as they say , vvhich they that hop`d for coals now flung away ▪ but stay , i had forgot my mother : draw the church of england `mongst thy opera , to play their part too ; or the dutch will say in vvar and peace they`ve born the bells away . at this end then , two or three steeples ringing , at th` other end draw quires , te deum singing ; between them leave a space for tears : remember that `t is not long to th` second of september . now if thou skill`st prospective landskip , draw at distance what perhaps thine eyes ne`er saw : poly●●on , spicy islands , kits , or guinney ; syrrenam , nova scotia , or virginia ? no , no , i mean not these ; pray hold your laughter these things are fa● off , not worth looking after : give not a hint of these : draw highland , lowland mountains and flats : draw scotland first , the holland . see , canst thou ken the scots frowns ? then draw that somthing had to get , but nought to lose . canst thou through fogs discern the dutchmen drink● thos● ▪ buss-skippers , lately capers , stamp to think their catching-craft is over : some have ta`en , to eke their vvar , a vvarrant from the dane . but passing these , their statesmen view a while , in ev ▪ ry graver countenance a smile : copy the piece there done , wherein you 'l see one laughing out , i told you how 't would be ! draw next a pompous interchange of seals ▪ but curs`d be he that articles reveals before he knows them : now for this take light from him that did describe sir edward's fight : you may perhaps the truth on 't doubt ; what tho ? you 'l have it then cum privilegio . then draw our lords commissioners advance , not homewards , but for flanders , or for france ▪ there to parlier a while , until they see how things in parliament resented be . so much for peace . now for a parliament : a petty session draw : with what content , guess by their countenance who came up post , and quickly saw they had their labour lost : like the small merchants when they bargains sell ; come hither iack : what say ? come kiss : farewel . but `twas abortive , born before its day ; no wonder then it dy'd so soon away . yet breath'd it once , and that with such a force , it blasted thirty thousand foot and horse . as once prometheus man did sneez so hard , as routed all that new-rais'd standing guard of teeth , to keep the tongue in order : so down fall our new gallants without a foe . but if this little one could do so much , what will the next ? give a prophetick touch , if thou know how ; if not , leave a great space ▪ for great things to be pourtray`d in their place . now draw the shadow of a parliament , as if to scare the upper world `twere sent : cross your selves , gentlemen , for shades will fright , especially if`t be an english sprite : ●●ermilion this mans guilt , ceruse his fears ; sink th' others eyes deep in his head with cares : another thought some on accounts , to see how his disbursements with receipts agree . peep into coaches , see perriwigs neglected , cross'd arms and legs of such as are suspected , or do suspect what 's coming , and foresee themselves must share in this polutrophy . painter , hast travell'd ? didst thou e`er see rome ? that fam ▪ d piece there , angelo's day of doom ? horrors and anguish of descenders there , may teach thee how to paint descenders here . canst thou describe the empty shifts are made , like that which dealers call , forcing of trade ? some shift their crimes , some places ; and among the rest , some will their countreys too , ere long . draw in a corner gamesters , shuffling , cutting , their little crafts , no wit , together putting : how to pack knaves `mongst kings and queens , to make a saving game , whilst heads are at the stake : but cross their cards , until it be confest , of all the play , fair dealing is the best . draw a veil of displeasure , one to hide , and some prepar`d to strike a blow on 's side ▪ let him that built high , now creep low to shelter , when potentares must tumble , helter skelter . the purse , seal , mace , are gone , as it was fit ; such marks as these could not chuse but be hit : the purse , seal , mace , are gone ; bartholmew day , of all the days i`th`year , they 're ta`en away . the purse , seal , mace are gone , but to another mitre ; i wish not so , though to my brother : i care not for translation to a see , unless they would translate to italy . now draw a sail playing before the wind , from the north-west ; that which it leaves behind , curses or out-cries , mind them not , till when they do appear realities , and then spare not to paint them in their colours , though crimes of a viceroy : deputies have so been serv`d e'er now . but if the man prove true , let him , with pharaoh`s butler , have his due . make the same wind blow strong against the shore of france , to hinder some from coming o`er and rather draw the golden vessel burning , even there , then hither with her fraight returning , ` t is true the noble treasurer is gone : vvise , faithful , loyal ; some say th` onely one : yet i will hope we 've pilots left behind can steer our vessel without southern vvind . vvomen have grosly snar`d the wisest prince that ever was before , or hath been since : and granham athaliah in that nation , vvas a great hinderer of reformation . paint in a new piece painted iezabel ; giv`t to adorn the dining room of hell : hang by her others of the gang ; for more deserve a place with rosamond , iane shore , &c. stay , painter ; now look here`s below a space , i`th`bottom of all this , what shall we place ? shall it be pope , or turk , or prince , or nun ? let the resolve write nescio . so have done . expose thy piece now to the world to see : perhaps they 'l say of it ▪ of thee , of me , poems and paints can speake sometimes bold truths , poets and painters are licentious youths . quae sequuntur , in limine thalami regii , a nescio quo nebulone scripta , reperibantur . bella fugis , bellas sequeris , belloque repugnas et bellatori , sunt tibi bella thori imbelles imbelliae amas , a●daxque videris mars ad opus veneris , martis ad arma venus . clarindon's house-warming . when clarindon had discern`d beforehand , ( as the cause can eas`ly foretel the effect ) at once three deluges threatning our land ; ` t was the season he thought to turn architect . us mars , and apollo , and vulcan consume ; vvhile he the betrayer of england and flander , like the king-fisher chuseth to build in the broom , and nestles in flames like the salamander . but observing that mortals run often behind , ( so unreasonable are the rates they buy-at ) his omnipotence therefore much rather design'd how he might create a house with a fiat . he had read of rhodope , a lady of thrace , who was dig'd up so often ere she did marry ; and wish'd that his daughter had had as much grace to erect him a pyramid out of her quarry . but then recollecting how the harper amphyon made thebes dance aloft while he fidled and sung , he thought ( as an instrument he was most free on ) to build with the jews-trump of his own tongue . yet a president fitter in virgil he found , of african poultney , and tyrian dide , that he begg'd for a pallace so much of his ground , as might carry the measure and name of an hyde . thus dayly his gouty inventions he pain'd , and all for to save the expences of brickbat , that engine so fatal , which denham had brain'd . and too much resembled his wives chocolatte . but while these devices he all doth compare , none sollid enough seem'd for his strong castor ; he himself would not dwell in a castle of air , though he had built full many a one for his master already he had got all our money and cattel , to buy us for slaves , and purchase our lands ; what ioseph by famine , he wrought by sea-battel nay scarce the priests portion could scape from his hands . and hence like pharoah that israel prest to make mortar and brick , yet allow'd them no straw , he car'd not though egypt's ten plagues us distrest , so he could to build but make policy law. the scotch forts & dunkirk , but that they were sold , he would have ●emolisht to raise up his walls ; nay ev'n from tangier have sent back for the mold , but that he had nearer the stones of st. pauls . his wood would come in at the easier rate , so long as the yards had a deal or a spar : his friend in the navy would not be ingrate , to grudge him some timber who fram'd him the war , to proceed in the model he call'd in his allons , the two allons when jovial , who ply him with gallons , the two allons who serve his blind justice for ballance , the two allons who serve his injustice for tallons . they approve it thus far , and said it was fine ; yet his lordship to finish it would be unable ; unless all abroad he divulg'd the de●ign , for his house then would grow like a vegetable . his rent would no more in arreas run to worster ; he should dwell more noble , and cheap too athome , while into a fabrick the presents would mus●er ; as by hook and by crook the world cluster'd of atome . he lik'd the advice , and then soon it assay'd ; and presents croud headlong to give good example : so the bribes overlaid her that , rome once betray'd : the tribes ne'er contributed so to the temple . straight judges , priests , bishops , true sons of the seal , sinners , governors , farmers , banquers ▪ patentees . ●ring in the whole mite of a year at a meal , as the chodder clubs dairy to the incorporate cheese bul●●a●es , beak●s , morley , vvrens fingers with telling were shriveled , and clu●terbuck , eagers & kips ▪ since the act of oblivion was never suc●●selling , as at this benevolence out of the snips . 't was then the chimny-contractors he smoakd , nor would take his beloved canary in kind : but he swore that the patent should ne'er be revok'd ; no , would the whole parliament kiss him behind . like iove under aetna o'erwhelming the gyant , for foundation the bristol sunk in the earth's bowel ; and st. iohn must now for the leads be compliant , or his right hand shall else be cut off with the trowel . for surveying the building , prat did the feat ; but for the expence he rely'd upon worstenholm , who sate heretofore at the kings receipt ; 〈◊〉 receiv'd now and paid the chancellours custome ▪ by subsidies thus both clerick and laick , and with matter profane , cemented with holy , he finish'd at last his palace mosaick , by a model more excellent than lesly's folly. and upon the tarrus , to consummate all , a lanthorn , like faux's surveys the burnt town , and shews on the top by the regal g●lt ball , vvhere you are to expect the scepter and crown fond city , its rubbish and ruines that builds , like vain chymists , a flower from its ashes returning ; your metropolis house is in st ▪ iames's fields , and till there you remove , you shall never leave burning this temple of vvar and of peace is the shrine ; vvhere this idol of state sits ador'd and accurst : and to handsel his altar and nostrils divine , great buckingham's sacrifice must be the first . now some ( as all builders must censure abide ) throw dust in its front , and blame situation : and others as much reprehend his backside , as too narrow by far for his expatiation . but do not consider how in process of times , that for name-sake he may with hyde park it enlarge , and with that convenience he soon for his cr●●● ▪ at tybourn may land , and spare the tower-barge . or rather how wisely his s●all was built near , le●t with driving too far his tallow impair ; when like the good oxe , for publick good chear , he comes to be roasted next st. iames's fair. upon his house . here lies the sacred bones of paul beguiled of his stones . here lie golden briberies , the price of ruin'd families : the cavaliers debenter-wall , fixt on an eccentrick basis ; here 's dunkirk-town and tangier-hall , the queens marriage and all ; the dutchman's templum pacis . upon his grand-children . kendal is dead , and cambridge riding post ? vvhat fitter sacrifice for denham's ghost ? finis . <?xml-stylesheet href='xml htm.xsl' type='text/xsl'?> <?xml version=' . 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">this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text s in the <ref target="http://estc.bl.uk">english short title catalog</ref> (stc ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with <ref target="http://morphadorner.northwestern.edu/morphadorner/">morphadorner</ref>. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish.</edition> <editor>martin mueller</editor> <respstmt> <resp>incompletely or incorrectly transcribed words were reviewed and in many cases fixed by</resp> <name>melina yeh</name> <name>yixin xiao</name> </respstmt> <respstmt> <resp>this text has not been fully proofread</resp> <name/> </respstmt> </editionstmt> <publicationstmt> <publisher>earlyprint project</publisher> <pubplace>evanston il, notre dame in, st.louis, washington mo</pubplace> <date> </date> <availability> <licence target="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/ . /deed.en_us">distributed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial . unported license</licence> </availability> <idno type="shc">a .xml</idno> </publicationstmt> <sourcedesc> <biblfull n="tcp source"> <titlestmt> <title type="_ ">a maske presented at ludlow castle, on michaelmasse night, before the right honorable, iohn earle of bridgewater, vicount brackly, lord præsident of wales, and one of his maiesties most honorable privie counsell.</title> <author>milton, john, - .</author> </titlestmt> <extent> dpi tiff g page images</extent> <publicationstmt> <publisher>university of michigan, digital library production service</publisher> <pubplace>ann arbor, michigan</pubplace> <date> january (tcp phase )</date> <idno type="marc"> </idno> <idno type="stc">stc ( nd ed.) .</idno> <idno type="stc">greg, ii, (a).</idno> <idno type="vid"> </idno> <idno type="dlps">a </idno> <availability> <p>this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. searching, reading, printing, or downloading eebo-tcp texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this text, in whole or in part. please contact project staff at eebotcp-info@umich.edu for further information or permissions.</p> </availability> </publicationstmt> </biblfull> <biblfull n="printed source"> <titlestmt> <title type="_ ">a maske presented at ludlow castle, on michaelmasse night, before the right honorable, iohn earle of bridgewater, vicount brackly, lord præsident of wales, and one of his maiesties most honorable privie counsell.</title> <title type="alt">comus</title> <title type="alt">comus.</title> <author>milton, john, - .</author> <author>lawes, henry, - ,</author> </titlestmt> <extent>[ ], , [ ] p.</extent> <publicationstmt> <publisher>printed [by augustine mathewes] for humphrey robinson, at the signe of the three pidgeons in pauls church-yard,</publisher> <pubplace>london :</pubplace> <date type="publication_date"> .</date> <date type="creation_date"> </date> </publicationstmt> <notesstmt> <note> <p>the first edition of "comus" by john milton.</p> </note> <note> <p>editor's dedication signed: h. lavves.</p> </note> <note> <p>printer's name from stc.</p> </note> <note> <p>reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery.</p> </note> </notesstmt> </biblfull> </sourcedesc> </filedesc> <xenodata type="nuheader"> <ep:epheader xmlns:ep="http://earlyprint.org/ns/ . 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-b- " reg="heaven">heav'n</w> <w lemma="itself" pos="px" xml:id="a - -b- " reg="itself">it selfe</w> <w lemma="will" pos="vmd" xml:id="a - -b- ">would</w> <w lemma="stoop" pos="vvi" xml:id="a - -b- " reg="stoop">stoope</w> <w lemma="to" pos="acp-p" xml:id="a - -b- ">to</w> <w lemma="she" pos="pno" xml:id="a - -b- ">her</w> <pc xml:id="a - -b- " unit="sentence">.</pc> </l> </sp> <list xml:id="a -e "> <head> <w lemma="the" pos="d" xml:id="a - -b- ">the</w> <w lemma="principal" pos="j" xml:id="a - -b- " reg="principal">principall</w> <w lemma="person" pos="n " xml:id="a - -b- ">persons</w> <w lemma="in" pos="acp-p" xml:id="a - -b- ">in</w> <w lemma="this" pos="d" xml:id="a - -b- ">this</w> <w lemma="mask" pos="n " xml:id="a - -b- " rendition="#hi" reg="mask">maske</w> <pc xml:id="a - -b- " rendition="#hi">;</pc> <w lemma="be" pos="vvd" xml:id="a - -b- ">were</w> </head> <item xml:id="a -e "> <w lemma="the" pos="d" xml:id="a - -b- ">the</w> <w lemma="lord" pos="n " xml:id="a - -b- ">lord</w> <w lemma="brac" pos="n -nn" xml:id="a - -b- ">bracly</w> <pc xml:id="a - -b- ">,</pc> </item> <item xml:id="a -e "> <w lemma="mr." pos="n-ab" xml:id="a - -b- " rendition="#sup- ">mr.</w> <w lemma="thomas" pos="n -nn" xml:id="a - -b- ">thomas</w> <w lemma="egerton" pos="n -nn" type="unclear" xml:id="a - -b- ">egerton</w> <pc xml:id="a - -b- ">,</pc> </item> <item xml:id="a -e "> <w lemma="the" pos="d" xml:id="a - -b- ">the</w> <w lemma="lady" pos="n " xml:id="a - -b- ">lady</w> <w lemma="alice" pos="n -nn" xml:id="a - -b- ">alice</w> <w lemma="egerton" pos="n -nn" xml:id="a - -b- ">egerton</w> <pc xml:id="a - -b- " unit="sentence">.</pc> </item> </list> <trailer xml:id="a -e "> <w lemma="the" pos="d" xml:id="a - -b- ">the</w> <w lemma="end" pos="n " xml:id="a - -b- ">end</w> <pc xml:id="a - -b- " unit="sentence"/> </trailer> </div> </body> <back> <div type="machine-generated_castlist"> <head>machine-generated castlist</head> <list n=" -a "> <item xml:id="a -comus" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -comus</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -lady" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -lady</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -elder_brother" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -elder_brother</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -spirit" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -spirit</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -younger_brother" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -younger_brother</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -sabrina" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -sabrina</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> </list> </div> <div type="textual_notes"> <head>textual notes</head> <p>the textual notes below aim at making textual corrections readable in their immediate context and facilitating access to the source text. a five-digit number preceded by 'a' or 'b' represents an eebo-tcp filenumber. a notation like " -b- " means "look for eebo page image of that text, word on the right side of the double-page image." that reference is followed by the corrupt reading. a black dot stands for an unidentified letter, a black square for an unidentified punctuation mark, a diamond for a missing word, and the ellipsis for a short span of undefined length. the corrected reading is displayed as a keyword in context.</p> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>figne</sic> <seg>, printed for hvmphrey robinson , at the</seg> <corr>sign</corr> <seg>of the three pidgeons in pauls church-yard</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●umble</sic> <seg>your faithfull , and most</seg> <corr>humble</corr> <seg>servant ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●ut</sic> <seg/> <corr>but</corr> <seg>to my task . neptune besides the sway of</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●y</sic> <seg>flood , and each ebbing streame tooke in</seg> <corr>my</corr> <seg>lot 'twixt high , and neather love imperial</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>s●a-girt</sic> <seg>and neather love imperial rule of all the</seg> <corr>sea-girt</corr> <seg>iles that like to rich , and various gemms</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>forlor●e</sic> <seg>horror of whose shadie brows threats the</seg> <corr>forlorne</corr> <seg>and wandring passinger . and here their</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>qu●ck</sic> <seg>tender age might suffer perill but that by</seg> <corr>quick</corr> <seg>command from soveraigne iove i was dispacht</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>disp●cht</sic> <seg>quick command from soveraigne iove i was</seg> <corr>dispacht</corr> <seg>for their defence and guard , and listen</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>tyrrhenc</sic> <seg>tuscan mariners transform'd coasting the</seg> <corr>tyrrhenic</corr> <seg>shore , as the winds listed , on circes</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>comu●</sic> <seg>more , whom therefore she brought up and</seg> <corr>comus</corr> <seg>nam'd , who ripe , and frolick of his full</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>count'hance</sic> <seg>soone as the potion works , their humane</seg> <corr>count'nance</corr> <seg>th'expresse resemblance of the gods is chang'd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●oote</sic> <seg>swift as the sparkle of a glancing starre i</seg> <corr>shoote</corr> <seg>from heav'n to giue him safe convoy , as</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>os</sic> <seg>must put off these my skie robes spun out</seg> <corr>of</corr> <seg>iris wooffe , and take the weeds and likenesse</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>dan●e</sic> <seg>, midnight shout , and revelrie , tipsie</seg> <corr>dance</corr> <seg>, and jollitie . braid your locks with rosie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>d●opping</sic> <seg>jollitie . braid your locks with rosie twine ,</seg> <corr>dropping</corr> <seg>odours , dropping wine . rigor now is gone</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>a●vice</sic> <seg>dropping wine . rigor now is gone to bed , and</seg> <corr>advice</corr> <seg>with scrupulous head , strict age , and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>severi●ie</sic> <seg>scrupulous head , strict age , and sowre</seg> <corr>severitie</corr> <seg>with their graue sawes in slumber lie .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>pu●er</sic> <seg>graue sawes in slumber lie . we that are of</seg> <corr>purer</corr> <seg>fire , immitate the starrie quire , who</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>daisiestrim</sic> <seg>fountaine brim . the wood-nymphs deckt with</seg> <corr>daisies trim</corr> <seg>, their merry wakes , and pastimes</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>to●ches</sic> <seg>cotytto , t'whom the secret flame of mid-night</seg> <corr>torches</corr> <seg>burnes ; mysterious dame that ne're at call'd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>e●e</sic> <seg>all thy dues be done , and none left out</seg> <corr>ere</corr> <seg>the blabbing easterne scout the nice morne</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>mcasure</sic> <seg>the</seg> <corr>measure</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>d●zling</sic> <seg>graz'd about my mother circe . thus i hurle my</seg> <corr>dazling</corr> <seg>spells into the spungie aire of power to</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●nder</sic> <seg>not be , for that's against my course ; i</seg> <corr>under</corr> <seg>faire praetents of friendly ends , and wel</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>bait●d</sic> <seg>and wel plac't words of glozing courtesie</seg> <corr>baited</corr> <seg>with reasons not unplausible wind me into</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>gea●</sic> <seg>villager whom thrift keepes up about his country</seg> <corr>geare</corr> <seg>but here she comes , i fairly step aside</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>afide</sic> <seg>geare but here she comes , i fairly step</seg> <corr>aside</corr> <seg>and hearken , if i may , her buisnesse here</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>buifnesse</sic> <seg>fairly step aside and hearken , if i may , her</seg> <corr>buisnesse</corr> <seg>here .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>infolence</sic> <seg>loath to meet the rudenesse , and swill'd</seg> <corr>insolence</corr> <seg>of such late wassailers ; yet o where else</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>swill'd insolence of such late wassailers ; yet</seg> <corr>o</corr> <seg>where else shall i in●e my unacquainted</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>vota●st</sic> <seg>then , when the gray-hooded ev'n like a sad</seg> <corr>votarist</corr> <seg>in palmers weeds rose from the hindmost</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>wing●</sic> <seg>hope thou flittering angel girt with golden</seg> <corr>wings</corr> <seg>; and thou unblemish't forme of chastitie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>unseen●</sic> <seg>sweet echo , sweetest nymph that liv'st</seg> <corr>unseene</corr> <seg>within thy ayrie shell by slow meander's</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>love - 〈◊〉</sic> <seg>in the violet-imbroider'd vale where the</seg> <corr>love-lorne</corr> <seg>nightingale nightly to thee her sad song</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>slowrie-kirtl'd</sic> <seg>mother circe with the sirens three amidst the</seg> <corr>flowrie-kirtl'd</corr> <seg>naiades culling their potent hearbs , and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>elysinm</sic> <seg>would take the prison'd soule and lap it in</seg> <corr>elysium</corr> <seg>, scylla wept , and chid her barking waves</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>plea●ing</sic> <seg>charybdis murmur'd soft applause : yet they in</seg> <corr>pleasing</corr> <seg>slumber lull'd the sense and in sweet madnesse</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>val'y</sic> <seg>to seeke i'th</seg> <corr>vally</corr> <seg>some coole friendly spring .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>impor●s</sic> <seg/> <corr>imports</corr> <seg>their losse , beside the praesent need ?</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>p●ae●ended</sic> <seg>where it first was nam'd , and yet is most</seg> <corr>praetended</corr> <seg>: in a place lesse warranted then this ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>d●mm'd</sic> <seg>of shades ; or if your influence be quite</seg> <corr>damm'd</corr> <seg>up with black usurping mists , some gentle</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●ush</sic> <seg>usurping mists , some gentle taper though a</seg> <corr>rush</corr> <seg>candle from the wicker hole of some clay</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>barr d</sic> <seg>or if our eyes : be</seg> <corr>barr'd</corr> <seg>that happinesse , might we but heare the</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●ot</sic> <seg>( not being in danger , as i trust she is</seg> <corr>not</corr> <seg>) could stir the constant mood of her calme</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>p●t</sic> <seg>the constant mood of her calme thoughts and</seg> <corr>put</corr> <seg>them into mis-becomming . vertue could see</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>mis● becomming</sic> <seg>mood of her calme thoughts and put them into</seg> <corr>mis-becomming</corr> <seg>. vertue could see to doe what vertue would</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>owne'radiant</sic> <seg>could see to doe what vertue would by her</seg> <corr>owne' radiant</corr> <seg>light , though sun and moon were</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>slat</sic> <seg>radiant light , though sun and moon were in the</seg> <corr>flat</corr> <seg>sea sunck , and wisdoms selfe oft seeks</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>wifdoms</sic> <seg>and moon were in the flat sea sunck , and</seg> <corr>wisdoms</corr> <seg>selfe oft seeks to sweet retired solitude</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>cheer●full</sic> <seg>pensive secrecie of desert cell farre from the</seg> <corr>cheerefull</corr> <seg>haunt of men , and heards , and sits as</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>mountaneet●</sic> <seg>chastitie no savage fierce , bandite , or</seg> <corr>mountaneere</corr> <seg>will dare to soyle her virgin puritie yea</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●as</sic> <seg>time no goblin , or swart faërie of the mine</seg> <corr>has</corr> <seg>hurtfull power ore true virginity . doe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>silver-shaf●ed</sic> <seg>had the huntresse dian her dred bow faire</seg> <corr>silver-shafted</corr> <seg>queene for ever chast wherewith we tam'd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>sh●</sic> <seg>gods and men fear'd her sterne frowne , &amp;</seg> <corr>she</corr> <seg>was queen oth' woods . what was that snakie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●hat</sic> <seg>frowne , &amp; she was queen oth' woods . what was</seg> <corr>that</corr> <seg>snakie headed gorgon sheild that wise minerva</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>imbodie●</sic> <seg>, the soule growes clotted by contagion ,</seg> <corr>imbodies</corr> <seg>, and imbrutes , till she quite loose the</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>he●</sic> <seg>every muskrose of the dale , how cam'st thou</seg> <corr>here</corr> <seg>good swaine , hath any ram slip't from the</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>sorsook</sic> <seg>dam , or straggling weather the pen't flock</seg> <corr>forsook</corr> <seg>, how couldst thou find this darke sequester'd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>h●re</sic> <seg>masters heire , and his next joy i came not</seg> <corr>here</corr> <seg>on such a triviall toy as a strayd ewe ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>my errand , and the care it brought . but</seg> <corr>o</corr> <seg>my virgin ladie where is she , how chance</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>po●s</sic> <seg>esteem'd by shallow ignorance ) what the sage</seg> <corr>poets</corr> <seg>taught by th'heav'nly muse storied of old</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>s●oried</sic> <seg>the sage poets taught by th'heav'nly muse</seg> <corr>storied</corr> <seg>of old in high immortall verse of dire chimera's</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>verfe</sic> <seg>th'heav'nly muse storied of old in high immortall</seg> <corr>verse</corr> <seg>of dire chimera's and inchanted iles and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>rifted rocks whose entrance leads to hell ,</seg> <corr>to</corr> <seg>such there be , but unbeliefe is blind .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●acchus</sic> <seg>immur'd in cypresse shades a sorcerer dwells of</seg> <corr>bacchus</corr> <seg>, and of circe borne , great comus , deepe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>ciree</sic> <seg>shades a sorcerer dwells of bacchus , and of</seg> <corr>circe</corr> <seg>borne , great comus , deepe skill'd in all</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>in●ead</sic> <seg>the inglorious likenesse of a beast fixes</seg> <corr>instead</corr> <seg>, unmoulding reasons mintage character'd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>flock●</sic> <seg>the face ; this have i learn't tending my</seg> <corr>flocks</corr> <seg>h●rd by i'th hilly crofts that brow this</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>p●aevent</sic> <seg>had met alreadie , ere my best speed could</seg> <corr>praevent</corr> <seg>the aidlesse innocent ladie his wish't prey</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>w●o</sic> <seg>aidlesse innocent ladie his wish't prey ,</seg> <corr>who</corr> <seg>gently ask't if he had seene such two supposing</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>s●ene</sic> <seg>wish't prey , who gently ask't if he had</seg> <corr>seene</corr> <seg>such two supposing him some neighbour villager</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>two she mean't , with that i sprung into</seg> <corr>swift</corr> <seg>flight till i had found you here , but farther</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>ag●inst</sic> <seg>how are yee joyn'd with hell in triple knot</seg> <corr>against</corr> <seg>th'unarmed weaknesse of one virgin alone</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>me ; against the threats of malice or of</seg> <corr>sorcerie</corr> <seg>, or that power which erring men call chance</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>meantmost</sic> <seg>enthrall'd , yea even that which mischiefe</seg> <corr>meant most</corr> <seg>harme , shall in the happie triall</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>the happie triall prove most glorie . but</seg> <corr>evill</corr> <seg>on it selfe shall backe recoyle and mixe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>an</sic> <seg>but evill on it selfe shall backe recoyle</seg> <corr>and</corr> <seg>mixe no more with goodnesse , when at last</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>evill on it selfe shall backe recoyle and</seg> <corr>mixe</corr> <seg>no more with goodnesse , when at last gather'd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>se●m</sic> <seg>with goodnesse , when at last gather'd like</seg> <corr>scum</corr> <seg>, and setl'd to it selfe it shall bee in</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>rottenness●</sic> <seg>, if this faile the pillar'd firmament is</seg> <corr>rottenesse</corr> <seg>, and earths base built on stubble . but</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>ca●</sic> <seg>of hellish charms , he with his bare wand</seg> <corr>can</corr> <seg>u●thred thy joynts and crumble all thy sinewes</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>thouthen</sic> <seg>why prethee shepheard how durst</seg> <corr>thou then</corr> <seg>thy selfe approach so neere as to make</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>relatio●</sic> <seg>thy selfe approach so neere as to make this</seg> <corr>relation</corr> <seg>?</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>s●cure</sic> <seg>care and utmost shifts how to</seg> <corr>secure</corr> <seg>the ladie from surprisall brought to my</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●tuous</sic> <seg>regard to see to , yet well skill'd in every</seg> <corr>vertuous</corr> <seg>plant , and healing herbe that spreds her</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>t●th</sic> <seg>healing herbe that spreds her verdant lease</seg> <corr>toth'</corr> <seg>morning ray , he lov'd me well , and oft</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>faculties , amongst the rest a small unsightly</seg> <corr>root</corr> <seg>, but of divine effect , he 〈◊〉 me out ;</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>coun●</sic> <seg>, and had prickles on it , but in another</seg> <corr>countrie</corr> <seg>, as be said , bore a bright golden flowre</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>flow●e</sic> <seg>countrie , as be said , bore a bright golden</seg> <corr>flowre</corr> <seg>, but not in this soyle : vnknowne , and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>s●oone</sic> <seg>swayne treads on it dayly with his cloured</seg> <corr>shoone</corr> <seg>, and yet more med'cinall is it then that</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>med ' cinall</sic> <seg>dayly with his cloured shoone , and yet more</seg> <corr>med'cinall</corr> <seg>is it then that moby that hermes once to</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>vl●sses</sic> <seg>it then that moby that hermes once to wise</seg> <corr>vlysses</corr> <seg>gave , he call'd it haemony , and gave it</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>da●tlesse</sic> <seg>necromancers hall , where if he be , with</seg> <corr>dauntlesse</corr> <seg>hardihood and brandish't blade rush on him</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>wa●d</sic> <seg>lushious liquor on the ground but sease his</seg> <corr>wand</corr> <seg>, though he and his curst crew feirce signe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>b●aile</sic> <seg>though he and his curst crew feirce signe of</seg> <corr>battaile</corr> <seg>make , and menace high , or like the sons</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>m●ace</sic> <seg>crew feirce signe of battaile make , and</seg> <corr>menace</corr> <seg>high , or like the sons of vulcan vomit</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>v●lcan</sic> <seg>make , and menace high , or like the sons of</seg> <corr>vulcan</corr> <seg>vomit smoake , yet will they soone retire</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●ollow</sic> <seg>thyrsis lead on apace ile</seg> <corr>follow</corr> <seg>thee , and some good angell beare a sheild</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>cha●ges</sic> <seg>the scene</seg> <corr>changes</corr> <seg>to a stately palace set out with all manner</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>so●</sic> <seg>the scene changes to a stately palace</seg> <corr>set</corr> <seg>out with all manner of detict● sno●e , soft</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●sicke</sic> <seg>out with all manner of detict● sno●e , soft</seg> <corr>musicke</corr> <seg>, tables spred with all dainties . comus</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>co●s</sic> <seg>musicke , tables spred with all dainties .</seg> <corr>comus</corr> <seg>appears with his rabble , and the ladie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>app●s</sic> <seg>, tables spred with all dainties . comus</seg> <corr>appears</corr> <seg>with his rabble , and the ladie set in an</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>vabble</sic> <seg>with all dainties . comus appears with his</seg> <corr>rabble</corr> <seg>, and the ladie set in an inchanted chaire</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>inch●</sic> <seg>with his rabble , and the ladie set in an</seg> <corr>inchanted</corr> <seg>chaire to whom he offers his glasse , which</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>statre</sic> <seg>all chain'd up in alablaster , and you a</seg> <corr>statue</corr> <seg>; or as daphne was root bound that fled</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>dap●</sic> <seg>in alablaster , and you a statue ; or as</seg> <corr>daphne</corr> <seg>was root bound that fled apollo .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>foo'e</sic> <seg/> <corr>foole</corr> <seg>doe not boast , thou canst not touch the</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>foole doe not boast , thou</seg> <corr>canst</corr> <seg>not touch the freedome of my mind withall</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>withall</sic> <seg>thou canst not touch the freedome of my mind</seg> <corr>with all</corr> <seg>thy charms , although this corporall rind</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>, although this corporall rind thou hast</seg> <corr>immanacl'd</corr> <seg>, while heav'n sees good .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●eav'n</sic> <seg>corporall rind thou hast immanacl'd , while</seg> <corr>heav'n</corr> <seg>sees good .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>ve●t</sic> <seg>why are you</seg> <corr>vext</corr> <seg>ladie , why doe you frowne ? here dwell</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>frow●</sic> <seg>why are you vext ladie , why doe you</seg> <corr>frowne?</corr> <seg>? here dwell no frowns , nor anger , from</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●ies</sic> <seg>frowns , nor anger , from these gates sorrow</seg> <corr>flies</corr> <seg>farre : see here be all the pleasurs that</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>thi●</sic> <seg>buds in primrose season . and first behold</seg> <corr>this</corr> <seg>cordial julep here that flames , and dances</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>●ulep</sic> <seg>primrose season . and first behold this cordial</seg> <corr>julep</corr> <seg>here that flames , and dances in his crystall</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>bal●e</sic> <seg>dances in his crystall bounds with spirits of</seg> <corr>balme</corr> <seg>, and fragrant syrops mixt . not that nepenthes</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>he●</sic> <seg>wife of tho● in aegypt gave to love borne</seg> <corr>helena</corr> <seg>is of such power to stirre up joy as this</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>to love borne helena is of such power to</seg> <corr>stirre</corr> <seg>up joy as this , to life so friendly , or</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>li●e</sic> <seg>such power to stirre up joy as this , to</seg> <corr>life</corr> <seg>so friendly , or so coole to thirst . why</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>dain●</sic> <seg>be so cruell to your selfe , and to those</seg> <corr>daintie</corr> <seg>limms which nature lent for gentle usage</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>li●ms</sic> <seg>cruell to your selfe , and to those daintie</seg> <corr>limms</corr> <seg>which nature lent for gentle usage , and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>har●hly</sic> <seg>you invert the cov'nants of her trust , and</seg> <corr>harshly</corr> <seg>deale like an ill borrower with that which</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>u●exempt</sic> <seg>you receiv'd on other termes , scorning the</seg> <corr>unexempt</corr> <seg>condition , by which all mortall frailty</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>an●she</sic> <seg>dispenc't in unsuperfluous even proportion ,</seg> <corr>and she</corr> <seg>no whit encomber'd with her store ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>pr●se</sic> <seg>the giver would be better thank't , ' his</seg> <corr>praise</corr> <seg>due paid , for swinish gluttony ne're looks</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>re●</sic> <seg>him that dares arme his profane tongue with</seg> <corr>reproachfull</corr> <seg>words against the sun-clad power of chastitie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>t●ough</sic> <seg>words set off by some superior power ; and</seg> <corr>though</corr> <seg>not mortall , yet a cold shuddring dew dips</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>allo●e</sic> <seg>mortall , yet a cold shuddring dew dips me</seg> <corr>all ore</corr> <seg>, as when the wrath of iove speaks thunder</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>scturns</sic> <seg>thunder , and the chaines of erebus to some of</seg> <corr>saturns</corr> <seg>crew . i must dissemble , and try her yet</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>reatd</sic> <seg>aged nereus hall who piteous of her woes</seg> <corr>reard</corr> <seg>her lanke head , and gave her to his daughters</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>〈◊〉</sic> <seg>signes that the shrewd medling elfe delights</seg> <corr>so</corr> <seg>make , which she with precious viold liquors</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>ocea●us</sic> <seg>listen and appeare to us in name of great</seg> <corr>oceanus</corr> <seg>, by th earth sha●ng neptun's mace and tethys</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>n●reus</sic> <seg>tethys grave majesticke pace , by hoarie</seg> <corr>nereus</corr> <seg>wrincled looke , and the carpathian wisards</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>carpath●</sic> <seg>by hoarie nereus wrincled looke , and the</seg> <corr>carpathian</corr> <seg>wisards hooke , by 〈◊〉 winding shell . and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>win●ing</sic> <seg>and the carpathian wisards hooke , by 〈◊〉</seg> <corr>winding</corr> <seg>shell . and old sooth saying clau● spell</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>w●lie</sic> <seg>that nightly dance vpon thy streams with</seg> <corr>wilie</corr> <seg>glance , rise , rise and heave thy rosie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>sheen●</sic> <seg>stayes , thicke set with agat , and the azurne</seg> <corr>sheene</corr> <seg>of turkkis blew , and ●rould greene that</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>charm●d</sic> <seg>wee implore thy powerfull hand to undoe the</seg> <corr>charmed</corr> <seg>band of true virgin here distrest , through</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>mineing</sic> <seg>guise as mercury did first devise with the</seg> <corr>mincing</corr> <seg>dryades on the lawns , and on the leas .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>th●m</sic> <seg>their patience , and their truth , and sent</seg> <corr>them</corr> <seg>here through hard assays with a crowne of</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>●riumph</sic> <seg>assays with a crowne of deathlesse praise , to</seg> <corr>triumph</corr> <seg>in victorious dance ore sensuall folly ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>elysinn</sic> <seg>purfl'd scarfe can shew , and drenches with</seg> <corr>elysium</corr> <seg>dew ( list mortalls , if your eares be true</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>th●assyrian</sic> <seg>slumber soft , and on the ground sadly sits</seg> <corr>th'assyrian</corr> <seg>queene ; but farre above in spangled sheene</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>aeternal●</sic> <seg>free consent the gods among make her his</seg> <corr>aeternall</corr> <seg>bride , and from her faire unspotted side</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>eg●rton</sic> <seg>mr. thomas</seg> <corr>egerton</corr> <seg>,</seg> </note> </div> </back> </text> </tei> the life and reigne of king charls, or, the pseudo-martyr discovered with a late reply to an invective remonstrance against the parliament and present government : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between the late kings publick declarations ... compared with his private letters, and other of his expresses not hitherto taken into common observation. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the life and reigne of king charls, or, the pseudo-martyr discovered with a late reply to an invective remonstrance against the parliament and present government : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between the late kings publick declarations ... compared with his private letters, and other of his expresses not hitherto taken into common observation. milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed for w. reybold ..., london : . attributed to john milton. cf. halkett & laing ( nd ed.). first ed. cf. nuc pre- . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -- i, -- king of england, - . great britain -- history -- charles i, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the life and reigne of king charls , or the pseudo-martyr discovered . with a late reply to an invective remonstrance against the parliament and present government : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between the late kings publick declarations , protestations , imprecations , and his pourtracture , compared with his private letters , and other of his expresses not hitherto taken into common observation . istud est sapere , non solùm ea quae ante pedes videre , sed futura prospicere . seneca . london , printed for w. reybold at the signe of the unicorn in pauls church-yard . the preface . to write the lives of princes , in another world , and fallen , through their owne frailties , or by the influence of others counsells from the high pitch of soveraignty ( for regality is a slippery precipice ) in charity may be allowed a faire and favourable memoriall ; but for a king falling by the high hand of justice , not for common faults and frailties ( incident to humane nature ) but presumptuous sins , sins of lood , perfidie , cruelty , rapine , wilfully perpetrated in the face of god and man , and without any remorse , to pursue the destruction not of one , but three flourishing kingdoms , such desperate and violent princes , deserve no other favour than to be set out to the life of their tyrannous actions ; though in pitty to him , who hath already paid his debt to nature , and his offences , much of his exorbitant government and irregular motions might , and doubtlesse would have been concealed , more tenderly intreated , and himselfe sufferered to rest where he is , in the silent grave , had not that madnesse of his defeated surviving party by their indefatigable instigations , given frequent occasion of taking over the ashes of him , who living ( without injury to truth and his memory it may be said ) that rather than to have failed in the accomplishing of his designs , ( had it layn in in his power ) he would have set the world on fire . it was an unhappy and no iningenious expression of * him , who hath written it , that there were a sort of men borne to the world , not so suffer it to be at rest ; a sentence not more true , than made good in this most unhappy king , had this been put in addition ( neither himselfe to take his owne rest , and sleep ( as he could not ) quietly and peaceably like other men . ) i am not ignorant what senslesse maxims and ridiculous principles have gotten credit in the world ( as undoubted oracles indisputably to be obeyed ) as that de mortuis nil nisi bona , but by no means to tread on the sacred urne of princes , though living never so vicious and exorbitant , as if death had bequeathed unto them a supersedeas for the covering over their faults and licencious reignes , and to close them up in the coffin of oblivion , with a ne plus ultra , not to admit of the least mention that they had done amisse , when many thousands of oppressed and desolated families must stand mute , whilest the malicious partizans of an irregular king , take a liberty to themselves , to vindicate his indefensible actions , and not so content , but asperse and scandalise those that opposed him in his cruelties , and likewise would perswade others to adore him for a saint , and an innocent martyr , whose fathers , brothers , and friends , have been most barbarously slain to fulfill the lust and pleasure of one wilfull man : if to speake truth in due season , or to be the faithfull witnesse to convey the verity of things past to the present and after times , be a crime unpardonable , or an injustice done to the memory of the dead , the malignant generation of this age may on the same reason charge it as a fault on those holy and inspired pen-men of the sacred scriptures , which have recorded and left to after ages the wicked reignes of kings , leaving an everlasting staine and taint on their memories ; how prophane would it be to tax that holy man ( the meekest of men ) moses , for leaving to posterity the fratricide of cayne ? the mockery of that wicked cam ? what madnesse to accuse samuel , and the authors of the chronicles of the kings of iuda and israel , in leaving to after ages the tyranny of saul , in murthering at once eighty of gods priests ? that presumptuous sin and perfidious fact of david , in plotting the death of vriah , that he might enjoy his wife which lay in his bosome ? rehoboams tyrannies ? the cruelties and idolatries of ieroboam , who stands branded , as the sonne of nebat , which made israel to sin ? with what face can it be imputed as an incharity to tacitus , livy , florus , and others of the roman historians , for inserting in their histories , the rape of lucretia by that tyrant tarquin ? the tyrannies of tiberius and his privado scianus ? those of nero , that monster of princes , and the condemnation of him by the senate ? to omit forraign examples , what offence in reason can be charged on matthew paris , ho●eden , sir th. moor , daniell , and infinite others , of our owne historians , for describing the vices and tyrannies of our owne kings both ancient and moderne ? what injury have they committed in their registers , in setting downe that william the first of our norman kings , was a known bastard of robert duke of normandy , an usurper , and from which spurious root all our kings since his usurpation derive their deified titles , and that most of his descendants ruled tyrannically , and that amongst them all king iohn was one of the most subtill , persideous and bloody princes that history hath afforded ? that henry the third his sonne ( admitted by the indulgence of the barons and people in hopes of his better government ) proved as oppressive and bloody to the nation as any of the rest : that richard the third in murthering his brothers sonnes , and usurping the crowne , was more wicked than the worst ? that henry the seventh was the descendant of a bastard sonne of iohn of gaunt , begotten on catherine swinford another mans wife , though legitimated by act of parliament , yet had no other title to the crowne but that of his sword ? that six of his descendants , and of our last princes , claym their rights to the crowne from his spurious stock ( as if it had been in the fate of the english nation , to be perpetually chaind up to the irregular domination of a race of kings , transmitted from one bastardized roote to another ? that henry the eighth was a most imperious and bloody prince , the pattern and idea of all tyranny , and one that neither spared any man in his wrath , or woman in his lust ? that his daughter queen mary was the spurious issue begotten on catherine of austria his elder brother arthurs wife , that alecto , superstitious and bloody princesse ; that king iames , and our late king charls , were discendants from the same stock of henry of richmond , the one who most of all our kings secretly , cunningly , and underhand indeavoured , and laid the plot to undermine the freedoms of the english nation , and king charls to have followed the design with more plots , wiles , and stratagems , than any of our former kings , raised more treasure by undue exactions , and spilt more innocent blood than all of the norman kings before him ? if the premisses are evident truths , as they cannot be denyed ; why then should they be concealed , and wrapt up from the sight of the world ? being so pertinent to be left as looking glasses for their successours to behold the deformed faces of their ancestors , so fit to be made known to the deluded number of the people , baffled and befool'd with flam's and fig-leaves ? what injury then or injustice hath the parliament done to the nation , in rescuing their liberties out of the hand of a king , which nothing would content , but their invassalage ? what have they done more in cutting off him with his posterity ( to whom he had entayled his designes ) than necessity hath inforc'd them to do , in preservation of the nation from that inevitable inthralldome , which eminently was like , and would have befallen the universall people , had they not taken away the effects by the cause , and by that law of necessity , to which all others are subservient ? and have they done more than the romans of old have left in president , in the case of tarquinius , and the expulsion of his posterity for lesse tyranny , and to change the kingly government into a republick , when as this most willfull prince stood so constantly fix'd to his depraved principles , that no perswasions of a court of parliament , no reason but his will could prevaile , or content him , but to be the absolute master of such an immensity of power , as that at his own time and pleasure might enable him , not only to destroy himself , but to overpower the whole kingdom , which to his uttermost he endeavoured , and to wade all over in blood to the accomplishment , as 't is most manifest by all his actions , and the sequell of his owne story ? and have not the scots on the same reasons of state , in divers presidents , acted the like on their kings , when they found them perverse and intractable to any reason , as t is manifest in the fatall examples of dardanus their . king from fergus , in romacus their king , and on alpinus their king , all three of them beheaded for their cruelties and tyrannies ; besides twenty more of their kings , either put to death or deposed for their exorbitant governments ? and hath the parliament in this necessitated change of the late kingly domination into a common-wealth done more than the hollanders were compell'd to attempt , and happily accomplisht in the very like case , when as on their many ( though fruitlesse , petitions to philip the second of the invading of their ancient immunities , and slaughtering of of the natives by don alvares de toledo , and others of his vice-royes , and themselves utterly deprived of all hopes of redresse of their grievances , but only to make head against his tyranny ? this question i take the liberty to move to the most rigid royalist ; by what right , equity , or law of god or man , is any nation in the world bound up to such a blind and unnaturall obedience , as to be deprived of self-defence , and to sit still without seeking their own preservations , whilst an irregular king shall either cut their throats , inslave , or denude them of their freedomes , when as both scripture and the law of nature and nations allows it them ? and that royalists themselves , and the most learned jurists maintain and concur in one joynt opinion , that subjects in such cases , both by gods law and that of nature , may defend themselves , contra immanem saevitiem , against barbarous hostility , as * barclay confesseth , & * hugo grotius avoucheth it for law , si rex hostili animo in totius populi exitium feratur , amittit regnum , if a king in a hostile way shall attempt to destroy his people , he loseth his kingdome , and this stands with infallible reason ; but leaving this argument as that which already is in the way of decifion by the sword , which when we have all said what can be alleged , is the best title of all kings and common-wealths , and the same on which all or most of the kings in the world have founded their powers and soveraignties ; what a strange passion then and madnesse possesses his surviving party , which during the life time and height of their masters power could not with all their united forces , their many plots and continued practices prevaile against the parliament , or enable him to attaine to any peece of his ends , whose boundlesse ambition , lead him ( as we may safely beleeve ) to fight as well against heaven as his own subjects , and saw it not , or would not , but pursued his designs so long as any power or hopes prompted him to beleeve , that happily in the end he might be the conquerour , but but missing of all his aims , and himself in another world , that there should still remain so many of his defeated partizans , which out of an old and inbred malice have found out a way ( as they vainly conceive ) how to be revenged on their conquerors , ( is the wonder of the times ) by presenting his book , with his picture praying in the frontispiece , purposely to catch and amuse the people , magnifying all his misdeeds for pious actions , canonizing him for a saint , and idolizing his memory for an innocent martyr , an imposture without other parallell than that of mahomet ; considerations which for the generall satisfaction , and for the better discovery of the truth of all affairs between the king and parliament , have principally induced me to take ( in brief ) the true dimensions of this sainted king and innocent martyr , and to pull off that false vizzard wherewith his juggling partie hath deckt his effigies , and presented him to the publick view , for the most pious prince of this age , that so the people may behold him in his native complexon ; true it is some other important reasons have moved me to undertake this task , as having seen the many poor , easie , and beleeving people of this nation , too long mislead , and cosened out of their understanding by his usuall protestations , which god willing shall be made evidently cleer by the kings own hand writing , and by the self same artifices wherewith he had so often deluded and prevailed on the belief of too many of his own party pretending to knowledge above the ordinary rank of the vulgar , other reasons have moved me hereunto , as for satisfaction of some obstinate royalists to whom i have wisht well , and with whom i have had severall disputes on such particular subjects , as may be seene in the subsequent reply ; ranckt betweene the breviary of the kings reign , and the observations on severall of his own letters and expresses ; and lastly to confute a new sprung up scandall most ungratefully and maliciously raised against the parliament ; viz. that the present change of the government both civill and ecclesiasticall , the cutting off the king and his posterity , were plots and contrivances of a longer date and standing than this parliament , though pursued and accomplished by a party yet sitting at westminster : this being the scope and method of the whole , i have thought it not impertinent in preparation thereunto here to adjoyn some thing of the place of his birth , and manner of his breeding ; that he was born in scotland , . and remained there untill the second year of his fathers reigne , needs no further attestation ; that on the ceasing of the sicknesse . at london ( for its ominously remarkable , that two most furious plagues immediately followed the very ingresse both of the father and the son to their crowns ) under the stile and title of duke of yorke , he was conveyed from edenborough to st. james's known to many yet living ; that during his infancy , then fitter for the oversight of the female sex , than the masculine , there was such an innated , incorrigible , obduracy , and inflexibility in his nature , that his nurses and those gentlewomen that attended him could very rarely devise how to please him , much lesse to reclaim that intemperature of his naturall constitution ; which as the gentlewomen themselves have both often related and protested , so are there yet enough alive which will justifie it as a known truth , and of which his mother queen anne would often complain , usually calling him her perverse and obstinate son , and his brother prince henry , not without a propheticall judgement to befall the kingdome , in case on king james his father and his own decease the crown should descend on him ; god knows and i call him to witnesse that i shall not willingly present a syllable to the prejudice of his memory , otherwise then for truths sake ( abused ) and the generall satisfaction of such as would be rightly informed thereof , having never had any cause given me to write more or lesse than becomes me in sincerity , confessing that considering the distance i stood in to be a pertaker of his secrets , as having been only a poor servant of his fathers , untill weary of the court i retired , having seen enough of the vanity thereof , and of both raigns , though on some urgent occasions , in my addresses to him , i have had the honour of his gracious aspect ; and sometimes good words from his own mouth , never any other injury , than in my particular sufferings , involved in the generall calamity proceeding from the late fatall warre , of which i cannot in justice excuse him whose ambition and wilfulness to rule alone , and without controule of any others than hers , which had too long and imperiously overruled him , which the following animadversions will more amply manifest ; having thus made my apology , that neither any particular spleen or quarrell to his person hath incensed me to write , as in justice i ought ; i come to his education as he arrived to riper years , under the tutorship of bishops , and men of that garbe ( known to many who they were ) how he was seasoned both in learning and religion : it s most certain that he attained to some competent measure of literature ( for a prince ) and as i have some reason to beleeve suckt in with the most of the episcopall leven , but as to the religion wherewith afterward he was seasoned , i am confident he was more beholding to his honest secretary mr. murrey , than to any other of his prelaticall tutors , though he after proved ( at best ) a mere formall protestant ; an enemy to the puritan party , and a friend to bishops , as proceeding from the instructions of his own father , and the influence of his prelaticall tetinue ; it s a known truth , that in the midst of that long , fruitlesse , and restlesse pursute of the old kings for a marriage with the infanta , secretary murrey who had then the chiefest influence on his counsells , had privatly diswaded him from any further thought thereof , as a match which would neither be well pleasing to god , acceptable to the generality of the people , or propitious to the kingdom , in respect of the disparity of their religions , which so much wrought upon him , what by the secretaries owne perswasions , and the reading unto him of mr. de molins tractate on the of deutronomy , de illegitimes marages , that he was altogether averted to marry in any papisticall family ; insomuch as the old king making diligent inquiry by whose infusions he was so much alienated from the spanish match , it was at last found out to be mr. murreys workemanship , which cost the honest man the losse of his place , and expulsion the court : howsoever the king out of his restlesse desire to match his son in the house of austria soone turn'd his affection , and sends him in person attended with the duke of buckingham , privately by the way of france , to madrid ; where after an expencefull voyage , and to no other purpose but to his own dishonour , and disgrace to the prince ( after six moneths stay in spain ) he returned to london , the of october following his going from hence , and about moneths after his arrivall the old king dyed at theobalds , and the crown descended upon him , which anon we shall see how he managed it : that he had then so much applause and love of the people in generall , even to a kind of veneration , in the hopes that all men conceived of his future government is known to thousands yet living , and that no prince sooner lost it , is also not unknown , most men wondering how so suddenly not only the affections of the people were withdrawn from him , but to fall into the generall obloquy , was held by the wisest a kind of riddle , not suspecting and indeed then not knowing , or not observing the reasons thereof to have arisen from his then present steerage of the helm , by the only compasse of the old kings delineation , whereof more hereafter will appear in his carriage at his first oxford parliament ; where i must give this caution to the reader , not to value that late impartiall and flattering author , aulicus coquinariae , neither to give over much credit to king iames his court , who in some particulars speakes much more of truth than the other babler , who with no colour at all of sincerity and knowledge of those times talks at randome , palpably and ridiculously rendring king iames for the only platonicall , politick , peaceable and pious king of his time , a prince as he would have it beleeved , the paragon for his wisdome and care , the fruits whereof no rationall man could ever yet discerne , when the plain truth was , and the right measure of his peaceable reigne was well known to all europe , to be the onely occasion of all the after wars throughout germany , and the root of all those of his successors throughout his dominions , those in germany , to the utter undoing of his son-in-law the count palatyne , and all those princes which assisted him in the cause of bohemia , whilst himself refused , or durst not draw his sword , through meer fear of offending the spaniard in the least punctilio , but sate musing at home how to improve his soveraignty , to devise projects how to raise moneyes to satiate his needy and greedy scotch courtiers , by privy seals , benevolences , sale of forrest lands , asserts , woods , and crowne lands , and to pick quarrels with his parliaments , and to entaile them to his heirs generall ; his successor proving no ill scholler in putting in practice his fathers precepts , and for the better invading of the libertyes of the subjects , to suppresse parliaments , which never offended him , but in refusing to supply his prodigalities , when himselfe had wasted treble the treasure in an idle peace , than his predecessor the queen spent in a continued and furious war , with the greatest prince of christendome , and yet to leave him the richest king of the westerne world , which if the plain truth of the affairs of those times may without offence be made manifest , were the only frutes of his so much magnified and peaceable raigne , for i may in sincerity say it over and over againe , and no other than a knowne truth , that the not drawing of his sword , in the count palatines quarrell , to which he was so often importuned , by most of the germaine princes , invited , yea prest by his own councell of state , yet would he not , but hindered in what possibly he could , those that would and did , to their utter undoing by his many expencefull , and fruitlesse embasseys , and to the greatning of the austrian familie , which had long befoold and baffled him even to the derision and scorne of all the princes of europe ; as to his justice of which the court cook tattels , the whole kingdom can witnesse , how he measured it out , by suffering the rigor and uttermost penalty of the law , to fall on the accessaries in sir tho. overbuties case , and to take the principalls into his mercy , t is true ( not somerset into his former favour ) yet sure we are to stop his mouth from telling of tales , he gave him at once in pure gift so much of the crowne lands , as were well worth to be sold pounds , though it melted away like wax in the sun , and himselfe to dye a stark begger , and in infamy , and as to that his most excellent chast lady , and virgin bride , let the ghosts of sir iames stuart , sir george wharton , and prince henry speak , and not him , this is most manifest , that by divine justice , she was knowne to dye living , and of so loathsome a disease , that her own gentlewomen , have often protested it before many credible witnesses , they could not indure the chamber where she lay , neither scarce the next adjacent for the horrible stinke that a long time before she expired , issued from her carcase , and polluted the ayre ; i could speak much more of the cariage of that foule businesse , and of others , not pertinent to this place , and so can many more persons of honour yet alive , which will tell the tatler to his face that which he hath either with impudence or out of ignorance published ; are both false and abominable adulatious , both in reference to the old king , somerset , and his lady , and others of that tribe , sir walter rawly , the archbishop abbot , and that of the records , on which he would build the fabrick of his untruths , were known forgeryes of their owne making ; and as to the archbishops particular , he comes not near the truth , that honest man alone , as it is well knowne , withstood the king alone and the other bishops , in their base complyance in that nullity ; insomuch that the king took upon him to convince thê said archbishop in a treatise , dedicated to the unbelieving thomas , yet to be seene , passages , which as it seems , the talking tatler knew not , neither little of truth , which he assumes to relate , and howsoever he hath farc't up a pamphlet , as to the matter ( happily his own or not ) yet in good manners he might have forborne , to make use of another mans phrase , which in divers places of his relation it appears he hath stolen out of the fragmenta regalia , though varied to the worse , & by him as much vitiated , as by the printer . but i now both leave him and his theaft , untill i may have the happiness to hear further from him , then doubtlesse i shall not faile to give him a fuller answer ; in the mean time i shall advise him to remember , that he which justifieth the wicked , and condemneth the just , even they both are an abomination to the lord , a text that will become both of us , to take into our serious consideration , and as i have good reason to believe , best of the two befits himselfe to look to , who takes upon him with such palpable flattery to present king iames for such a saint-like prince , when as had he either knowne a peece of his life and conversation , or the least of his secrets and counsels ( as of those i well know him not to be guilty ) surely he would have been ashamed so to have written of a king , who left behind so little evidence of piety , true religion , temperance , and care of the subjects welfare , and so much of the structure of absolute monarchy to his successor , a study to which he had wholy devoted himselfe , and left it to his sonne as an infelicious legacy , and three kingdoms destruction , which were without all question , the fruits and effects of his pe ceable reigne . but briefly now to his only sonne , and the heire of his fathers unhappy peace , and the prosecutor of his owne , his posterities , and the kingdomes ruine . the reigne of king charls , or the pseudo-martyr discovered , &c. king charls , then prince of wales , began his unfortunate reigne on the expiration of his father king iames at theobalds the of march . at his very first entry to the crowne , and after the consummation of the ceremonies of his inauguration , and the reception of the queen from france , he was ( as his father before him at hi accession ) driven away from the metropolis of the kingdom ( london ) by the increase and rage of the pestilence , as an ill omen both to the father and the sonne , but of a more ominous portent to the three kingdoms . a parliament at that time was summoned , and sitting at westminster , but hastily adjourned to oxford , on the former reason of the increase of the sicknesse , and a war likewise was then in preparation , and in design for spayn , as an ill presage of the after improsperity in all others which this unfortunate prince undertook ; for what in this kinde was ever enterprised by him , was both inauspicious and fatall , losse of honour to himselfe , reputation and destruction to the english nation . during the parliament at oxford , the king by his speaker , the lord keeper williams , moved the assembly for a present supply of moneys in relation to the intended war , the parliament in reply to the kings desires , as they were to be contributors to the war , so they humbly moved to be made partakers of the design ; this so reasonable a motion was very ill taken , yea scorned by the king , for it even then evidently appeared , that he meant to rule alone , and at will and pleasure . hence we may observe the first distaste , or rather indeed a pickt quarrel against his first parliament , which shews out unto us , on how small , or no cause at all , he would be quarrelsome with his great councels , and what he would be to all other parliaments . and the more to shew the regret he took at this motion , he commands glanvile a lawyer , a gentleman of choice education and elocution , then a member of that house , to attend the fleet at plymouth , ( as he then said , to let him understand what he so much desired to know , as to the design ) and upon this miffe abruptly breaks up the assembly without their assistance , which on all honourable and fitting terms was not denyed him . the crown at this time was exceedingly indigent , and indeed so beggarly and indebted , that the royall revenues suffised not to defray the court expences ; yet so high and haughty was the kings heart , that rather than to be beholding to the parliament , he was resolved to run any hazard that might befall him , and in the midst of this extreme necessity , sends sir sackvil crow with the crown jewels ( a gentleman of high esteem with the duke of buckingham ) to pawn them in the low-countreys . wise men might then well beleeve , that the king could not possibly be so wanting to himself , or so poor in treasure , as to be put on so dishonourable a streight , when as with a good word or two in compliance with the parliament , he might have had before what in reason he would have desired , and that at that instant the major part of the queens dowry was received ; but the truth was , it was as soon spent as taken , in the gayety of the english lords , attendants then on the new queen at paris ; where especially the duke , amongst others , out vyed all the french lords in the sumptuousnesse of his expences , and bravery of his apparrell ; so that how rich soever the queen and her attendants were then in their wardrobes , sure it is , they came home poor enough in purse to the english court. the queens french attendants and dependants of both sexes being numerous , were doubtlesse far too many to be maintained with any ordinary expence : she was then not only ( in comparison ) a meer child , but childish in her carriage , and a la francoise , petulant in her comportment ; the king was then no more but her tutor , she his pupil , what after they both were in relation to each other , and how those offices were inverted , time and a little patience will shew , but most certain it is , that madam nurse ( like an other philippina the cajetan to joan queen of naples ) was both her oracle and governess , her only attendants , ( or better may it be said ) her many nasty french appurtenances were more in number than ever were known to follow such an emperours governesse ( for so she then was to the queen ) and such vermin they were as that the english ladies ( but in respect to the queen ) held them to be little better then as scullions for the kitchin ; yet were these the locusts which then and a long time after devoured all in the english court , which was at that time with much adoe prodigally maintained at salisbury , whilst the king and the lords of his councell were all to seek how to defray his own expences , and the wantonness of a court , promiscuously pestered , both with domestick , forrein , idle , and useless numbers of both sexes . i was then in that progresse , and usually in the court , and a sad witnesse into what streights the king was reduced , and were it not within the remembrance of many yet alive , the relation might seem strange , what in so new and greene a reigne was both attempted , and with boldnesse put in execution : the prodigality of the court then so much out-went the royal revenues , that the kings officers and purveyors had not wherewithall to defray the expence of the king and queens tables . the king , to begin the first president of his arbitrary governmen , sends for the farmers of the customes , and gaines what possibly he could from them , which by reason of the sicknesse , and damp of trade at london , would then have put backe their contract upon him , however money he had , and would have it of them ; but that served not the turn , some other course must be taken for present supply of the kings wants ; sir james ley then newly made earl of marlborow was then lord treasurer , vveston and cottington , ( all new men and of very small beginings ) were the men shortly after under the duke , which principally then and after managed the kings treasury , and were those which he had chosen and picked out as fit ministers to be employed in his after arbitrary designes , yet i am confident none of them all durst advise him for any thing which they found not suitable to his inclination . the kings next project then was , how he might raise present moneys ( for from london he could not expect farther supplyes , the merchants and the a blest citizens being fled the city , by reason of the rage of the pestilence ) whereupon he resolved to take it where he could find it , the city of salisbury a place of small circuit , and of less trade , was first prest with a loan of l. the city of bristol ( as i remember ) with l. which was ( by some aldermen of that city sent to the court in excuse of their then present disabilityes ) denied , but that served not their turns , for they were presently laid by the heels , untill the said sum was sent unto him ; this president being a caveat sufficient to all other of the western cities and towns to send in what sums were skonced on them ; neither would this serve the kings indigency , but he borrowed of all the principall gentlemen of the west , which were known or conceived to be monyed men : it is most evident that even then , and at his first accesse to the crowne he stood not on terms of love or hatred of his people ; for what he intended , it appeared plainly he would do , and what he acted he held it sufficiently legall , as a piece of his birth-right , and of right belonging to him as a king , without looking into the nature of the english soveraignty , his will was the law he intended to rule by ; as to parliaments , his meaning as it appears was the same with lewes the eleventh of france , and in imitation of him to take them down together with their power , as he had opportunity ; notwithstanding some few he called , more for the supply of his present necessity , than the good he intended to the publick , and in the future as time should enable him to be his own carver of his subjects estates and fortunes , as that shortly after followed . we have thus laid down in sincerity the beginnings of this unhappy reign . now this pestilentiall summer being well spent , upon the approach of the winter , and decrease of the sicknesse , the king , and the young queen , with all her french train , drawes nearer to the city of london , and being still in his wonted predicament of want , in supply of the court expences , be pursues the game he was resolved to play , for raising of treasure ( without consent of parliament ) by arbitrary projects , whereof amongst many which followed , he begins with that of knighthood , and calls to account ( under colour of an old obsolete law ) all such gentlemen and others , within the limitation of that statute , as attended not his coronation , though by his own proclamation , he had before forbidden their attendance . shortly after comes in to his service sir thomas vventworth , who to shew what he would be , and how serviceable to the kings designes he might be , was imployed into the north , where he rigorously levyed a very considerable summe on the gentlemen and yeomen of those parts : vveston ( another of these arbitrary beagles ) as an overseer to the earle of pembroke , and other commissioners , was imployed into the west ; the treasure which was by this lawlesse project raised being come together , was a very vast sum , but it was as soon issued as levyed , and served not to defray the moity of the court expences ; insomuch as being still necessitated , very shortly thereupon another parliament was thought fit to be summoned , this was no sooner assembled , but the house of commons on the tenth of may , . charged the duke of buckingham with the late kings death , and sent up their charge to the lords ; the king being well acquainted therewith , comes into the peers house , and tels them , that he could be a witnesse to clear the duke in evry particular of that charge , and thereupon in terrour to the lower house , by his warrant under his hand , attacheth and sendeth to prison sir dudly diggs , and sir john elliot , as those which had the managery of that affair , notwithstanding the house of commons having the proofes and examinations in preparation against the duke , the king to make all sure , and in arrest of farther proceedings against his chief privado , the of iune following in a great rage dissolves that parliament , and on dis-robing himself , said in a very stern comportment , that it should be the last time he would ever put them on . and here we may take into observation , the lamentable effects of that innated duritie , that naturall obstinacy and perversnesse of the violent will of this most unhappy prince , who in affront and despight of the iustice of a court of parliament , would not suffer his own fathers death to be called to accompt , or any further examination thereof to be taken for clearing the duke ; but gods iudgments may not be arested , and it is he , that mauger the teeths of all humane powers , will in his own good time bring to light , and to iudgment , that crying sinne of blood ; and have we not seen this verified , to our amazement ? the duke shortly thereupon to have dyed , by the stab of a knife , with no other words or prayers in his mouth , than gods wounds i am slaine ; and this most unhappy prince to have ended his dayes at his own gates , by the axe of gods just judgment , and as we may say in fear and trembling , to have taken his leave and last farewell of this world with no other acknowledgment of his faults , and of those crying sinnes of bloodshed throughout the three kingdomes , but that of a pharasaicall justifying of himself and his innocency , insisting to his last , without any repentance or sensibilitie of so much innocent blood spilt through his only willfulnesse , but only of one wicked * mans , having throughout the whole course of the late and lamentable contest between him and the parliament , evermore covered over that stubbornnesse of his naturall inclination with those false colours and delusive umbrages , of his conscience , constancy , and reason , as if his conscience , by divine appointment , had been the master conscience of all the kingdom , and his reason that ipse dixit , that must overballance and regulate the sense and iudgment of a court of parliament . and have we not seen those bold and principall instruments of his , whom he imployed in all his arbitrary projects , the earl of strafford , and the archbishop of canterbury , for the enslaving of the three kingdoms , condemned to the block , as misleaders of their incorrigible master , and to have taken their leaves of the world in the same pharasaicall way of justifying their innocency , and without so much as one word of the repentant publican , god be mercifull to me a sinner ? and yet all of them , by the seduced malignant party held still in a kind of veneration , and i know not by what strange delusion , reputed for innocents and martyrs ; would they but look upon them as they were the actors and known fomenters of all the miseries we have suffered , yea the only ingines and instruments whereby to have wound up soveraignty to the highest pitch of tyranny , and to make their master instead of a king over gentlemen and freemen , a tyrant over slaves . but having brought the king and his young queen neere to the metropolis of the kingdom , and the sicknesse decreasing , i shall in a short narration describe the after deportmeut of this most unfortunate prince ; instead of prayers and humiliations to god for his great mercy , in the miraculous stay of that raging pestilence , whereby . . and weekly died that summer only in london , the court notwithstanding was instantly in iolity , masques , dancings , playes , and banquets ( all in expencefull and sumptuous ostentations ) were the frequent and assiduall exercises of the court ; on the one side ( as to devotion ) the queene had her masse , and masse-priests , on the other side the king with his laodicean luke-warme and fawning prelates , in a meer formality in shew of godlinesse , god knowes without the power thereof , and in as neer a complyance one to the other , as possibly their different devotion could permit . and here i must not omit , neither exempt out of the scene that part which the bishops and prelates acted in this interlude , comicall we may call it , as to the beginning thereof , but god knowes tragicall enough in the close . the bishops which in the former reigne had for divers reasons of state been admitted to the old kings privacies , and had speciall influence on his counsells , were likewise transmitted to the favour and indulgency of this king , but more especially in reference to the presbytery of scotland so averse to absolute soveraignty , so much affected by either king , ( a generation of vipers which on any terms would have eaten the way to preferment through the entrayls of either church or state ) these were the men ( the better to ingratiate themselves into the kings favour ) that spared not to insinuat how dangerous the puritan party here in england was ( as of a fraternity with the presbyterians of scotland ) & would be ( if not timely lookt unto ) to the advance of soveraignty : apprehensions , which as they soon took fire with the father , so as much if not more with the sonne ; hence it was that the most active of them were admitted either to his favour or councel of state , but especially doctor laud the bishop of london , after archbishop of canterbury , a person of a very subtill and winding spirit , proud ( as one raised out of the dust ) haughty and imperious in his place , and as fit an instrument for the kings turne as possibly he could chose out of the . prelates . there was also about this time ( as before is intimated ) taken into the kings favour , or rather brought in by the alurement of preferment , sir thomas wentworth , whom the king immediately created a baron , and ( on the decease of weston the treasurer ) earl of strafford , a gentleman of great parts and patrimony ; a common-wealths-man he had been , and one that formerly in all parliaments as much thwarted , and withstood the arbitrary power of both kings , as any one whatsoever ; the king having won this gentleman to be his owne , bethought himselfe that these two ( with some others of the same stamp ) would be sufficient to whom to impart his grand designs , the one for church affairs , the other for the state , but both suitable to the ends he had in hand ; the last being of as high , bould , and haughty a spirit as he could possibly have pickt out of all the nobility : time will shew us , and our own lamentable experience may better demonstrate , how the one in church affairs , the other in civill administrations , behaved themselves , to the after prejudice and destruction of the three kingdoms ; but as we have already said in the end to their own ruine and their masters . to leave this digression , we have left the king and queen at the court , let us returne where we left them in their different devotions ; the truth was , how little care soever there was then taken either by the king or his time-serving prelates , of gods service and true worship , otherwise than in a formality or shew of godlinesse , either in the court or throughout the kingdom ; sure we are , that the queenes superstitious worship was specially provided for , and a sort of locusts there were ( in addition to her own chaplins ) admitted the kingdome , styled by the name of capuchins ( but cunning knaves ) and for these a new chappell was erected , with an habitation , and large maintenance allowed them , even in the face of the court , and eye of the kingdom ; and to please the queen , masses and masse priests were frequently permitted throughout the land , not only in a tacite connivence , but in an open way of tolleration , and in contempt of gods true worship . we may well admit , that the wayes which the king then took could not be welpleasing to him , which was never yet pleased with an idolatrous , mixt , and halfe-fac'd worship ; or that the gayety and wantonnesse of a promiscuous court , could be maintained without an excessive charge ; neither that a perfidious shew and offer of a warre with france in the defence of the french protestants , would in the conclusion be well thought of either from abroad or at home , when the king during the treaty of the marriage with the queen , on the earnest request of the princes of the religion , had engaged himself to protect them , and to raise the siedge then before the town of r●chell , neither that feigned preparation which the king made by sea in their assistance will in time come to light , when evident it was afterwards to all the world , that in stead of defending them , they were not onely slaughtered at sea by the kings shipping , but by plain treachery both their cause undone , and their forces defeated by land ; a sinne , which god in his justice could not passe over unpunished , yet carryed on in such a mysticall way ; & in that attempt on the isle of rea , to the losse of honour and blood of some of the bravest men of the nation ; insomuch that the world to this very day hath been held in suspence , to what religion the king himself stood most inclyned or whether the father or the son , which with such ardency sought the alliance of spaine and france , ( or else no where ) families , if not incestous , yet of idolatrous and supersticious religions , which hath left the world in another amaze , and in a puzzle to find out others inclination , or whether to any religion devoted , if it be rightly considered , as either prince made and continued their secret addresses to the apostolick see , and that his holinesse in both reigns had his agents and nuntioes here resident ( reciprocally and in interchange of the kings agents at rome ) many clandestine conferences both with the king and queene , and the state of the protestant religion here , ( howsoever openly profest by both kings ) reduced to the next step of conformity with rome ; when as that sordid and base complyance of the bishops and court-clergy , which if grace ( more than hopes of preferment ) had prevailed with them might have been a remora or stay to either king , and to have told them plainly how dangerous it was to their well-being , if they attempted to make religion the stalking-horse to their irregular designs , and to bethink themselves that god was not to be deluded , and how unsafe it would be for them ludere cum sanctis ; but these were the men who even from the beginning of both reigns , had only studied the inclinations of these princes , and rather took upon them to comply and incourage them than to have withstood either of them in the least of their many irregularities , & loosness in religion ; & such was the basenesse of these fawning sycophants , that the common theams of the court pulpits , throughout both reigns , were purposely pickt out where on to draw conclusions and doctrines of arbitrary power , which was the usuall ladder most of them clim'd to preferment ; whence also we may observe gods judgments , both to have been shortly after powred out on the persons themselves and their functions , in their extirpation , and totall irradication of them , without hopes of their restauration . hitherto we have deduced the history of this unfortunate prince to the d. year of his reign ; we shall now runne over the rest with as much brevity as the nature of the subject will permit . the king at this time was in his wonted condition of want , as his father before him ever was , so would he be in the same predicament : two millions of annuall treasure or very neer , could not serve their turns , neither would it content them , though in scotl. l. per annum was more than ever king james could possibly raise , without the assistance of the estates assembled . we may see the difference , and what oprations change of clymates can worke upon the nature of princes comming out of poor kingdomes into richer , and with what conscience they could dispence the care of their own souls , to become as spunges to suck up the fruits of the poor passive people of england , gained out of the labour of their hands and sweat of their browes , when they had enough , and more than ever any of the kings of england did raise , and in retribution of their love and loyalty towards them , as by divers manifestations may be made appeare , with how many slights and wyles , with how much care , trouble and vexation of spirit , with what expence of blood and treasure did this king labor to inslave the english nation , and to reduce the poor people ( as naturalized vassalls ) under the bondage of his lawlesse will and lust ? can we make any other comment on this subject , but that which wise men have long since observed , that these two princes never loved the english nation , but in an odium altissimum , had aforehand designed to oppresse them , and utte rly to extinguish the memory of their ancient freedoms ? and can we imagine they intended otherwise , by the whole course of their government ? when it appears what favours , what large concessions , and with what complyance and commiseration the late king took care of the irish rebells , without the least retrospect how much english bloud had been most barbarously spilt by them ( if he were not conscious that no man was more guilty thereof than himself ) surely it may well amuse the world , why he should be so pitifull and solicitous to have them spared , and to brand the parliament with cruelty for pursuing so just a revenge . if we look northward , and examine what favours , privileges , and countyes were without asking offered to be conferr'd on the scots , . as he went unto them , on the onely conditions , that they would engage with him against the english parliament . on these considerations , can it sink into any rationall mans conception , but that he was an inexorable enemy to the nation ? kinde to his own ( if they would have served his turn ) and an indeered friend to those bloudy irish , and that on all opportunities his intent was to ruine and invassalate the english nation , though he and his perished , ( as they did ) in the attempt . but to return to our relation . the king was now in the yeare of his reign , and notwithstanding the many wayes by which he had raised no small treasure , yet was he still indigent and bare in money , the court and the french spent it before it came in , and as to any supply by parliament , it suited neither to the kings good liking , or his grand designe ; the discontinuance of parliaments conduced more to the advance of what he intended to raise by power , than he could expect by the ayde of parliament , since he had but even then closed up all ruptures with france and spuin ; and no war in being or in expectation , and consequently no ground left him that might presse or induce a court of parliament to be over-liberall with the purses of their electors ; yet in this exigent and streight he suddenly resolves to call a parliament , where amongst many passages and debates , finch the speaker of the lower house , plaid his first prise , in his assiduall disclosing to the king what soever past in the house ; insomuch as being discovered , and on his usuall moving out of his chair and the house , he was at length withstood at the door by divers bold gentlemen and members of the parliament , and inforced to keep his seat ; this miscarriage was instantly made known to the king , who took it as an affront done to his own person , and presently hereupon he not only dissolves the parliament , but commits to the tower , hammond and hubbard , knights , long , curreton , and some others of the members : neither could he be a long time pacified by the lords of his councell ( on the first hearing of this broil ) but needs he would with his guard have then fallen upon them in the house ( as a presage of that violence which he offered after to this assembly in his owne person ; ) upon the instant of this dissolution of the parliament , he publisheth a proclamation , prohibiting the people not so much as to talk of more parliaments , and injoyn'd the lords of his councell , on any conditions not to mention the word parliament unto him ; a lesson which they all for ten years together at least punctually observed ; insomuch as all wise men then conjectured , that the liberties of the kingdom were then buried together in the interment of all parliaments . ten if not more years past between this parliament , and the dissolution of that quinto maij , . during this intervall ; the king begins roundly with all sorts of pro●ects , and to raise mony both without the leaves of the subjects , and against the known lawes of the kingdome ; privy seals and loans were the first which he put in execution , as a tax ( if we may so call them ) that concerned not so much the subject in generall , as private , reputed moneyed men ; other levies had likewise their course in their torns ; and in policy not to rush in , and too hastily on the subjects propriety , he falls on the sale of the crown lands in pe●farm , with the old rents , or those doubled , reserved to the exchequer ; neither could all these projects , though amounting to a very vast sum , serve to defray the wastefullnesse of the court , which indeed as to his own side , was in some proportion of moderation , yet on the queens side it was so excessively profuse , that i aver it on knowledge ( besides her joynture ) ( then newly consigned ) one hundred thousand pound per annum sufficed not for to defray her own expences , and confident i am , what by sales procured by her solicitations , as much more was yearly drayned out of the kings purse to satisfie that nasty trayn of her french followers ; madam nurse , as to her own particular , besides an expencefull way of living here , at the kings charge , was well known to have transported at several times into france pound , in good gold ; and certaine it is , that that pigmy mountebanck ( mountague ) the queens dancing master , not worth one groat at his coming over , inricht himself to the least value of pound ; it would be wearisome to recount what summes her priests and jesuits , musitians , fidlers , and others of her retinue got and amassed by her onely sute to the king , who then denyed her nothing that she desired ; for it is most true , that before she attained the age of twenty years , she began of a pupill to be the kings regent , and the after-story will assure it , she became a fatall participant with him in most of his counsells , and his directrix in the government , but after her mothers arivall both of them to have gained an interest in his inmost secrets and principall transactions of state ; an evident truth , and more than stood with the kings honour , much less than suited with the welfare of the nation . these prodigall expences at court could not choose but impoverish the kings exchequer , whether very little of the royall revenue arrived , as commonly prevented aforehand by assignations to one or other of the courtiers , hence followed the multiplicity of monopolies , the ingrossing of all the pouder into the kings store , and that to be no otherwise vendible but at double rates , to the former and usuall prises ; in order to these followed the preemption of all tobacoes , to the extreme beggering of the adventurers and planters in the west-indian islands ; coat and conduct money had likewise it's turne , and by degrees the kings pattents incircuited and extended to salt , butter , sope , leather , wine , sugar , allum , sea-coale , malt , cards and dice , and what not . in order to these , that notable project of shipmoney , a device of finches invention , and shaped for the nonce suitable to the kings designs , it extenden to such a latitude , as that by this one illegall power he might rayse moneys in what proportion he would , where and when he pleased , without parliaments , and so was it stated by the terrour which that fluttering bird finch imprest on the iudges to declare it legall , by their extrajudiciall sentences , though ( for their honour be it spoken ) three of them as crook , hutton , and denham withstood it as a most illegall and unheard-of taxation against and destructive to the fundamentall lawes of the land , and liberties of the people . we shall now passe it over , though it was an invention which of it selfe would require a story not unworthy to be left to posterity ; how ever , as long as it was on foot the king made use of it to the purpose , and in two if not three yeares whilest it was put in practice , raised not so little at of poundes . it is without question that what by monopolies , the inhancing of the customes and rate books , knighthood money , and projects of this nature , as the fines in the star-chamber , high commission , and depopulations , with the sale of the crowne lands , besides subsidies , and the royall standing revenue , with divers other incomes most oppressive to the people , the king within the space of ten or twelve years raised more treasure than any two of his predecessors in fourty years , and yet none of our kings had lesse occasion , and this king more wanting , as having for twelve years together no warres considerable , neither any in expectation , more than such as wilfully and most unjustly he undertook about the th . year of his reign against the scots , and that to no other end , but to advance his grand designe of invassalating the . kingdomes , as hereafter more evidently may be made to appear . the king having thus far waded into the depth of his arbitrary strains , to the great regret of the people , and having for ten or twelve years together laid aside all thoughts of making use of parliament , which might controule so many of his illegall and irregular exactions , in farther advance of his grand designe , both to rule , and raise money at will and pleasure having by so long a tract of time taught the people to forget parliaments , or not to hope for them , and as he conceived , well to have forwarded his greater work by the experience he had made of the passivenesse both of his english and irish subjects , by the activity of his chief instruments , strafford , canterbury , and cottington , which principally then carried on the design in either kingdom , both in the church and state , which by time and degrees had so amated the spirits of the people , as they seemed patiently to bear ( though unwillingly , and not without some publike murmuration ) what loads might in the future be laid upon them , but evermore ( in the midst of their resentments ) to cast the odium of their oppressions rather on the kings ministers than on himself , with the retention of a reverent esteem towards him , as the least author of their sufferings , when as himself alone was principall , which invited him with the more boldnesse , and lesse fear , to the perfecting and speedy accomplishment of his mayn designe . we may in the way of our relation avouch it , and that for truth , that both the father and the sonne were the most carelesse courtiers of their people of any of our kings , and as regardlesse of the love and reverent esteem the universall nation carried towards them ; an inexcusable error , and shewes out unto us what in probability were and would be the issues of their ingratitude . we all know , that popularity in private persons , and the applause of the people , are the ingredients of suspition , and an errour which al wise and cunning statists shun and avoid , as tending to obscure the worth and dignity of their master , but in princes it is a vertue , that most of all other their deportments takes most and soonest in the peoples affections ; we may boldly say it , that neither of these two princes were ever guilty of that attractive vertue , onely it hath beene since observed , that at his comming out of scotl. . he was very prodigall in putting off his hat , as he past the streets . but omitting paraphrases , we have but even now said it , that as to the queens side in court it was excessively profuse , the kings more moderate ; yet not so frugall , but that there were a sort about his person to whom he participated his secrets , and committed the managery of his arbitrary worke , which did sufficiently lick their fingers : we shall omit the duke , for he died within two years of the kings accesse , digby and cottington , which in the former reign had laid the foundations of their after greatnesse ; but they which in this reign , ( and in the midst of the kings necessities ) spent lavishly , lived at high rates , and amassed most , were vveston the treasurer , manchester , strafford , goring , and the gentlemen of the bed-chamber , neither did the farmers of the customs go away empty handed , yet we may see , that as all or most of these had a time of getting and filching from the crown , so likewise did their master in the end administer a sad occasion to rid most of them of their ill-gotten gains . having thus brought the king to the th . year of his most unhappy reign , and shewed out by what means , wayes and instruments he raised monyes to supply his necessities , and prodigallities of the court ; what hitherto he acted , was in calme and peaceable times , though not without murmuration ; we shall anoncome to the hostile , that fatall and sanguinary part of his unfortunate reigne . he had hitherto led on his designe in a fore-game , yet still in his wonted way of want , the queen-mother arriving , holp on his expences , strafford the archbishop , and cotington , as the kings prime agents had fitted all necessaries in a readinesse ; both the english and irish patient in what formerly they had suffered , and ready to be ridden and spur'd to the quick ; the mode of the french goverment being stil in the eye of the kings design ( as left unto him by his fathers legacy ) and now again revived and quickned by the queen mothers instigation , a lady fatall to all places wheresoever she resided ; strafford having raised in ireland an army of papists , to helpe on , and at a deah lift : and about this time there were divers commissions issued out to certain lords and gentlemen , with power to impose new and unheard ▪ of imposts on all the commodities of the land , and in addition to these , commissions were granted to the earl of arundell to take the military charge of the northern parts into his hands , another to the earle of worcester to raise an army of papists in wales , as it is well known , to master the west marches & to assist the irish army landing at milford as need should require ; and the president my lord of bridgewater commanded to wave that place for his majesties speciall service , a person as it seems , that was too honest to be wrought upon : at the same time his lordship cottington was likewise made lord warden of the tower , with authority to take in souldiers , and to fortifie that piece , which accordingly was put in execution , and the white-tower planted with many great ordnance , with their mouths forced against the city , to the great amazement of the citizens and the whole kingdom . what the king meant or intended by these irregular and prodigious acts of his , let the most willfull malignant make his own judgement , when as the whole kingdom was never in a greater calme of peace , loyalty and quietnesse , or in any appearance of insurrection . the excise at that instant was likewise in agitation , and the very same house , wherein now that office is erected in broadstreet taken by cottington to the same purpose , and strafford much a-about that time dispatcht into ireland , there to call a parliament for assistance in relation to the intended scotch war , where he musters a new the irish army , gets four subsidies , & presently returns for engl. where a parl. for the same end was likewise summoned ; not any thing now stood as remora , in the way of the kings great designe , but those refractory scots , this was the block that in the first place must be removed ; to begin this work of darknesse , first fomented by the bishops , especially canterbury here , and that pragmattick prelat of scotland , maxwell ; with hamilton and traquair on the by . these two assisted by strafford , had the whole managery of that affair . we must not too much insist on every particular , this scotch work alone requiring a volume to derive it from its first fountain and originall , as a project of the old kings , to introduce the episcopal power and church government there conformable to that of england , and to suppresse or master that of the kirk & presbyterian power , as the only obstruction to absolute soveraignty . gods providence and his wayes are insearchable , and the carriage of this work of darknesse is very remarkeable , it hath left the world in a maze how the kings designs by this scotch enterprize should turne and overthrow the whole frame and fabrick of all his former projections , and of so faire a fore-game , so to bring it about , as on the very nick of the accomplishment , to lose both it , his reputation and life , and at a time when all wise men had given the freedoms of the english nation utterly lost , and meerly by the wilfulnesse of his own irregular motions , more beloved , reverenced and obeyed , than any of his predecessors . the state of the three kingdomes , as abovesaid , but a little before this scotch enterprise ( as to a any warre from abroad , mutinies and insurrections at home ) was well known to be in as great a calme of peace and quietnesse as in any reign since the conquest , the subject passive , loyall and obedient to the kings will and pleasure , himfelf at peace and amity with all his allyes , confederates , and neighbour-princes ; nothing could be imagined to have troubled him but his own ambition , and those restlesse appetites of his which would not suffer him to enjoy content in the mid'st of prosperity , and to rest satisfied in the fruition of more abundance than ever any king of england attain'd unto ; in this requiem ( could he have seen it ) was his soule restlesse , and as we may of truth say , by no instigation more troubled than by hers which had the honour of his bed ; an unhappy unquietnesse which his principall privadoes rather added fewell to the fire thereof than water to quench it ; they had studied his inclination , which was the rule they walkt by , not how to apply wholsome medicines to cure the raging malady of his ambition , which by none was more cherish'd than by the bishops and his formal clergy , in the way wherein his will and lust had predominance over his reason , such as had not only taken the same fiery infection , but as much laboured therein , as himself , whose sunction and office ( if grace had guided them ) it properly was rather to have applyed antidotes than venome to their masters disease , and to have told him plainly where the fault lay . but to returne to the relation of this scotch enterprise ; the king as before is intimated , through meer necessity was induced to call a parliament ( not to reforme abuses crept into the common-wealth ( better it may be said violently introduced through his ill government and discontinuance of parliaments , the ancient remedies of publick grievances ) but to supply his own wants in reference to the war intended ; the kings wants being more pressing than ever , the servants of his own side in court , a good space before debard of their wages , purposely to scrape up moneys towards this needlesse warre ; the queens servants on the other side were notwithstanding exactly paid . it would be superfluous and impertinent to describe the whole story of this designe , so obvious and generally knowne to all the kingdom ; how first this affair was carryed on by sending a new litturgy to edinbvrgh , as an experiment how the scots would swallow the first bayt to their inthraldome ; how there the litturgy was resented , and with what after disgusts it was not only refused but detested , how that traquire and hamilton one after the other were commissioned with power & instructions to inforce their conformity ; what flames , invectives , and comments flew here abroad of the bishops penning of their rebellion ; how againe the scots stood upon their punctillioes , in defence of themselves and their covenant against this innovation ; how many petitions and messages past between them and the king ; how at last on dispute between their commissioners and his majesties , at their first treaty in the north , and the aversnesse of the kings souldiers to imbrace the quarrel , the king granted them his royall pascification , and sent them home well satisfied ; how againe on his majesties returne , his act of pascification was here in court resented , by the queen and the bishops , and with what language the king was affronted to have brought home a dishonourable peace , and obstructive to his own designes ; how then this needlesse and willfull quarrell was revived , and the kings pacification vilified and burnt by the hands of the common hangman , and the king easily brought on anew to muster a second army , to subdue those stubborn and rebellious scots , as generally then , especially by the bishops they were stiled : when as by the free-quarter of his first army , most parts of the county of york were beggered and the soldiery unpaid , how the parliament and generally the people abhor'd this war , and refused to contribute towards it , how thereupon quinto maij . it was suddenly dissolved , how on the very same day the cabinet councell sate in close consultation at white-hall how to raise moneys to defray the charge of this second war , how that paper ( the results of that councell ) after ( stiled , the juncto ) came to be preserved by the means of sir henry vane the younger , and mr. pym , who imparted it the ensuing parliament , as the star which guided them to know the authors and projectors of this & other wilfull designes ; what preparations the scots made to defend themselves , and how with a puissant army they first entred the kingdom under the command of lesley , who made his way by force , with some losse of blood on both sides at newburn , and after that marched peaceably to newcastle , which he fortifyed , and from thence sent a petition in the name of the whole nation to the king , that their cause might be heard , before more bloud should be drawn , which before was utterly denied them , with contemptuous acerbity , the particulars whereof shall god willing in all sincerity be anon amply declared , together with such discoveries as are not yet publikely known , and so particularly manifested in many points , as in the following reply and animadversions may appear , both for the generall satisfaction , and such royalists to whom i have heartily addrest them , as well for their own conversion , as also in vindication and farther manifestation of truth , and to the everlasting honour of this parliament , whom god hath visibly enabled with courage both to foresee and withstand the violences of a prince , who in all his expresses , protestations , and overtures for peace and accommodation with the parliament , were inseparably accompanyed with dissemblings , fraud , wiles and reservations , may be further manifested by the evident proofs of his letters under his own hand writing , his commissions , missives , and many other authentick testimonies , though many of them noted , and long since exposed and set out to the world , and answered in the parliaments declarations , especially manifested in that of no more addresses ; yet not so vulgarly seen , as they may be on a more exact veiw , and a diligent perusall , and comparing the kings publick expresses with his private practises , as may apparently be seen by any that wil but take the pains either to read them in his own character , or mine . whence ariseth the great wonder of the times , how , and with what face , either the king himselfe living should with such boldnesse stand on his justification , or that any since his death ( indued with common sense and reason ) can have the impudence to defend him dead , who living so willfully , fraudulently , and obstinately persevered in pursuance of his own lustfull and pernitious designes , in invassalating the poor people , which , untill himselfe gave , and prosecuted the occasion of their falling from him , and were inforced to withstand his violent courses , was more beloved , honoured , and obeyed than any of our kings . a prince that raised and wasted more treasure , wilfully spilt more innocent blood , devasted more the lands and habitations of his subjects , ruined more families , and more imbroyled three flourishing kingdoms , than all of his progenitors ; and yet for all these his prodigious cruelties and misdemeanors to be inshrin'd ( dead ) for a martyr , both alive and dead adored for a saint . we shal now close up the first part of our breviary , as it relates to his reign , & designs before he erected his standard , the manner & managery of the hostile part of his life ( though both long since sufficiently known , and felt by many thousands of the poor innocent people of three kingdomes , yet for avoiding of repetitions and some other motives ) i have taken the leave to insert a short description thereof in the subsequent reply ; leaving out the manner of his arraignment by his judges , all of them to be adjudg'd a new at the great tribnnall of the king of kings , whether the one ( as his vice-gerent ) hath ruled and judged the people committed to his protection for their defence , and hath dealt uprightly with them , or not , and whether the others ( as ordained by divine providence to do justice on him for his cruelties ) have condemned this king for his tyranny and unrighteous dealing with three nations , to whose justice , in feare and trembling we must all submit . where we may with good reason make this quaere , whether the cutting off of our bloody and blood-thirsty prince , together with the exclusion of his whole posterity , can be a sufficient expiation in the eye of heaven , for the blood of a million of poor innocent soules slaughtered for the satiating of one princes lustfull will and pleasure , since he that repents not hath said it , that the land shall not be clensed until the blood of one murtherer be shed , this we may say and safely believe , that almighty god ( for the sins of the nations ) in his wrath and just indignation , sent this most unhappy king ( as his rod of judgement ) to reign over us , and in his justice hath likewise burnt it , and brought that fatall end upon him , and his fathers house , according to his owne and often imprecations : we shall conclude this first scene of our narrative with the kingdoms fate : iratus deus dedit ijs regem . the authors reply to an invective remonstrance against the parliament and present government , wherein the whole managery of the late war is exactly described . sir , having diligently perused the replication you sent me , i perceive that you are no changeling , but one and the self same man in your opinion , both in justifying the late kings actions , and in aspersing the parliament with raysing the late war against him , as a premeditated plot long since hatch't by a factious party amongst them , and to change the government , and pull up monarchy and episcopacy by the roots ; strange chimaeras indeed , that dropt lately out of the clouds and vapours of your own and your parties gyddy-braines ; neither doe you rest there , but you proceed to charge those which now sit at westminster with many other fowle calumnies ; to all which in their proper place i shall not faile to give you a particular answer ; though i could have wisht , that you had fixt your cogitations on some other subject suitable to truth , and the ingenuity you pretend unto , and not after ten years revolution of time to fall flat on a meer suggestion of your owne without any other proof than a bare allegatiou , and that so destitute of possibility , either of thought or intent in the parliament to effect , as that the affirmation seems to me a meer malicious fiction of your own rather than a simple verity , and so unbecoming a gentleman of your quality , as that in plainnesse i take the boldnesse to tell you , you might on better reason with copernicus his disciples , have aver'd another world to be in the moon , th●n to have devised and broached so vaine and senselesse an untruth ; but since t is more of your will than chance , to fall on so groundlesse a fable and on a theam so old and over-worne ; might i have advised , you should have turn'd your tone ( which would have been much more for your honour ) and aver'd , that the king , even from the very first entrance of his reigne ( answerable to his fathers instructions ) began his arbitrary worke , and in pursuance thereof had laid sundry destructive and darke plots , how to invassalate the three nations , and by degrees to reduce them all under one intire , arbitrary and absolute soveraignty ; and when they took not the effect he desired , being discovered and opposed by this parliament , then to set up his standard and array the poore people against themselves , which never any king of england durst attempt , otherwise than by publick consent , and against a forraigne enemy , and at last to wage open narre against his owne subjects , and the representative of the nation , plundering , fyring , and desolating the kingdom to the utmost of his power ; had you avouched thus much , you had hit on the right , and shewed your selfe both a friend to truth and your country ; but it seems you still stand close to your old destructive principles , as at first you sided with the king living , so dead you persist to make good his cause , whether right or wrong it mattered not much , with most of your party , the truth is , how good or bad soever his cause was , it was the bare name of a king and hopes of preferment which drew your iron into the field , and t is the very same at present which invites all of you to flatter and sooth up your selves with the empty name of loyalty to bring in the new crown'd king of scots on the old score , without looking to the preservation of the liberty of your country , and proprieties of your own posterity and the sad consequence thereof , as if the publick interest ought to be given up , for the fulfilling of your desires , and of one mans wilfull pleasure , a strange dotage that hath possest you , and more strange it is , that you should now fall a fresh on a subject that loathes any man of ingenuity to think on it , much more to treat on a theam so stale , were it but in reference to the memory of him who is at rest : but since i find that a kind of confidence possesses your intellectuals , that all your allegations are unanswerable , and that your provocations amounts to a challenge , the fault must be yours not mine , if in vindication of truth , i lay open the grossnesse of all your errors , in the manifestation of his which with such eagernesse and confidence you think your self able to defend being forced through your importunity , and the nature of the taske you put upon me , to run over the whole progres and managery of all the late kings designs , visible and long since very well knowne to all men of common understanding ; though i confesse , i do not much marvell that your selfe ( amongst the rest of the facill beliefe ) have been deceived by the kings woonted and plausible protestations , especially as he handled the matter , in the cunning and umbragious carrying on of all his close and hidden designs : for i very well know many knowing ▪ gentlemen which have had a long conflict with themselves , what judgment to make on the first difference arising between the king and parliament , his majesty so often protesting , how much he intended the welfare of all his subjects , how unwilling to embrew the kingdom with blood , how willing to embrace and conserve the peace of the land , how resolved to maintaine the true protestant religion , how carefull and studious to uphold the lawes and liberties of the people , how ready to preserve inviolable the privileges of parliaments , and how forward to supply his distressed protestant subjects in ireland ; all which ( as a copy of his counterfeit countenance ) he so often protested , and confirmed with imprecations , that truely the spirits of many wise men were amazed and a long time stood staggering what to be . lieve in the case , and doubtfull whether the kings cause or the parliaments was most just , which party gave the first offence , which began the warre , and of this number i confesse my self to be one , which stood sometimes diffident in a controversy so variously attested ; but having made a diligent search into all the passages , and transactions between both parties , both from before the sword was drawn , and after to the year , when the kings cabinet letters were taken at naseby , and other manifests elsewhere , i then began to bethink my self ( that which before i only admitted in a kind of ambitious beliefe ) that the parliament had then to deal with a king ( howsoever heretofore valued as a prince of no deep reach ) who was not to seek without the help and influence of a malicious councell ) to play his owne part , i shall not say better , but more dextrous and cunningly for his owne ends , and to the reducing of the kingdomes under his absolute power , than any of those could direct him , whom he most trusted with the mannagery of his designs and secrets ; truely , sir , on that discovery ( on the publishing of his letters ) let me tell you there were many thousands which fell off , and from the opinion they held of his integrity and the iustice of his cause , it being in the next degree to a miracle that after so full a disclosure of the kings juglings and dissemblings there should any remaine to take his part , and the wonder is the more remarkeable that since his death any man should believe him to be a martyr , but whom god hardens they shall be hardened , let the charmer charme never so wisely some will be deafe and diffident of visible truthes never so clearly manifested , of which number that you should perceveere to make one , as by your sundry invectives it appears , surely it hath not a little troubled me , to see the excrescencies of your inveterate malignancy to break out even to obstinacy , and so long to have blinded your judgment , from discerning of truth from falshood , and to have bard you from the right use of distinguishing between reason well weighed , and fraud umbrated and attested , with the usuall artifices of the royall protestations , a faculty ( by your favour ) too too common with the king and those quaint pen-men which attended him ; with plausible declarations , frequently sent abroad , ad faciendum populum , to catch fools , and as the kings usuall phrase was to undeceive the people , ( prepossest with the reality of the parliaments remonstrances ) when in truth the kings ends were no other than to decoy the poor credulous annimalls into an opinion of his good meaning towards them , when he intended them most harme , as we find it evident in the silly devises and quaint impresses of his money coyned at oxford , pretending that he took up arms in defence of the protestant religion , the laws and liberties of the people , and the priviledges of parliament , when the direct contrary appeared by all his actions ; and when as it was manifest , that before he began to quarrell with the scots , he tacitely intended , and even then designed to suppress parliaments , or so to qualify them , that they should be onely usefull to his own ends , not to the people , and likewise to invade the liberties of the subject , & adulterate the true protestant religion with the superstitious mixture of popery , as it manifestly appeared by his admittance of a jesuiticall crew into his own court , & cappuchins at somerset-house with large maintenance , even in the face of the court , and eye of the kingdom , with a generall connivence , amounting to a tacite toleration to all papists , together with idolatrous masses , both in his own house permitted , andused throughout the kingdom in most papists houses without controule , & in imitation of solomon , after that by his wives he was turn'd idolater , to set up the abomination of * ashteroth , even in the face of jerusalem : and as to his invading of the libertyes of the people , with his many other oppressions and irregularities , we all know , and have good cause to remember them . the breviary of his life and unfortunate reigne , manifestly declares as to his intent of suppressing of parliaments , and future oppression of the people , the observations i intend to send you , with his own letters sufficiently demonstrates , & by whose motion and counsels those exorbitances were first by his own fathers instructions pursued , found in his cabinet at theobalds immediately after his departure , and whereof one was to quit himself by degrees of all parliaments , as too bold co-partners in the government with their kings , & to run the future course of his government answerable to that of france ; and to verifie this i shall point you to king james his own speech in open parliament , . march . where you may see what preparations he had provided for his successor to rule by : parallelling himself with god who he saith , hath power to create or destroy , make , or un make at his pleasure , to give life , or send death , to judge all , and to be judged or to be accomptable to none , to raise low things , and to make high things low at pleasure , and to god are both soul and body due ; the like power , saith this king , have kings , they make and unmake their subjects , they have power of raising and casting down , of life and death , iudges over all their subjects , and in all causes , and yet accomptable to none but god alone , they have power to exalt low things , and abase high things , and to make of their subjects like men at chess , a pawn to take a bishop , or a knight , and to cry up and down their subjects , as they doe their money . whence you may observe this kings principles , which in the speech it selfe every where extant you may find , that even this king , whom the world stiled the platonicall king , and was reputed a pious prince , took the hint of his tyrannicall principles from a * bishop , who in the very face and audience of a court of parliament , preacht all these fine arbitrary doctrines , and yet in the speech it self , fol. quarto , you shall find the king defends him : hence you way perceive by whose counsells the late king steered all the course of his government after his accession to the crown , with the reason of his seldome calling of parliaments , and his often dissolving of such as he did call without their due effects . i shall now faithfully relate the whole progresse of the war , and by what female advice he was directed to the reducing of all the three kingdomes under his absolute power , and for your better satisfaction shall by the way present you with the orignall cause of his hatred against this parl. and by what strange means it was summoned , and at a time when all wise men had given all parliaments for lost , which although long since , and by many more able pens than mine have been sufficiently manifested to the world , yet for your sake , i shall adventure to present them a new , as having little more in addition to the elabourate pains of others , than in some particulars which i find not as yet produced to the light of the world : briefly then , it is a knowne truth that the king in that his unnecessary raising of a warre against the scots , and through the prodigality of the court , especially the petulancy and lavishnesse of the queens side , had so exceedingly exhausted both his exchequer and credit , and reduced himself to that extreme indigence , that he knew not whither to turn himself , neither ( as in the breviary of his reigne is exactly laid down ) could that great head-piece , & the grand master for carrying on of all his arbitrary work , shew him how to dis-intangle himselfe out of that harle , wherein his owne wilfull inclinations had incumbred him : we all know , that the king on the entrance of the scots at newborne , in august . took a posting journey northward to his army , strafford being commissioned generall in the room of the earl of northumberland , whither they were no sooner arrived , but they found the souldiery in little better than mutiny for want of their pay ; the whole army then lying on free-quarter on the county of york , and the king without so much money as would pay halfe a regiment , the scots possest of the town of newcastle , the nobility having been exhausted in their attendance the summer before , yet to shew their loyalty , they again repair to york ; amongst the rest , the earls of hartford and essex in their journey take an occasion by the way to addresse themselves to the queen , to whom they declare the sad condition wherein both the king and kingdome were then reduced , and that they saw no possible means , other then a parliament , whereby to repair the state , relieve the king , and peece up the rents and breaches between both nations ; on this expostulation they prevailed with the queen to write her letters to his majesty , to move him to condescend to the summons of this parliament , the mention whereof they very well knew without such a mediatrix would be very displeasing unto him ; these lords being thus provided with her majesties letters , repair to yorke , and presented them to the king , and upon consultation with the rest of the lords then attending his majesty , five and twenty of them joyn in a petition to that purpose : the scots likewise , and gentlemen of the county of york concurring in the same sute for a present summons of a parliament . thus was his majesty ( as i may say ) beleaguered on all hands , not anyone but strafford dissenting ; in the end , what between the kings urgent necessities , and a concurrency of petitions , together with the queens letters ( which weigh'd most with the king ) was this parliament contrary to the expectation of all men , produced , to the admiration of the kingdom , though against the kings expresse vow , taken at the putting off his robes ( as before is mentioned ) when he dissolved his second parliament , and in a contemptuous deportment , threw them from him , protesting that it should be the last time of their putting off or on : hence we may discern through what difficulties and streights this parliament took it's beginning , we may well say , by gods speciall providence , and by hers principally as the instrumentall cause thereof , which soon after was it's greatest enemy , and not by the kings choise and inclination , as it is shamefully averr'd in his pourtraicture , whereas , the bare name and mention of a parliament was well known to be odious unto him , and the very motion of calling any more prohibited , by his own expresse charge to all of his councell of state , as that which he foresaw would be the onely impediment to the accomplishment of all his arbitrary designes so meerly brought to their ends , but the summer before he waged the first warre against his native subjects the scots , an enterprise which the world knowes was the only remora that checkt and choaked all his projections in the maturity of their birth , which to recover on sight , and his sense of the parliaments proceedings he soon found he had no other way left him but by open war and force to suppresse them , the mannagery whereof i shall now briefly present unto you . the parliament had its summons from yorke ( as all the kingdom knows ) and the third of november . sate downe at westminster , where according to the usuall ceremonies , the king in his own person , in a set speech made a very gracious protestation , viz. that he was fully resolved to put himself wholy on the love of his people and parliament , which if it proved not prosperous and a happy parliament the fault should be none of his , and that he was fully determined to commit the reformation of all things amisse to their regulation . a profession which both took much with the house and all the kingdom , which had he been pleased to have performed , and to have made good his word , in not protecting the many delinquents , questioned within a few moneths after the parliaments first sitting downe , as with justice , honour , and his coronation oath he was obliged , and in reference to his owne profit he might very well have forborne , such tragicall issues could never have befallen himself and the . kingdoms : but having then entertained other designs , and perceiving the parliament to fly high , and at his chief ministers and woork-masters of his former arbitrary projects , and on those which had fomented that unnecessary warre against the scots , as the earl of straf ford and the arch-bishop ( principally ) the prelates and dissolute clergy , most of the iudges and the farmers of the customes , ( not for common faults , but very high misdemeanours ) the king to crosse them , most ignobly and against the justice of the kingdome , not only provoked , but openly shewed himselfe both a defendor and protector of their delinquencies , and upon the distast he took on the commitment of strafford , was instantly known to have laid sundry plots and practises , how he might dissolve the parliament , or utterly to destroy it , which the parliament perceiving , and that the queen under colour of accompanying the princesse mary into holland , was sent thither with the crowne jewels to buy arms , and procure forces to be sent him , and digby employed to the same purpose ; whereupon in prevention of the storme which they evidently then saw was like to fall on themselves and the kingdom from beyond sea , they moved his majesty that the kingdom might be put into a posture of defence , and the militia deposited in such hands , as they might confide in , which he utterly refused to grant them as inseparables to the crowne ( as he alleaged ) he was resolved to keep solely in his own power ; the parliament in answer to this , insist , that the kings power therein , by the law of the land , was only fiduciary , allwayes in reference to trust , & the publik good & safety of the kingdō ; hence the contest by degrees grew to a separation , and in furtherance of the dispute , he also denyed the house to disband the irish army , raised long before by strafford , and compos'd of papists , a storm which could not otherwise be expected but would ( if not timely prevented ) fall on them from ireland , whereof the * juncto at their very first sitting down had sufficiently informed them out of straffords own mouth for what use and end that army was raised , viz. where he tels the king , you have an army in ireland to reduce this kingdome , when it was manifestly known to the world , that it never was in a greater calm of peace and quietnes , and the universall people in a more absolute obedience , and as ready to be ridden as any slaves under the grand signior . during this conflict , the king would needs take a journey into scotland , notwithstanding the house by sundry petitions had earnestly moved him , either to lay it aside , or at least for some time to retard it , ( but howsoever the king carried on his plots & intentions in the dark , & with as much cunning as possibly could be devised ) yet they had then good reason to suspect , that his journey northward was to some other end , than in leaving them to visit his scotch parliament , as it after proved ; but on he would for scotland , and before he took his journey , in a seeming providence to disburthen the kingdome of the charge of the scotch army , he first prest the house to disband ( with all their expedition ) that army , and to pay pay that of his own raising in the north , but not a word of disbanding it ; upon this motion the house took it into their serious consideration ( apprehending it for a provident , carefull , and timely motion of the kings ) and thereupon bethought themselves , how first to disband and quit the kingdome of the scots untill mr. stroude standing up , told the speaker , that they ought not in such haste to depart with the scotch army , lest the sonnes of zerviah ( in their absence ) would be too hard for them , this speech the house soon apprehended , and instantly resolved not to disband the one without the other army , which the king perceiving , & being daily prest with petitions of the officers of his own army fot their pay , and himselfe not possibly able to content them , as also , that l. per mensem , allowed to the scots army , with l. by way of brotherly love given them by the parliament in compensation of their losses through the kings needlesse and unnecessary molesting them , during the two summers before , amounted in the totall to so vast a sum , as that neither himself was able to contribute a groat , or the parliament otherwise to discharge , but by borrowing it on the publique faith. it would amaze those which are happily ignorant of the managery of this work , if i should tell them in what extremity of want the king was then reduced , and how he durst adventure to struggle , and after to trip up the heels of a court of parliament , which , without the least upraiding him with his profusions , and irregular regality were not only willing and ready to pay all those vast scores of debts contracted through his own wilful misgovernment , but then had it in agitation , how to improve his revenues , and to inable him to live of himself without squeezing his subjects , in honour , splendour and plenty beyond any of his progenitors as it is well known to many of his own party who were of that committee , * touching the improving of an annuall revenue to be setled upon him by act of parliament , out of one particular , the customes amounting to li. per annum , proposed by old mr. turner the farmer of the allom works , and the same so much forwarded , that it was committed by votes of the parliament , to a select number of members , to be considered , and shortly after was stated to a proportion of l. more per annum than ever he received out of the great and petty farms , but that the world may know the wilfulnesse of this king , after that he was gon from the parliament , and had erected his standard at nottingham , he sent word by master levison by name , and one of his bedchamber , to turner , that if ever he medled with the parliament about that businesse thenceforth , not to look him in the face ; whence it evidently appears , that he meant not to take any thing of the parliament by way of gift , having it in design to take what he pleased , as power should inable him . god knowes i send you no fables , but shall willingly be accomptable of any thing which you shall find herein inserted , if it suit not with the naked truth and sincerity of him , who would not that your self and so many of the english nation should be any longer deluded and flamm'd with untruthes , and nurst up in a belief of want of the parliaments good and loyall intentions towards him , untill he had wilfully and desperately made himself uncapable of the love and loyalty of his people ; and such was the ingratitude of this unhappy king , for proofe whereof amongst many instances that i could present , and of his carelesse paying where he borrowed , and ruining of many of his servants , let this one suffice of mr. turner , tow hom he owed no small sums , promised much and often , as he did to many others , but performed nothing , when it was the least thought of his heart ; the after-story , as a known truth , will both shew forth his ingratitude , and the extremity of his want , with those sordid shifts he was put unto , both at the sitting down of this parliament and long before , when the poor old man petitioned him for the nomination of a baron , which is most true , that the king granted him without scrupie , provided he named a gent. & of worth ; in short , it was my lord capel , and he was to give him in ready money , l. but the king sending for the old man , told him of his want , and that he would gratifie him otherwise with double that sum ; so the king as it is well known flattered the good old man out of his money , which was presently given to the queen mother for her transportation hence into germany , and the old gentleman left to seek his bread , and to die a very poor man ; many instances of this kinde i could relate , but to returne to our relation : the parliament then moved the city for the loan of so much present money as might serve to discharge the arrears due to both armies , which the citizens denyed , unless an act might passe for the parliaments sitting during pleasure ; the citizens well remembring the kings wonted and sudden dissolving of all the parliaments of his reigne . the king then finding where the remora lay , readily past that bill in relation to his own debt , which hath been since both by himselfe and his party so much magnified for an act of grace surpassing all of his progenitors , and shortly thereupon takes his journey towards scotland , which considering his own hidden designes , was chosen in so fit a conjuncture of time , as that he overtooke the scotch army in their march before they past the borders , where what overtures he made to the commanders to joyn with him against the parliament , best appears by the notice thereof given and sent by them to the parliament and their own commissioners here then residing the king then finding that neither the english or scotch armies would be wrought upon , answerable to his designes , posts to edinburgh , where he very well understood , that to keep the scots quiet , necessarily he should be compell'd to give that parliament all the content they desired , as t is maifestly known he did in all things they demanded , and in many acts of grace , which to the english parliament he utterly denyed , and stood upon even to the last , as the militia , the choice of their admirall , chancellour , judges , &c. during the kings abode in scotland , which was near upon foure moneths , it is well known the irish rebellion brake forth in october . and that rising authorised under the great seale of scotland , as both the rebels themselves aver'd , and that attested by divers witnesses of credit , which had seene it under seal : the parliament here at that time had a recesse , only so many of the members as might keep up the reputation of a parliament resided at westminster , the rest were retired unto their habitations untill november following , when by order of the houses they were all to re-assemble , in the mean time , whilest most of the lords and commons were in the country hapned that rebellion ; the parliament by this time and at their coming together , had to their old , a new worke cut out to their hands , what the king could not accomplish either in england or scotland , by the way of insurrections and disturbances in both those kingdomes , he had fore-laid the way to do it in ireland , howsoever grosly palliated and denyed in his pourtracture , yet so suspicious of fowle play , as that on a right understanding of the mannagery of the peace , and the slye carrying on of the whole businesse , between himselfe and the marquesse of ormond , ( to be seen in his own letters ) makes it plain that he had a perfidious hand therein . now as to his preparations from france and holland , wherewith to invade the parliament , its manifest he had then in readinesse a very considerable proportion of all sorts of ammunition , and many men , at least in expectation , to be sent him at a call . about the beginning of december following the king ( having ( as he conceived ) made sure worke with the scots ) comes to london , where at his first comming to the house , he makes open profession , what content he had given to his scotch parliament , even to a kind of ostentation , and as to this parliament some dislikes he was pleased to take against them for that in his absence they had no better forwarded their worke ; and as to his reception in the city it was magnificent , and as it seemed very well pleasing to himselfe , sure it was to the people and all the spectators , which suspected nothing of his ill meaning towards the parliament . the king by this time having been at home much about dayes had a new and another kind of game to play than that of meriment , he found that the parliament was then much distracted ( as good reason they had ) with the apprehension of the irish insurrection , and that horrible slaughter there committed on the poor english protestants , and that they stood not a little in jelousie and affrighted at their assiduall intell igence received from beyond sea of the kings preparations , and that his heart was not right towards them ; but of this he had determined to put them soon out of doubt , and the more to confuse them , conceiving that the citizens would on all occasions be wholly for him , having in his approach to the city in his returne from scotland , and his entry into the suburbs , and throughout all the city , courteously saluted the people by the often puting off his hat ( as before is intimated ) a favour which till then neither himselfe or his father before him had never bestowed upon the vulgar ( when ( as it after appeared ) his designe was to make use of them , having in readinesse , and shortly after fild whitehall with the forlorn officers of his casheered army , he takes an occasion under pretence of suspicion of treason to send for sir arthur hasterigge , mr ' hollis , mr. pym , mr. stroude , and mr. hamden , of the commons house , and my lord kimboulion of the lords house , by one of his serjeants at arms , which being denyed him by the house ( as a plain breach of their privileges . ) the very next day being the fourth of january , he comes attended with his guards , and those armed cavaleers , and entred into the house of commons , sits downe in the speakers chaire , and demands the foresaid six members , which , upon private intelligence given them of the kings intent , had absented themselves ; the king missing his prey grew exceedingly into choller , and vow'd that he would have them wheresoever they were ; his own comportment and the demeanour of the cavallers , both in desperate words and big looks was so terrible to the parliament that they forsook the house and sate in the city , sending out a declaration of the high breach of their privileges , together with a petition to his majesty that he would be pleased to grant them a guard for the security of their persons and sitting , which true it is it , was granted them , but with such a person for the command , as that they durst not accept of him , but were compelled to remaine for their safety a longer space in the city , untill the lord major and the citizens readily assisted them , and for their better security brought them in coaches strongly guarded to westminster , whither also resorted a considerable party dayly passing along by whitehall gates to their rescue in case the cavaleers should have againe disturbed their consultations , on this party the cavaleers falls a beating them whereof some they kill'd , even at the court gate , untill a greater number came to their assistance . the king finding himself then deceived in his expectation , and that the people were generally devoted to the parliament , he makes severall visits into the city , where in a publike audience be partly complains of the affronts done to him by the parliament in their detaining the six members , and partly excusing his unadvisednesse in his entring the house in that manner as he did ( which is evident by his own declaration ) but finding at last , that his hopes failed him to have any assistance out of the city against the parliament , he stood some time in doubt what course to take , but in the end resolves under the specious pretexts of his insafety by reason of the tumults , ( as since himself stiles them ) not to stay at whitehall any longer ; thereupon he departs from his own court and the parliament , as more fully hereafter i shall take occasion to remember . hitherto i have presented you with nothing but that which is obvious , and long since knowne to all the kingdome , having as briefly as i could , deduced the story , from the third of november . which was the very day that the parliament sate down , to january , neer about the latter end whereof the king removed from whitehall to hampton-court , windsor , and theobalds , accompanyed with his wonted guard of ruffians ; the parliament continuing still to petition him for his returne , and concurrence with them ; but no perswasions or arguments would prevail , but on he goes northward , and makes his residence at york , whither he draws by degrees many of the lords and commons from the parliament , most of the delinquent party resorting unto him , together with my lord digby from beyond sea , though with his own approbation long before proclaimed traytor ; thither also ( notwithstanding the severall affronts done to the parliaments messages and messengers ) they ceased not to importune his return ; but nothing could move him against his will and inclinations , for now he had another game to play , having hitherto failed in all his practises , and ( as he conceived ) his designes then grown to maturity , his next plot was to seize on the town of hull , by the earle of newcastle , where a very great magazine of arms and ammunition had been deposited the summer before , which the king had also refused to return to the tower ; and the towne of newcastle by colonell legge was likewise to be seized on , both maritime towns and of great importance for the letting in of all strangers to his assistance ; whereof the parliament having certain intelligence , and by all the kings former courses being more fully assured from abroad apprehending the dangerous consequence therof thought then it more than high time in what possibly they could , ( for the safety of themselves and the kingdom ) to prevent the mischiefs , which they then evidently perceived threatned the universall nation , and thereupon they suddenly dispatched the two hothams with commission to pre-possesse the town by the trained bands of those parts : here you may see the first armes that ever the parliament appeared in , unlesse you shall urge the guards which the city sent them for securing their persons from the fury of the cavaliers , which admit , it was onely defensive , to preserve themselves and the kingdome , in what possibly they might , and in prevention of future storms , which they inevitably saw were sure to fall upon them from abroad ; and had they not gone farther , in seizing on the navy , the tower , forts , castles , and ammunition , together with the crown revenues , which are the nerves and strengths of the kingdome , which had they neglected , no man can make doubt but they would have been perverted from their proper use , and turned against the kingdom ; surely then when they perceived that nothing would worke upon the kings obstinacy , but that he was resolved to make warre , and to embroyle the whole kingdom , and let in strangers , they would have been deemed unworthy of the places they held in the behalf of their countreys , had they not done as they did . but as to the kings part , please you to look over all the progresse of his designes , and take them once more into your second consideration , and you cannot in any reason beleeve , but that from the very first commitment of the earl of strafford to the lower , whose escape he had privatly plotted , and to send him into ireland , ( as in part is before noted ) but that he intended to force the parliament to his will , or utterly to annihillate it , especially when he found that the earl was condemned , and his execution prest ( as a publick example ) to dye , after which its most certain he meditated nothing more than war , and to be revenged on the parliament as it evidently appears by his sending over the queen into holland to buy arms , cockram into denmarke , and digby in the same errand , as also by his practising of the army in the north to fall upon the parliament , together with the flight of percy , jermin , and suckling , as the onely persons first engaged in that plot , which durst not stand to the test , and in order to these , his peremptory denyall to disband the irish army , and his private addresses to other forreign princes and states to supply him with men , money , and arms , all which his practises were visibly known to the kingdom , to have been in agitation some of them before the earle of straffords execution , other shortly thereupon , which evidently shews , that he was resolved at any rate , and by force of arms to suppresse the parliament . in the universal disturbance of the whole kingdome , you may further observe , how in pursuance of his mischievous designes , notwithstanding the dislike the parliament had of his determination to goe into scotland , and their humble motions to him to lay that journey aside , or at least for some time to retard it , as before is laid down , yet would he needs goe , and the reasons thereof are perspicuous , considered as he made choise of his time to overtake the scotch army before they came to the borders , and to attempt to corrupt the commanders to turn to him , and if that failed , yet to give his scotch parliament all the content they would desire ; take the design farther ; what worke was made there concerning the irish rebellion ? what after his return home he made here , in his assaulting the house in a warlike posture , and his accusing the six members ( as the most noted common-wealths-men ) in terrour to the rest , upon no other ground but on a vaine surmise of his own making , of suspition of treason , where the proof is so plain by the first shedding of bloud at his own dores , and the hostile manner of his entring the house attended with armed men , and most of them of desperate and forlorn fortunes , that the very bare deniall that the king made not the first ware doth surpasse even impudence it self : i am not ignorant that the kings many protestations , and not a few of them fortified with imprecations , hath taken a firme footing in the belief of many half-witted men , that his cause was much better than it was , but the wiser sort make their judgements of men by their actions , not by their professions , and they believe by the testimony of their sences , what they see and feele they are bound to believe , especially when a king in his private inditements which are the dictates of the soule , & those addrest to a person which had gained an absolute power over the faculties of his reason and understanding , such unbeleevers are not fit for humane society . but omitting repetitions and further comments , wee have left the king at yorke , where for your better satisfaction it is fit that i put you in remembrance how there hee pursued the war , in raising the people , and inviting the counties both farre and near to rise and side with him against the parliament , which in the observations i shall send you will be made more manifest . but that it may more fully appear upon what further grounds the king forsooke his owne house and the parliament besides the pretended fear of tumults ( of his own causing ) it was suggested unto him , and he was made to believe , that without his presence and concurrence with the parliament they could not , neither durst they vote or act any thing , though never so relative to the safety of themselves and the kingdome , so that its apparent , that either by fraud or force he was resolved to put an end to this parliament , and for farther proof of this i refer you to the observations . now as to the main of your accusations , the taking away of the kings life , and dis-inheriting of his posterity , i crave leave to defer this point to the last , and to the conclusion of my animadversions , where hapyily you will find the true reasons thereof ; and shall now proceed to the change of the government which you charge on the parliament to be so long since plotted , and as a power usurped and exercised by them in a dispotical way way of tyranny , in raising of money , imposing of taxes , and intollerable contributions on the whole nation ; to take them apart i shall begin with the change of the government as it is now established in the nature of a republick , which you know to be gotten by the sword , and likely so it is to hold , by the same weapon as the romans , saxons , danes and normans got their dominions here by conquest , and as the late king on that mere foundation intended to make his power absolute and a la francoys , in the needlesse endeavour wherof , and to be more than stood with the constitution of the english soveraignty , you know how he lost all , together with his life ; if your conscience cannot brook the present government as now it is established , i see no other remedy left you , but to quit the place you now live in ( and quietly if you would ) it suffiseth my conscience that i live under it , in the enjoyment of somewhat wherewith to subsist , which i am sure was more than my self and many thousands more could do , when and weresoever the late kings armies were prevalent ; as to the taxes and contributions , whereat you so much repine as insufferable , and most illegally imposed on the people , all that i shall say to it is that we which suffer them , may all of us thank your party for it , as inforced on the states by your only means , for the defence of the common freedome of the nation , which as in the beginning of the late warres , your party under the royall commissions invaded , so you continually indeavour to subvert them , by all the secret plots and practices you possibly can invent , whereas could that malicious tumor of yours , and that unquietnesse of your spirits by allayed , and your selves perswaded by reason , before it invades you , the taxes you may be sure on 't , would soon be abated , why then can you not rest content with that change and government , which , were you not hood-winkt , you might manifestly see gods high and over-ruling providence to have carried on the worke both in a series of the many and miraculous victories of the parliaments , as also in disappointing all the late kings designs , and in discovering all your plots and practises , even from the very beginning of the warre to the present , which although they weigh not with you , as men bewitched , and as i may say , besotted with an incapacity or hardnesse of heart not to be convinced by any force of reason , or arguments , though providence it selfe visibly shews it out unto you , that not only gods special hand is in this great change of affairs , but that he hath yet some greater worke depending on this , which in his own good time he will bring to passe , in throwing down that proud papall monarchy , and utterly to confound that man of sin who sits in the temple exaulting himselfe above god. sir , here may you be pleased to take in your more serious consideration by whom kings reigne , and cease to reigne , and soberly to observe for what sins almighty god usually striks down the prowd septers of kings , and binds their nobles in chains of iron , and you may without presumption say , and find it most true , throughout all the sacred scriptures , that where idolatry , injustice , oppression , and bloodshed have had predominance , there gods wrath hath inseparably attended the authors , and favorers , and most severely punished those sins above all others , and what in these sins have been either permitted , acted , or connived at by the late king ( howsoever faced out and denyed by himselfe ) and most of your party , and his cause shamefully defended , yet i suppose you cannot but acknowledge that they have not only been winked at , but backt and authorised cnm privilegio . and here give me leave to tell you , that i have stood amazed at the impudence of your royal bookmen , i shall only instance ( amongst ma ny ) in a sew , as judge jenkins his lex terrae , and other of his jugling fragments , the regall apologie , the reliquiae sacrae carolinae ; but especially in that grand imposture of the kings pourtracture ; in all which , that they should give the plain lye to truth , conceale and smother the true intent of the lawes of the land , and contradict the kings own letters and expresses written with his own hand , augments the admiration , and much the more that they should with such acerbity exclaime against the ripping up of the faults of the dead , when they themselves give the occasion , in their frequent invective pamphlets against the parliament , and in their justifications of a prince , whose inclinations lead him to the fulfilling of his own will , though to the apparent losse of his crowne , and his dearest friends , so violently were his inclinations driven on to the accomplishing of his designs , when as neither the junctoes of france , spaine , denmarke , the states of holland , or scarce any prince christian , ( though most of them of his nearest allyes , and solicited by all the artifices that man could invent ) would owne owne him when they understood the wayes and enterprises he most wilfully undertook , and all of them ( upon due examination ) as unnecessarily undertaken , and needlesly pursued with as much violence and craft , as if they had some necessary dependence on his own salvation , and the safety of his people , when as god knowes , they were most destructive , the mishapen , and illegitimat births of his own willful inclinations . now it would not be much impertinent to the subject you have sent me , if i should tell you that i find not any one nation in the world that hath had any great reason to be overmuch inamored with their kings , sure i am neither of us both ( how different soever in our principles ) have had any great cause given us to dote on our last , considered , as he raigned in blood and oppression , and handled the matter both with his friends and foes whether forraigne or domestick ; witnesse those needlesse warres he ingaged himselfe against spayn and france in the entrance of his reigne , afterwards with the scots , but espetially with this parliament and the subjects of three kingdoms , not only to the beggering of them , but the ruine of himselfe and his posterity ; and yet is this most willfull and bloudy prince the only king which your party have so much admired , defended and believed living , and dead , adored and esteemed for a saint and a martyr . sir , you are a gentleman well verst in history , i shall therefore take the boldnesse to advise you , to take the right demensions of all the kings you have read of , either in the sacred scriptures or prophane , observe well all their actings , and i dare be bold to say that you shall very rarely find any of them which have strictly tyed themselves to the duty of their office or to have executed their powers otherwise than to the extream detriment of their subjects , take them wheresoever they have been admitted either by the suffrage of the people ( as that hath been the best means to keep them within the bounds of moderation ) or permitted by the absurdity of succession , whether wisemen or fools , whether children or of mature years or assuming their soveraignties by the power of their swords , and doubtlesse you shall find few of them which have been over-mindfull of the good and welfare of their people , neither to have had any due retrospect to the right ends of government , and that salus populi the safety and good of their subjects , for which all kings had their powers originally ordained and given them from god , never for their own private interests , which most of the kings of the world have evermore studied to advance , and generally per fas et nefas right or wrong , indeavoured to inforce , as in this point we have all of us had a late and a lamentable experience ; where take this in the way , that , without all dispute , all kingly power , and that despoticall domination of that great hunter nimrod , which was first by him usurped by force , and from him as the first pattern of royalty , dispersed throughout most parts of the world , yet we find not in all the scriptures any vestigia or authentick proof , that the succeeding kings of the nations , came to their powers by any immediate institution from god , but only permissive , though it is most true , that when such powers were in being , and how usurpatiously soever obtained , yet submission hath been by god himself enjoyned to those which lived under them , untill for their injustice and extreme tyranny god in his justice determined to transferre their powers to others , as you may transparently see he hath done in our late change ; since then other powers than kingly are now with us in being , you and i both , which live under them , are bound in conscience to submit and obey them , for all * powers are of god. and let me remember you , for its worth your observation , that the israelites for a long time had no kingly government , but in egypt , in the wildernesse , and after in the land of canaan , for many hundred years together were no other than ambulans respublica , a walking common-wealth , and onely governed by judges and the princes of their respective tribes , never by the absolute power of any one man , moses himself having his assistants , even the princes of the people , untill through their own wantonnesse and contempt of that government which god had set over them , and in his providence and love towards them , knew to be fittest for them , they obstinately rejected the gentle government of * samuel , and weary of their own happinesse ( surfeiting as they did in the wildernesse on that delicious food of quails and manna , and wishing for the flesh-pots of egypt ) in imitation of the heathen , they thirsted after a king , and not unlike to esops frogs , they prest samuel to change their quiet and peaceable block into a furious and devouring stork , their freedom into slavery , as first with these arguments , that thy sonnes walke not in thy wayes , but have turn'd aside after lucre , took bribes , and perverted judgement , ( foul faults indeed and happily too true ) for wheresoever power ( without grace ) is invested , faults there will be , and many times foul ones too ; but this was not all that they resented , it was their ambition and desire of novelty in a vain-glorious affectation that swayed with them to be like their neighbour nations , and to have an illustrious and pompous domination over them ; but how this pleased god that chapter with others shews us in a very sad dialect ; for , god in his wrath gave them a king according to their desires ; yet he commands samuel to shew them what would be the manner of a king , and what tyrannies he would exercise over them ; howsoever their hearts being set on a kingly goverment ( a glorious thing indeed in the outward shew and splendor thereof ) have a king they would without more dispute , alleging other arguments to samuel , viz. that he may judge over us , go out before us , and fight our battels ; but how most of their kings executed judgement , and what needlesse battles they fought for them , and how much bloud of theirs was in many of their kings reignes willfully and profusely spilt by most of the kings of judah and israel , as also what taxes and tributes were unnecessarily imposed on them , their own chronicles will best inform you , and all this kingly work , what doth it amount unto , more than to fullfill the will and pleasure , and to maintain the pompe and splendor of one man and his whole family , in the open and privileged oppression of a whole nation ? now if the history of the kings of iudah and israel be not sufficient to inform your judgement of the oppressions and tyrannies exercised by most of their kings as a just judgement of god on the whole nation , ( for i may of truth aver , that they were a stubborn generation , and god answerable to their own hearts desires gave them their belly full of kings when it was too late for their repentance ) then you may pick and chuse amongst all the kings of the world , and you shall find the best of them little better than tyrants ( yea david himself a a man of blood , and most perfideous in the case of honest vriah ) and as the greater fish in the sea which eats up the lesser , so kings on the land are commonly no more than canniballs , man-eaters , and as a good author describes them to be ex genere bestiarum rapacium , a sort of ravenous beasts ( an undenyable truth ) especially where absolute soveraignty is usurped by any one man , and that derived in a succession , which is the evill of all evils , and the very same which your malignant party so vehemently drives at , to introduce on the english nation , and to inslave a free borne people , when your self being a rationall man , very well knows that no man ab origine was born a slave , but either by his own consent , or by the ambition and pleasure of tyrants was made so ; for who koows not that all men are of the self-same mold as kings ; neither were kings ever ordaind of god to govern their people , otherwise than for their * good , never to be opprest and trampled on at theit own wills and lustfull pleasures : but happily you may here charge me to intrench , and presse with the most on the honour and power of kings , i answer , i honour them as gods own ordinance amongst other powers , and am commanded by the apostle to make prayers and supplications for them all , especially for kings , ( and great reason we all have so to do , lest they devoure us alive ) but if they presume to break over those limits and boundaries which almighty god hath set unto them , ( as of those , and what they are you may best instruct your felfe out of * deutronomy and * ezekiel , where you shall finde the king to be tyed up to strict rules , as to read the law , and to observe it all the dayes of his life , that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren ; and as the prophet tels them , take away your exactions from my people , remove violence and spoyl , and execute judgement and justice , &c. ) vpon these considerations i hope you will not blame me , though i have not made one amongst so many which have sided with our late king in raising of war against his people and their representative , neither in plundring and desolating the kingdom , which howsoever those exorbitances ( amongst other of his faults ) have been palliated with as much finenesse of wit , as the art of man could possibly devise yet i beseech you let truth appear , which with a little of your patience you may more fully understand , and then happily you will adjudge him guilty of much more than hath beene yet vulgarly charged on his accompt ; in the mean time remember our blessed saviours oracle , that it is fit offences should be , but woe to those which occasion them : excuse me then , though i tell you , that i know none more guilty of the occasion of all our barbarous and brutish wars , bloodshed , rapine , and of the imminent danger and utter desolation , which at present threatens and hangs over three late flourishing kingdoms , than he who ended his vexatious dayes at his own gates , and she which had the honour of his bed , together with her which was the mother , and of all the mischiefs which befell all the places wheresoever she made her abode . but happily you may again reply , that i speak as a loser , and true , and so may you and one hundred thousand more of poore innocent sufferers speake in the same sad dialect , as having felt the fearfull effects of the perversity of one mans will , who in the power of a moderate soveraignty and the love of his people , by whom , and by this very parliament ( so hatefull unto him ) never any king of england was more honoured , beloved , obeyed , and more courted ; and when time was might have been what a just prince would have desited ; and should i aske you what might he not have been had he either at first , and long after this parliament late downe , yea and long after the warre began complyed with them ( as great reason there was he should have done ) and not to have protected delinquents , neither to have sided with such as most treacherously deserted their trust , but to have relyed ( as at first he promised ) on his faithfull councell the parliament , i presume you will acknowledg it for a manifast truth , that none of his progenitors , were , or could have been greater it honour , power , wealth , and in reputation at home and abroad ; but the truth was , so powerfull a domination his inclinations had over any other reason than his owne , that the wayes of the parliament ( though never so relative to his owne honour , justice , profit , and welfare of the kingdom ) were so averse and contrary to his genius , then rather to be controuled , or suffer any reformation to have been accomplished by them , either in the church or state , and his disordered government to be regulgted by their advice , he would and did run the hazard of his owne ruine , his posterity and people . and as allready i have shewed you , t is a manifest truth that he tacitely had designed , many years before this parliament sate downe , not only to quit himselfe of this parliament , but of all others , and as power should enable him , to invade the freedoms and liberties of the english nation ; howsoever in these particulars ( amongst many other of his faults ) it is far otherwise attested in divers of his expresses , as also protested in his late book ( be it his own or not ) the evidence of his own private letters , and the observations on them will clear that doubt ; where then , i beseech you tell me , should the subject have had any propriety , which by time and degrees would not have been swallowed up in that vast gulf of a prerogative royall , where into , not one year before the parliament sate down , all that the subject had was in a faire way of ingulfing ? neither wonder at this , for it is an infallible truth , that most kings affect their own ends , and injustice , oppression , and commonly tyranny are faculties inherent to most of them , very seldome to look back to the proper ends for which they are ordained of god to advance the good and welfare of their subjects , but generally you shall find them only to seek the improvement of their own powers , & soveraignties , yea often times without any sensibility that their people are composed of the same flesh and blood as themselves , to make havoke of their lives and fortunes , sometimes to maintaine their power , pride , prodigallity , and luxury , and that which is worse , if worse may be , to fullfill their perverse wills and lustfull pleasures in the beggering and slaughtering of millions of their subjects , for proof whereof , we need not go farre for examples , the indeavours of our own kings to inslave their subjects , yeelds us plenty of presidents , and the french to this day feel the yoke of slavery impos'd on them by lews th' eleventh in taking away their conventio de le estates , and reducing that government to be at his own disposement ; neither was ferdinando of spaine quiet in minde , untill he had quit himself of the justice of arragon , a court not unlike the ephori amonst the lacedemonians , or our parliaments in england and scotland , which limited their kings , and kept them within the bounds of moderation ; the hollanders also have had lamentable experience of the ambition of philip the second , who on the massacre of of the natives endeavoured to take away their ancient immunities , and to invassalate the whole provinces under his absolute power ; a strange passion in princes , when no power will content them , but that of absolutenesse , to be masters over their subjects lives and fortunes ; surely if there be any anallogy between shepherds and kings ( as no doubt there is ) our blessed saviour tells us , that bonus pastor ponit vitam pro ovibus , the good shepherd , or king layes down his life for his people , and not to expose theirs to fullfill his own lustfull pleasure ; a sad and lamentable president whereof , we have all felt in our late king charls . but to proceed , i would fain know , what your aims are , that moves you with such impetuonsnesse to revile the present government , since i cannot imagine what other cause you have , but in your endeavour to bring in the new crown'd king of scots on the old score , thereby to re-make your selves in the unmaking and invassalating the rest of the english nation , which duely considered as the posture of affairs with us now are , is so senselesse ( in reference to the bettring of the peoples conditions ) as that it exceedeth all the chimaera's of the old romances , and which you cannot expect may possibly be accomplished without the effusion of an infinity of more bloud , and by the swords of the scots and barbarous irish ( excellent cohabitants for the english ( if you think on 't ) when as you know they are generally hated by both those nations , though probable it is , that your imaginations prompt you to beleeve , that all of your party shall assuredly rise with them , though in the undoubted fall of the rest of the nation ; and not unlikely you flatter your selves ( out of the old remote potential hope ) with the plunder of london , as the onely magazine of wealth , that will make you all abundantly rich , though in this too you may misse of your aims , unlesse at an instant you can change your native dialect , and speak scoth presbytery and irish tanestry in a trice , neither ought you to beleeve that the citizens will stand still whilst you cut their throates : but what a strange peece of poverty possesses your intellectualls , to beleeve that in such a change and turne of fortune ( as all of you so much desire ) an english man ( howsoever principled ) shall long enjoy either life , liberty or estate , otherwise than at the discretion of the conquerour ; and when the king , either or both those nations and other forrainers shall come in upon us and lord it over us , in a far higher strain of tyranny than ever the danes exercised in that short time they were here masters over our ancestors ; if you foresee not this misery , and the fatall consequence which necessarily must follow such a turn of fortune , i must leave you to your own will and expectancy , yet must i not forbear upon these considerations to commend unto your more serious thoughts , what kind and race of princes which with such zeale you endeavour to bring in to govern over the english nation , where i shall present you with a very formidable observation , as you may find it in the history of the scotish kings , and it is this , that seven , if not eight of the last scotish princes of the name and family of the stuarts ( one onely excepted ) came all to their ends by violent deaths ( a fearfull fate if you please to observe it ) and some of them to make away one another ; as for instance , iames the first who for his tyrannny was cut off by the nobility , the second was slain at roxborough , the third at bonoxborn , the fourth at plowden field , the last three in as needlesse quarrells as our late king charts engaged first against his native subjects the scots , and on the heels of that war against the english and their representative , onely iames the fifth had the fortune to dye of a naturall death , but as to his onely daughter queen mary and mother 〈◊〉 king iames the sixt , it is manifestly knowne that she caused henry lord darnley her second husband to be cruelly murthered , and only to make way to her third marriage with earl bothwell her paramour , whom the states banished , and shortly after call'd her to accompt for her husbands murther , and for that fact and other conspiracies against the state , by the votes of the major part of the peeres and commons in parliament she was adjudged to die , whereupon she fled into england , where contriving sundry plots with the papists and the duke of norfolke against queen elizabeth , and restlesse in her ambitious contrivements to dispossesse the queen regnant of the crowne , you know to what end she came at fodringay , where we may safely believe that gods just judgments overtook her , when she little dream't to have dyed at the block ; what since became of her only sonne king iames , and his two sonnes prince henry and our last king charls ? though the manner of the two first deathes are still held in dispute , yet we all know to what a fatall end the last came , even at his own gates , and in the same place where the first blood was spilt by his own servants the cavaleers ; pardon me then , if i present you with an opinion of my own , which i am confident is an infallible verity , that allmighty god in his justice suffers not any man to come to a prodigious end but for such sinnes by him committed , as are equivalent to that sin for which he suffered ; it is gods own oracle , an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth , and he that kils by the sword by the same weapon or the like he shal surely dye ; for a conclusion , take this as a knowne truth to all the nation , that both the late kings , as they were naturall scots , very rarely loved an english man , sure we are , not the nation in generall , and that very seldome either of them admitted any of the english into their bed-chambers , ( for generally they were all scots ) neither took they any of the english ( buckingham excepted ) into their secrets , and as their privadoes , untill strafford was taken into our last kings favour , but no otherwise than as a meer states-man and a bold instrument to act any thing conducible his masters designs , and such projects which were suitable to his endeavours and inclinations , otherwise i never knew any that were fit servants for him ; and it is most certaine , that both the father and the sonne laid more subtill and cunning snares to insnare the english nation , than all of the norman race before them ; the father to have laid the foundation , and the sonne to build up the whole fabrick of absolute soveraignty , as insensibly at first , and from the beginning of their reigns , as possibly their designs could permit , but king charls towards his last , and long before the warres began , openly , and shortly thereupon in hostility , and with morter tempered with more english blood than ever hath been so wilfully and profusely spilt by any one tyrant in the world ; and for what cause , and on what grounds ( i beseech you tell me ) more than for the nug● and idle fictions of a divine prerogative , and to rule alone without other law than his owne will , and without accompt to any but to god alone ? they are both the fathers and the sonnes owne maxims , just tyrant-like , quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem , and yet , which is the mystery and the wonder of the times , is this wilfull king cryed up , by his many partizans , for the onely paragon of princes , and that which is of more admiration , his protestations in the common belief preferred and credited before his visible actions , and cabinet letters , which if men were not besotted , i am sure best of all other evidences , layes open the most hidden secrets of the heart : but it is most certaine , that before , and a long space after the battle at edgehill , he refused all overtures of peace , though t is confest he made many motions for peace to the parliament , but ever no other than on such disadvantagious terms as were utterly unfit for the parliaments embrasure , and the kingdomrs security , for we find them evermore accompanied with such restrictions , reservations , and ambignous conditions ( howsoever gilded over with plausible pretences ) that the parliament at length durst not either trust him , or any of his specious declarations , as in the observations on the reliquiae carolinae are manifested , for it is most true , that as soon as he had attracted a very considerable army to his assistance , by his artifices , and the severall visits and the orations he made to the respective sheriffes and gentry ( before and after the setting up of his standerd ) of the counties of yorke , lincolne , nottingham , leicester , chester , stafford , denby , flint , salop , oxford , and berks , wherein he neither spared any pains or travel , or lost a minute of time , both to deceive and win the people to his cause ; and 't is evident , that he had not onely written his particular letters to most of the prime gentlemen of the kingdome to side with him , but had sent his peremptory commands to most of the colonells of the parliaments army sent into ireland for the assistance of the distressed protestants , to repair to his ayde against the parliament , a treachery and a testimony beyond all others of the falsenesse of his heart , considered ( as hereafter it shall be made more apparent unto you ) with the seeming zeal and care he pretended to bear to those poor irish protestants . it is worth your further observation , that this most unfortunate prince , having so often accustomed himselfe to fraud and dissimulation , that it came at last to this sad issue , that all his after messages and overtures made to the parliament ( in the declination of his power , and after he was a prisoner ) though happily more really intended than formerly , and atested with exceeding specious & plausible protestations , & some of them confirmed with his wonted imprecations , were not beleeved , but suspected for fallacious ; so long had this most unhappy king ( like the flie that playes with the flame , which comes in the end to burn himself out of his own fury ) such power had his will and naturall inclinations over his reason ; where you may take an instance or two in the way for a proofe thereof . when he first raised his army at york , for which he endeavours to flam off the parliament , that those forces were onely raised as a guard for the security of his person , and to confirme this , he caused divers of the fugitive lords then attending him , shamefully to attest , that he had no intent thereby to levy war against the parliament , when immediately thereupon he began to march , and to run from place to place as before is noted , to raise more force , and that which is most perfidious , after he had erected his standard at nottingham he continued the same straine , utterly denying and protesting that he had not then any manner of intent thereby to wage war with his parliament , as hereafter you shall more plainly see , a strange delusion to flatter himself , in dancing unseen in a net , and that that he should not onely be able to deceive the people by his protestations , but to delude and cosen a court of parliament out of their understanding , as you may see this verified in his owne expresses sent to the parliament from nottingham ; and what a strange trick would he have put on the parliament , when from yorke he sent them a message , that he had taken a resolution to go in person into ireland to chastise those rebels , and to that purpose had determined to raise foot , and horse in and about the county of chester for a guard to his person , and to flatter himself with such a senseless device to delude the parliament , as if they understood him no better , than to beleeve his designe to be reall , when they perceived his drift was , first to raise here a considerable force , & then to joyn with the irish army there , and in the end to turn all his power on the parliament . it would be too wearisome to me to recount all the perfidious practices of this most unhappy prince , and too tedious to your selfe to read them , i shall therefore for the present conclude and referre you to the animadversions and observations on the contrarity between his publick protestations , and private letters , which you shall god willing receive very shortly , and wherein i doubt not but that you will find so much fraud , deceit and dissimulation of this king , as will amaze you , and turn the strong tyde of your belief , ( hitherto poysoned with flams and such subterfuges ) as may shame any rationall man to be so long cosened and deluded by them . no more sir at present but that i desire and wish you to beleeve no otherwise of that which i have sent you than in your judgement you shall find suitable to truth , and that as you shall see just cause , to esteeme me , ( as i am ) your well wishing friend . animadversions or observations on the strange contrariety between the late kings declarations , missives , protestations , imprecations , sent at severall times to the parliament , and his pourtraicture compared with his own letters taken at naseby , and some other of his expresses not yet taken into publike observation . sir , i have now sent you , by your servant , those observations which i promised you , supposing that they will come to your hands so seasonably , as to help to convince you , that neither the parliament began the late wars , or that there could be any designe or plot laid ( of i know not how many years standing ) either of a factious party amongst them , to disturbe the peace of the kingdom , take away the kings life and his posterity , or to alter the government , but that whatsoever hath fallen out since the sitting down of this parliament , hath been enforced by the king himself , and by a concurrency of sundry causes arising from his own willfull inclinations , the sins of the nation , and gods speciall hand therein , as a fearfull punishment upon us all : if you think otherwise , and that you shall persist in your errours , i doubt not but these observations will more clearly manifest unto you , that the king was ( in all this tragicall contest ) both his own enemy and no such innocent martyr as your party conceives him to have been , and of this let his own actions , and his private letters speak , and i shall be silent , whose principall endeavour hath been no other than to give you satisfaction ( on your own provocation ) and that truth may appear to all those whom it concerns besides your self , and first to the observations on the treaties for peace , after the war began . the first overture for peace , after the war began , was without all question of the parliaments at colebrook , which how it was accepted of by the king , and on the nick thereof pursued , by the drawing up of his army in a mist , the slaughter at brayuford best shews out what was the kings meaning , which how he labours to defend it in some of his expresses , yet without doubt if it were not perfidious , yet very suspicious of no fair meaning ; sure it was very retrograde to the procuring of a peace , otherwise than as himself meant to have it by force . the next overture for an accomodation was likewise of the parliaments first motion , and agreed upon to be at oxford , a place as inauspicious for treaties , as parliaments ; for it came to no other issue than to signifie nothing ; a game wherein the king was wel vers'd , a proof whereof amongst many , you may find in his eighth letter to the queen , jan. . . from oxford viz. the portugall agent hath made me two propositions : first , concerning the reliase of his masters brother , for which i shall haeve l. if i can procure his liberty from the king of spain ; the other is for a marriage betwixt my son charles , and his masters eldest daughter : for the first , i have freely undertaken to doe what i can , and for the other , i will give such an answer as shall signifie nothing . observation . here you may first evidently see what a fine juggler the king was grown , and into what a streight hee had driven himself , to become a broker for money , and instead of friendship to a king to whose agent in others of his letters to the queen , he acknowledgeth himself to be more beholding for the transport of his letters , than to the french embassadour ; and then as to the motion of marriage to juggle him out with an answer which should signifie nothing , judge you whether it would not have been more kingly to have dealt more plainly with the agent , and to have told him that he liked not the motion , on reasons best known to himselfe , than to have flam'd him off with a significavit rather of an affront , than friendship . the third motion for peace was also of the parliaments first overture , and tendred to the king at oxford , and agreed upon to be at vxbridge , where how that likewise was aforehand ordered , and his commissioners tyed up to his will , and to the wrack of his own instructions , from which they were not on any conditions to recede , is made very clear in the postscript of his letter to the queen , number th . january . . from oxford , viz. and be confident that i will not quit episcopacy , nor that sword which god hath given into my hands . observation . if the quaere here should be made whether god had so absolutely given the power of the sword , into his hands , as at his own will and pleasure to unsheath it against his own subjects , and the representative of the kingdome , whom by his coronation oath he was obliged to defend and protect , doubtlesse no man is so madd to believe , that the kings resolutions ( in using it as he did to their destruction ) were so religiously byassed as it became a christian king : but that you may further understand , why the king so peremptorily stood to the upholding of bishops , and to keep the militia in his own sole power , ( for that 's the meaning of his not quitting the sword ) which all the world knows to be no otherwise ( by the intent of the lawes of the land , reason , and the law of nature ) an inseparable flower of the crown than fiduciary , alwaies in reference to a trust given our kings by parliament , out of confidence that it shall be used to no other intent or end than the defence of the kingdom , and not to be perverted against it , as all the ancient and modern statutes import , both in their preambles and texts ; cast your eyes on his own directions to the vxbridge commissioners number . where you may evidently see , that it was not so much the scruple of his conscience and coronation oath , as in relation to his own particular designes and interests ; viz. that as it is the kings duty to protect the church , so it is the churches to assist the king in the maintenance of his authority ; wherefore my predecessors have been alwaies carefull , and especially since the reformation , to keep the dependency of the clergy intirely on the crown , without which it will scarsely fit fast on his bead ; therefore you must do nothing to change this necessary dependance . observation . here you have the true reason wherfore the king so much insisted on the keeping up of episcopacy , and how likewise the cunning gypsies the bishops had instill'd it into his apprehension , what sure cards they were to keep the crown fast on his head , as if the crown and myter had been such inseparables , as that the one could not subsist without the other ; observe withall what a queint aphorism they first coynd and broched it to king iames , viz. no bishop , no king ; and judge you whether no porter no king had not been the better maxime , when as it is perspicuous , that most of our ancient kings had no such enemies as the bishops , witnesse tho. becket to henry the second , lanfranke to henry the first , roger of salisbury to king stephen , orleton to edward the second , with divers others which almost in every reign opposed their kings , and addrest themselves to the pope for their palls and investitures , indeavouring in what possibly they could to free themselves from any dependancy on the crown , untill henry the eighths time , who first of all our kings freed himself of that servitude , which had beene so fatall to most of his predecessors . but look a little further and you shall finde in the kings th . letter to the queen on the same subject , febr. . . from oxford ; viz. thou needs not doubt of the issue of this treaty , for my commissioners are so well chosen ( though i say it ) that they will neither be thretned nor disputed from the grounds i have given them , which upon my word is according to the little note thou so well remembers , and to this not only their obedience , but judgements concur ; againe in the same letter , and be confident , that in making peace i shall ever shew my constancy in adhering to bishops , and all our friends , and shall not forget to put a short period to this perpetuall parliament ; but as thou lovest me , let none perswade thee to slacken thine assistance for him who is eternally thine . observation . here we have a true character of this unfortunate kings naturall obduracy , and the aversenesse of his genius to alter any of his resolutions , which once fixt , he would effect on any hazzard whatsoever ; the earle of strafferd , who best of all others of his arbitrary ministers had most studied his inclinations , needed not to have cherished this humour of the kings , when as in the prosecution of the wars against the scots . he counsels the king in * haec verba , lose all i had , or carry all ; again you may here see how he had aforehand bound up his commissioners with such instructions from whence they were not to stir or yeeld in a jot , as likewise how mindfull he was of the little note , and punctually to observe it , a very fine note of remembrances i beleeve , had we the honour to have seen it ; and were we not all of us of the english nation , a happy people to see our king governed by the directions and documents of a woman , a strong papist , and of the house of medicis by the mother , a most emperious and dangerous generation of women , and fatal to all places wheresoever they came ? a wife its true she was , but such a one as ruled and over-ruled that stiffenesse of his constellation , and effected more with him than either himself could doe , or the most inward of his councell of state durst attempt , and on one caveat of hers would rather adventure the loss of his crown , than not to shew his constancy in the upolding of a myter ; you may remember how much pains he was at with the divines at newcastle and the isle of wight , and what tenents he held in his dispute with them concerning episcopacy , and that bishops were of a divine and apostolik institution , which is true in some sense , as those were which were instituted by the apostles , but that our late bishops as they stood here from before and after king edwards reformation , that they should be taken in with those of st. pauls making , in the generall notion or latitude of bishops , without any distinction , as if those bishops of the papisticall church were of the selfe-same nature , and of like ordination as those of the primitive times , seemes to me a paradox . 't is true , that at the time of the reformation the dispute grew high at the black-fryers amongst the commissioners themselves whether episcopacy should remain as it then stood , or to reduce it to the originall patterne of the primitive church , as bishop latimer , martin bucer , and peter martyr would have had it ; but bishop ridly , and the rest of the commissioners , most of them bishops ( as sir iohn heywood in his first copy of his * history of edward the sixt layes it down ) would by no means assent unto it ; the other three maintaining that bishops as then they stood were no other than chips of the papisticall block , and of no affinity with st. pauls titmothy's or titus bishops , neither could they be of any conformity with the ancient and primitive institution , but the meer excrescencies sprouting out of the exuberancy of the papacy , long after the defection and adulteration of the primitive church , which defection from the ancient purity began immediately after gregory the great , and i am very confident that there are none of our late bishops so impudent as to maintaine , that either the britain or saxon kings ( whatsoever is fabled of king lucius ) ever erected any episcopall sees , or admitted of any bishops that came hither before austin the monk , and such others after him , as were merely spriggs of the papacy , and that long after the adulteration of the roman church ; a truth so perspicuous , as that i have wondred on the reading of the discourse between his majesty and those learned divines , why it was not prest by them , that episcopacy , quatenus , as it stood here since and before the reformation , was spurious , papall , and of no affinity with the apostlick , or primitive institution ; especially the wonder is so much the more that the king for the upholding of square caps , should with such obstinancy ( which he would have to be esteemed constancy ) oppose a court of parliament composed of lords and gentlemen , and pretend so much to honour and conscience , when as about the same time , and as i remember before that the dispute was here in the house for the expulsion of the bishops , the king had granted the same boon to the scots . but i beseech you take notice how mindfull the king was to remember his friends , and what were they think you more than delinquents , soldiers of fortune , and the loosest vermin that the kingdom could afford him , together with the papists , many country gentlmen , and the fugitive members of both houses which he had corrupted and drawn from their trust , with double ends of his own , not onely to make up his mungrell parliament at oxford , but to lame or destroy the legall parliament at westminster , whose privileges with so many protestations he had so often aver'd to maintain ? in the next place please you to observe how memorative the king was to put a short period to this perpetuall parliament ; for this expression manifestly shewes how he intended to deal with all others , a parliament as himself had made it , indissolvable ( by any other way than that of the * sword , which by no meanes he meant to depart withall , until needs he must ) and the act assented and granted by himself , on reasons merely relative to the payment of his owne debts , contracted by his unnecessary raising of war against his native subjects the scots , and for the more speedy discharge of the arrears due to both armies , which the parliament was then most willing to defray , without the least scruple , or upbraiding him with the cause of contracting so vast a sum , and all to gain at any rate his love and favour ; where i must tell you , that you would have thought it somewhat harsh should they have told him as it was * answered in full parliament to hen : the third , that they would not pay his debts , neither give him a groat , postquam coepit esse dilapidator regni , so long as he continued to destroy the kingdom , but you cannot deny how ready they were to expedite the payments , by taking it up of the city on the publick faith , which the citizens ( on remembrance of the kings wonted manner of dissolving of all the parliaments of his reign without their due effects ) utterly refused , unlesse an act were past for the continuation of the parliaments sitting , upon which grounds the king granted that act , which so nearly concerned his own particular , and the sending home of the scots , whose company was then loathsome unto him . how then it comes to passe , that your selfe and so many of your party should think this such an act of grace seems to me a wonder , when he had so often protested , not onely to maintain the privileges of parliament , but whatsoever acts he had formerly assented unto ; but you see here his own expression , that he would not forget to put a short period to this perpetuall parliament ; what then i beseech you do you conceive would have been the issues ? otherwise than to recall all those his so much magnified acts of grace ( as edward the third yeelded him a president ) and at last by the power of the sword ( which he sayes god had put into his hands ) to have invaded the lawes and universall freedomes of the nation as his very next letter to the queen manifestly imports march . . from oxford , number the th . viz. i have thought of one means more to furnish thee withall for my assistance , than hitherto thou hast had ; it it this , that i give thee power to promise in my name , to whom thou thinkest most fit , that i will take away all penall laws against the roman catholicks in england , as soon as god shall inable me to doe it , so as by their means or in their favours , i may have so powerfull assistance as may deserve so great a favour , and inable me to do it ; but if thou aske what i call that assistance ; i answer , that when thou knowest what may be done for it , it will be easily seen , if it deserve to be so esteemed ; i need not tell thee what secrecy this businesse requires ; yet this i will say , that this is the greatest point of confidence i can expresse to thee , for it is no thanks to me to trust thee in any thing else , but in this which is the onely thing in difference of opinion betwixt us , and yet i know thou wilt make as good a bargaine in this , i trusting thee ( though it concerns religion ) as if thou wert a protestant , the visible good of my affairs so much depending thereon . observation . the comment on this his majesties th . letter , principally relates to these two most important considerations ; first , the invading of the laws , secondly , to the affront of the parliament and the protestant religion , when he should be impowred by the assistance of the papists , and a third necessarily ariseth on the neck of the other two , viz. by giving power to the queene , a profest papist , and an enemy to the english nation , to manage the businesse , and to make the best bargain for him , as she should thinke most fit , under the seale of secrecy , as being himself ashamed to be seen in the businesse , ( as god knowes good reason he had ) but in the mean time speak your conscience , where was then the kings conscience , and his honour ? and what became of his former protestations ? wherein he so often avows the maintenance of the protestant religion , ( without mixtures ) and what was his own religion , more than formall , or like a nose of wax , convertible onely as it should conduce to the visible good of his affaires ? ( they are his owne words ) and what those affaires were more than his will and pleasure , in his uttermost endeavour to continue to imbrue the kingdomes with more blood and rapine , by the swords and assistance of papists , cannot well be imagined ; these and a world of his other expressions , compared together with his own letters , and his pourtraicture , i must tel you plainly , have very much troubled my spirits , that he should so much and so often pretend to religion , conscience , and honour , in yeelding up of episcopacy , when he made no scruple of conscience to grant to the scots the abolishing of their episcopacy , which in the chapter of church-government in his pourtraicture , he strives to salve with an ill savoring playster , but for the retention of it in england , he pleads , and stands stiffly on his coronation oath , with the swallowing up of the most essentiall part thereof , which by far more obligeth the kings of england to observe , than the preamble to that oath , penn'd of old by the prelats & church-men for their own onely ends and interests , a very inconsiderable party , in respect of the quality of the nobility ; and gentry ; and that vast number of the laity , of which it seems the king reckoned of after the popes computation , to be extra caulam , either out of the church , or at best but the fag end thereof , and accompts little better of them , than as so many cyphers , or his slaves at will , at pleasure , cleane forgetting , or slighting the grand & more essentiall part of his coronation oath , which is confidently averr'd the late arch prelate purposely emasculated , and never gave it him at his coronation , but left him at liberty , which all men knows is that which obligeth the king to rule not onely by the lawes in being , but per istas bonas leges quas vulgas eligerit , to govern by such good laws as the parliament shall chuse , and the reason of this is most most perspicuous , for the lawes of england are not of that stamp as those of the medes and persians ( unalterable ) but changeable according to the vicissitudes of times , and change of mens manners , and at the election of the people in their representative , the kings assent being formall , and onely a necessary appendant , and by the intent of the law , his principall power consists in the executive part , the parliaments in the elective ; for it is without all question that never any of our kings either abrogated or made any law obligatory to the people by his onely lawfull power , but by the parliaments consent and election ; the nature of the kings office being more cumulative then privative , to give rather than to take any thing from their subjects ; but here you may see what a latitude of power the king assumes to himself , where he promiseth to the queen to take away all the penal laws against papists , as soon as he shall be enabled to doe it , without a word of by your leave parliament , so that you may manifestly see what he intended , and that no other sence than his owne is here pind upon him : you may further observe out of this letter his windings , doublings , and fouldings , and how dexterously cunning he was growne , at playing fast and loose with religion , or with any thing else that might promote his mischievous designs , leaving no way unattempted though to prophaning of religion , that he conceived might conduce to the visible good of his affairs ( as that was his usuall expression ) and what was that visible good think you ? other than to overpower the parliament , and then to rule as he listed . but to shew unto you what a gamester he was at hocus-pocus , i pray look upon the postcript of his letter to the marquesse of ormond february . . from oxford , viz. in case upon particular mens fancies , the irish peace should not be procured , upon powers i have already given you , i have thought good to give you farther order , ( which i hope will prove needlesse ) to seek to renue the treaty for a peace for a yeare , for which you shall prowise the irish ( if you can have it no better cheap ) to joyn with them against the scots and inchiquine , but i hope by that time , my condition may be such , as the irish may be glad to accept les , or i be able to grant more . observation . hence you may make your owne judgement what a proteus the king was grown ; you may take this also into your observation , as suitable to the rest , that in all his declarations , letters , and messages to the parliament , and after he had lost all and could stand up no longer , and was a prisoner , they were then directed to his two houses at westminster , but during his power , and so long as he had any hopes left him to conquer them , he misses not throughout all his expresses to call them rebels , and in that capacity tacitely treats with them at vxbridge , ( which the scots at rippon utterly refused to treat with him unlesse he would withdraw and disown his proclamations in stiling them traytors ) and although he calls them a parliament , yet was it with a mental reservation not so to acknowledge them , as you may see in his letter to the queen ( where it seems she had schoold him to the purpose for acknowledging them to be a parliament , for which he makes a very humble and ample apology , and sayes , if there had been but two besides my self of my opinion , i had not done it , and the argument that prevailed with me was , that the calling did no wayes acknowledge them to be a parliament ; upon which condition and construction , i did it and no otherwise , and accordingly it is registred in the councel books , and with the councells unanimous approbation , but thou wilt find that it was my misfortune , not my neglect , that thou hast been no sooner advertised of it . observation . i need not comment on these fine pieces of the kings , your own judgment may informe you what a quaint iesuiticall jugler he was grown , by the conversation he had with the mother and the daughter , both of them being excellent proficients in the doctrins of matchivill ; and surely , under the rose be it spoken , himself no very bad scholler in that kind of learning ; yet here you may see what pains he was put unto , how to make a handsome excuse to save himself from a chiding : but i forbeare to make further mention of his perfidious courses , more than to put you in minde , that so long as his vain imaginations prompted to over-power the parliament , and to reduce all to his own absolute pleasure , it s most certain , that he refused ali overtures for agreement with the parliament , other than such ( as before i have intimated ) he verily believed to make advantage of ; and this appears in his th . letter to the queen , march thirteenth , from oxford , viz. dear heart , what i told thee the last week concerning a good parting with our lords and commons here , was on monday last handsomly performed , and if i now do any thing unhandsome or disadvantagious to my self or friends , in order to a treaty , it will be merely my owne fault , for i confesse when i wrote last , i was in feare to have been prest to make some mean overtures to renew the treaty , knowing that there were great labourings to that purpose ; but i now promise thee , if it be renewed ( which i believe wil not ) without some eminent good successe on my side , it shall be to my honour and advantage , i being now as well freed from the place of base and mutinous motions ( that is to say , of our mungrel parliament here ) as of the chief causers , for whom i may justly expect to be chidden by thee , for having suffered thee to be vexed by them . observations . we have here a plain proof of the former assertion , that during the kings power , he would entertain no treaties but such as here he promiseth the queen , should be both to his honour and advantage , and he renders the reason , viz. that he was then left free to himselfe to doe as he listed , and as his inclinations should prompt him , as being quit of those base and mutinous motions of his mungrell parliament at oxford ; where you may observe , how well parliaments suited with the nature of this king ; for this at oxford ( which was of his own designe , and calling , of set purpose to annihilate the legall parliament at westminster ) was ( as himself stiles it ) a base , mutinous , and mungrel parliament , and he might with good reason so accompt of it , for they were indeed a sort of perfidious fugitives , false to themselves and their countreyes , and the king no doubt in his own thoughts esteemed them no other , for such as would be fals to themselves , the king was not to seek to make his own judgement what they would be to him , on the turn of any tyde of advantage , but that at westminster he calls a rebell parliament , though of his own first summons : the truth was , none would or could please him , neither any councell but such as futed to his own will and pleasure . it s true , and it is confest that after he had lost all , and was a prisoner , he seemed more inclinable to embrace peace , and to that end sent his frequent messages to the parliament , but evermore with the old scruples of his conscience and honour , persisting to his last ( as being fed with hopes of the generall rising , . and the comming in of the scots under hamilton ) to wind himself up again to that power whither his restlesse ambition ( to be more absolute than he ought to have been ) lead him to the precipice of his own ruine , and it is more than probable , that during the last treaty in the isle of wight , and the expectation of the successe of that rising to his rescue , he had a perfidious hand therein ; for it cannot be imagined that such an association of english , scots , and welch , would ever in one conjuncture of time adventure to rise without either his privity or commission ; howsoever it is manifestly known , that both the english and welch had for their undertaking the princes commission under hand and seale , neither is it likely that the prince himself ( during a treaty so neer a period to an attonement ) would either authorize that rising , or to have approached at that very time with his fleet so near the thames mouth , without either his fathers commission or approbation , the perfidie shewed therein i am more than confident utterly lost him , and was a principall canse that the parliament could not in reason , or with safety of themselves and the king dom , readmit or trust such a prince with the government , of whose reformation they could not but despair . observations upon the reliquiae sacrae carolinae . it is worth his pains who desires to berightly informed of the truth of al passages and transactions between the late king , and the parliament , his mysterious motions , pretences , and carriages , both during all the warres , and since his death how matters have been managed by his partakers , especially by those which first published his pourtraicture , and him who hath taken such pains in collecting so many of his papers , printing , exposing and dispersing them throughout all parts of the kingdom , purposely both to deceive the people , and malitiously to work upon the facility of their affections in commiseration of him , and casting an odium on the parliament ; the artifice which this impostor uses , is worth consideration , as he hath garnished the approaches to his collections with the kings picture in some places standing , in others kneeling , and as it were ejaculating his prayers to god , and those drest with sundry devices and motto's , and all this to invite the eye , if not the understanding of the silly beholder to a beleef , that he died an innocent martyr , a prince who suffered for his restlesse endeavor to desend the protestant religion , the laws and libertyes of his subjects , as he would intimate by his hudling of the kings many specious and fraudulent overtures for peace to the parliament , and avoyding of future bloodshed . in all the catalogue of his one and twenty messages of the kings , ( besides additionalls ) he is pleased not so much as to insert one of the parliaments answers in rejoynder to any of the kings messages , onely taking in so many of his majesties which he conceived might serve his turn to clear the kings innocency , and leaving out such of the parliaments most materiall missives to which the king omitted to give any answer at all ; as for instance , let him produce what reply the king made to the parliaments charge , for ruperts intercepting of the clothes , provisions horses and other necessaries , sent by the parliament in the way to chester , for the releef of the relicts of the poor protestants in ireland , true it is , that long after an answer was , such as it was , made ( though not by him mentioned ) viz. that those provisions might have been better guarded ; a proper answer if you please to take notice of it , when its mostevident , that the kings forces not only took them with his expresse command but drew over the principall commanders and soldiers before sent by the parliament to his own assistance against the parliament , now , that you may see how the active part of the war was carried on by the king , take into your serious considerations his message of the of april , . from huntington , wherein he earnestly desires , that the parliament will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his majesty , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence , he having all that passion for the reducing of that kingdome which he hath expressed in his former messages , being unable to manifest more affection to it , than he hath endeavonred to do by those messages ( having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his parliment ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor protestant subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his majesty shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) he shall wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse , in that most necessary and pious work . observation . a very pious work indeed , as himself ordered it , if you please to examine it to the bottome , then make your own judgement , whether it was not the kings reach to gull the parliament , by pressing them to expedite the sending of forces to the relief of his poor subjects of ireland , and with such words of pity and expressions of his remorse , how deeply he was concerned therein , and how sensible of their sufferings and calamities , which might grow upon them , and just pilate-like to wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse in him ; when 't is manifest his meaning was both to make use of any such forces as the parliament should send over , against them , and consequently to dis-enable them the more in levyes here for their own defence against him , and his preparations , as it evidently appeared within . moneths after by the said seizure of the horses , cloaths and provisions sent by chester , as also by his remanding over the regiments sent before into ireland to make use of them , as it is visibly known he did , against the parliament . but i pray extend your patience , and look farther into this darke worke of the kings , take a short viewe of his next message from nottingham , where he erected his standard , it bears date the . of august . next to this his message of the th . of sept. . with another of the th . of september following , in pursuance of the former , peruse them all and you shal evidently see such notable juglings and matchivilian dissemblings , as would amaze any christian eye to behold them , compared with his actions , his pourtraicture , and his own letters taken at naseby : i shall present them all in their order , verbatim , and first that of the of august . viz. we have with unspeakable griefe ef heart long beheld the distraction of this our kingdome , our very soul is full of anguish , untill we may finde some remedy to prevent the miseries which are ready to overwhelm this nation by a civil war , and although all our indeavours tending to the composing of those unhappy differences betwixt us and our two houses of parliament ( though pursued by us with all zeale and sincerity ) have been hitherto without the successe we hoped for , yet such is our constant & earnest care to preserve the publicke peace , that we shall not be discouraged to use any expedient , which by the blessing of the god of mercy , may lay a happy foundation of peace and happinesse to all our good subjects . to this end , observing that many mistakes have arisen , by the messages , petitions , and answers betwixt us and our two houses of parliament , which happily may be prevented by some other way of treaty , wherein the matter in difference may be more clearly understood , & more freely transacted , we have thought fit to propound to you , that some fit persons may be by you enabled , to treat with the like number to be authorized by us , in such a manner and freedom of debate , as may best tend to that happy conclusion which all good men desire ( the peace of the kingdom , ) wherein as we promise in the word of a king , all safety and incouragement to such as shall be sent unto us , if you shall chuse the place where we are for the treaty ; which we wholly leave to you , presuming on the like care of the safety of those we shall imploy , if you shall name another place : so we assure you , and all our good subjects , that to the best of our understanding , nothing shall therein be wanting on our part , which may advance the true protestant religion , oppose popery and superstition , secure the law of the land ( upon which is built as well our just prerogative , as the propriety and liberty of the subject ) confirme all just power and privileges of parliament , and render us and our people truly happy , by a good understanding betwixt us and our two houses of parliament : bring with you as firm resolutions to doe your duty , and let our people joyn with us in our prayers to almighty god for his blessing upon this worke ; if this proposition shall be rejected by you , we have done our duty so amply , that god will absolve us from the guilt of that blood which must be spilt , and whatsoever opinion other men may have of our power , we assure you nothing but our christian and pious care to prevent the effusion of blood , hath begotten this motion , our provision of men , money and armes being such as may secure us from further violence , til it please god to open the eyes of our people . not to trouble you with further search , i shall present you that message of the th . of september . in pursuance of the former , together with that of the th . of the same moneth , tending all to the same purpose , though the observations on them you shall finde handled separatim , and left to your more mature consideration . we will not repeat what meanes we have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted estate of the kingdome , nor how these means have been interpreted , because being desirous to avoid effusion of blood , we aere willing to decline all memory if former bitternesse , that might make our offer of a treaty readly accepted : we did never declare , nor ever intended to declare both our houses of parliament traytors , or set up our standard against them , and much lesse to put them and this kingdome out of our protection , wee utterly professe against it , before god and the world ; and farther to remove all possible scruples which may hinder the treaty so much desired of us , we hereby promise , so that a day be appointed by you , for the unvoting of your declarations against all persons as traytors , or otherwayes for assisting of us , we shall with all chearfulnesse upon the same day recall our proclamations and declarations , and take down our standard , in which treaty we shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of our subjects , conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of ireland , and the dangerous condition of england , in as high a degree , as by these our offers we have declared our self to do , and assuring you that our chief desire in this world is to beget a good understanding , and mutuall confidence , betwixt us and our two houses of parliament . sebtemb . . . who have taken most ways used most endeavours , and made most reall expressions to prevent the present distractions and dangers , let all the world judge , as well by former passages , as our two last messages , which have been so fruitlesse , that ( though wee have descended to desire and presse it ) not so much as a treaty can be obtained , unles we would denude our self of all force to defend us from a visible strength marching against us , and admit those persons accompted traytors to us , who according to their duty , their oathes of allegeance , and the law , have appeared in defence of us their king and liege lord ( whom we are bound in conscience and honour to preserve ) though we disclaimed all our proclamations and declarations , and erecting of our standard , as against our parliament ; all we have left in our power is to expresse the deep sense we have of the publick misery of this kingdom , in which is involved that of our distressed protestants of ireland , and to apply our self to our necessary defence ; wherein we wholly rely on the providence of god , the justice of our cause , and the affection of our good people , so far we are from putting them out of our protection ; when you shal desire a treaty of us , wee shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this quarrel , and cheerfully embrace it ; and as no other reasons induced us to leave our city of london , but that with honour and safety we could not stay there , nor to raise any force , but for the necessary defence of our person and the law , against levies in opposition to both , so we shall suddenly return to the one , and disband the other , as soon as those causes shall be removed : the god of heaven direct you , and in mercy divert those judgements , which hang over the nation , and deale so with us , and our posterity , as we desire the preservation and advancement of the true pretestant religion , the law , and the liberty of the subject , the just rights of parliament , and the peace of the kingdom . sept. . . observations on the former three messages of the kings . in these three messages we have as specious and pious expressions ( in shew ) as possibly can be expected from a king that meant really as he writ , and said as he thought : but on a due consideration of all passages , and the subject matter in them contained , and as the case then stood betwixt him and the parliament , with as much subtilty , craft and cunning , as can well be devised by the subtilest disciple of machavill . i shall take the ; liberty to comment , and prove the assertion , out of the first of these messages of the of august . and so in order to the rest , as they visibly shew out unto any rationall man their purport , without drawing other conclusions than necessarily arise out of the expressions themselves , compared with the kings other declarations , his actions , and his own private letters . first he tels the parliament , with what unspeakeable griefe of heart he beheld the distractions of the kingdom , untill he could find out a remedy to prevent the miseries which were ready to hang over the whole nation by a civill warre . where i pray tell me , who first gave the occasion , who raised those distractions , or made the first preparations to a civill warre , other than himselfe ? next he speaks of differences betwixt him and the parliament , which he confesseth to have arisen through mistakes of the messages , petitions and answers , betwixt him and his two houses of parliament , which he would have prevented by a treaty , wherein the matters in difference might , be more clearly understood , and more freely transacted ; and could there have been a more fitter place to debate them with honour and freedome , than in the parliament ? whither with welcome he might have come without the least danger to his person , and whither he was so often and humbly invited to come , on no other conditions , but to make him great and glorious , and leaving delinquents , which he protected against law and reason , to the discretion of the great judicature of the nation , which would have been both a safe , a profitable , and a short course for him to have yeelded unto , and saved him the labour of a dishonourable descending out of his dyning room , to dispute those differences with the states of the kingdome in the kitchin , and without so many impertinencies , ambages , and subterfuges wherewith he solaces himself seemingly moving for authorizing of fit persons on both sides to debate the matter with freedome ; a very fine way indeed , and about the wood , when he might have sate still in peace and quietnesse , and left the obliquities of the church and state to those to whom they properly belong'd to be disputed , regulated , and set straight ; whilst himself ( without such an unnecessary and un-kingly engagement ) might have taken his pleasure in hunting the buck , rather than to have needlesly all that summer traversed his ground , through so many counties , in hunting after men to kill the best and most faithfull of his subjects ( could he have had the grace to have seen it ) of his whole kingdome . but then he comes to an other overture , that if on securing of such treators as himselfe should chuse , and the like safety by him given to such as the parliament shall design for a treaty , then there shall be nothing wanting on his part , to the advance of the true protestant religion , the lawes , the liberty of the subject , and just priviges of parliament ; as to religion , can any man beleeve that knew how hee was principled , that he would have yeelded to other than that formall and prelaticall protestantisme which he had vowed to uphold ? as to the laws , should they have beene other than should still have lain under his negative power ? as to the libertyes of the subject , what should they have been , more than the militia his sword then drawn against them would permit as he pleased to like or dislike ? as to the privileges of parliaments , which he takes care to confine with his epithite ( just ) in the promse he makes , what should they have been , but as they might suite to the best advantage of the crown , and his unlimitable prerogative ? then he concludes , that if that proposition be rejected , he appeals to god and the world , that he had don his duty , which would absolve him from the guilt of that blood which he sayes must be spilt ; and i beleeve him , for it seems he meant then to spill blood ( as he did afterwards , more than befitted a christian king ) rather than to have mist of the accomplishment of any of his resolutions , having ingraved on his sword , aut caesar , aut nullus , caesar , or no body , to one of which he attain'd ; his close seems to me both monitory and minitory , for he gives the parliament to understand , how he was provided and what they were to trust to , in telling them aforehand , that whatsover opinion other men have of our power , our provision of men , money and arm , are such , as may secure us from further violence , till it shall please god to open the eyes of our people ; a very brave invitation to peace , with the sword in his hand , to inforce it , as he pleased to have it , and with an army of horse , and foot ( as elsewhere he sayes he had ready to chastise the rebels ; ) but look over to his chapter , upon seizing of the forts . castles , navy and the militia , there he disclaimes to have had any other arms than those of the primitive christians ( prayers and tears ) against their persecutors , where he is pleased ( in a strange contradiction ) to make that an argument of his not raising the first war against the parliament , though as it is well known at edgehill he came with well armed men into the field , with a full resolution to beat the parliament to fitters ; how you will peece these contradictions together , i leave as a task to you , it being beyond my power to reconcile such distant asseverations . now to his message of the th of sept. in pursuance of the former , he sayes , that he never did , or ever intended to declare both our houses of parliament traytors , or to set up our standard against them , and yet at that instant had proclaimed my lord of essex , the earl of stamford , and all their adherents traytors which necessarily must be intended the parliament , for they commissioned essex , and raised their defensive army , which he fought with at edgehill , and all along the competition stiles them rebels ; such wide and bold contradictions , that no man knows where to him ; which puts me in mind what some of his own domestick servants have often averr'd , that they could not depend on any of his promises , or beleeve what he said , and sure i am , and enough there are of no mean ranke and quality of his servants yet living , and in beggery ; can witnesse , and have sad cause to remember , that his letters patents full dearly paid for and under his broad seal , could not protect any of them from resuming into his own hands , that he had a mind to , either to make use of them to his own advantage , or to confer them on others , as he was pleased , without other satisfaction , but with fruitlesse promises , that they should be considered . next he goes on and sayes , that on the parliaments revocation of their declarations , as traytors , or otherwayes for assisting of us , we will with cheerfullnesse upon the same day , recall our proclamations , and take downe our standart ; but note then , it necessarily followes , that it could not be erected but onely against the parliament , unlesse his meaning was to erect it against the man in the moon ; but here you have the kernell of that nut , which stuck so fast in the kings stomack ; and was it not a very fine and equall proposition , to put the innocent and the nocent into the ballance , the just with the unjust , and either to make war , or free so many and hainous delinquents that resorted unto him , together with those false and fugitive lords and commons , trusted by their countreys , which by the laws of the land ought not to have departed without leave of the speaker , and that on urgent occasion ? bethink your self whether this proposition suited either with reason , honour , conscience , and the ancient usage and presidents of parliaments , or with the kings justice , to become the skreen to delinquents of so high a strain : but to the close of this message , where he conjures the parliament againe to consider the bleeding condition of ireland , and the dangerous condition of england , when as none but himself was guilty of that phlebotomy , and he alone that first set them , and kept them a bleeding , so long , as that to stanch the veyne , the state could not devise a better cure , than to let out his blood , which had let out so much throughout ; the three kingdomes , as would have dyed the vast ocean into crimson . but briefly to his next message of the th of sept. . where all the world may see where the remora lay that staid him from comming to the parliament , untill he had provided for the indempnity of all those persons , &c. which he sayes were accounted traytors to us , who according to their duty , their oaths of allegiance , and the law , have appeared in defence of us their king and liege lord ( whom we are bound in conscience and honor to preserve . ) so that it here appeares plainly , that no other obstacles then stood in the way of his returne to the parliament , but the absolute indempnity of all that had appeared in his defence , according to their duty , oaths , & law , as he would have it beleeved ; his pretended fear of tumults are not here in question , neither any other material exception , but the indempnity of his partizans , a goodly honour and conscience ) could he have brought so great a party with indempnity into london and to the parliament , it seems then he doubted not but to make his party good with , or without fighting , and what betweene their owne power , and his fraud , its plain that he thought in time he should be enabled to over-power the parliament , and to carry all other things answerable to his will and hearts desire ; but by what law could those fugitive members depart the house , and flye to him ? and by what law could hee protect them which had falsified their trust ? was it their duty to run to him at a call , who before against his duty and his oath ran from the parliament , under subterfuges , and pretence of tumults , and upon no other ground , but by his absence and non-currence ( as he was made to beleeve ) to make the parliament no more than a cypher and that then they neither could or durst act in a doyt without him ? but having by this time seen his own errour , and that the parliament would and did transact without him , and that in want of his concurrence the people concurr'd with them in the defence of the publick liberty ; he then insists on no other scruple than indempnity for all his party ; and here we come to a pure peece of non-sense , where he sayes , no other reason induced us to leave our city of london , but that with honour and safety wee could not stay there , nor to raise any force , but for the necessary defence of our-person , and the law , against levies in opposition to both : as to his leaving of the city , and the parliament , that pretence is clearly evinc't , by his own former overture of comming to them on condition of the parliaments withdrawing their proclamations , against the delinquents , and fugitive members , but as to his raising of force for the necessary defence of his person and the law , both the reason ( if there be any ) and coherence are at so wide and wild a distance , as that i beleeve the quaintest of his secretaryes , or him that writ it , on a review of the incongruity , would be ashamed to own his own work ; and observe it for a knowne truth to all the kingdome , did not he first raise a party of cavaliers to assault the house , to beat and kill the poor petitioning people , before ever the parliament had so much as a thought of raising one man , when himself was provided with desperat ruffians , fit and ready to attempt any bold assassination ? and what one man before himself began had offended him , that he of necessity must raise a force to defend his person and the law ? was it law , when as at london he found himselfe deceived to raise a strength sufficient to quash the parliament , and against the legislative power it self , but he must run into the north , and round about half of his kingdom to do it , and missing his ayms , to come at last and so often with flam's and overtures for a treaty , which he never really meant , or intended , otherwise than in subtilty & his wonted fetches to decoy the parliament and people into a belief of his deepe sense of the bleeding condition of the kingdoms , of which no prince christian could be more carelesse , as it evidently appears by all his actions , examined in the right sense of his own meaning , as anon shall be manifestly demonstrated out of his own refusall of the parliaments petitions ? as to the levyes made by the parliament in opposition to him and the lawes , he might have remembred , that none made levies either against him or the law , more than his own lawlesse will , and that the parliament made no sooner levies than it became them , to oppose his levies , raised against them and the known laws of the land ; and that notwithstanding all those specious and umbragious messages sent to the parliament for peace and accommodation , tending to no other end than to rocke the parliament asleep , and by his then frequent placentias to lull them into a slack and negligent remissnes , in raising defensive arms against his forces , whilst himself by protracting of time , might attract such an army as would inable him to overpower both the parliament , and whatsoever forces were ( as he sayes ) then in their march against him , which he had no sooner drawn together , but out of his confidence to have beaten the parliaments army to peeces ; not eight dayes before edgehill fight he not onely utterly refused their petion , which would have been presented to him by the mediation of the earl of dorset , ( for he had a good space before refused all accommodation , ) but sent rupert to the commissary generall ( who was to deliver it ) to tell the earl of essex , then at worcester , that he would not receive any more petitions from him or any of the parliament rebels of them all : a known truth to many yet living , and some of them sitting at present in parliament , whereby it manifestly appears , that all his former and many missives , under the umbrage of peace , were mere dalliances , both to mock the parliament , and to cosen the people into a belief of his reality and good meaning , when he meant nothing more than to bob the parliament by cunning and secret fraud , untill he might ruine them by plaine and open force , and then to pursue those naturalized appetites , and arbitrary designes of his , which so long before he had cherished in his heart , which neither his honour , reason , and his conscience , ( whereof so often he talks ) could prevail with him to disgorge , untill their over-growth inforced him to an untimely vomit . 't is most true , that they which look on the first face of things , and heed only the outside of objects , without an intentive eye on their in-sides , are easily deceived ; but such as will narrowly looke into all his expresses , compared with his deeds , shall doutlesse soon finde , that this unhappy king was one of the deepest and boldest dissemblers , of any one prince which the last century hath produced ; and i am prone to beleeve , that he took too much of the patterne of lews th' eleventh of france , who was wont to say , that he desired to leave his sonne no other learning , than qui nescit dissimulare , nescit regnare , he that knows not to dissemble , knowes not how to play the king ; and it hath been feared , and by those which wisht him well , that he was too much verst in the principles of machiavill , having in his life time practised , and since his death left behind him so many eevidences thereof , that many of the best heads have been induced to beleve , that he came not behind any of the italian polititians of this age . but to take all these his three messages together , considered by any discreet man , as their purport tends to one and the selfesame end , and the time when they were sent to the parliament , all of them , whilst he was most busie and sedulously studious , how and where to raise forces both at home and abroad , and it evidently shews , that his intent in all his specious overtures of peace , were to no other end , than to befool the people and parliament , which he then began to know would not be cosened , as having had sufficient experience of him ; practise indeed he might ( as he failed not ) to continue to delude the vulgar beleef , and to keep in with the people ; but he then found there was no good to be done on a court of parliament , for he perceived they meant not further to trust him , than they saw him ; and to have yeelded to a treaty circumscribed with such large conditions , and so unequally ballanced , as so admit of such as he should send to treat with them , out of parliament , which not unlikely would have been of those that had both deserted the parliament and falsified their faith , which to have indempnified , and all other delinquents as had repaired unto his assistance , ( otherwise no peace with him ) what effects could a treaty produce , ( so much upbraided ( by his party ) on the parliament for refusing it ) other than mockery ? when himself knew , as well as themselves , that they would not yeeld unto such a motion , neither himself goe lesse than to take off all the delinquents with impunity against all reason , law , and the antient president , of all former parliaments ; that alone being the greatest breach of privilege that ever was offered to a court of parliament , and such a destructive project to the essence and being of parliaments , as in the future took away all power and privilege from them , and necessarily conferr'd it on his own usurped prerogative , his negative claim being no more , and scarce so much to enable him to doe in the future as he listed , when as every vulgar spirit knowes it for law , that the king cannot , neither ever durst any of our kings , rescue one prisoner at the bar , out of the hands of justice , in any of the inferiour courts of the kingdome , ( 't is true , that henry of monmouth being a rude prince , though after a tollerable king , came openly and with violence to the kings bench in westminster hall , and rescued poynes his servant , arraigned ( for robbing and taking away the kings treasure ) at the bar ; but the story tells us , that the judges laid the prince by the heels for his pains , and his father the king thankt them for it . ) much lesse then that this king should presume to rescue so many viperous delinquents out of the justice of the great judicature of the nation , which all of common reading know have acted sundry times in such a power , as to depose severall of his ancestors for their tyrannies , and hanged many of their chiefe instruments : presidents which with good reason he might have more timely remembred , and not have stood with his sword in his hand to inforce so unjust , senslesse and unreasonable a proposition for a treaty . observations on the kings pourtracture . the kings book , which hath flown abroad , and throughout the kingdom , as it were between the wings of mercury , and hath so much taken in the opinion of the vulgar beliefe , and esteemed to be such an impregnable rampier , incirculating his innocency , that it hath been thought not assaultable ; i confesse at the first sight thereof it took for a while , as his protestations formerly had done , in many apprehensions ; but on a second consideration of the title ( the kings image ) with the dresse that is bestowed upon his effigies in a posture of devotion , in imitation of david in his ejaculations to heaven , surely i could not beleeve that such a peece of vanity was of the kings designment , but the meer jugling devise of some hypocriticall or mahometan impostor , the better to stir up the people and vaine beholders to pitty him : but entring into the body of the book , and considering the choyse of the many subjects whereof it treats , the whole contexture whereof hath already been sufficiently handled without mittens by a gentleman of such abilities as gives place to none for his integrity , learning and judgment ; yet on re-consideration of the whole ( amongst others of his chapters ) coming to that of ( listing of armies ) and in that to his interrogations , whose innocent bloud hath he shed ? what widowes or orphants tears can witnesse against me ? doubtlesse were there no other evidence throughout all the whole book ( as god knowes every page yeelds plenty of such impudencies ) those two interrogatories would be sufficient to prove him one of the bloudiest out-facers of truth that ever was known in the world . passing by his own acknowledgment , that him-himselfe first began the late warre , and consequently guilty of all the innocent blood spilt throughout the three kingdomes , it would not be amisse to retort his own interrogatories , and to aske wether there be any one family or kindred throughout three kingdoms , that yeelds not a father , mother , brother , sister , or a kinsman , whose tears have not cryed to heaven for the infinity of blood spilt through his willfullnesse , or for the wounds , or losse of limbs of so many throughout the land we which see dayly haulting & crutching it in hospitalls , and in every of our streets ; and hath there been no widdowes or orphans tears shed ? or no complaints made to himselfe for the goods taken violently from them , and fireing of numberlesse habitations by his own mercilesse souldiers , commissioned by himselfe , yea commanded to be put in execution , as it may be instanced in thousands of sad examples , yea by poor widdowes crying and kneeling unto him for the rapines committed either in his owne sight , or by his permission , when they received no other answer , but his turning about from their lamentations , and saying that he did it not , when it lay in his power , and by his oath and duty he stood bound to see it redrest , which he never was knowne to have done , but to slight whatsoever complaints were addrest unto him of that nature ? and was he ever knowne to spare either friend or foe , where money was to be had to prosecute his perfidious and bloody designs , which he took not ? amongst thousands of presidents of this nature , did he spare mr. ascham , a knowne royalist , and one that assisted him in his bloody wars , when he sent rupert , that plundering kinsman of his , to rifle the gentlemans house at layford in the county of berks , who took from him ten thousand pounds at once in ready money , and out of his bounty ( whereof he was very seldome knowne to be over liberall ) sent back the tenths thereof as a divident between his two unmarried daughters , and that also on great sute made unto him , and the tears of the gentlewomen themselves that he would be pleased to consider their distressed condition ? with what face could he so much as pretend to innocency , or appeal to the witnesse of any widowes or orphans tears , when t is openly knowne , that he never spared any mans blood in his wrath , who was in arms against him , otherwise than for his own ends , and safety of such of his owne side as the parliament had in their custody ? when he had granted out commissions of oyer and determiner to his chief iustice heath and others to hang all such as had opposed his tyranny in taking the parliaments part , untill he was induced to retract those commissions in regard that two for one of his owne might happily by his own president have gone to the gallowes ? and doe not his own letters to the queen confirm his resolution to take money wheresoever he could find it , when he tells her that his only want was mony , which good swords and pistolls would fetch in ? and hath not the practice of all his barbarous warres verified as much as he therein sooths up himselfe , to be supplyed either by hooke or crooke ? if no innocent blood can be found to witnesse against him , let the ghosts of poor innocent souls , barbarously butchered in ireland speake ; if no widowes or orphans tears can witnesse against him , let the dum stones of those demolished palaces of rasing , ragland , belvoyer , and infinite others speak , where those formidable garrisons of his were made to the terror and damage of all men in their vicinity , and whose reducing cost so much innocent blood . neither let those great lords and prime gentlemen of this kingdome , whose lands and totall inheritances are lately voted to be sold , in reparation of the publick losses , and in defence of the generall interest of the common-wealth ( changed ) when it could not otherwise subsist , but by rooting up his tyrannous monarchy be silent ; and if no other tears of widdowes & orphans can be found to accuse him , let his ambition , injustice , oppression , rapine , and bloodshed speak , let that vast number of gentlemen which have made their compositions ( for syding with him in his unjust and destructive warres at goldsmiths hall , speak of be silent , whose wives and children , live in want , and happily not without tears enough for the indigence whereunto they are reduced through his only means . now if all these sad instances be the effects and trophies of his seventeene years reigne , which he boasts that the people enjoyed in such measure of peace , justice and plenty , as all the neighbour nations have either admired or envied ; and if this his pourtracture and image be that monument which his friends , since his death , or rather before , had prepared in readinesse , and stolen the pattern from mecha , and to hang it in that his ayrery mahometan regality , supported by this their impostured loadstone , whereby to present his sacred memory , in his solitudes , to posterity , surely it may be suspected , they were not so exactly their crafts-masters , or so much his friends as foes , to saint him before his time , and in such a shrine , as necessarily must render him to future times ( infamous ) an imparralelld dissembler , and a greater deceiver than mahomet ever was , and of the number of those of whom the prophet david makes mention , which speake peace to their neighbours , when mischief was in their hearts , ( as all the * world knows he hath too often practised to his people and parliaments ) when as it would have much better became him to have left out his many pharasicall justifications , and to have remembred , that he which covereth his sins shall not prosper , but who so confesseth and forsaketh them shall have mercy ; this had been the better way to have invited others to have spoken lesse and more favourable of him , than now in conscience they ought , having such an artificiall and fac'd peece of impudent justifications , exposed and set forth purposely to deceive the poore people , and to affront truth , and the evident managery of his bloody and licentious reigne , which necessarily to the worlds end will give an occasion to rippe up his life , and shew to the present and after ages , what a tombe these jugling imposters have erected for him ; and with what epitaphes of impiety , injustice , blood and rapine , it will be adorned , instead of that glory wherewith they intended to perpetuate to his memory ; though sufficient and enough hath already been written , in discovery of this grand imposture , and to every peece and parcell thereof so much answered as may satisfie all men in their right witts ; as to others that are out of them , and have a desire to be cosened out of their understandings , i think an asian beliefe would better fit them than an european faith , a gallymaufried alcoran , rather than a true and rationall remonstrance , drest with no other rethorick than the naked truth ; and shall men be silent when they see it overborne with the multitudinous denyalls , flams , and falshoods of his defeated and malitious parties ? observations on the kings going into the scotch army . the kings disguized going from oxford into the scotch army then at newark , as it was one of his last shifts , so was it a very shrewd one ( considered as he had laid the design ) that he went first to them was doubtlesse more out of an apprehension and confidence he had to gain them to his assistance , than out of any great good will he bore towards them , but sure it was out of an inveterate hatred he bare towards the parliament , the evidence of this truth manifestly appears by the kings letter to ormond , number . from oxford , april the d. . i shall present you with the principall part thereof , at your own leisure you may peruse the whole , viz. having lately received very good security , that we and all that do adhere to us , shall be safe in their persons , honours and consciences in the scotch army , and that they shall really and effectually joyn with us , and with such as will come unto us , and joyn with them , for our preservation , and shall imploy their army and forces to assist us to the procuring of a happy and well-grounded peace for the good of us and our kingdoms in the recovery of our just right , we have resolved to put our selves to the hazard of passing into the scotch army now lying before newarke , and if it shall please god that we come safe thither , we are resolved to use our best endeavour with their assistance , and with the conjunction of the forces under the marquesse of montrosse , and such of our well affected subjects of england as shall rise for us , to procure it may be an honourable and speedy peace with those who hither to refused to give ear to any means tending thereunto ; of which our resolution , we hold it necessary to give you this advertisement , as well to satisfie you , and all our councell and loyall subjects with you , and to whom we will that you communicate these our letters ; yet failing in our earnest and sincere endeavours by a treaty to put an end to the miseries of these our kingdomes , we esteemed our self obliged , to leave no probable expedient unattempted to preserve our crowne and friends from the vsurpation and tyranny of those , whose actions declare so manifestly their designs to overthrow the laws and happy established government of this kingdome ; and now wee have made known to you our resolution , we recommend to your speciall care the disposing and managing our affairs on that side , as that you shall conceive most for our honour and service , being confident the course we have taken ( though with some hazard to our person ) will have a good influence on that our kingdome , and defer , if not altogether prevent , the rebels transporting of forces from them into that kingdom ; and we desire you to satisfie all our well-affected subjects on that side , of our princely care of them , whereof they shall receive the effect , as soon as god shall enable us . observations . we have here a most quaine piece of machiavilisme , moulded under the kings wonted and specious pretences of the care he had for the good of his subjects , in procuring an honourable peace , and for recovery of his just rights from those ( as he sayes ) which hitherto refused to give way to any means tending thereunto : but observe how he intended to accomplish this peace , and to put an end to the miseries of the kingdom , and you shall evidently see , that it was out of an assurance he had to win the scots to side with him in a new war , and in causing them to break their faith plighted to the parliament , when at that very time they were to receive l. towards their entertainment ; this being but a piece of his design , for to that assistance he flattered himself to receive from the scots , he also builds on that mercilesse army under montrosse , and such of his well-affected subjects of the english as shall rise for us , ( they are his own words ) speak your conscience , was not this a fine plot think you , to procure an honourable and speedy peace , when his ends were as visible as the sun shine to continue the warre , and to pollute the land with more blood under his wonted umbragious pretences of peace , and ( as he says ) to recover his just rights ? and what were those rights , more than by a new stratagem to overmaster all under his power ? or at least to enforce such a peace , as might suite to his own desires ? then he comes to say that he hath left no means unattempted , and i beleeve it in his own sence , and that was in the conjunction of both those armies , and his inviting of all his well-affected subjects in england to rise for us ; and in pursuance of this deep plot he commands ormond to communicate his letters to the councell there , and to all his well-affected subjects of ireland , that they might know how carefully he was of them , by the confidence he had in that course , and what a good influence it would have on that kingdom , viz. in the deferring , if not to the utter disappointing of the rebels transporting of supplyes to the relief of the distressed poor protestants of ireland , and desites that all his well-affected subjects there should take notice of his princely care of them , whereof they should receive the effects so soon as god should enable him ; a very princely care indeed if you mark it : but you may here see that god would not be mockt , neither enable him in his mischievous projects . speak freely , whether this king meant well , or acted like a christian in his treacherous endeavour to divert in what possibly he could devise the parliaments forces , sent for the assistance of their poor brethren of ireland , when as he had so often protested , and born the parliament in hand how desirous and carefull he was to expedite their supplyes thither , and by an act of his own assent had impowred the parliament therewith , which here againe ( in his wonted language ) he calls rebels , to speed their recruits against those which he then stiles his well-affected subjects . on the consideration of the premisses , i pray tel me , where is that sophister to be found , that can handsomely make an apology for such foul dissimulations ? if you cannot finde any , i will point you to himselfe , as you may see it in his pourtraicture , cap. xxii . on his going into the scotch army , where he sayes , that what providence denyes to force , it may grant to prudence ; necessity is now my chiefest counsellour , and commands me to study my safety by a disguized withdrawing from my chiefest strength , and adventuring on their loyalty which first began my troubles . here you have an apology of his owne , though surely it is a very poore one ; where first i pray make your own judgement , whether the scots began his troubles , or he theirs ? if you doubt on 't , straffords , and the late arch bishops ghosts will witnesse , that he would not suffer them to be at quiet ; but what prudence was that when he could no longer stand up to infest three kingdomes at once , then to put himself on the precipice of necessity , and for his safety to goe into the scotch army ? and why not first into his throne in the parliament house at westminster ? from whence he fled , as from a serpent , and by a thousand most humble petitions , and motions , was invited to returne with welcome , untill he had wilfully and most perversly made himself uncapable of acceptance , and so imbrued himself and the three kingdoms with the loathsome leprosie of innocent blood , that with vzziah he had made himselfe more fit for a cloyster , than a palace . i pray speake your owne judgement , whether this his prudence was any other than an indefatigable pursuance to fulfill his own will , in re-involving the kingdomes in a more direfull war , than he had done before ? and could providence doe lesse than to deny him safety ? when all his studies were devoted to find out any means to disturbe the kingdomes peace and safety , and to destroy parliaments , whereby to make himself an absolute monarch , and of a king of gentlemen and freemen , to become a tyrant over so many inanimated slaves ; you may without injustiee avouch it , that none of his courses were like to thrive , when they were continually known to be accompanied with a spirit of errour , and that the effects and ends of studying his own safety chiefly consisted in malice , and laying of new snares to catch others in , in which providence thought it most fit , that himselfe should first be taken . observations on the irish rebellion . it is without all question , that the king was more indulgent towards the irish blood-thirsty rebells , than suited with his publick professions and often protestations ; i shall not say so much in projecting that horrible massacre of the english there , as in protecting those rebels after the fact was committed , having ( to use his own expression ) such visible designs and ends of his owne , as from the very beginning of the war , and before , to make use of their service against the english and their representative , as that in any impartiall eye could neither look handsome or suitable to the religion he professed . to treat of the originall ground of this rising , or to point out the author and the authority by which those vile caytiffes enterprised on so barbarous an act , is more than i shall heere deliver , for this is as yet a hidden peece of villany , although this i can affirm from the mouth of a gentleman well borne , though i dare not say of any great credit , that before the kings going into scotland , and before the flight of the lord iermin , he being then a kind of an attendant on the queen , and having many times admission into master iermins chambers , averres , that he saw nine severall commissions sealed in master iermins lodging , for so many regiments to be commanded by the like number of colonels in ireland , whereof one was to colonel plunket , but with what seals the gentleman hath not declared , neither do i believe that he was able to distinguish between the broad and the privy seale : but this is most manifestly knowne , that the rebels for a long time , and at the very beginning of their rising styled themselves the king and queens army , and that they had good authority for doing that which they had done ; and this is most perspicuous , that the king himselfe was ashamed to be seen or to own his owne worke , and with what instructions and commissions he had impowred the marquesse of ormand , as in his own private letter to him evidently appears , number . december . . from oxford , viz. i hope my publick dispatch will give you sufficient instructions and power , yet i have thought it necessary , for your more incouragement in this necessary worke , to make this addition with my own hand ; as for poynings act , i referre you to my other letters , and for matter of religion , though i have not found it fit to take publick notice of the paper which browne gave you , yet i must command you to give him , my lord muskery , and plunket particular thanks for it , assuring them that without it there could be no peace , and that sticking to it , their nation in generall , and they in particular , should have comfort in what they have done , and to shew that this is more than words , i do promise them , and command you to see it done , that the penal statutes against roman catholicks shall not be put in execution , the peace being made , and they remaining in their due obedience ; and further , when the irish gives me that assistance which they have promised , for the suppression of this rebellion , and i shall be restored to my rights , then i will consent to the repeat of them by law , but all those of appeals 〈◊〉 rome and premunire must stand ; all this in cipher you must impart to none , but to those three already named , and that with injunction of strict secrecy ; so 〈◊〉 recommending to your care the speedy dispatch of the peace of ireland , and my necessary supply from thence , as i wrote to you in my last letter , i rest . observations . wee have here in the first place , a manifestation of the kings close and serpentine windings , in the next his injunction of strict secrecy to ormond , that that which he had written in cipher , should not be imparted to any , but muskery , browne , and plunket , three of the most desperate rebels in that kingdom , which cannot possibly stand with the kings innocency , neither with the breach of his faith with the parliament and people , or with god in point of his protestations to maintain the true protestant religion , where it is evident , that he plaid fast and loose on all hands as best suited with his necessary affairs and worke , ( as he calles it ) all his ends tending to this only center , to gaine the irish rebels to his assistance against the parliament at any rate , though to the prophanation of religion , and his breach of faith with god and man , as instantly you may see fearfully protested , at the receiving the sacrament at christ-church in oxford . at the hands of the bishop of armagh , where , immediately before his communicating , ( he beckoning to the bishop for a short forbearance ) used these following expressions , viz. my lord , i espie here many resolved protestants , who may declare to the world the resolution i do now make ; i have to the uttermost of my power prepared my soule to become a worthy receiver , and may i so receive comfort by the blessed sacrament , as i do intend the establishment of the true reformed religion , as it stood in its beauty in the happy dayes of queen elizabeth , without any connivance at popery ; i blesse god , that in the midst of these publique distractions , i have still liberty to communicate , and may this sacrament be my damnation if my heart joyne not with my lips in this protestation . observation . having seriously considered this strange protestation of the kings , on the taking of the sacrament , with the imprecation of his damnation , if his heart joyned not with his lips , as i compared it with his letter after to ormond , together with his many other protestations i professe in the faith of a christian , i stood amazed what to think of him , and his religion ; considered againe , as it was taken before a publick audience , and yet the very next yeare after , he makes no scruple or conscience to promise to ormond the repeal of all laws against irish papists ; and likewise in his letter to the queen of the th . of march . he gives way to her to promise in his name , the taking away of all penall laws against the english papists , so that they shall inable him to doe it ; where it seemes he makes no manner of account of a parliament , without which , as already is said , never any king of england either made or repealed any one law , surely t is heer very plaine , that he understood not the extent of his own power , neither the nature of the english soveraignty , or that he was disposed not to know it , but to rule without parliaments , provided , that by the assistance of papists he might be impowred to do it , and then that his will should be a law to the people ; just tyrant like , stat pro ratione voluntas ; but take the rest of his letter to ormond into your more mature consideration , and then happily it will astonish you , where he hastens him to clap up the peace with the rebels , which so soon as it shall be accomplished ( he vowes haec verba , in his letter to him number january . . ) all the earth shall not make me breake it ; but not doubting of a peace , i must againe remember you to presse the irish for their speedy assistance to me here , and their friends in scotland , my intention being to draw from thence into wales ( the peace once concluded ) as many as i can of my armed protestant subjects ; and i desire the irish would send as great a body as they can to land about cvmberland . observation . here againe we have a sufficient proof of this most unfortunate princes inflexibility , his resolutions once fixt , there were no hopes of their alteration ( they are his owne words ) all the earth shal not make me break it , though such resolutions breake him in pieces , and sure we are many thousands of his poor innocent subjects through this only fault of his obstinacy . t is an infallible truth , that the wilfull man never wants woe , but when one mans perverse will shall be the cause of the destruction of multitudes , that 's a fearfull judgement and a remedilesse calamity . we have allso in this letter an evident testimony , what an inveterat hatred he bare towards the english nation , and those scots which took their parts , which he hated beyond belief , and all others which never so little fell a thwart his inclinations , where i shall crave your favour to tell all of you that sided with him , ( haply more for your own ends than out of conscience ) for it is most certaine , that he made no other accompt of you , but to satisfie his own lust , in your destruction , whatsoever he pretended , and to prove this , i will tell you a true story , and it is this ; on the death of the late earle of northampton , whose commands in one of his forrests he presently gave away , of which endimion porter understanding , prest him that the young earle his sonne , whose father was then newly slaine in his service , was fit to have that conferred on him than on any other , on which check of porters he replyed , and hath the earle done more than became him , to dye for his king ? this is no fable , but a knowne truth , whereby you may guesse how he esteemed of you all , as if his subjects were a sort of sheep ordained to the slaughter , for the obtaining of his lustful pleasure , and not him , as the shephard ordained to preserve them as that flock committed to his care and charge from god himselfe ; you may instantly find this very story verified and set out unto the life in his former letter , in which with what earnestnesse he presses ormond , to hasten over the irish to his assistance , yea to bring over as many of his armed protestants to land in wales , as might inable him to over-power both nations to his absolute domination and revenge . a most brutish resolution , and of purpose to reset all his kingdoms on a light fier , in setting of protestants against protestants , and papists against both ; you may further observe , how his displeasure grew to be so implacable against the scots his native subjects , and to lay his designe to destroy them together with his english subjects , and the reason of this you may perfectly see , in his letter to ormond , number . feb. . . viz. i do therefore command you to conclude a peace with the irish whatsoever it cost , so that my protestant subjects there may be secured , and my regall authority preserved ; but for all this you are to make the best bargaine you can , and not discover your enlargement of power , till you needs must , and although i leave the managing of this great and necessary work , intirely to you , yet i cannot but tell you , that if the suspension of poynings act , for such bils as shal be agreed upon there , and the present taking away of the penall lawes against papists by a law , will do it , i shall not think it a hard bargaine , so that freely and vigorously they ingage themselves in my assistance , against my rebells of england and scotland ; for which no condition can be to hard , not being against conscience and honour . observation . you may first observe in this letter the large extent of the kings conscience and honour , in the next place his seeming care for the preservation of his protestant subjects in ireland , with a purpose rather to make use of them against their brethren of england , than to leave them in ireland for their own defence , where their service was much more necessary , than to be imployed in the slaughtering of the english , with the hazard of their own lives , and for no other end , but to advance their own prodigious , and bloody designs ; for observe it in the former letter , he manifestly declares his resolution , to call them over to his assistance , and heere he tells it , that as to the irish , if the taking away of poynings act , and the penall statutes against papists by a law will do it , he shall not thinke it a hard bargaine , provided they freely and vigorously engage against his english and scotish rebels , for which no conditions can be too hard , not being against conscience and honour ; here you may safely aver is one of the strangest consciences , and an honour so illimitable , as that i am confident , the subtillest logitian in his oxford garrison , would be driven to his ne plus ultra , to give either of them a right definition , that close of not being against conscience or honour ( considered with his former commands to ormond ) without doubt is one of the finest peeces of non-sense that ever i have seen ; and surely had i been in the marquesses place , that very restriction in the close , would have made me to forbear the putting in execution of any of his commands , for there was not a syllable of them all , but in due construction was , or ought to have been against his conscience and honour ; sure it was point blank opposite to his many protestations , and that fearfull imprecation of his damnation on his receiving the sacrament at christ-church ; and doubtlesse in my understanding ( all parts of this letter considered ) the very last clause of not being against conscience or honour , would have been sufficient warrant for me , to have sate still and done nothing towards the concluding of so irreligious and dishonourable a peace ; but i beseech you look upon the kings ends , and you shall find them to be no other , than in a brutish manner to set all his subjects together by the ears , to kill and make havock of one anothea , english against english , scots againt scots , and irish against both , so that he might thereby accomplish his own pernitious designes ; and in the mean time to make no manner of scruple or conscience of spilling of innocent bloud , & without the least remorse of that horrible massacree of of the english nation , butchered by those barbarous villains for whom he was so solicitous , to defend them , and to procure a happy peace for them whatsoever it cost ; and with so many wiles and fetches he had so often endeavoured to engage them to joyne with ormond against inchiquine and the scots , as that you may evidently see in the postscript of his letters to him , number . . from oxford , as also in his commissions to montrosse , first to ruine the scots , and after to come for his assistance into england . now that you may further understand what conscience he made of bloodshed , and what care he had to preserve his subjects in peace and prosperity , i shall tell you another story from the mouth of one of his principall commanders ( gerrard by name ) who upon the rendition of his oxford garrison came to london , and made his addresses to sir john merricke at essex house , desiring him that he might have the honour to kisse my lord of essex his hands , sir john told him , that he had not behaved himself worthy of the name and honour of a soldier , to be admitted to such a favour , having barbarously burnt his lordships house at lamphey , together with most of the gentlemens houses of the county of pembroke , and destroyed the whole country even to desolation ; gerrard replies in his usuall oath , god damme me uncle , if i did more than the king from cardiffe by two severall letters strictly commanded me to doe ; and then to march to him with all my army , for which i have his majesties owne letters for my warrant . here is an excellent conscience , and care , in a king bound by his oath to preserve his subjects from violence , and yet commanding to destroy them with fire and rapine . sir , in a few words more , would you be pleased , on an exact perusall of all this most unhappy kings declarations and transactions , considered as you shall alwayes finde them , sweetned and gilded over with the plausible pretences , and specious professions of his love and care towards all his subjects ( when he meant nothing lesse ) and many of them confirmed with imprecations ; i say compare them diligently with his actions , and the letters of his own hand writing ( which of other evidences are the best keyes to unlock the secrets of mans heart ) not leaving out that posthumus imposture of his pourtraicture , and i am confident that the contrariety , dissimulation , hypocrisie , and juglings you shall every where finde in them , interwoven with a pharisaicall justifying of himself , and defending all his actions , will astonish you , as they have done me ; for in all the late horrid war and bloudshed , throughout the three kingdomes , you shall find it for an infallible truth , that he who spake and insisted so much on his honour and coscience for many years together , never made any conscience , or was truely sensible of all the blood spilt either in his own behalf , or against him , more than of one wicked * mans , though condemned by law , and the just judgement of a court of parliament , and this man also acknowledged by himself to be uttterly unworthy to bear any publick office in the common-wealth , and untill god in his iustice turnd the power of his sword to nothing , then indeed , and as i may judge ( really ) he ever now and anon deplores the sad condition of his kingdomes , but never sincerely ( as i am bound to beleeve ) till he had don his worst , and all that possibly he could invent to ruine the parliament , and to destroy all those that stood up in their defence ; and towards his last , his principall labour tended to little more than in pittying of himselfe , and complaining of the hard measure offered him during his restraint , that he was not admitted to a personall treaty with the parliament for the procuring ( as he would have it beleeved ) of a happy peace , when in all his treatyes and specious overtures from the first to the last , his hand was well known to be in one plot or other how to get himselfe out of that toyle and labyrinth wherein he had wilfully intangled himselfe and the kingdomes , being still one and the self same man , justifying himself , and standing on his own innocency with the pharisee , but little of the publican , god be mercifull to me a sinner ; still in his wonted inflexibility to the last , utterly refusing to signe ( onely ) four bils for the publick security ; continuing his usuall pretences that they were against his conscience and honour ; when as all the kingdome long since knew him to be preingaged to the queen , and that by one word of her mouth , both his honour and conscience would easily have been dispenc'd withall : this i may truly and further affirm for a piece of a miracle , that somewhat before gods just judgements overtook him ( though not without a long conflict ) he acknowledged himself guilty of all the war , and not without intreaties to a noble person , on the first motion for a treaty in the i sle of wight , that the parliament would forbear to charge all the guilt of the blood spilt throughout the kingdomes on his only score , and on that condition he should not be so uncivill , as to impute the least guilt thereof on them ; they were his own words , for that was a feare which much troubled him would be charged upon him , and well he might fear it , when his own conscience was a witnesse against him ; but in the mean time , suffer me to ask you , how shall almighty god be satisfied for so much bloud causlesly and willfully spilt throughout three kingdoms , whose wrath cannot be appeased , neither the land be cleansed , untill expiation be made for the bloud of one man , by the shedding of his blood which was the murtherer ? surely then we cannot determine , what accompt almighty god will yet require at their hands which have been principall actors with the king in this bloody tragedy ( though some of them , as he hath done , have paid their debts to nature , and not a few by way of composition ) yet they also have just cause to fear that there is an accompt not yet cleared , which will be call'd upon : this i shall adde by the way of question , how and by what fate this most unfortunate prince came to be so overpowred with the inchantments of a woman , betwixt whom and himselfe , it is well known , a good space after their inter-marriage , there were many jarres , and continued fallings out , and yet at last she alone to become his oracle for the leading on of all his designes ; in so much as he durst not offend her in the least punctilio , or to transact any thing of never so little moment without her good liking , and approbation , and so much to dote on her , as not to permit the prince to stir a foot , or to undertake anything , but by her only direction , such an absolute power and command had this queene gained over him and his affections ; we may put the quaerie farther , why otherwise than by her counsell , he first took away the prince from his guardians , and not long after the duke of yorke , and to send them beyond sea , unlesse it were out of an apprehension , that in imitation of former presidents , this parliament might crowne the one or the other brother , instead of the father , who had been so disastrous to the nation , as divers old presidents of the like nature might probably induce him to suspect out of his own guiltinesse of his misgovernment ? as for instance the dethroning of edw. the second by the parliament for his misgovernment and bloody reigne , and the advancing ( in his life time ) of his son edward the third , as also the deposing of richard the second for his tyranny , and the parliaments setting up of rullingbrooke , his cosen german in his room ; presidents which doubtlesse hee deeply apprehended and feared , which to prevent 't is most probable he sent them out of the kingdome , though to his own , and the utter undoing of those innocent princes , which he had so far engaged in his bloody quarrell , that they became dyed in the same colour with their willfull father . i shall now present you with a proof of the former assertion out of the kings own letter to the prince from newcastle number . . viz. charls , this is rather to tell you where i am in health , than at this time to direct you in any thing , i having so fully wrote to your mother what i would have you to doe , whom i command you to obey in every thing , except religion , concerning which , i am confident she will not trouble you ; and see you goes not any whither , without hers or my particular directions . observation . here you may evidently see , by what star not only himself and all his affairs were guided , but that his sonne must be tied up , not to do any thing , or move , but by his mothers or his owne particular directions ; a very strange obligation laid on a sonne , to be bound to such an absolute obedience , as necessarily conduced to his utter undoing , when as no man knowes whether a wife and a mother , which had such a latitude of power over the father and the sonne , would not be tampering with a prince ( even in the point of religion ) of so tender years as rendred him fit for any impression , and to be indoctrinated with such principles as well concerning religion , as others best suitable to her own designes . but i beseeeh you judge of the following texts , and tell me whether they suite not with this most unhappy kings disposition , & the wayes whereinto the inflexibility of his nature lead him to perseverance , in pursuance of his own destruction . he that speaks unrighteous things cannot be hid , neither shall vengeance when it is punished passe by him : for inquisition shall be made into the counsells of the ungodly , and the sound of his words shall come unto the lord for the manifestation of his wicked deede . wisd. . . . a sinfull man will not be reproved , but sendeth an exeuse according to his will : a man of counsell will be considerate , but a strange and a proud man it not daunted with fear , even when of himselfe he hath done without counsell . eccles. . . . but i have now little more to addresse unto you , yet more than i would , had not your provocations amounting to a plaine challenge invited me to answer your many virulent complaints , wherein i have inserted very little more than what you may find expresly laid downe either in the kings owne letters or declarations , and with no other comments ( as to the observations ) but such as necessarily arise out of the expressee themselves ; neither to any other ends , ( as to the first part of my reply , but for the clearing of truth , and to shew out unto you both the constitution of our late most unhappy king , and the manner and condition of all other kings ; i could have sent you more , and god knows more terrible , bloody , and barbarous , but this is enough , though i say not to convince you , ( for that would be no other than lavare aethiopem ) but to let you know how much you have been mistaken in the late king , a prince doubtlesse which was much too dark for every ones understanding , and too hard for most of his councel of state , whom he trusted with the mannagery of his greatest both designs and secrets ; though it be most true , that how tenacious and close soever he was in carrying on that arbitrary worke to inslave the nation , yet god in his mercy would not that they should be so secretly hidden , but that he had appointed a time when they should be revealed and manifested to the world , as we all know they were at naseby and elsewhere , according to our blessed saviours own oracle mat. . . for there is nothing covered that shall not be revealed , neither hid which shall not be knowne . god knowes , and so may you on your better consideration , that i have made use of nothing but authentick authority , or took up any passage on bare trust , neither with the least intention to injure the memory of him who is at rest , but only in vindication and manifestation of truth , and to make that more visibly knowne to you , which long since hath not been unknowne to many , which happily if they would might speak more , and that as this most unfortunate prince was of all others most his owne enemy , so had providence decreed it , that he should be most injurious to his friends , a most implacable enemy to parliaments , and utterly averse to all partnership in government , other than hers which was the principall instrument of his ruine , the undoing of his posterity , and the lamentable destruction of three flourishing kingdoms . as to the present government , and change of the royalty , or any other of your impetuous exclamations , with the exceptions you take to the present form , different from the forms of ancient parliament , and as it was so lately altered , without king , lords , and the major part of the excluded commons , and that those which now sit at westminster , are no other than usurped powers acting in tyranny , as all of your party spares not to belch out both in private and publick , i shall instantly give you both a short and satisfactory answer to every of them ; and first to the government , which you know to be gotten by conquest , and as heretofore i have told you , by the same weapon wherewith the king intended to make it absolutely monarchicall , and a la francoys as to the difference between the old and this new form of parliament , i answer , that the king himself was the first projector , both in lessening , altering and laming of the parliament , witnesse his taking into his councell of state the earles of hartford , essex , bath , the lords say , st. maur , falkland , and culpepper , all of them known to be the most noted common-wealths men of both houses , within two moneths of the parliaments sitting down , and within one year after to corrupt neer the moity of the members of both houses , to make up his mungrel parliament at oxford , of set purpose to confuse and ruine all parliaments by themselves . as to the late purging of the houses , it is acknowledged that in the midst of such a confusion as was both raised , cherished and fomented by the king himself , and the malignant party , it was done by the power of the army , and as i take it on this ground , that the major part of both houses voted for the readmittance of the king on such condition which himself refused , which the lesser and more foreseeing part well understood would in the end come to no other issue , than the setting him up into his old power , so to enable him a new to embroyle the kingdomes , having so long before engaged the prince in his quarrell , and disciplin'd him in his designes , in so much as no other hopes were then left the parliament , but either a perpetuating of the war and more bloodshed , or the invassalage of the nation , which necessarily would be the consequence , on the admittance either of the father or the sonne ; upon these grounds 't is confest , that the soldiery ended the controversie , in assisting the weaker party in parliament , though doubtlesse the more able in judgement and foresight of the future evills and calamities which in all probability might and would befall the nation ; which to prevent , on the evidence of the kings obstinacy , it was resolved to remove the effects , by taking away the cause , in calling the principall author of all the former bloodshed to his publick tryall , to stop which issue it was farther resolved to cut him off , together with his whole posterity , and to cast that pilot overboard , that not more out of ignorance than wilfulnesse , would obstinately have sunke the ship of the publick , in the vast ocean of his prerogative , had it not been timely rescued , and warp't into the safe harbour of a republick , and in change the regall government into a commonwealth , as you now see it established , by power , and by the same power , probable it is they will uphold it , which as it is commonly conceived , was the true state and managery of that businesse where you may observe it , as a very remarkeable event , that even the major part of of both houses which had stood so constant to the trust of their countries , to the very vote of no more addresses , and were inclined to readmit the king ( as we may beleeve by gods just judgement ) were taken away by force , as the king himselfe by fraud had long before drawne away so many of the members , purposly to lame and weaken all parliaments in the future . sir , these are passages of a very transcendant nature , and too high for our understanding , and we know gods ways and works are unsearchable , yet as the * wise man tells us , there is nothing new under the sun , and is there any thing whereof it may be said , see , this is new ? it hath been already fold time , and was before us : howsoever , when you have spoken the worst you can ▪ of those which now sit in parliament , you cannot deny but the most of them are of the old legall electron , and the relicts of the old form , they which have been the cause of the maiming , or lessening the number and quality of the old form , you may thanke them for it , and not blame those that remaine faithfull to their trust , for some kinde of government the people must have , and you evidently see , that god hath given them both courage to stand fast to the last , and power to enable them to act as they do , which as heretofore i have told you wil either bend you to obedience , or breake you in your resistance . as to the injustice wherewith you charge them , and the tyranny you so much exclaim against , i take not upon me to be so much their champion , as to defend every of their actions , or any injustice , of which not unlikely some of them may be guilty ; for where power is invested , faults there may be , and foule ones too ; yet this much may be said in their defence , that those of known integrity , fail not to look into the demeanour of the faul ty , and by severe punishment to make them examples of justice ; i shall say no more , but that should they faile in doing righteousnesse , judgement stands at their owne doores , and the same god which gave them the power they now have , will as soon devest them of it , as he bequeathed it unto them , and * samuel will tell them ; if you doe wickedly you shall be consumed , both you and your king. now sir , for a close , i shall onely tell you , that it sufficeth me and all sober spirits ( that having thus long lived free from bloodshed and plunder under this government , which so lately under the kingly power the whole nation felt to their great grief and sorrow ) it behoves us then that we all rest content with gods good will and pleasure , and leave this great change to him , as a worke of his own , which , i may say with gamaliel , if it be not of god it will surely fall , but if from him , he will establish it , in spite of all those which shall withstand it : t is most true , that the contributions and taxes , which you urge to be tyrannically imposed on the whole nation , are very heavy , to which i have already given you an answer , viz. that we may all thanke your party for it , that they are not onely continued but increast through your partyes onely means , which cease not by their assiduall plots to disturbe the present peace and government to their owne losse , and grief of such as would willingly bear the burthen , so they might enjoy their peace and quietnesse , as having learned the sweetnesse of that old addage , defend me , and spend m● . in a word more , i shall advise you in particular to rest content with that government which providence hath allotted us , under which you may as yet live both secure and plentifull if you please , dispose your self therefore to yeeld that obedience which becomes all those that love the publick , and their own domestick peace ; if not , i feare me you will kicke against the pricks , hurt , if not utterly ruine your self and family , as many thousands of perverse fools have done , and fail not to remember , that there is a court of iustice that spares none which shall disturbe the publick peace , and that government which we may safely beleeve , god hath and will establish . this is the counsell of him who really hath a care of your preservation , and so rests , your well-wishing friend if you so please to esteem him . loe this is the man that made not god his strength , but trusted in the abundance of his riches , and strengthned himselfe in his wickednesse . p. . . the words of his mouth were smoother than butter , but war was in his heart , his words were softer than oyle , yet were they drawn swords . psalm . . but thou o lord shalt bring them downe into the pit of destruction , bloody and deceitfull men shall not live out halfe their dayes . verse . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * balzack . sir walter raleigh . * barclay adver . monarch . lib. . cap. . * grotius de jure belli & pacis , lib. . cap. . notes for div a -e * the earl of strafford . notes for div a -e * ● kings . , , , . * mountague . * vide the juncto . * sir john broke , sir ralph hopton , mr. partridge , and mr. green , were of that committee . * rom. ●● . * sam. . , , . * rom. ▪ . * deut. . ezek. . . . ● * deut. . ezek. . . . ● notes for div a -e * vide the juncto quinto maij * the first copy was supprest & expunged by the bishops and the old knight committed by k. james to the tower by the instigation of the prelates . * the militia . * sir rob. cotton in the life of h. . * psal. proverbs . . * the earl of strafford . * eccl. ● . . . * sam. ● . . the readie and easie vvay to establish a free commonwealth and the excellence therof compar'd with the inconveniences and dangers of readmitting kingship in this nation / the author j.m. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the readie and easie vvay to establish a free commonwealth and the excellence therof compar'd with the inconveniences and dangers of readmitting kingship in this nation / the author j.m. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread p. printed for the author, london : . reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng state, the. great britain -- politics and government -- - . great britain -- history -- commonwealth and protectorate, - . a r (wing m ). civilwar no the readie and easie vvay to establish a free commonwealth and the excellence therof compar'd with the inconveniences and dangers of readmit milton, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - chris scherer sampled and proofread - chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the readie and easie way to establish a free commonwealth ; and the excellence therof com par'd with the inconveniencies and dangers of readmitting kingship in this nation . the second edition revis'd and augmented . the author j. m. — — — et nos consilium dedimus syl'ae , demus populo nunc . london , printed for the author , . the readie and easie way to establish a free commonwealth . although since the writing of this treatise , the face of things hath had som change , writs for new elections have bin recall'd , and the members at first chosen , re-admitted from exclusion , yet not a little rejoicing to hear declar'd the resolution of those who are in power , tending to the establishment of a free commonwealth , and to remove , if it be possible , this noxious humor of returning to bondage , instilld of late by som deceivers , and nourishd from bad principles and fals apprehensions among too many of the people , i thought best not to suppress what i had written , hoping that it may now be of much more use and concernment to be freely publishd , in the midst of our elections to a free parlament , or their sitting to consider freely of the government ; whom it behoves to have all things represented to them that may direct thir judgment therin ; and i never read of any state , scarce of any tyrant grown so incurable as to refuse counsel from any in a time of public deliberation ; much less to be offended . if thir absolute determination be to enthrall us , before so long a lent of servitude , they may permitt us a little shroving-time first , wherin to speak freely , and take our leaves of libertie . and because in the former edition through haste , many faults escap'd , and many books were suddenly dispersd , ere the note to mend them could be sent , i took the opportunitie from this occasion to revise and somwhat to enlarge the whole discourse , especially that part which argues for a perpetual senat. the treatise thus revis'd and enlarg'd , is as follows . the parliament of england , assisted by a great number of the people who appeerd and stuck to them faithfullest in defence of religion and thir civil liberties , judging kingship by long experience a government unnecessarie , burdensom and dangerous , justly and magnanimously abolishd it ; turning regal bondage into a free commonwealth , to the admiration and terrour of our emulous neighbours . they took themselves not bound by the light of nature or religion , to any former covnant , from which the king himself by many forfeitures of a latter date or discoverie , and our own longer consideration theron had more & more unbound us , both to himself and his posteritie ; as hath bin ever the justice and the prudence of all wise nations that have ejected tyrannie . they covnanted to preserve the kings person and autoritie in the preservation of the true religion and our liberties ; not in his endeavoring to bring in upon our consciences a popish religion , upon our liberties thraldom , upon our lives destruction , by his occasioning , if not complotting , as was after discoverd , the irish massacre , his fomenting and arming the rebellion , his covert leaguing with the rebels against us , his refusing more then seaven times , propositions most just and necessarie to the true religion and our liberties , tenderd him by the parlament both of england and scotland . they made not thir covnant concerning him with no difference between a king and a god , or promisd him as job did to the almightie , to trust in him , though he slay us : they understood that the solemn ingagement , wherin we all forswore kingship , was no more a breach of the covant , then the covnant was of the protestation before , but a faithful and prudent going on both in the words , well weighd , and in the true sense of the covnant , without respect of persons , when we could not serve two contrary maisters , god and the king , or the king and that more supreme law , sworn in the first place to maintain , our safetie and our libertie . they knew the people of england to be a free people , themselves the representers of that freedom ; & although many were excluded , & as many fled ( so they pretended ) from tumults to oxford , yet they were left a sufficient number to act in parlament ; therefor not bound by any statute of preceding parlaments ; but by the law of nature only , which is the only law of laws truly and properly to all mankinde fundamental ; the beginning and the end of all government ; to which no parlament or people that will throughly reforme , but may and must have recourse ; as they had and must yet have in church reformation ( if they throughly intend it ) to evangelic rules ; not to ecclesiastical canons , though never so ancient , so ratifi'd and establishd in the land by statutes , which for the most part are meer positive laws , neither natural nor moral , & so by any parlament for just and serious considerations , without scruple to be at any time repeal'd . if others of thir number , in these things were under force , they were not , but under free conscience ; if others were excluded by a power which they could not resist , they were not therefore to leave the helm of government in no hands , to discontinue thir care of the public peace and safetie , to desert the people in anarchie and confusion ; no more then when so many of thir members left them , as made up in outward formalitie a more legal parlament of three estates against them . the best affected also and best principl'd of the people , stood not numbring or computing on which side were most voices in parlament , but on which side appeerd to them most reason , most safetie , when the house divided upon main matters : what was well motiond and advis'd , they examind not whether fear or perswasion carried it in the vote ; neither did they measure votes and counsels by the intentions of them that voted ; knowing that intentions either are but guessd at , or not soon anough known ; and although good , can neither make the deed such , nor prevent the consequence from being bad : suppose bad intentions in things otherwise welldon ; what was welldon , was by them who so thought , not the less obey'd or followd in the state ; since in the church , who had not rather follow iscariot or simon the magician , though to covetous ends , preaching , then saul , though in the uprightness of his heart persecuting the gospell ? safer they therefor judgd what they thought the better counsels , though carried on by some perhaps to bad ends , then the wors , by others , though endevord with best intentions : and yet they were not to learn that a greater number might be corrupt within the walls of a parlament as well as of a citie ; wherof in matters of neerest concernment all men will be judges ; nor easily permitt , that the odds of voices in thir greatest councel , shall more endanger them by corrupt or credulous votes , then the odds of enemies by open assaults ; judging that most voices ought not alwaies to prevail where main matters are in question ; if others hence will pretend to disturb all counsels , what is that to them who pretend not , but are in real danger ; not they only so judging , but a great though not the greatest , number of thir chosen patriots , who might be more in waight , then the others in number ; there being in number little vertue , but by weight and measure wisdom working all things : and the dangers on either side they seriously thus waighd : from the treatie , short fruits of long labours and seaven years warr ; securitie for twenty years , if we can hold it ; reformation in the church for three years : then put to shift again with our vanquishd maister . his justice , his honour , his conscience declar'd quite contrarie to ours ; which would have furnishd him with many such evasions , as in a book entitl'd an inquisition for blood , soon after were not conceald : bishops not totally remov'd , but left as it were in ambush , a reserve , with ordination in thir sole power ; thir lands alreadie sold , not to be alienated , but rented , and the sale of them call'd sacrilege ; delinquents few of many brought to condigne punishment ; accessories punishd ; the chief author , above pardon , though after utmost resistance , vanquish'd ; not to give , but to receive laws ; yet besought , treated with , and to be thankd for his gratious concessions , to be honourd , worshipd , glorifi'd . if this we swore to do , with what righteousness in the sight of god , with what assurance that we bring not by such an oath the whole sea of blood-guiltiness upon our own heads ? if on the other side we preferr a free government , though for the present not obtaind , yet all those suggested fears and difficulties , as the event will prove , easily overcome , we remain finally secure from the exasperated regal power , and out of snares ; shall retain the best part of our libertie , which is our religion , and the civil part will be from these who deferr us , much more easily recoverd , being neither so suttle nor so awefull as a king reinthron'd . nor were thir actions less both at home and abroad then might become the hopes of a glorious rising commonwealth : nor were the expressions both of armie and people , whether in thir publick declarations or several writings other then such as testifi'd a spirit in this nation no less noble and well fitted to the liberty of a commonwealth , then in the ancient greeks or romans . nor was the heroic cause unsuccesfully defended to all christendom against the tongue of a famous and thought invincible adversarie ; nor the constancie and fortitude that so nobly vindicated our liberty , our victory at once against two the most prevailing usurpers over mankinde , superstition and tyrannie unpraisd or uncelebrated in a written monument , likely to outlive detraction , as it hath hitherto covinc'd or silenc'd not a few of our detractors , especially in parts abroad . after our liberty and religion thus prosperously fought for , gaind and many years possessd , except in those unhappie interruptions , which god hath remov'd , now that nothing remains , but in all reason the certain hopes of a speedie and immediat settlement for ever in a firm and free common-wealth , for this extolld and magnifi'd nation , regardless both of honour wonn or deliverances voutsaf't from heaven , to fall back or rather to creep back so poorly as it seems the multitude would to thir once abjur'd and detested thraldom of kingship , to be our selves the slanderers of our own just and religious deeds , though don by som to covetous and ambitious ends , yet not therefor to be staind with their infamie , or they to asperse the integritie of others , and yet these now by revolting from the conscience of deeds welldon both in church and state , to throw away and forsake , or rather to betray a just and noble cause for the mixture of bad men who have ill manag'd and abus'd it ( which had our fathers don heretofore , and on the same pretence deserted true religion , what had long ere this become of our gospel and all protestant reformation so much intermixt with the avarice and ambition of som reformers ? ) and by thus relapsing , to verifie all the bitter predictions of our triumphing enemies , who will now think they wisely discernd and justly censur'd both us and all our actions as rash , rebellious , hypocritical and impious , not only argues a strange degenerate contagion suddenly spread among us fitted and prepar'd for new slaverie , but will render us a scorn and derision to all our neighbours . and what will they at best say of us and of the whole english name , but scoffingly as of that foolish builder , mentiond by our saviour , who began to build a tower , and was not able to finish it . where is this goodly tower of a commonwealth , which the english boasted they would build to overshaddow kings , and be another rome in the west ? the foundation indeed they laid gallantly ; but fell into a wors confusion , not of tongues , but of factions , then those at the tower of babel ; and have left no memorial of thir work behinde them remaining , but in the common laughter of europ . which must needs redound the more to our shame , if we but look on our neighbours the united provinces , to us inferior in all outward advantages ; who notwithstanding , in the midst of greater difficulties , courageously , wisely , constantly went through with the same work , and are setl'd in all the happie enjoiments of a potent and flourishing republic to this day . besides this , if we returne to kingship , and soon repent , as undoubtedly we shall , when we begin to finde the old encroachments coming on by little and little upon our consciences , which must necessarily proceed from king and bishop united inseparably in one interest , we may be forc'd perhaps to fight over again all that we have fought , and spend over again all that we have spent , but are never like to attain thus far as we are now advanc'd to the recoverie of our freedom , never to have it in possession as we now have it , never to be voutsaf't heerafter the like mercies and signal assistances from heaven in our cause , if by our ingratefull backsliding we make these fruitless ; flying now to regal concessions from his divine condescensions and gratious answers to our once importuning praiers against the tyrannie which we then groand under : making vain and viler then dirt the blood of so many thousand faithfull and valiant english men , who left us in this libertie , bought with thir lives ; losing by a strange after game of folly , all the battels we have wonn , together with all scotland as to our conquest , hereby lost , which never any of our kings could conquer , all the treasure we have spent , not that corruptible treasure only , but that far more precious of all our late miraculous deliverances ; treading back again with lost labour all our happie steps in the progress of reformation ; and most pittifully depriving our selves the instant fruition of that free government which we have so dearly purchasd , a free common-wealth , not only held by wisest men in all ages the noblest , the manliest , the equallest , the justest government , the most agreeable to all due libertie and proportiond equalitie , both human , civil , and christian , most cherishing to vertue and true religion , but also ( i may say it with greatest probabilitie ) planely commended , or rather enjoind by our saviour himself , to all christians , not without remarkable disallowance , and the brand of gentilism upon kingship . god in much displeasure gave a king to the israelites , and imputed it a sin to them that they sought one : but christ apparently forbids his disciples to admitt of any such heathenish government : the kings of the gentiles , saith he , exercise lordship over them ; and they that exercise authoritie upon them , are call'd benefactors : but ye shall not be so ; but he that is greatest among you , let him be as the younger ; and he that is chief , as he that serveth . the occasion of these his words was the ambitious desire of zebede's two sons , to be exalted above thir brethren in his kingdom , which they thought was to be ere long upon earth . that he speaks of civil government , is manifest by the former part of the comparison , which inferrs the other part to be alwaies in the same kinde . and what government coms neerer to this precept of christ , then a free common-wealth ; wherin they who are greatest , are perpetual servants and drudges to the public at thir own cost and charges , neglect thir own affairs ; yet are not elevated above thir brethren ; live soberly in thir families , walk the streets as other men , may be spoken to freely , familiarly , friendly , without adoration . wheras a king must be ador'd like a demigod , with a dissolute and haughtie court about him , of vast expence and luxurie , masks and revels , to the debaushing of our prime gentry both male and female ; not in thir passetimes only , but in earnest , by the loos imploiments of court service , which will be then thought honorable . there will be a queen also of no less charge ; in most likelihood outlandish and a papist ; besides a queen mother such alreadie ; together with both thir courts and numerous train : then a royal issue , and ere long severally thir sumptuous courts ; to the multiplying of a servile crew , not of servants only , but of nobility and gentry , bred up then to the hopes not of public , but of court offices ; to be stewards , chamberlains , ushers , grooms , even of the close-stool ; and the lower thir mindes debas'd with court opinions , contrarie to all vertue and reformation , the haughtier will be thir pride and profuseness : we may well remember this not long since at home ; or need but look at present into the french court , where enticements and preferments daily draw away and pervert the protestant nobilitie . as to the burden of expence , to our cost we shall soon know it ; for any good to us , deserving to be termd no better then the vast and lavish price of our subjection and their debausherie ; which we are now so greedily cheapning , and would so fain be paying most inconsideratly to a single person ; who for any thing wherin the public really needs him , will have little els to do , but to bestow the eating and drinking of excessive dainties , to set a pompous face upon the superficial actings of state , to pageant himself up and down in progress among the perpetual bowings and cringings of an abject people , on either side deifying and adoring him for nothing don that can deserve it . for what can hee more then another man ? who even in the expression of a late courtpoet , sits only like a great cypher set to no purpose before a long row of other significant figures . nay it is well and happy for the people if thir king be but a cypher , being oft times a mischief , a pest , a scourge of the nation , and which is wors , not to be remov'd , not to be controul'd , much less accus'd or brought to punishment , without the danger of a common ruin , without the shaking and almost subversion of the whole land . wheras in a free commonwealth , any governor or chief counselor offending , may be remov'd and punishd without the least commotion . certainly then that people must needs be madd or strangely infatuated , that build the chief hope of thir common happiness or safetie on a single person : who if he happen to be good , can do no more then another man , if to be bad , hath in his hands to do more evil without check , then millions of other men . the happiness of a nation must nee●s be firmest and certainest in a full and free councel of thir own electing , where no single person , but reason only swa●es . and what madness is it , for them who might manage nobly thir own affairs themselves , sluggishly and weakly to devolve all on a single person ; and more like boyes under age then men , to committ all to his patronage and disposal , who neither can performe what he undertakes , and yet for undertaking it , though royally paid , will not be thir servant , but thir lord ? how unmanly must it needs be , to count such a one the breath of our nostrils , to hang all our felicity on him , all our safetie , our well-being , for which it we were aught els but sluggards or babies , we need depend on none but god and our own counsels , our own active vertue and industrie ; go to the ant , thou sluggard , saith solomon ; consider her waies , and be wise ; which having no prince , ruler , or lord , provides her meat in the summer , and gathers her food in the harvest . which evidenly shews us , that they who think the nation undon without a king , though they look grave or haughtie , have not so much true spirit and understanding in them as a pismire : neither are these diligent creatures hence concluded to live in lawless anarchie , or that commended , but are set the examples to imprudent and ungovernd men , of a frugal and selfgoverning democratie or commonwealth ; safer and more thriving in the joint providence and counsel of many industrious equals , then under the single domination of one imperious lord . it may be well wonderd that any nation styling themselves free , can suffer any man to pretend hereditarie right over them as thir lord ; when as by acknowledging that right , they conclude themselves his servants and his vassals , and so renounce thir own freedom . which how a people and thir leaders especially can do , who have fought so gloriously for liberty , how they can change thir noble words and actions , heretofore so becoming the majesty of a free people , into the base necessitie of court flatteries and prostrations , is not only strange and admirable , but lamentable to think on . that a nation should be so valorous and courageous to winn thir liberty in the field , and when they have wonn it , should be so heartless and unwise in thir counsels , as not to know how to use it , value it , what to do withit or with themselves ; but after ten or twelve years prosperous warr and contestation with tyrannie , basely and besottedly to run their necks again into the yoke which they have broken , and prostrate all the fruits of thir victorie for naught at the feet of the vanquishd , besides our loss of glorie , and such an example as kings or tyrants never yet had the like to boast of , will be an ignomine if it befall us , that never yet befell any nation possessd of thir libertie ; worthie indeed themselves , whatsoever they be , to be for ever slaves : but that part of the nation which consents not with them , as i perswade me of a great number , far worthier then by their means to be brought into the same bondage . considering these things so plane , so rational , i cannot but yet furder admire on the other side , how any man who hath the true principles of justice and religion in him , can presume or take upon him to be a king and lord over his brethren , whom he cannot but know whether as men or christians , to be for the most part every way equal or superior to himself : how he can display with such vanitie and ostentation his regal splendor so supereminently above other mortal men ; or being a christian , can assume such extraordinarie honour and worship to himself , while the kingdom of christ our common king and lord , is hid to this world , and such gentilish imitation forbid in express words by himself to all his disciples . all protestants hold that christ in his church hath left no vicegerent of his power , but himself without deputie , is the only head therof , governing it from heaven : how then can any christian-man derive his kingship from christ , but with wors usurpation then the pope his headship over the church , since christ not only hath not left the least shaddow of a command for any such vicegerence from him in the state , as the pope pretends for his in the church , but hath expressly declar'd , that such regal dominion is from the gentiles , not from him , and hath strictly charg'd us , not to imitate them therin . i doubt not but all ingenuous and knowing men will easily agree with me , that a free commonwealth without single person or house of lords , is by far the best government , if it can be had ; but we have all this while say they bin expecting it , and cannot yet attain it . t is true indeed , when monarchie was dissolvd , the form of a commonwealth should have forthwith bin fram'd ; and the practice therof immediatly begun ; that the people might have soon bin satisfi'd and delighted with the decent order , ease and benefit therof : we had bin then by this time firmly rooted , past fear of commotions or mutations , & now flourishing : this care of timely setling a new government instead of ye old , too much neglected , hath bin our mischief . yet the cause therof may be ascrib'd with most reason to the frequent disturbances , interruptions and dissolutions which the parlament hath had partly from the impatient or disaffected people , partly from som ambitious leaders in the armie ; much contrarie , i beleeve , to the mind and approbation of the armie it self and thir other commanders , once undeceivd , or in thir own power . now is the opportunitie , now the very season wherein we may obtain a free commonwealth and establish it for ever in the land , without difficulty or much delay . writs are sent out for elections , and which is worth observing in the name , not of any king , but of the keepers of our libertie , to summon a free parlament : which then only will indeed be free , and deserve the true honor of that supreme title , if they preserve us a free people . which never parlament was more free to do ; being now call'd , not as heretofore , by the summons of a king , but by the voice of libertie : and if the people , laying afide prejudice and impatience , will seriously and calmly now consider thir own good both religious and civil , thir own libertie and the only means thereof , as shall be heer laid before them , and will elect thir knights and burgesses able men , and according to the just and necessarie qualifications ( which for aught i hear , remain yet in force unrepeald , as they were formerly decreed in parlament ) men not addicted to a single person or house of lords , the work is don ; at least the foundation firmly laid of a free common-wealth , and good part also erected of the main structure . for the ground and basis of every just and free government ( since men have smarted so oft for commiting all to one person ) is a general councel of ablest men , chosen by the people to consult of public affairs from time to time for the common good . in this grand councel must the sovrantie , not transferrd , but delegated only , and as it were deposited , reside ; with this caution they must have the forces by sea and land committed to them for preservation of the common peace and libertie ; must raise and manage the public revenue , at least with som inspectors deputed for satisfaction of the people , how it is imploid ; must make or propose , as more expressly shall be said anon , civil laws ; treat of commerce , peace , or warr with forein nations , and for the carrying on som particular affairs with more secrecie and expedition , must elect , as they have alreadie out of thir own number and others , a councel of state . and although it may seem strange at first hearing , by reason that mens mindes are prepossed with the notion of successive parlaments , i affirme that the grand or general councel being well chosen , should be perpetual : for so thir business is or may be , and oft times urgent ; the opportunitie of affairs gaind or lost in a moment . the day of counsel cannot be set as the day of a festival ; but must be readie alwaies to prevent or answer all occasions . by this continuance they will become everie way skilfullest , best provided of intelligence from abroad , best acquainted with the people at home , and the people with them . the ship of the commonwealth is alwaies under sail ; they sit at the stern ; and if they stear well , what need is ther to change them ; it being rather dangerous ? and to this , that the grand councel is both foundation and main pillar of the whole state ; and to move pillars and foundations , not faultie , cannot be safe for the building . i see not therefor , how we can be advantag'd by successive and transitorie parlaments ; but that they are much likelier continually to unsettle rather then to settle a free government ; to breed commotions , changes , novelties and uncertainties ; to bring neglect upon present affairs and opportunities , while all mindes are suspense with expectation of a new assemblie , and the assemblie for a good space taken up with the new setling of it self . after which , if they finde no great work to do , they will make it , by altering or repealing former acts , or making and multiplying new ; that they may seem to see what thir predecessors saw not , and not to have assembld for nothing : till all law be lost in the multitude of clashing statutes . but if the ambition of such as think themselves injur'd that they also partake not of the government , and are impatient till they be chosen , cannot brook the perpetuitie of others chosen before them , or if it be feard that long continuance of power may corrupt sincerest men , the known expedient is , and by som lately propounded , that annually ( or if the space be longer , so much perhaps the better ) the third part of senators may go out according to the precedence of thir election , and the like number be chosen in thir places , to prevent the setling of too absolute a power , if it should be perpetual : and this they call partial rotation . but i could wish that this wheel or partial wheel in state , if it be possible , might be avoided ; as having too much affinitie with the wheel of fortune . for it appeers not how this can be don , without danger and mischance of putting out a great number of the best and ablest : in whose stead new elections may bring in as many raw , unexperienc'd and otherwise affected , to the weakning and much altering for the wors of public transactions ▪ neither do i think a perpetual senat , especially chosen and entrusted by the people , much in this land to be feard , where the well-affected either in a standing armie , or in a setled militia have thir arms in thir own hands . safest therefor to me it seems and of least hazard or interruption to affairs , that none of the grand councel be mov'd , unless by death or just conviction of som crime : for what can be expected firm or stedfast from a floating foundation ? however , i forejudge not any probable expedient , any temperament that can be found in things of this nature so disputable on either side . yet least this which i affirme , be thought my single opinion , i shall add sufficient testimonie . kingship it self is therefor counted the more safe and durable , because the king and , for the most part , his councel , is not chang'd during life : but a commonwealth is held immortal ; and therin firmest , safest and most above fortune : for the death of a king , causeth ofttimes many dangerous alterations ; but the death now and then of a senator is not felt ; the main bodie of them still continuing permanent in greatest and noblest commonwealths , and as it were eternal . therefor among the jews , the supreme councel of seaventie , call'd the sanhedrim , founded by moses , in athens , that of areopagus , in sparta , that of the ancients , in rome , the senat , consisted of members chosen for term of life ; and by that means remaind as it were still the same to generations . in venice they change indeed ofter then every year som particular councels of state , as that of six , or such other ; but the true senat , which upholds and sustains the government , is the whole aristocracie immovable . so in the united provinces , the states general , which are indeed but a councel of st te deputed by the whole union , are not usually the same persons for above three or six years ; but the states of every citie , in whom the sovrantie hath bin plac'd time out of minde , are a standing senat , without succession , and accounted chiefly in that regard the main prop of thir liberty . and why they should be so in every well orderd common-wealth , they who write of policie , give these reasons ; " that to make the senat successive , not only impairs the dignitie and lustre of the senat , but weakens the whole commonwealth , and brings it into manifest danger ; while by this means the secrets of state are frequently divulgd , and matters of greatest consequence committed to inexpert and novice counselors , utterly to seek in the full and intimate knowledge of affairs past . " i know not therefor what should be peculiar in england to make successive parlaments thought safest , or convenient here more then in other nations , unless it be the fickl'ness which is attributed to us as we are ilanders : but good education and acquisit wisdom ought to correct the fluxible fault , if any such be , of our watry situation . it will be objected , that in those places where they had perpetual senats , they had also popular remedies against thir growing too imperious : as in athens , besides areopagus , another senat of four or five hunderd ; in sparta , the ephors ; in rome , the tribunes of the people . but the event tels us , that these remedies either little availd the people , or brought them to such a licentious and unbridl'd democratie , as in fine ruind themselves with thir own excessive power . so that the main reason urg'd why popular assemblies are to be trusted with the peoples libertie , rather then a senat of principal men , because great men will be still endeavoring to inlarge thir power , but the common sort will be contented to maintain thir own libertie , is by experience found false ; none being more immoderat and ambitious to amplifie thir power , then such popularities ; which was seen in the people of rome ; who at first contented to have thir tribunes , at length contended with the senat that one consul , then both ; soon after , that the censors and praetors also should be created plebeian , and the whole empire put into their hands ; adoring lastly those , who most were advers to the senat , till marius by fulfilling thir inordinat desires , quite lost them all the power for which they had so long bin striving , and left them under the tyrannie of sylla : the ballance therefor must be exactly so set , as to preserve and keep up due autoritie on either side , as well in the senat as in the people . and this annual rotation of a senat to consist of three hunderd , as is lately propounded , requires also another popular assembly upward of a thousand , with an answerable rotation . which besides that it will be liable to all those inconveniencies found in the foresaid remedies , cannot but be troublesom and chargeable , both in thir motion and thir session , to the whole land ; unweildie with thir own bulk , unable in so great a number to mature thir consultations as they ought , if any be allotted them , and that they meet not from so many parts remote to sit a whole year lieger in one place , only now and then to hold up a forrest of fingers , or to convey each man his bean or ballot into the box , without reason shewn or common deliberation ; incontinent of secrets , if any be imparted to them , emulous and always jarring with the other senat. the much better way doubtless will be in this wavering condition of our affairs , to deferr the changing or circumscribing of our senat , more then may be done with ease , till the commonwealth be throughly setl'd in peace and safetie , and they themselves give us the occasion . militarie men hold it dangerous to change the form of battel in view of an enemie : neither did the people of rome bandie with thir senat while any of the tarquins livd , the enemies of thir libertie , nor sought by creating tribunes to defend themselves against the fear of thir patricians , till sixteen years after the expulsion of thir kings , and in full securitie of thir state , they had or thought they had just cause given them by the senat. another way will be , to welqualifie and refine elections : not committing all to the noise and shouting of a rude multitude , but permitting only those of them who are rightly qualifi'd , to nominat as many as they will ; and out of that number others of a better breeding , to chuse a less number more judiciously , till after a third or fourth sifting and refining of exactest choice , they only be left chosen who are the due number , and seem by most voices the worthiest . to make the people fittest to chuse , and the chosen fittest to govern , will be to mend our corrupt and faulty education , to teach the people faith not without vertue , temperance , modestie , sobrietie , parsimonie , justice ; not to admire wealth or honour ; to hate turbulence and ambition ; to place every one his privat welfare and happiness in the public peace , libertie and safetie . they shall not then need to be much mistrustfull of thir chosen patriots in the grand councel ; who will be then rightly call'd the true keepers of our libertie , though the most of thir business will be in forein affairs . but to prevent all mistrust , the people then will have thir several ordinarie assemblies ( which will henceforth quite annihilate the odious power and name of committies ) in the chief towns of every countie , without the trouble , charge , or time lost of summoning and assembling from far in so great a number , and so long residing from thir own houses , or removing of thir families , to do as much at home in thir several shires , entire or subdivided , toward the securing of thir libertie , as a numerous assembly of them all formd and conven'd on purpose with the wariest rotation . wher of i shall speak more ere the end of this discourse : for it may be referrd to time , so we be still going on by degrees to perfection . the people well weighing and performing these things , i suppose would have no cause to fear , though the parlament , abolishing that name , as originally signifying but the parlie of our lords and commons with thir norman king when he pleasd to call them , should , with certain limitations of thir power , sit perpetual , if thir ends be faithfull and for a free commonwealth , under the name of a grand or general councel . till this be don , i am in doubt whether our state will be ever certainly and throughly setl'd ; never likely till then to see an end of our troubles and continual changes or at least never the true settlement and assurance of our libertie . the grand councel being thus firmly constituted to perpetuitie , and still , upon the death or default of any member , suppli'd and kept in full number , ther can be no cause alleag'd why peace , justice , plentifull trade and all prosperitie should not thereupon ensue throughout the whole land ; with as much assurance as can be of human things , that they shall so continue ( if god favour us , and our wilfull sins provoke him not ) even to the coming of our true and rightfull and only to be expected king , only worthie as he is our only saviour , the messiah , the christ , the only heir of his eternal father , the only by him anointed and ordaind since the work of our redemption finishd , vniversal lord of all mankinde . the way propounded is plane , easie and open before us ; without intricacies , without the introducement of new or obsolete forms , or terms , or exotic models ; idea's that would effect nothing , but with a number of new injunctions to manacle the native liberty of mankinde ; turning all vertue into prescription , servitude , and necessitie , to the great impairing and frustrating of christian libertie : i say again , this way lies free and smooth before us ; is not tangl'd with inconveniencies ; invents no new incumbrances ; requires no perilous , no injurious alteration or circumscription of mens lands and proprieties ; secure , that in this commonwealth , temporal and spiritual lords remov'd , no man or number of men can attain to such wealth or vast possession , as will need the hedge of an agrarian law ( never succesful , but the cause rather of sedition , save only where it began seasonably with first possession ) to confine them from endangering our public libertie ; to conclude , it can have no considerable objection made against it , that it is not practicable : least it be said hereafter , that we gave up our libertie for want of a readie way or distinct form propos'd of a free commonwealth . and this facilitie we shall have above our next neighbouring commonwealth ( if we can keep us from the fond conceit of somthing like a duke of venice , put lately into many mens heads , by som one or other sutly driving on under that notion his own ambitious ends to lurch a crown ) that our liberty shall not be hamperd or hoverd over by any ingagement to such a potent familie as the house of nassaw of whom to stand in perpetual doubt and suspicion , but we shall live the cleerest and absolutest free nation in the world . on the contrarie , if ther be a king , which the inconsiderate multitude are now so madd upon , mark how far short we are like to com of all those happinesses , which in a free state we shall immediatly be possessd of . first , the grand councel , which , as i shewd before , should sit perpetually ( unless thir leisure give them now and then som intermissions or vacations , easilie manageable by the councel of state left sitting ) shall be call'd , by the kings good will and utmost endeavor , as seldom as may be . for it is only the king's right , he will say , to call a parlament ; and this he will do most commonly about his own affairs rather then the kingdom's , as will appeer planely so soon as they are call'd . for what will thir business then be and the chief expence of thir time , but an endless tugging between petition of right and and royal prerogative , especially about the negative voice , militia , or subsidies , demanded and oft times extorted without reasonable cause appeering to the commons , who are the only true representatives of the people , and thir libertie , but will be then mingl'd with a court-faction ; besides which within thir own walls , the sincere part of them who stand faithfull to the people , will again have to deal with two troublesom counter-working adversaries from without , meer creatures of the king , spiritual , and the greater part , as is likeliest , of temporal lords , nothing concernd with the peoples libertie . if these prevail not in what they please , though never so much against the peoples interest , the parlament shall be soon dissolvd , or sit and do nothing ; not sufferd to remedie the least greevance , or enact aught advantageous to the people . next , the councel of state shall not be chosen by the parlament , but by the king , still his own creatures , courtiers and favorites ; who will be sure in all thir counsels to set thir maister's grandure and absolute power , in what they are able , far above the peoples libertie . i denie not but that ther may be such a king , who may regard the common good before his own , may have no vitious favorite , may hearken only to the wisest and incorruptest of his parlament : but this rarely happens in a monarchie not elective ; and it behoves not a wise nation to committ the summ of thir welbeing , the whole state of thir safetie to fortune . what need they ; and how absurd would it be , when as they themselves to whom his chief vertue will be but to hearken , may with much better management and dispatch , with much more commendation of thir own worth and magnanimitie govern without a maister . can the folly be paralleld , to adore and be the slaves of a single person for doing that which it is ten thousand to one whether he can or will do , and we without him might do more easily , more effectually , more laudably our selves ? shall we never grow old anough to be wise to make seasonable use of gravest autorities , experiences , examples ? is it such an unspeakable joy to serve , such felicitie to wear a yoke ? to clink our shackles , lockt on by pretended law of subjection more intolerable and hopeless to be ever shaken off , then those which are knockt on by illegal injurie and violence ? aristotle , our chief instructer in the universities , least this doctrine be thought sectarian , as the royalist would have it thought , tels us in the third of his politics , that certain men at first , for the matchless excellence of thir vertue above others , or som great public benifit , were created kings by the people ; in small cities and territories , and in the scarcitie of others to be found like them : but when they abus'd thir power and governments grew larger , and the number of prudent men increasd , that then the people soon deposing thir tyrants , betook them , in all civilest places , to the form of a free commonwealth . and why should we thus disparage and prejudicate our own nation , as to fear a scarcitie of able and worthie men united in counsel to govern us , if we will but use diligence and impartiality to finde them out and chuse them , rather yoking our selves to a single person , the natural adversarie and oppressor of libertie , though good , yet far easier corruptible by the excess of his singular power and exaltation , or at best , not comparably sufficient to bear the weight of government , nor equally dispos'd to make us happie in the enjoyment of our libertie under him . but admitt , that monarchie of it self may be convenient to som nations ; yet to us who have thrown it out , receivd back again , it cannot but prove pernicious . for kings to com , never forgetting thir former ejection , will be sure to fortifie and arm themselves sufficiently for the future against all such attempts hereafter from the people : who shall be then so narrowly watchd and kep so low , that though they would never so fain and at the same rate of thir blood and treasure , they never shall be able to regain what they now have purchasd and may enjoy , or to free themselves from any yoke impos'd upon them : nor will they dare to go about it ; utterly disheartn'd for the future , if these thir highest attempts prove unsuccesfull ; which will be the triumph of all tyrants heerafter over any people that shall resist oppression ; and thir song will then be , to others , how sped the rebellious english ? to our posteritie , how sped the rebells your fathers ? this is not my conjecture , but drawn from god's known denouncement against the gentilizing israelites ; who though they were governd in a commouwealth of god's own ordaining , he only thir king , they his peculiar people , yet affecting rather to resemble heathen , but pretending the misgovernment of samuel's sons , no more a reason to dislike thir common-wealth , then the violence of eli's sons was imputable to that priesthood or religion , clamourd for a king . they had thir longing ; but with this testimonie of god's wrath ; ye shall cry out in that day because of your king whom ye shall have chosen , and the lord will not hear you in that day . us if he shall hear now , how much less will he hear when we cry heerafter , who once deliverd by him from a king , and not without wondrous acts of his providence , insensible and unworthie of those high m●…ies , are returning precipitantly , if he withold us not , back to the captivitie from whence he freed us . yet neither shall we obtain or buy at an easie rate this new guilded yoke which thus transports us : a new royal-revenue must be found , a new episcopal ; for those are individual : both which being wholy dissipated or bought by privat persons or assign'd for service don , and especially to the armie , cannot be recoverd without a general detriment and confusion to mens estates , or a heavie imposition on all mens purses ; benifit to none , but to the worst and ignoblest sort of men , whose hope is to be either the ministers of court riot and excess , or the gainers by it : but not to speak more of losses and extraordinarie levies on our estates , what will then be the revenges and offences rememberd and returnd , not only by the chief person , but by all his adherents ; accounts and reparations that will be requir'd , suites , incitements , inquities , discoveries , complaints , informations , who knows against whom or how many , though perhaps neuters , if not to utmost infliction , yet to imprisonment , fines , banishment , or molestation ; if not these , yet disfavor , discountnance , disregard and contempt on all but the known royalist or whom he favors , will be plenteous : nor let the new royaliz'd presbyterians perswade themselves that thir old doings , though now recanted , will be forgotten ; what ever conditions be contriv'd or trusted on . will they not beleeve this ; nor remember the pacification , how it was kept to the scots ; how other solemn promises many a time to us ? let them but now read the diabolical fore-running libells , the faces , the gestures that now appeer foremost and briskest in all public places ; as the harbingers of those that are in expectation to raign over us ; let them but hear the insolencies , the menaces , the insultings of our newly animated common enemies crept lately out of thir holes , thir hell , i might say , by the language of thir infernal pamphlets , the spue of every drunkard , every ribald ; nameless , yet not for want of licence , but for very shame of thir own vile persons , not daring to name themselves , while they traduce others by name ; and give us to foresee that they intend to second thir wicked words , if ever they have power , with more wicked deeds . let our zealous backsliders forethink now with themselves , show thir necks yok'd with these tigers of bacchus , these new fanatics of not the preaching but the sweating-tub , inspir'd with nothing holier then the venereal pox , can draw one way under monarchie to the establishing of church discipline with these new-disgorg'd atheismes : yet shall they not have the honor to yoke with these , but shall be yok'd under them ; these shall plow on their backs . and do they among them who are so forward to bring in the single person , think to be by him trusted or long regarded ? so trusted they shall be and so regarded , as by kings are wont reconcil'd enemies ; neglected and soon after discarded , if not prosecuted for old traytors ; the first inciters , beginners , and more then to the third part actors of all that followd ; it will be found also , that there must be then as necessarily as now ( for the contrarie part will be still feard ) a standing armie ; which for certain shall not be this , but of the fiercest cavaliers , of no less expence , and perhaps again under rupert : but let this armie be sure they shall be soon disbanded , and likeliest without a●rear or pay ; and being disbanded , not be sure but they may as soon be questiond for being in arms against thir king : the same let them fear , who have contributed monie ; which will amount to no small number that must then take thir turn to be made delinquents and compounders . they who past reason and recoverie are devoted to kingship , perhaps will answer , that a greater part by far of the nation will have it so ; the rest therefor must yield . not so much to convince these , which i little hope , as to confirm them who yield not , i reply ; that this greatest part have both in reason and the trial of just battel , lost the right of their election what the government shall be : of them who have not lost that right , whether they for kingship be the greater number , who can certainly determin ? suppose they be ; yet of freedom they partake all alike , one main end of government : which if the greater part value , not , but will degeneratly forgoe , is it just or reasonable , that most voices against the the main end of government should enslave the less number that would be free ? more just it is doubtless , if it com to force , that a less number compell a greater to retain , which can be no wrong to them , thir libertie , then that a greater number for the pleasure of thir baseness , compell a less most injuriously to be thir fellow slaves . they who seek nothing but thir own just libertie , have alwaies right to winn it and to keep it , when ever they have power , be the voices never so numerous that oppose it . and how much we above others are concernd to defend it from kingship , and from them who in pursuance therof so perniciously would betray us and themselves to most certain miserie and thraldom , will be needless to repeat . having thus far shewn with what ease we may now obtain a free commonwealth , and by it with as much ease all the freedom , peace , justice , plentie that we can desire , on the other side the difficulties , troubles , uncertainties , nay rather impossibilities to enjoy these things constantly under a monarch , i will now proceed to shew more particularly wherin our freedom and flourishing condition will be more ample and secure to us under a free commonwealth then under kingship . the whole freedom of man consists either in spiritual or civil libertie . as for spiritual , who can be at rest , who can enjoy any thing in this world with contentment , who hath not libertie to serve god and to save his own soul , according to the best light which god hath planted in him to that purpose , by the reading of his reveal'd will and the guidance of his holy spirit ? that this is best pleasing to god , and that the whole protestant church allows no supream judge or rule in matters of religion , but the scriptures , and these to be interpreted by the the scriptures themselves , which necessarily inferrs liberty of conscience , i have heretofore prov'd at large in another treatise , and might , yet furder by the public declarations , confessions and admonitions of whole churches and states , obvious in all historie since the reformation . this liberty of conscience which above all other things ought to be to all men dearest and most precious , no government more inclinable not to favor only but to protect , then a free common-wealth ; as being most magnanimous , most fearless and confident of its own fair proceedings . wheras kingship , though looking big , yet indeed most pusillanimous , full of fears , full of jealousies , startl'd at every ombrage , as it hath bin observd of old to have ever suspected most and mistrusted them who were in most esteem for vertue and generositie of minde , so it is now known to have most in doubt and suspicion them who are most reputed to be religious . queen elizabeth though her self accounted so good a protestant , so moderate , so confident of her subjects love would never give way so much as to presbyterian rereformation in this land , though once and again besought , as camden relates , but imprisond and persecuted the very proposers therof ; alleaging it as her minde & maxim unalterable , that such reformation would diminish regal autoritie . what liberty of conscience can we then expect of others , far wors principl'd from the cradle , traind up and governd by popish and spanish counsels , and on such depending hitherto for subsistence ? especially what can this last parlament expect , who having reviv'd lately and publishd the covnant , have reingag'd themselves , never to readmitt episcopacie : which no son of charls returning , but will most certainly bring back with him , if he regard the last and strictest charge of his father , to persevere in not the doctrin only , but government of the church of england ; not to neglect the speedie and effectual suppressing of errors and schisms ; among which he accounted presbyterie one of the chief : or if notwithstanding that charge of his father , he submitt to the covnant , how will he keep faith to us with disobedience to him ; or regard that faith given , which must be founded on the breach of that last and solemnest paternal charge , and the reluctance , i may say the antipathie which is in all kings against presbyterian and independent discipline ? for they hear the gospel speaking much of libertie ; a word which monarchie and her bishops both fear and hate , but a free commonwealth both favors and promotes ; and not the word only , but the thing it self . but let our governors beware in time ▪ least thir hard measure to libertie of conscience be found the rock wheron they ship wrack themselves as others have now don before them in the cours wherin god was directing thir stearage to a free commonwealth , and the abandoning of all those whom they call sectaries , for the detected falshood and ambition of som , be a wilfull rejection of thir own chief strength and interest in the freedom of all protestant religion , under what abusive name soever calumniated . the other part of our freedom consists in the civil rights and advancements of every person according to his merit : the enjoyment of those never more certain , and the access to these never more open , then in a free commonwealth . both which in my opinion may be best and soonest obtaind , if every countie in the land were made a kinde of subordinate commonaltie or common-wealth , and one chief town or more , according as the shire is in circuit , made cities , if they be not so call'd alreadie ; where the nobilitie and chief gentry from a proportionable compas of territorie annexd to each citie , may build , houses or palaces , befitting thir qualitie , may bear part in the government , make thir own judicial laws , or use these that are , and execute them by thir own elected judicatures and judges without appeal , in all things of civil government between man and man . so they shall have justice in thir own hands , law executed fully and finally in thir own counties and precincts , long wishd , and spoken of , but never yet obtaind ; they shall have none then to blame but themselves , if it be not well administerd ; and fewer laws to expect or fear from the supreme autoritie ; or to those that shall be made , of any great concernment to public libertie , they may without much trouble in these commonalties or in more general assemblies call'd to thir cities from the whole territorie on such occasion , declare and publish thir assent or dissent by deputies within a time limited sent to the grand councel : yet so as this thir judgment declar'd shal submitt to the greater number of other counties or commonalties , and not avail them to any exemption of themselves , or refusal of agreement with the rest , as it may in any of the united provinces , being sovran within it self , oft times to the great disadvantage of that union . in these imploiments they may much better then they do now , exercise and fit themselves , till thir lot fall to be chosen into the grand councel , according as thir worth and merit shall be taken notice of by the people . as for controversies that shall happen between men of several counties , they may repair , as they do now , to the capital citie , or any other more commodious , indifferent place and equal judges . and this i finde to have bin practisd in the old athenian commonwealth , reputed the first and ancientest place of civilitie in all greece ; that they had in thir several cities , a peculiar ; in athens , a common government ; and thir right , as it befell them , to the administration of both . they should have heer also schools and academies at thir own choice , wherin thir children may be bred up in thir own sight to all learning and noble education not in grammar only , but in all liberal ars and exercises . this would soon spread much more knowledge and civilitie , yea religion through all parts of the land , by communicating the natural heat of government and culture more distributively to all extreme parts , which now lie numm and neglected , would soon make the whole nation more industrious , more ingenuous at home , more potent , more honorable abroad . to this a free commonwealth will easily assent ; ( nay the parlament hath had alreadie som such thing in designe ) for of all governments 〈◊〉 commonwealth aims most to make the people flourishing , vertuous , noble and high spirited . monarchs will never permitt : whose aim is to make the people , wealthie indeed perhaps and well fleec't , for thir own she●ing and the supplie of regal prodigalitie ; but otherwise softest , basest , vitiousest , servilest , easiest to be kept under ; and not only in fleece , ●ut in minde also sheepishest ; and will have all the benches of judicature annexd to the throne , as a gift of royal grace that we have justice don us ; when as nothing can be more essential to the freedom of a people , then to have the administration of justice and all public ornaments in thir own election and within thir own bounds , without long travelling or depending on remote places to obtain thir right or any civil accomplishment ; so it be not supreme , but subordinate to the general power and union of the whole republic . in which happy firmness as in the particular above mentiond , we shall also far exce●… the united provinces , by having , not as they ( to the retarding and distracting oft times of thir counsels or urgentest occasions ) many sovranties united in one commonwealth , but many commonwealths under one united and entrusted sovrantie . and when we have our forces by sea and land , either of a faithful armie or a setl'd militia , in our own hands to the firm establishing of a free commonwealth , publick accounts under our own inspection , general laws and taxes with thir causes in our own domestic suffrages , judicial laws , offices and ornaments at home in our own ordering and administration , all distinction of lords and commoners , that may any way divide or sever the publick interest , remov'd , what can a perpetual senat have then wherin to grow corrupt , wherin to encroach upon us or usurp ; or if they do , wherin to be formidable ? yet if all this avail not to remove the fear or envie of a perpetual sitting , it may be easilie provided , to change a third part of them yearly or every two or three years , as was above mentiond ; or that it be at those times in the peoples choice , whether they will change them , or renew thir power , as they shall finde cause . i have no more to say at present : few words will save us , well considerd ; few and easie things , now seasonably don . but if the people be so affected , as to prostitute religion and libertie to the vain and groundless apprehension , that nothing but kingship can restore trade , not remembring the frequent plagues and pestilences that then wasted this citie , such as through god's mercie we never have felt since , and that trade flourishes no where more then in the free commonwealths of italie , germanie , and the low-countries before thir eyes at this day , yet if trade be grown so craving and importunate through the profuse living of tradesmen , that nothing can support it , but the luxurious expences of a nation upon trifles or superfluities , so as if the people generally should betake themselves to frugalitie , it might prove a dangerous matter , least tradesmen should mutinie for want of trading , and that therefor we must forgoe & set to sale religion , libertie , honor , safetie , all concernments divine or human to keep up trading , if lastly , after all this light among us , the same reason shall pass for current to put our necks again under kingship , as was made use of by the jews to returne back to egypt and to the worship of thir idol queen , because they falsly imagind that they then livd in more plentie and prosperitie , our condition is not sound but rotten , both in religion and all civil prudence ; and will bring us soon , the way we are marching , to those calamities which attend alwaies and unavoidably on luxurie , all national judgments under forein or domestic slaverie : so far we shall be from mending our condition by monarchizing our government , whatever new conceit now possesses us . however with all hazard i have ventur'd what i thought my duty to speak in season , and to forewarne my countrey in time : wherin i doubt not but ther be many wise men in all places and degrees , but am sorrie the effects of wisdom are so little seen among us . many circumstances and particulars i could have added in those things wherof i have spoken ; but a few main matters now put speedily in execution , will suffice to recover us , and set all right : and ther will want at no time who are good at circumstances ; but men who set thir mindes on main matters and sufficiently urge them , in these most difficult times i finde not many . what i have spoken , is the language of that which is not call'd amiss the good old cause : if it seem strange to any , it will not seem more strange , i hope , then convincing to backsliders . thus much i should perhaps have said though i were sure i should have spoken only to trees and stones ; and had none to cry to , but with the prophet , o earth , earth , earth ! to tell the very soil it self , what her perverse inhabitants are deaf to . nay though what i have spoke , should happ'n ( which thou suffer not , who didst create mankinde free ; nor thou next , who didst redeem us from being servants of men ! ) to be the last words of our expiring libertie . but i trust i shall have spoken perswasion to abundance of sensible and ingenuous men : to som perhaps whom god may raise of these stones to become children of reviving libertie ; and may reclaim , though they seem now chusing them a captain back for egypt , to bethink themselves a little and consider whether they are rushing ; to exhort this torrent also of the people , not to be so impetuos , but to keep thir due channell ; and at length recovering and uniting thir better resolutions , now that they see alreadie how open and unbounded the insolence and rage is of our common enemies , to stay these ruinous proceedings ; justly and timely fearing to what a precipice of destruction the deluge of this epidemic madness would hurrie us through the general defection of a misguided and abus'd multitude . the end . the doctrine and discipline of divorce restor'd to the good of both sexes from the bondage of canon law and other mistakes to christian freedom, guided by the rule of charity : wherein also many places of scripture have recover'd their long-lost meaning : seasonable to be now thought on in the reformation intended. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm - this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set - ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , :e , no ) the doctrine and discipline of divorce restor'd to the good of both sexes from the bondage of canon law and other mistakes to christian freedom, guided by the rule of charity : wherein also many places of scripture have recover'd their long-lost meaning : seasonable to be now thought on in the reformation intended. milton, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by t.p. and m.s. ..., london : . written by john milton. cf. blc. first ed. cf. wing. errata on p. [ - ] at end. reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng divorce -- early works to . marriage law -- early works to . a r (wing m ). civilwar no the doctrine and discipline of divorce: restor'd to the good of both sexes, from the bondage of canon law, and other mistakes, to christian milton, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the doctrine and discipline of divorce : restor'd to the good of both sexes , from the bondage of canon law , and other mistakes , to christian freedom , guided by the rule of charity . wherein also many places of scripture , have recover'd their long-lost meaning . seasonable to be now thought on in the reformation intended . matth. . . every scribe instructed to the kingdome of heav'n , is like the maister of a house which bringeth out of his treasurie things old and new . london , printed by t. p. and m. s. in goldsmiths alley . . the doctrine and discipline of divorce ; restor'd to the good of both sexes . many men , whether it be their fate , or fond opinion , easily perswade themselves , if god would but be pleas'd a while to withdraw his just punishments from us , and to restraine what power either the devill , or any earthly enemy hath to worke us woe , that then mans nature would find immediate rest and releasement from all evils . but verily they who think so , if they be such as have a minde large ●nough to take into their thoughts a generall survey of humane things , would soone prove themselves in that opinion farre deceiv'd . for though it were granted us by divine indulgence to be exempt from all that can be harmfull to us from without , yet the perversnesse of our folly is so bent , that we should never lin hammering out of our owne hearts , as it were out of a flint , the seeds and sparkles of new miseries to our selves , till all were in a blaze againe . and no marvell if out of our own hearts , for they are evill ; but ev'n out of those things which god meant us , either for a principall good , or a pure contentment , we are still hatching and contriving upon our selves matter of continuall sorrow and perplexitie . what greater good to man then that revealed rule , whereby god vouchsafes to shew us how he would be worshipt ? and yet that not rightly understood , became the cause that once a famous man in israel could not but oblige his conscience to be the sacrificer , or if not , the jayler of his innocent and onely daughter . and was the cause oft-times that armies of valiant men have given up their throats to a heathenish enemy on the sabbath day : fondly thinking their defensive resistance to be as then a work unlawfull . what thing more instituted to the solace and delight of man then marriage , and yet the mis-interpreting of some scripture directed mainly against the abusers of the law for divorce giv'n them by moses , hath chang'd the blessing of matrimony not seldome into a familiar and co-inhabiting mischiefe ; at least into a drooping and disconsolate houshold captivitie , without refuge or redemption . so ungovern'd and so wild a race doth superstition run us from one extreme of abused libertie into the other of unmercifull restraint . for although god in the first ordaining of marriage , taught us to what end he did it , in words expresly implying the apt and cheerfull conversation of man with woman , to comfort and refresh him against the evill of solitary life , not mentioning the purpose of generation till afterwards , as being but a secondary end in dignity , though not in necessitie ; yet now , if any two be but once handed in the church , and have tasted in any sort of the nuptiall bed , let them finde themselves never so mistak'n in their dispositions through any error , concealment , or misadventure , that through their different tempers , thoughts , and constitutions , they can neither be to one another a remedy against lonelines , nor live in any union or contentment all their dayes , yet they shall , so they be but found suitably weapon'd to the lest possibilitie of sensuall enjoyment , bemade , spight of antipathy to fadge together , and combine as they may to their unspeakable wearisomnes & despaire of all sociable delight in the ordinance which god establisht to that very end . what a calamitie is this , and as the wise-man , if he were alive , would sigh out in his own phrase , what a sore evill is this under the sunne ! all which we can referre justly to no other author then the canon law and her adherents , not consulting with charitie , the interpreter and guide of our faith , but resting in the meere element of the text ; doubtles by the policy of the devill to make that gracious ordinance become unsupportable , that what with men not daring to venture upon wedlock , and what with men wearied out of it , all inordinate licence might abound . it was for many ages that mariage lay in disgrace with most of the ancient doctors , as a work of the flesh , almost a defilement , wholly deny'd to priests , and the second time disswaded to all , as he that reads tertullian or ierom may see at large . afterwards it was thought so sacramentall , that no adultery could dissolve it ; yet there remains a burden on it as heavy as the other two were disgracefull or superstitious , and of as much iniquirie , crossing a law not onely writt'n by moses , but character'd in us by nature , of more antiquitie and deeper ground then mariage it selfe ; which law is to force nothing against the faultles proprieties of nature : yet that this may be colourably done , our saviours words touching divorce , are as it were congeal'd into a stony rigor , inconsistent both with his doctrine and his office , and that which he preacht onely to the conscience , is by canonicall tyranny snatcht into the compulsive censure of a judiciall court ; where laws are impos'd even against the venerable & secret power of natures impression , to love what ever cause be found to loath . which is a hainous barbarisme both against the honour of mariage , the dignitie of man and his soule , the goodnes of christianitie , and all the humane respects of civilitie . notwithstanding that some the wisest and gravest among the christian emperours , who had about them , to consult with , those of the fathers then living , who for their learning & holines of life are still with us in great renown , have made their statutes & edicts concerning this debate , far more easie and relenting in many necessary cases , wherein the canon is inflexible . and hugo grotius , a man of these times , one of the best learned , seems not obscurely to adhere in his perswasion to the equitie of those imperiall decrees , in his notes upon the evangelists , much allaying the outward roughnesse of the text , which hath for the most part been too immoderately expounded ; and excites the diligence of others to enquire further into this question , as containing many points which have not yet been explain'd . by which , and by mine owne apprehension of what publick duty each man owes , i conceive my selfe exhorted among the rest to communicate such thoughts as i have , and offer them now in this generall labour of reformation , to the candid view both of church and magistrate ; especially because i see it the hope of good men , that those irregular and unspirituall courts have spun their utmost date in this land ; and some better course must now be constituted . he therefore that by adventuring shall be so happy as with successe to ease & set free the minds of ingenuous and apprehensive men from this needlesse thraldome , he that can prove it lawfull and just to claime the performance of a fit and matchable conversation , no lesse essentiall to the prime scope of marriage then the gift of bodily conjunction , or els to have an equall plea of divorce as well as for that corporall deficiency ; he that can but lend us the clue that windes out this labyrinth of servitude to such a reasonable and expedient liberty as this , deserves to be reck ▪ n'd among the publick benefactors of civill and humane life ; above the inventors of wine and oyle ; for this is a far dearer , far nobler , and more desirable cherishing to mans life , unworthily expos'd to sadnes and mistake , which he shall vindicate , not that licence and levity and unconsented breach of faith should herein be countenanc't , but that some conscionable , and tender pitty might be had of those who have unwarily in a thing they never practiz'd before , made themselves the bondmen of a luckles and helples matrimony . in which argument he whose courage can serve him to give the first onset , must look for two severall oppositions : the one from those who having sworn themselves to long custom and the letter of the text , will not out of the road : the other from those whose grosse and vulgar apprehensions conceit but low of matrimoniall purposes , and in the work of male and female think they have all . neverthelesse , it shall be here sought by due wayes to be made appeare , that those words of god in the institution , promising a meet help against lonelines ; and those words of christ , that his yoke is easie and his burden light , were not spoken in vaine ; for if the knot of marriage may in no case be dissolv'd but for adultery , all the burd'ns and services of the law are not so intolerable . this onely is desir'd of them who are minded to judge hardly of thus maintaining , that they would be still and heare all out , nor think it equall to answer deliberate reason with sudden heat and noise ; remembring this , that many truths now of reverend esteem and credit , had their birth and beginning once from singular and private thoughts ; while the most of men were otherwise possest ; and had the fate at first to be generally exploded and exclaim'd on by many violent opposers ; yet i may erre perhaps in soothing my selfe that this present truth reviv'd , will deserve to be not ungently receiv'd on all hands ; in that it undertakes the cure of an inveterate disease crept into the best part of humane societie : and to doe this with no smarting corrosive , but with a smooth and pleasing lesson , which receiv'd hath the vertue to soften and dispell rooted and knotty sorrowes ; and without enchantment or spel us'd hath regard at once both to serious pitty , and upright honesty ; that tends to the redeeming and restoring of none but such as are the object of compassion ; having in an ill houre hamper'd themselves to the utter dispatch of all their most beloved comforts & repose for this lives term . but if wee shall obstinately dislike this new overture of unexpected ease and recovery , what remains but to deplore the frowardnes of our hopeles condition , which neither can endure the estate we are in , nor admit of remedy either sharp or sweet . sharp we our selves distast ; and sweet , under whose hands we are , is scrupl'd and suspected as too lushious . in such a posture christ found the iews , who were neither won with the austerity of iohn the baptist , and thought it too much licence to follow freely the charming pipe of him who sounded and proclaim'd liberty and reliefe to all distresses : yet truth in some age or other will find her witnes , and shall be justify'd at last by her own children . to remove therefore if it be possible , this great and sad oppression which through the strictnes of a literall interpreting hath invaded and disturb'd the dearest and most peaceable estate of houshold society , to the over-burdning , if not the over-whelming of many christians better worth then to be so deserted of the churches considerate care , this position shall be laid down ; first proving , then answering what may be objected either from scripture or light of reason . that indisposition , unfitnes , or contrariety of mind , arising from a cause in nature unchangable , hindring and ever likely to hinder the main benefits of conjugall society , which are solace and peace , is a greater reason of divorce then naturall frigidity , especially if there be no children , and that there be mutuall consent . for all sense and reason and equity reclaimes that any law or cov'nant how solemn or strait soever , either between god and man , or man and man , though of gods joyning , should bind against a prime and principall scope of its own institution , and of both or either party cov'nanting : neither can it be of force to ingage a blameles creature to his own perpetuall sorrow , mistak'n for his expected solace , without suffering charity to step in and doe a confest good work of parting those whom nothing holds together , but this of gods joyning , falsly suppos'd against the expresse end of his own ordinance . and what his chiefe end was of creating woman to be joynd with man , his own instituting words declare , and are infallible to informe us what is mariage , and what is no mariage ; unlesse we can think them set there to no purpose : it is not good , saith he , that man should be alone ; i will make him a help meet for him . from which words so plain , lesse cannot be concluded , nor is by any learned interpreter , then that in gods intention a meet and happy conversation is the chiefest and the noblest end of mariage ; for we find here no expression so necessarily implying carnall knowledg , as this prevention of lonelinesse to the mind and spirit of man . and indeed it is a greater blessing from god , more worthy so excellent a creatrue as man is , and a higher end to honour and sanctifie the league of mariage , whenas the solace and satisfaction of the minde is regarded and provided for before the sensitive pleasing of the body . and with all generous persons maried thus it is , that where the minde and person pleases aptly , there some unaccomplishment of the bodies delight may be better born with , then when the minde hangs off in an unclosing disproportion , though the body be as it ought ; for there all corporall delight will soon become unsavoury and contemptible . and the solitarines of man , which god had namely and principally orderd to prevent by mariage , hath no remedy , but lies under a worse condition then the loneliest single life ; for in single life the absence and remotenes of a helper might inure him to expect his own comforts out of himselfe , or to seek with hope ; but here the continuall sight of his deluded thoughts without cure , must needs be to him , if especially his complexion incline him to melancholy , a daily trouble and paine of losse in some degree like that which reprobates feel . lest therefore so noble a creature as man should be shut up incurably under a worse evill by an easie mistake in that ordinance which god gave him to remedy a lesse evill , reaping to himselfe sorrow while he went to rid away solitarines , it cannot avoyd to be concluded , that if the woman be naturally so of disposition , as will not help to remove , but help to encrease that same god-forbidd'n lonelines which will in time draw on with it a generall discomfort and dejection of minde , not beseeming either christian profession or morall conversation , unprofitable and dangerous to the common-wealth , when the houshold estate , out of which must flourish forth the vigor and spirit of all publick enterprizes , is so ill contented and procur'd at home , and cannot be supported ; such a mariage can be no mariage whereto the most honest end is wanting : and the agrieved person shall doe more manly , to be extraordinary and singular in claiming the due right whereof he is frustrated , then to piece up his lost contentment by visiting the stews , or stepping to his neighbours bed , which is the cōmon shift in this mis-fortune , or els by suffering his usefull life to wast away and be lost under a secret affliction of an unconscionable size to humane strength . how vain therefore is it , and how preposterous in the canon law to have made such carefull provision against the impediment of carnall performance , and to have had no care about the unconversing inability of minde , so defective to the purest and most sacred end of matrimony : and that the vessell of voluptuous enjoyment must be made good to him that has tak'n it upon trust without any caution , when as the minde from whence must flow the acts of peace and love , a far more precious mixture then the quintessence of an excrement , though it be found never so deficient and unable to performe the best duty of mariage in a cheerfull and agreeable conversation , shall be thought good anough , how ever flat & melancholious it be , and must serve though to the eternall disturbance and languishing of him that complains him . yet wisdom and charity waighing gods own institution , would think that the pining of a sad spirit wedded to lonelines should deserve to be free'd , aswell as the impatience of a sensuall desire so providently reliev'd . t is read to us in the liturgy , that wee must not marry to satisfie the fleshly appetite , like brute beasts that have no understanding : but the canon so runs , as if it dreamt of no other matter then such an appetite to be satisfy'd ; for if it happen that nature hath stopt or extinguisht the veins of sensuality , that mariage is annull'd . but though all the faculties of the understanding and conversing part after triall appeare to be so ill and so aversly met through natures unalterable working , as that neither peace , nor any sociable contentment can follow , t is as nothing , the contract shall stand as firme as ever , betide what will . what is this but secretly to instruct us , that however many grave reasons are pretended to the maried life , yet that nothing indeed is thought worth regard therein , but the prescrib'd satisfaction of an irrationall heat ; which cannot be but ignominious to the state of mariage , dishonourable to the undervalu'd soule of man , and even to christian doctrine it self . while it seems more mov'd at the disappointing of an impetuous nerve , then at the ingenuous grievance of a minde unreasonably yoakt ; and to place more of mariage in the channell of concupiscence , then in the pure influence of peace and love , whereof the souls lawfull contentment is the onely fountain . but some are ready to object , that the disposition ought seriously to be consider'd before . but let them know again , that for all the warinesse can be us'd , it may yet befall a discreet man to be mistak'n in his choice : the soberest and best govern'd men are lest practiz'd in these affairs ; and who knows not that the bashfull mutenes of a virgin may oft-times hide all the unlivelines & naturall sloth which is really unfit for conversation ; nor is there that freedom of accesse granted or presum'd , as may suffice to a perfect discerning till too late : and where any indisposition is suspected , what more usuall then the perswasion of friends , that acquaintance , as it encreases , will amend all . and lastly , it is not strange though many who have spent their youth chastly , are in some things not so quick-sighted , while they hast too eagerly to light the nuptiall torch ; nor is it therfore that for a modest error a man should forfeit so great a happines , and no charitable means to release him . since they who have liv'd most loosely by reason of their bold accustoming , prove most succesfull in their matches , because their wild affections unsetling at will , have been as so many divorces to teach them experience . when as the sober man honouring the appearance of modestie , and hoping well of every sociall vertue under that veile , may easily chance to meet , if not with a body impenetrable , yet often with a minde to all other due conversation inaccessible , and to all the more estimable and superior purposes of matrimony uselesse and almost liveles : and what a solace , what a fit help such a consort would be through the whole life of a man , is lesse paine to conjecture then to have experience . and that we may further see what a violent and cruell thing it is to force the continuing of those together , whom god and nature in the gentlest end of mariage never joyn'd , divers evils and extremities that follow upon such a compulsion shall here be set in view . of evils the first and greatest is that hereby a most absurd and rash imputation is fixt upon god and his holy laws , of conniving and dispencing with open & common adultery among his chosen people ; a thing which the rankest politician would think it shame and disworship , that his laws should countenance ; how and in what manner this comes to passe , i shall reserve , till the course of method brings on the unfolding of many scriptures . next the law and gospel are hereby made liable to more then one contradiction , which i referre also thither . lastly , the supreme dictate of charitie is hereby many wayes neglected and violated . which i shall forthwith addresse to prove . first we know st paul saith , it is better to marry then to burne . mariage therefore was giv'n as a remedy of that trouble : but what might this burning mean ? certainly not the meer motion of carnall lust , not the meer goad of a sensitive desire ; god does not principally take care for such cattell . what is it then but that desire which god put into adam in paradise before he knew the sin of incontinence ; that desire which god saw it was not good that man should be left alone to burn in ; the desire and longing to put off an unkindly solitarines by uniting another body , but not without a fit soule to his in the cheerfull society of wedlock . which if it were so needfull before the fall , when man was much more perfect in himself , how much more is it needfull now against all the sorrows and casualties of this life to have an intimate and speaking help , a ready and reviving associate in marriage : whereof who misses by chancing on a mute and spiritles mate , remains more alone then before , and in a burning lesse to be contain'd then that which is fleshly and more to be consider'd ; as being more deeply rooted even in the faultles innocence of nature . as for that other burning , which is but as it were the venom of a lusty and overabounding concoction , strict life and labour with the abatement of a full diet may keep that low and obedient anough : but this pure and more inbred desire of joyning to it self in conjugall fellowship a fit conversing soul ( which desire is properly call'd love ) is stronger then death , as the spouse of christ thought , many waters cannot quench it , neither can the flouds drown it . this is that rationall burning that mariage is to remedy , not to be allay'd with fasting , nor with any penance to be subdu'd , which how can he asswage who by mis-hap hath met the unmeetest and most unsutable mind ? who hath the power to struggle with an intelligible flame , not in paradise to be resisted , become now more ardent , by being fail'd of what in reason it lookt for ; and even then most unquencht , when the importunity of a provender burning is well anough appeas'd ; and yet the soul hath obtain'd nothing of what it justly desires . certainly such a one forbidd'n to divorce , is in effect forbidd'n to marry , and compell'd to greater difficulties then in a single life ; for if there be not a more human burning which mariage must satisfy , or els may be dissolv'd , then that of copulation , mariage cannot be honorable for the meer reducing and terminating of lust between two ; seeing many beasts in voluntary and chosen couples live together as unadulterously , and are as truly maried in that respect . but all ingenuous men will see that the dignity & blessing of mariage is plac't rather in the mutual enjoyment of that which the wanting soul needfully seeks , then of that which the plenteous body would jollily give away . hence it is that plato in his festivall discours brings in socrates relating what he fain'd to have learnt from the prophetesse diotima , how love was the sonne of penury , begot of plenty in the garden of iupiter . which divinely sorts with that which in effect moses tells us ; that love was the son of lonelines , begot in paradise by that sociable & helpfull aptitude which god implanted between man and woman toward each other . the same also is that burnining mention'd by st. paul , whereof marriage ought to be the remedy ; the flesh hath other naturall and easie curbes which are in the power of any temperate man when therfore this originall and sinles penury or lonelines of the soul cannot lay it self down by the side of such a meet & acceptable union as god ordain'd in mariage , at least in some proportion , it cannot conceive and bring forth love , but remains utterly unmaried under a formall wedlock , and still burnes in the proper meaning of st. paul . then enters hate , not that hate that sins , but that which onely is naturall dissatisfaction and the turning aside from a mistaken object : if that mistake have done injury , it fails not to dismisse with recompence , for to retain still , and not be able to love , is to heap more injury . thence that wise and pious law of dismission , deut. . . took beginning ; of which anon : he therfore who lacking of his due in the most native and humane end of mariage , thinks it better to part then to live sadly and injuriously to that cherfull covnant ( for not to be belov'd & yet retain'd , is the greatest injury to a gentle spirit ) he i say who therfore seeks to part , is one who highly honours the maried life , and would not stain it : and the reasons which now move him to divorce , are equall to the best of those that could first warrant him to marry ; for , as was plainly shewn , both the hate which now diverts him and the lonelines which leads him still powerfully to seek a fit help , hath not the least grain of a sin in it , if he be worthy to understand himself . thirdly , yet it is next to be feard , if he must be still bound without reason by a deafe rigor , that when he perceives the just expectance of his mind defeated , he will begin even against law to cast about where he may find his satisfaction more compleat , unlesse he be a thing heroically vertuous , and that are not the common lump of men for whom chiefly the laws ought to be made , though not to then sins yet to their unsirming weaknesses , it being above their strength to endure the lonely estate , which while they shun'd , they are fal'n into . and yet there follows upon this a worse temptation ; for if he be such as hath spent his youth unblamably , and layd up his chiefest earthly comforts in the enjoyment of a contented mariage , nor did neglect that furderance which was to be obtain'd herein by constant prayers , when he shall find himselfe bound fast to an uncomplying discord of nature , or , as it oft happens , to an image of earth and fleam , with whom he lookt to be the copartner of a sweet and gladsome society , and sees withall that his bondage is now inevitable , though he be almost the strongest christian , he will be ready to dispair in vertue , and mutin against divine providence : and this doubtles is the reason of those lapses and that melancholy despair which we see in many wedded persons , though they understand it not , or pretend other causes , because they know no remedy , and is of extreme danger ; therefore when human frailty surcharg'd , is at such a losse , charity ought to venture much , and use bold physick , lest an over-tost faith endanger to shipwrack . fourthly mariage is a covnant the very beeing whereof consists , not in a forc't cohabitation , and counterfeit performance of duties , but in unfained love and peace . thence saith salomon in ecclesiastes , live joyfully with the wife whom thou lovest , all thy dayes , for that is thy portion how then , where we find it impossible to rejoyce or to love , can we obay this precept ? how miserably doe we defraud our selves of that comfortable portion which god gives us , by striving vainly to glue an error together which god and nature will not joyne , adding but more vexation and violence to that blisfull society by one importunate superstition , that will not heark'n to st. paul , cor. . who speaking of mariage and divorce , determines plain anough in generall that god therein hath call'd us to peace : and not to bondage . yea god himself commands in his law more then once , and by his prophet malachy , as calvin and the best translations read , that he who hates let him divorce ; that is , he who cannot love , or delight . i cannot therefore be so diffident , as not securely to conclude , that he who can receive nothing of the most important helps in mariage , beeing thereby disinabl'd to return that duty which is his , with a clear and hearty countnance ; and thus continues to grieve whom he would not , and is no lesse griev'd , that man ought even for loves sake and peace to move divorce upon good and liberall conditions to the divorc't . and it is a lesse breach of wedlock to part with wise and quiet consent betimes , then still to soile and profane that mystery of joy and union with a polluting sadnes and perpetuall distemper ; for it is not the outward continuing of marriage that keeps whole that covnant , but whosoever does most according to peace and love , whether in mariage , or in divorce , he it is that breaks mariage lest ; it being so often written , that love onely is the fulfilling of every commandment . fifthly , as those priests of old were not to be long in sorrow , or if they were , they could not rightly execute their function ; so every true christian in a higher order of priesthood is a person dedicate to joy and peace , offering himselfe a lively sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving , & there is no christian duty that is not to be season'd and set off with cherfulnes ; which in a thousand outward and intermitting crosses may yet be done well , as in this vale of teares , but in such a bosom affliction as this , which grindes the very foundations of his inmost nature , when he shall be forc't to love against a possibility , and to use dissimulation against his soul in the perpetuall and ceaseles duties of a husband , doubtles his whole duty of serving god must needs be blurr'd and tainted with a sad unpreparednesse and dejection of spirit , wherein god has no delight . who sees not therfore how much more christianly it would be to break by divorce that which is more brok'n by undue and forcible keeping , rather then to cover the altar of the lord with continuall teares , so that he regardeth not the offring any more , rather then that the whole worship of a christian mans life should languish and fade away beneath the waight of an immeasurable grief and discouragement . and because some think the childer'n of a second matrimony succeeding a divorce would not be a holy seed , why should we not think them more holy then the offspring of a former ill-twisted wedlock , begott'n only out of a bestiall necessitie without any true love or contentment , or joy to their parents , so that in some sense we may call them the childern of wrath and anguish , which will as little conduce to their sanctifying , as if they had been bastards ; for nothing more then disturbance of minde suspends us from approaching to god . such a disturbance especially as both assaults our faith and trust in gods providence , and ends , if there be not a miracle of vertue on either side , not onely in bitternes and wrath , the canker of devotion , but in a desperate and vitious carelesnes ; when he sees himself without fault of his train'd by a deceitfull bait into a snare of misery , betrai'd by an alluring ordinance , and then made the thrall of heavines & discomfort by an undivorcing law of god , as he erroneously thinks , but of mans iniquitie , as the truth is ; for that god preferres the free and cherfull worship of a christian , before the grievous and exacted observance of an unhappy mariage , besides that the generall maxims of religion assure us , will be more manifest by drawing a paralel argument from the ground of divorcing an idolatresse , which was , left she should alienate his heart from the true worship of god : and what difference is there whether she pervert him to superstition by enticing sorcery , or disinable him in the whole service of god through the disturbance of her unhelpful and unfit society , and so drive him at last through murmuring and despair to thoughts of atheism : neither doth it lessen the cause of separating , in that the one willingly allures him from the faith , the other perhaps unwillingly drives him ; for in the account of god it comes all to one that the wife looses him a servant ; and therefore by all the united force of the decalogue she ought to be disbanded , unlesse we must set mariage above god and charitie , which is a doctrine of devils no lesse then forbidding to marry . and here by the way to illustrate the whole question of divorce , ere this treatise end , i shall not be loath to spend a few lines in hope to give a full resolv of that which is yet so much controverted , whether an idolatrous heretick ought to be divorc't . to the resolving whereof we must first know that the iews were commanded to divorce an unbeleeving gentile for two causes : first , because all other nations especially the canaanites were to them unclean . secondly , to avoid seducement . that other nations were to the iews impure , even to the separating of mariage , will appear out of exod. . . deut. . . . compar'd with ezra . . also chap. . , . nehem. . . this was the ground of that doubt rais'd among the corinthians by some of the circumcision ; whether an unbeleever wer not still to be counted an unclean thing , so as that they ought to divorce from such a person . this doubt of theirs st. paul removes by an evangelicall reason , having respect to that vision of st. peter , wherein the distinction of clean and unclean beeing abolisht , all living creatures were sanctify'd to a pure and christian use , and mankind especially , now invited by a generall call to the covnant of grace . therefore saith st. paul , the unbeleeving wife is sanctify'd by the husband ; that is , made pure and lawfull to his use ; so that he need not put her away for fear lest her unbelief should defile him ; but that if he found her love stil towards him , he might rather hope to win her . the second reason of that divorce was to avoid seducement , as is prov'd by comparing those places of the law , to that which ezra and nehemiah did by divine warrant in compelling the iews to forgoe their wives . and this reason is morall and perpetuall in the rule of christian faith without evasion . therefore saith the apostle cor. . mis-yoke not together with infidels , which is interpreted of mariage in the first place . and although the former legall pollution be now don off , yet there is a spirituall contagion in idolatry as much to be shunn'd ; and though seducement were not to be fear'd , yet where there is no hope of converting , there alwayes ought to be a certain religious aversation and abhorring , which can no way sort with mariage . therefore saith st. paul , what fellowship hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse ? what communion hath light with darknesse ? what concord hath christ with beliall ? what part hath he that beleeveth with an infidell ? and in the next verse but one , he moralizes and makes us liable to that command of isaiah wherfore come out from among them , and be ye separate saith the lord , touch not the unclean thing , and i will receive ye . and this command thus gospelliz'd to us , hath the same force with that whereon ezra grounded the pious necessitie of divorcing . upon these principles i answer , that a right beleever ought to divorce an idolatrous heretick unlesse upon better hopes : however that it is in the beleevers choice to divorce or not . the former part will be manifest thus ; first , an apostate idolater whether husband or wife seducing was to die by the decree of god , deut. . . . that mariage therefore god himself dis-joyns ; for others born idolaters the morall reason of their dangerous keeping and the incommunicable antagony that is between christ and belial , will be sufficient to enforce the commandment of those two inspir'd reformers , ezra and nehemiah , to put an idolater away as well under the gospel . the latter part , that although there be no seducement fear'd , yet if there be no hope giv'n , the divorce is lawfull , will appear by this , that idolatrous mariage is still hatefull to god , therefore still it may be divorc't by the pattern of that warrant that ezra had ; and by the same everlasting reasō : neither can any man give an account wherfore , if those whom god joyns , no man may separate , it should not follow , that , whom he ioyns not , but hates to joyn , those man ought to separate : but saith the lawyer , that which ought not have been don , once don availes . i answer , this is but a crochet of the law , but that brought against it , is plain scripture . as for what christ spake concerning divorce , t is confest by all knowing men , he meant onely between them of the same faith . but what shall we say then to st. paul , who seems to bid us not divorce an infidell willing to stay ? we may safely say thus ; that wrong collections have been hitherto made out of those words by modern divines . his drift , as was heard before , is plain : not to command our stay in mariage with an infidel , that had been a flat renouncing of the religious and morall law ; but to inform the corinthians that the body of an unbeleever was not defiling , if his desire to live in christian wedlock shewd any likelihood that his heart was opening to the faith : and therefore advices to forbear departure so long , till nothing have bin neglected to set forward a conversion : this i say he advises , and that with certain cautions ; not commands : if we can take up so much credit for him , as to get him beleev'd upon his own word ; for what is this els but his counsell in a thing indifferent , to the rest speak i , not the lord ; for though it be true that the lord never spake it , yet from st. pauls mouth wee should have took it as a command , had not himself forewarn'd us , and disclaim'd ; which , notwithstanding if we shall still avouch to be a command , he palpably denying it , this is not to expound st. paul , but to out face him . neither doth it follow , but that the apostle may interpose his judgement in a case of christian libertie without the guilt of adding to gods word . how doe we know mariage or single life to be of choice , but by such like words as these , i speak this by permission , not of commandment , i have no command of the lord , yet i give my judgement . why shall not the like words have leave to signifie a freedom in this our present question , though beza deny . neither is the scripture hereby lesse inspir'd because st. paul confesses to have writt'n therein what he had not of command ; for we grant that the spirit of god led him thus to expresse himself to christian prudence in a matter which god thought best to leave uncommanded . beza therefore must be warily read when he taxes st. austin of blasphemy , for holding that st. paul spake heer as of a thing indifferent : but if it must be a command , i shall yet the more evince it to be a command that we should heerin be left free : and that out of the greek word us'd in the . v. which instructs us plainly there must be a joynt assent and good liking on both sides ; he that will not deprave the text , must thus render it ; if a brother have an unbeleeving wife , and she joyn in consent to dwell with him ( which cannot utter lesse to us then a mutuall agreement ) let him not put her away for the meer surmise of judaicall uncleannes : and the reason follows , for the body of an infidell is not polluted , neither to benevolence , nor to procreation . moreover , this note of mutuall complacency forbids all offer of seducement ; which to a person of zeal cannot be attempted without great offence , if therfore seducement be fear'd , this place hinders not divorce . another caution was put in this supposed command , of not bringing the beleever into bondage heerby , which doubtles might prove extreme , if christian liberty and conscience were left to the humor of a pagan staying at pleasure to play with , or to vexe and wound with a thousand scandals and burdens above strength to bear : if therefore the conceived hope of gaining a soul come to nothing , then charity commands that the beleever be not wearied out with endles waiting under many grievances sore to his spirit ; but that respect be had rather to the present suffering of a true christian , then the uncertain winning of an obdur'd heretick ; for this also must appertain to the precept , let every man wherein he is call'd therein abide with god , v. . that is , so walking in his inferior calling of mariage , as not by dangerous subjection to that ordinance , to hinder and disturb the higher calling of his christianitie . last , whether this be a command or an advice , we must look that it be so understood as not to contradict the least point of morall religion that god hath formerly commanded , otherwise what doe we , but set the morall law and the gospel at civill war together : and who then shall be able to serve those two masters ? now whether idolatry or adultery be the greatest violation of mariage , if any demand , let him thus consider , that among christian writers touching matrimony , there be three chief ends therof agreed on ; godly society , next civill , and thirdly , that of the mariage-bed . of these the first in name to be the highest and most excellent , no baptiz'd man can deny ; nor that idolatry smites directly against this prime end , nor that such as the violated end is , such is the violation : but he who affirms adultery to be the highest breach , affirms the bed to be the highest of mariage , which is in truth a grosse and borish opinion , how common soever ; as farre from the countnance of scripture , as from the light of all clean philosophy , or civill nature . and out of question the cherfull help that may be in mariage toward sanctity of life , is the purest and so the noblest end of that contract : but if the particular of each person be consider'd , then of those three ends which god appointed , that to him is greatest which is most necessary : and mariage is then most brok'n to him , when he utterly wants the fruition of that which he most sought therin , whether it were religious , civill , or corporali society . of which wants to do him right by divorce only for the last and meanest , is a pervers injury , and the pretended reason of it as frigid as frigidity it self , which the code and canon are only ser sible of . thus much of this controversie . i now return to the former argument . and having shewn , that disproportion , contrariety , or numnesse of minde may justly be divorc't , by proving already that the prohibition therof opposes the expresse end of gods institution , suffers not mariage to satisfie that intellectuall and innocent desire which god himself kindl'd in man to be the bond of wedlock , but only to remedy a sublunary and bestial burning , which frugal diet without mariage would easily chast'n . next that it drives many to transgresse the conjugall bed , while the soule wanders after that satisfaction which it had hope to find at home , but hath mis't . or els it sits repining even to atheism ; finding it self hardly dealt with , but misdeeming the cause to be in gods law , which is in mans unrighteous ignorance . i have shew'd also how it unties the inward knot of mariage , which is peace & love ( if that can be unti'd which was never knit ) while it aimes to keep fast the outward formalitie ; how it lets perish the christian man , to compell impossibly the maried man . the sixt place declares this prohibition to be as respectles of human nature , and therfore is not of god . he teaches that an unlawfull mariage may be lawfully divorc't . and that those who having throughly discern'd each others disposition which ofttimes cannot be till after matrimony , shall then finde a powerfull reluctance and recoile of nature on either side blasting all the content of their mutuall society , that such persons are not lawfully maried ( to use the apostles words ) say i these things as a man , or saith not the law also the same ? for it is writt'n , deut. . thou shalt not sowe thy vineyard with divers seeds , lest thou defile both . thou shalt not plow with an oxe and an asse together , and the like . i follow the pattern of st. pauls reasoning ; doth god care for asses and oxen , how ill they yoke together , or is it not said altogether for our sakes ? for our sakes no doubt this is writt'n . yea the apostle himself in the forecited cor. . . alludes from that place of deut. to forbid mis-yoking mariage ; as by the greek word is evident , though he instance but in one example of mis-matching with an infidell : yet next to that , what can be a souler incongruity , a greater violence to the reverend secret of nature , then to force a mixture of minds that cannot unite , & to sowe the furrow of mans nativity with seed of two incoherent and uncombining dispositions . surely if any noysomnes of body soon destroys the sympathy of mind to that work , much more will the antipathy of minde infuse it self into all the faculties and acts of the body , to render them invalid , unkindly , and even unholy against the fundamentall law book of nature ; which moses never thwarts , but reverences : therfore he commands us to force nothing against sympathy or naturall order , no not upon the most abject creatures ; to shew that such an indignity cannot be offer'd to man without an impious crime . and when he forbids all unmatchable and unmingling natures to consort , doubtles by all due consequence , if they chance through misadventure to be miscoupl'd , he bids them part asunder , as persons whom god never joyn'd . seventhly , the canon law and divines consent , that if either party be found contriving against the others life , they may be sever'd by divorce ; for a sin against the life of mariage is greater then a sin against the bed : the one destroys , the other but defiles : the same may be said touching those persons who beeing of a pensive nature and cours of life , have summ'd up all their solace in that free and lightsom conversation which god & man intends in mariage : wherof when they see themselves depriv'd by meeting an unsociable consort , they ofttimes resent one anothers mistake so deeply , that long it is not ere grief end one of them . when therfore this danger is foreseen that the life is in perill by living together , what matter is it whether helples greef , or wilfull practice be the cause ? this is certain that the preservation of life is more worth then the compulsory keeping of mariage ; and it is no lesse then cruelty to force a man to remain in that state as the solace of his life , which he and his friends know will be either the undoing or the disheartning of his life . and what is life without the vigor and spiritfull exercise of life ? how can it be usefull either to private or publick employment ? shall it be therfore quite dejected , though never so valuable , and left to moulder away in heavines for the superstitious and impossible performance of an ill driv'n bargain ? nothing more inviolable then vows made to god , yet we read in numbers , that if a wife had made such a vow , the meer will and authority of her husband might break it ; how much more may he break the error of his own bonds with an unfit and mistak'n wife , to the saving of his welfare , his life , yea his faith and vertue from the hazard of over-strong temptations ; for if man be lord of the sabbath , to the curing of a fevor , can he be lesse then lord of mariage in such important causes as these ? eighthly , it is most sure that some ev'n of those who are not plainly defective in body , are yet destitute of all other mariagable gifts ; and consequently have not the calling to marry ; unlesse nothing be requisite therto but a meer instrumentall body ; which to affirm , is to that unanimous covnant a reproach : yet it is as sure that many such not of their own desire , but by perswasiō of friends , or not knowing themselves do often enter into wedlock ; where finding the difference at length between the duties of a maried life , and the gifts of a single life ; what unfitnes of mind , what wearisomnes , what scruples and doubts to an incredible offence and displeasure are like to follow between , may be soon imagin'd : whom thus to shut up and immure in an unequall and mischosen match , is not a cours that christian wisdome and tendernes ought to use . as for the custom that some parents and guardians have of forcing mariages , it will be better to say nothing of such a savage inhumanity , but only this , that the law which gives not all freedome of divorce to any creature endu'd with reason so assasinated , is next in crueltie . ninthly , i suppose it will be allow'd us that mariage is a human society , and that all human society must proceed from the mind rather then the body , els it would be but a kind of animal or beastish meeting ; if the mind therfore cannot have that due company by mariage , that it may reasonably and humanly desire , that mariage can be no human society , but a certain formalitie , or gilding over of little better then a brutish congresse , and so in very wisdome and purenes to be dissolv'd . but mariage is more then human , the covnant of god , pro. . . therfore man cannot dissolve it . i answer , if it be more then human so much the more it argues the chief society therof to be in the soul rather then in the body , and the greatest breach therof to be unfitnes of mind rather then defect of body ; for the body can have left affinity in a covnant more then human , so that the reason of dissolving holds good the rather . again , i answer , that the sabbath is a higher institution , a command of the first table , for the breach wherof god hath far more and oftner testify'd his anger then for divorces , which from moses till after the captivity he never took displeasure at , nor then neither , if we mark the text , and yet as oft as the good of man is cōcern'd , he not only permits , but commands to break the sabbath ▪ what covnant more contracted with god , & lesse in mans power then the vow which hath once past his lips ? yet if it be found rash , if offensive , if unfruitfull either to gods glory or the good of man , our doctrin forces not error and unwillingnes irksomly to keep it , but counsels wisdom and better thoughts boldly to break it ; therfore to injoyn the indissoluble keeping of a mariage found unfit against the good of man both soul and body , as hath been evidenc't , is to make an idol , of mariage , to advance it above the worship of god and the good of man , to make it a transcendent command , above both the second and the first table , which is a most prodigious doctrine . next , wheras they cite out of the proverbs , that it is the covnant of god , and therfore more then human , that consequence is manifestly false ; for so the covnant which zedeckiah made with the infidell king of babel is call'd the covnant of god , ezech. . . which would be strange to hear counted more then a human covnant . so every covnant between man and man , bound by oath , may be call'd the covnant of god , because god therin is attested . so of mariage he is the author and the witnes ; yet hence will not follow any divine astriction more then what is subordinate to the glory of god and the main good of either party ; for as the glory of god & their esteemed fitnes one for the other , was the motive which led them both at first to think without other revelation that god had joyn'd them together : so when it shall be found by their apparent unfitnes , that their continuing to be man and wife is against the glory of god and their mutuall happines , it may assure them that god never joyn'd them ; who hath revel'd his gratious will not to set the ordinance above the man for whom it was ordain'd : not to canonize mariage either as a tyrannesse or a goddesse over the enfranchiz'd life and soul of man ; for wherin can god delight , wherin be worshipt , wherin be glorify'd by the forcible continuing of an improper and ill-yoking couple ; he that lov'd not to see the disparity of severall cattell at the plow , cannot be pleas'd with any vast unmeetnes in mariage . where can be the peace and love which must invite god to such a house , may it not be fear'd that the not divorcing of such a helples disagreement , will be the divorcing of god finally from such a place ? but it is a triall of our patience they say : i grant it : but which of iobs afflictions were sent him with that law , that he might not use means to remove any of them if he could . and what if it subvert our patience and our faith too ? who shall answer for the perishing of all those souls perishing by stubborn expositions of particular and inferior precepts , against the general and supreme rule of charitie ? they dare not affirm that mariage is either a sacrament , or a mystery , though all those sacred things give place to man , and yet they invest it with such an awfull sanctity , and give it such adamantine chains to bind with , as if it were to be worshipt like some indian deity , when it can conferre no blessing upon us , but works more and more to our misery . to such teachers the saying of st. peter at the councell of ierusalem will do well to be apply'd : why tempt ye god to put a yoke upon the necks of christian men , which neither the iews , gods ancient people , nor we are able to bear : and nothing but unwary expounding hath brought upon us . to these considerations this also may be added as no improbable conjecture ; seeing that sort of men who follow anabaptism , famelism ; antinomianism , and other fanatick dreams , be such most commonly as are by nature addicted to a zeal of religion , of life also not debausht , and that their opinions having full swinge , do end in satisfaction of the flesh , it may come with reason into the thoughts of a wise man , whether all this proceed not partly , if not cheefly , from the restraint of some lawfull liberty , which ought to be giv'n men , and is deny'd them . as by physick we learn in menstruous bodies , where natures current hath been stopt , that the suffocation and upward forcing of some lower part , affects the head and inward sense with dotage and idle fancies . and on the other hand , whether the rest of vulgar men not so religiously professing , doe not give themselves much the more to whordom and adulteries ; loving the corrupt and venial discipline of clergy courts , but hating to hear of perfect reformation : when as they foresee that then fornication shall be austerely censut'd , adultery punisht , and mariage the appointed refuge of nature , though it hap to be never so incongruous & displeasing , must yet of force be worn out , when it can be to no other purpose but of strife and hatred , a thing odious to god . this may be worth the study of skilful men in theology , & the reason of things : and lastly to examin whether some undue and ill grounded strictnes upon the blameles nature of man be not the cause in those places where already reformation is , that the discipline of the church so often and so unavoidably brok'n , is brought into contempt and derision . and if it be thus , let those who are still bent to hold this obstinate literality , so prepare themselves as to share in the account for all these transgressions ; when it shall be demanded at the last day by one who will scanne and sift things with more then a literal wisdom of enquiry ; for if these reasons be duely ponder'd , and that the gospel is more jealous of laying on excessive burdens then ever the law was , lest the soul of a christian which is inestimable , should be over-tempted and cast away , considering also that many properties of nature , which the power of regeneration it self never alters , may cause dislike of conversing even between the most sanctify'd , which continually grating in harsh tune together may breed some jarre and discord , and that end in rancor and strife , a thing so opposite both to mariage and to christianitie , it would perhaps be lesse scandal to divorce a natural disparity , then to link violently together an unchristian dissention , committing two ensnared souls inevitably to kindle one another , not with the fire of love , but with a hatred inconcileable , who were they disseverd would be straight friends in any other relation . but if an alphabetical servility must be still urg'd , it may so fall out , that the true church may unwittingly use as much cruelty in forbidding to divorce , as the church of antichrist doth wilfully in forbidding to marry . but what are all these reasonings worth , will some reply , when as the words of christ are plainly against all divorce , except in case of fornication ; let such remember as a thing not to be deny'd , that all places of scripture wherin just reason of doubt arises from the letter , are to be expounded by considering upon what occasion every thing is set down : and by comparing other texts . the occasion which induc't our saviour to speak of divorce , was either to convince the extravagance of the pharises in that point , or to give a sharp and vehement answer to a tempting question . and in such cases that we are not to repose all upon the literall terms of so many words , many instances will teach us : wherin we may plainly discover how christ meant not to be tak'n word for word , but like a wise physician , administring one excesse against another to reduce us to a perfect mean : where the pharises were strict , there christ seems remisse ; where they were too remisse , he saw it needfull to seem most severe : in one place he censures an unchast look to be adultery already committed : another time he passes over actuall adultery with lesse reproof then for an unchast look ; not so heavily condemning secret weaknes , as open malice : so heer he may be justly thought to have giv'n this rigid sentence against divorce , not to cut off all remedy from a good man who finds himself cōsuming away in a disconsolate and uninjoy'd matrimony , but to lay a brid●e upon the bold abuses of those over-weening rabbies ; which he could not more effectually doe , then by a countersway of restraint , curbing their wild exorbitance almost into the other extreme ; as when we bow things the contrary way , to make them come to thir naturall straitnes . and that this was the only intention of christ is most evident ; if we attend but to his own words and protestation made in the same sermon not many verses before he treats of divorcing , that he came not to abrogate from the law one jot or tittle , and denounces against them that shall so teach . so that the question of divorce following upon this his open profession , must needs confirm us , that what ever els in the politicall law of more speciall relation to the iews , might cease to us , yet that of those precepts concerning divorce , not one of them was repeal'd by the doctrine of christ ; for if these our saviours words inveigh against all divorce , and condemn it as adultery , except it be for adultery , and be not rather understood against the abuse of those divorces permitted in the law , then is that law of moses , deut. . . not only repeal'd & wholly anull'd against the promise of christ & his known prfession , not to meddle in matters judicial , but that which is more strange , the very substance and purpose of that law is contradicted and convinc't both of injustice & impurity , as having authoriz'd & maintain'd legall adultery by statute . moses also cannot scape to be guilty of unequall and unwise decrees , punishing one act of secret adultery by death , and permitting a whole life of open adultery by law . and albeit lawyers write that some politicall edicts , though not approv'd , are yet allow'd to the scum of the people and the necessitie of the times ; these excuses have but a weak pulse : for first we read , not that the scoundrel people , but the choisest , the wisest , the holiest of that nation have frequently us'd these laws , or such as these . secondly , be it yeelded that in matters not very bad or impure , a human law-giver may slacken somthing of that which is exactly good , to the disposition of the people and the times : but if the perfect , the pure , the righteous law of god , for so are all his statutes and his judgements , be found to have allow'd smoothly without any certain reprehension , that which christ afterward declares to be adultery , how can wee free this law from the horrible endightment of beeing both impure , unjust , and fallacious . neither will it serv to say this was permitted for the hardnes of thir hearts , in that sense , as it is usually explain'd , for the law were then but a corrupt and erroneous school-master , teaching us to dash against a vital maxim of religion , by dooing foul evil in hope of some uncertain good . wee cannot therfore with safety thus confine the free simplicity of our saviours meaning to that which meerly amounts from so many letters ; whenas it can consist neither with his former , and cautionary words , nor with the scope of charity , commanding by his expresse commission in a higher strain . but all rather of necessity must be understood as only against the abuse of that wise and ingenuous liberty which moses gave , and to terrify a roaving conscience from sinning under that pretext . others think to evade the matter , by not granting any law of divorce , but only a dispensation ; which is contrary to the words of christ , who himself calls it a law mark . . . but i answer , admitting it to be a dispensation , yet this is a certain rule , that so long as the cause remains , the dispensation ought : let it be shewn therfore either in the nature of the gospel , or of man , why this dispensation should be made void . the gospel indeed exhorts to highest perfection , but bears with weakest infirmity more then the law . the nature of man is as weak , and yet as hard : and that weaknes and hardnes as unfit , and as unteachable to be harshly dealt with as ever . i but , say they , there is a greater portion of spirit powr'd upon the gospel which requires perfecter obedience . but that cōsequence is deceavable ; for it is the law that is the exacter of our obedience ev'n under the gospel ; how can it then exact concerning divorce , that which it never exacted before ? the gospel is a covnant reveling grace , not commanding a new morality , but assuring justification by faith only , contented if we endeavour to square our moral duty by those wise and equal mosaick rules , which were as perfect as strict and as unpardonable to the iews , as to us ; otherwise the law were unjust , giving grace of pardon without the gospel , or if it give allowance without pardon , it would be dissolute and deceitfull ; saying in general , do this and live ; and yet deceaving and damning with obscure and hollow permissions . wee find also by experience that the spirit of god in the gospel hath been alwaies more effectual in the illumination of our minds to the gift of faith , then in the moving of our wills to any excellence of vertue , either above the iews or the heathen . hence those indulgences in the gospel ; all cannot receive this saying ; every man hath his proper gift , with strict charges not to lay on yokes which our fathers could not bear . but this that moses suffer'd for the hardnes of thir hearts he suffer'd not by that enacted dispensation , farre be it , but by a meer accidental sufferance of undiscover'd hypocrites , who made ill use of that law ; for that god should enact a dispensation for hard hearts to do that wherby they must live in priviledg'd adultery , however it go for the receav'd opinion , i shall ever disswade my self from so much hardihood as to beleeve : certainly this is not the manner of god , whose pure eyes cannot behold , much lesse his perfect laws dispence with such impurity ; and if we consider well , we shall finde that all dispensations are either to avoid wors inconveniences , or to support infirm consciences for a time ; but that a dispensatiō should be as long liv'd as a law to tolerate adultery for hardnes of heart , both sins perhaps of like degree , and yet this obdurate disease cannot be conceav'd how it is the more amended by this unclean remedy , is a notion of that extravagance from the sage principles of piety , that who considers throughly , cannot but admire , how this hath been digested all this while . what may we doe then to salve this seeming inconsistence ? i must not dissemble that i am confident it can be don no other way then this . moses , deut. . establisht a grave and prudent law , full of moral equity full of due consideration towards nature , that cannot be resisted ; a law consenting with the laws of wisest men and civilest nations . that when a man hath maried a wife , if it come to passe he cannot love her by reason of some displeasing natural quality or unfitnes in her , let him write her a bill of divorce . the intent of which law undoubtedly was this , that if any good and peaceable man should discover some helples disagreement or dislike either of mind or body , wherby he could not cherfully perform the duty of a husband without the perpetual dissembling of offence and disturbance to his spirit , rather then to live uncomfortably and unhappily both to himself and to his wife , rather then to continue undertaking a duty which he could not possibly discharge , he might dismisse her whom he could not tolerably , and so not conscionably retain . and this law the spirit of god by the mouth of salomon , pro. . . . testifies to be a good and a necessary law ; by granting it , that to dwell with a hated woman ( for hated the hebrew word signifies ) is a thing that nature cannot endure . what follows then but that law must remedy what nature cannot undergoe . now that many licentious and hard hearted men took hold of this law to cloak thir bad purposes , is nothing strange to beleeve . and these were they , not for whom moses made the law , god forbid , but whose hardnes of heart taking ill advantage by this law he held it better to suffer as by accident , where it could not be detected , rather then good men should loose their just and lawfull privilege of remedy : christ therfore having to answer these tempting pharises , according as his custom was , not meaning to inform their proud ignorance what moses did in the true intent of the law , which they had ill cited , suppressing the true cause for which moses gave it , and extending it to every slight matter , tells them thir own , what moses was forc't to suffer by their abuse of his law . which is yet more plain if wee mark that our saviour in the fi●th of matth. cites not the law of moses , but the pharisaical tradition falsly grounded upon that law . and in those other places , chap. . & mark . . the pharises cite the law , but conceale the wise and human reason there exprest ; which our saviour corrects not in them whose pride deserv'd not his instruction , only returns them what is proper to them ; moses for the hardnes of your hearts sufferd you , that is , such as you to put away your wives ; and to you he wrote this precept for that cause , which ( to you ) must be read with an impression , and understood limitedly of such as cover'd ill purposes under that law ; for it was seasonable that they should hear their own unbounded licence rebuk't , but not seasonable for them to hear a good mans requisit liberty explain'd . and to amaze them the more , because the pharises thought it no hard matter to fulfill the law , he draws them up to that unseparable institution which god ordaind in the beginning before the fall when man and woman were both perfect , and could have no cause to separate : just as in the same chap. he stands not to contend with the arrogant young man who boasted his observance of the whole law , whether he had indeed kept it or not , but skrues him up higher , to a task of that perfection , which no man is bound to imitate . and in like manner that pattern of the first institution he set before the opinionative pharises to dazle them and not to bind us . for this is a solid rule that every command giv'n with a reason , binds our obedience no otherwise then that reason holds . of this sort was that command in eden ; therfore shall a man cleave to his wife , and they shall be one flesh : which we see is no absolute command , but with an inference , therfore : the reason then must be first consider'd , that our obedience be not mis-obedience . the first is , for it is not single , because the wife is to the husband flesh of his flesh , as in the verse going before . but this reason cannot be sufficient of it self ; for why then should he for his wife leave his father and mother , with whom he is farre more flesh of flesh and bone of bone , as being made of their substance . and besides it can be but a sorry and ignoble society of life , whose unseparable injunction depends meerly upon flesh & bones . therfore we must look higher , since christ himself recalls us to the beginning , and we shall finde that the primitive reason of never divorcing , was that sacred and not vain promise of god to remedy mans lonelines by making him a help meet for him though not now in perfection , as at first , yet still in proportion as things now are and this is repeated ver. . when all other creatures were fitly associated & brought to adam ▪ as if the divine power had bin in some care and deep thought , because there was not yet found a help meet for man . and can wee so slightly depresse the all-wise purpose of a deliberating god , as i● his consultatiō had produc'● no other good for man , but to joyn him with an accidentall companion of propagation ▪ which his sudden word had already made for every beast ? nay a farre lesse good to man it will be found , if she must at all aventures be fasten'd upon him individually . and therefore even plain sense and equity , and , which is above them both , the all-interpreting voice of charity her self cries loud that this primitive reason , this consulted promise of god to make a meet help , is the onely cause that gives authority to this command of not divorcing , to be a command . and it might be further added , that if the true definition of a wife were askt in good earnest , this clause of beeing a meet help would shew it self so necessary , and so essential in that demonstrative argument , that it might be logically concluded , therfore shee who naturally & perpetually is no meet help , can be no wife ; which cleerly takes away the difficulty of dismissing such a one . hence is manifest , that so much of the first institution as our saviour mentions , for he mentions not all , was but to quell and put to nonplus the tempting pharises ; and to lay open their ignorance and shallow understanding of the scriptures . for , saith he , have ye not read that he which made them at the beginning , made them male and female , and said , for this cause shall a man cleave to his wife ? which these blind usurpers . of moses chair could not gainsay : as if this single respect of male and female were sufficient against a thousand inconveniences and mischiefs to clogge a rational creature to his endles sorrow unrelinquishably . what if they had thus answer'd , master if thou intend to make wedlock as inseparable as it was from the beginning , let it be made also a fit society , as god intended it , which wee shall soon understand it ought to be , if thou recite the whole reason of the law . doubtles our saviour had applauded their just answer . for then they had expounded this command of paradise , even as moses himself expounds it by his laws of divorce , that is , with due and wise regard had to the premises and reasons of the first command , according to which , without unclean and temporizing permissions he instructs us in this imperfect state what wee may lawfully doe about divorce . but if it be thought that the disciples offended at the rigor of christs answer ▪ cou●d yet obtain no mitigation of the former sentence pronounc't to the pharises , it may be fully answer'd , that our saviour continues the same reply to his disciples , as men leaven'd with the same customary licence , which the pharises maintain'd ; and displeas'd at the removing of a traditional abuse wherto they had so long not unwillingly bin us'd : it was no time then to contend with then flow and prejudicial belief , in a thing wherin an ordinary measure of light in scripture , with some attention might afterwards inform them well anough . after these considerations to take a law out of paradise giv'n in time of original perfection , and to take it barely without those just and equal inferences and reasons which mainly establish it , nor so much as admitting those needfull & safe allowances wherwith moses himself interprets it to the faln condition of man , argues nothing in us but rashnes and contempt of those means that god left us in his pure and chast law , without which it will not be possible for us to perform the strict imposition of this command : or if we strive beyond our strength , wee shall strive to obay it otherwise then god commands it . and lamented experience daily teaches the bitter and vain fruits of this our presumption , forcing men in a thing wherin wee are not able to judge either of their strength , or their sufferance . whom neither one vice nor other by naturall addiction , but only mariage ruins , which doubtles is not the fault of that ordinance , for god gave it as a blessing , nor always of mans mis-choosing ; it beeing an error above wisdom to prevent , as examples of wisest men so mistaken manifest : it is the fault therfore of a pervers opinion that will have it continu'd in despight of nature and reason , when indeed it was never truly joynd . all those expositers upon the fifth of mat. confesse the law of moses to be the law of the lord , wherin no addition or diminution hath place , yet coming to the point of divorce , as if they fear'd not to be call'd lest in the kingdom of heav'n , any slight evasion will content them to reconcile those contradictions which they make between christ and moses , between christ and christ . some will have it no law , but the granted premises of another law following , contrary to the words of christ mark . . and all other translations of gravest authority , who render it in form of a law ; agreeable to malach. . . as it is most anciently and modernly expounded . besides the bill of divorce declares it to be orderly & legal . and what avails this to make the matter more righteous , if such an adulterous condition shall be mention'd to build a law upon without either punishment or so much as forbidding , they pretend it is implicitly reprov'd in these words , deut. . . after she is defil'd ; but who sees not that this defilement is only in respect of returning to her former husband after an intermixt mariage ; els why was not the defiling condition first forbidden , which would have sav'd the labour of this after law ; nor is it seemly or piously attributed to the justice of god and his known hatred of sin , that such a hainous fault as this through all the law should be only wip't with an implicit and oblique touch ( which yet is falsly suppos'd ) & that his peculiar people should be let wallow in adulterous mariages almost two thousand yeares for want of a direct law to prohibit them ; t is rather to be confidently assum'd that this was granted to apparent necessities , as being of unquestionable right and reason in the law of nature , in that it still passes without inhibition , ev'n when greatest cause is giv'n us to expect it should be directly forbidd'n . but it was not approv'd , so much the wors that it was allow'd , as if sin had over masterd the law of god , to conform her steddy and strait rule to sins crookednes , which is impossible . besides , what needed a positive grant of that which was not approv'd ? it restrain'd no liberty to him that could but use a little fraud , it had bin better silenc't , unlesse it were approv'd in some case or other . can wee conceave without vile thoughts , that the majesty and holines of god could endure so many ages to gratifie a stubborn people in the practice of a foul polluting sin , and could he expect they should abstain , he not signifying his mind in a plain command , at such time especially when he was framing their laws and them to all possible perfection ? but they were to look back to the first iustitution , nay rather why was not that individual institution brought out of paradise , as was that of the sabbath , and repeated in the body of the law , that men might have understood it to be a command ? for that any sentence that bears the resemblance of a precept , set there so out of place in another world at such a distance from the whole law , and not once mention'd there , should be an obliging command to us , is very disputable , and perhaps it might be deny'd to be a command without further dispute : however , it commands not absolutely , as hath bin clear'd , but only with reference to that precedent promise of god , which is the very ground of his institution ; if that appeare not in some tolerable sort , how can wee affirm such a matrimony to be the same which god instituted ! in such an accident it will best behove our sobernes to follow rather what moral sinai prescribes equal to our strength , then fondly to think within our strength all that lost paradise relates . another while it shall suffice them , that it was not a moral but a judicial law , and so was abrogated . nay rather was not abrogated because judicial ; which law the ministery of christ came not to deale with . and who put it in mans power to exempt , where christ speaks in general of not abrogating the least jot or tittle , & in special not that of divorce , because it follows among those laws which he promis'd expresly not to abrogate , but to vindicate from abusive traditions . and if we mark the . ver. of mat. the . he there cites not the law of moses , but the licencious glosse which traduc't the law ; that therfore which he cited , that he abrogated , and not only abrogated but disallow'd and flatly condemn'd , which could not be the law of moses ; for that had bin foulely to the rebuke of his great servant . to abrogate a law made with gods allowance , had bin to tell us only that such a law was now to cease , but to refute it with an ignominious note of civilizing adultery , casts the reprooff , which was meant only to the pharises , ev'n upō him who made the law . but yet if that be judicial which belongs to a civil court , this law is lesse judicial then nine of the ten commandements ; for antiquaries affirm that divorces proceeded among the iews without knowledge of the magistrate , only with hands and seales under the testimony of some rabbies to be then present . and it was indeed a pure moral economical law , too hastily imputed of tolerating sin ; being rather so clear in nature and reason , that it was left to a mans own arbitrement to be determin'd between god and his own conscience . and that power which christ never took from the master of family , but rectify'd only to a right and wary use at home , that power the undiscerning canonist hath improperly usurpt into his court-leet , and bescribbl'd with a thousand trifling impertinencies , which yet have fil'd the life of man with serious trouble and calamity . yet grant it were of old a judicial law , it need not be the lesse moral for that , being conversant , as it is , about vertue or vice . and our saviour disputes not heer the judicature , for that was not his office , but the morality of divorce , whether it be adultery or no ; if therfore he touch the law of moses at all , he touches the moral part therof ; which is absurd to imagine that the covnant of grace should reform the exact and perfect law of works , eternal and immutable ; or if he touch not the law at all , then is not the allowance therof disallow'd to us . others are so ridiculous as to allege that this licence of divorcing was giv'n them because they were so accustom'd in egypt . as if an ill custom were to be kept to all posterity ; for the dispensation is both universal and of time unlimited , and so indeed no dispensation at all ; for the over-dated dispensation of a thing unlawfull , serves for nothing but to encrease hardnes of heart , and makes men but wax more incorrigible , which were a great reproach to be said of any law or allowance that god should give us . in these opinions it would be more religion to advise well , lest wee make our selves juster then god , by censuring rashly that for sin which his unspotted law without rebuke allows , and his people without being conscious of displeasing him have us'd . and if we can think so of moses , as that the jewish obstinacy could compell him to write such impure permissions against the rule of god & his own judgement , doubtles it was his part to have protested publickly what straits he was driv'n to , and to have declar'd his conscience when he gave any law against his minde ; for the law is the touch-stone of sin and of conscience , must not be intermixt with corrupt indulgences ; for then it looses the greatest praise it has , of being certain and infallible , not leading into error , as all the iews were led by this connivence of moses , if it were a connivence . but still they fly back to the primitive institution , and would have us re-enter paradise against the sword that guards it . whom i again thus reply to , that the place in genesis contains the description of a fit and perfect mariage , with an interdict of ever divorcing such a union ; but where nature is discover'd to have never joyn'd indeed , but vehemently seeks to part , it cannot be there conceav'd that god forbids it ; nay he commands it both in the law and in the prophet malachy , which is to be our rule . and perkins upon this chap. of mat. deals plainly that our saviour heer confutes not moses law , but the false glosses that deprav'd the law ; which being true , perkins must needs grant , that somthing then is left to that law which christ found no fault with ; and what can that be but the conscionable use of such liberty as the plain words import ? so that by his own inference , christ did not absolutely intend to restrain all divorces to the only cause of adultery . this therfore is the true scope of our saviours will , that he who looks upon the law concerning divorce , should look also back upon the first institution , that he may endeavour what is perfectest : and he that looks upon the institution should not refuse as sinfull and unlawfull those allowanees which god affords him in his following law ; lest he make himself purer then his maker ; and presuming above strength , slip into temptations irrecoverably . for this is wonderfull , that in all those decrees concerning mariage , god should never once mention the prime institution to disswade them from divorcing ; and that he should forbid smaller sins as opposite to the hardnes of their hearts , and let this adulterous matter of divorce passe ever unreprov'd . this is also to be marvell'd at , that seeing christ did not condemn whatever it was that moses suffer'd , and that therupon the christian magistrate permits usury and open stews , & heer with us adultery to be so slightly punisht , which was punisht by death to these hard-hearted iews , why wee should strain thus at the matter of divorce , which may stand so much with charity to permit , and make no scruple to allow usury , esteem'd to be so much against charity . but this it is to embroile our selves against the righteous and all wise judgements and statutes of god ; which are not variable and contrarious , as wee would make them , one while permitting and another while forbidding , but are most constant and most harmonious each to other . for how can the uncorrupt and majestick law of god , bearing in her hand the wages of life and death , harbour such a repugnance within her self , as to require an unexempted and impartial obedience to all her decrees , either from us or from our mediator , and yet debase her self to faulter so many ages with circumcis'd adulteries , by unclean and slubbe●ing permissions . yet beza's opinion is that a politick law , but what politick law i know not , unlesse one of matchiavel's , may regulate sin ; may bear indeed , i grant , with imperfection for a time , as those canons of the apostles did in ceremonial things : but as for sin , the essence of it cannot consist with rule ; and if the law fall to regulate sin , and not to take it utterly away , it necessarily confirms and establishes sin . to make a regularity of sin by law , either the law must straiten sin into no sin , or sin must crook the law into no law . the judicial law can serve to no other end then to be the protector and champion of religion and honest civility , as is set down plainly rom. . and is but the arme of moral law , which can no more be separate from justice then justice from vertue : their office also in a different manner steares the same cours ; the one teaches what is good by precept , the other unteaches what is bad by punishment . but if we give way to politick dispensations of lewd uncleannesse , the first good consequence of such a relaxe will be the justifying of papal stews , joyn'd with a toleration of epidemick whordom . justice must revolt from the end of her authority , and become the patron of that wherof she was created the punisher . the example of usury , which is commonly alleg'd makes against the allegation which it brings , as i touch'd before . besides that usury , so much as is permitted by the magistrate , and demanded with common equity , is neither against the word of god , nor the rule of charity , as hath been often discus't by men of eminent learning and judgement . there must be therfore some other example found out to shew us wherin civil policy may with warrant from god settle wickednes by law , & make that lawfull which is lawlesse . although i doubt not but upon deeper consideration , that which is true in physick , will be found as true in polity : that as of bad pulses those that beat most in order , are much wors then those that keep the most inordinate circuit , so of popular vices those that may be committed legally , will be more pernicious then those which are left to their own cours at peril , not under a stinted priviledge to sin orderly and regularly , which is an implicit contradiction , but under due and fearles execution of punishment . the political law , since it cannot regulate vice , is to restraine it , by using all means to root it out : but if it suffer the weed to grow up to any pleasurable or contented higth upon what pretext soever , it fastens the root , it prunes and dresses vice , as if it were a good plant . lastly , if divorce were granted , as he sayes , not for men , but to release afflicted wives , certainly it is not only a dispensation , but a most mercifull law : and why it should not yet be in force , beeing wholly as needfull , i know not what can be in cause but senslesse cruelty . esteeming therfore to have asserted thus an injur'd law of moses from the unwarranted and guilty name of a dispensation , to be again a most equall and requisite law , wee have the word of christ himself , that he came not to alter the least tittle of it ; and signifies no small displeasure against him that shall teach to doe so . on which relying , i shall not much waver to affirm that those words which are made to intimate , as if they forbad all divorce but for adultery ( though moses have constituted otherwise ) those words tak'n circumscriptly , without regard to any precedent law of moses or attestation of christ himself , or without care to preserve those his fundamental and superior laws of nature and charitie , to which all other ordinances give up their seals , are as much against plain equity , and the mercy of religion , as those words of take , eat , this is my body , elementally understood , are against nature and scuse . and surely the restoring of this degraded law , hath well recompenc't the diligence was us'd , by enlightning us further to finde out wherfore christ took off the pharises from alleging the law , and referr'd them to the first institution , not condemning , altering , or abolishing this precept of divorce , which is plainly moral , for that were against his truth , his promise , and his prophetick office ; but knowing how fallaciously they had cited , and conceal'd the particular and natural reason of the law , that they might justifie any froward reason of their own , he lets goe that sophistry unconvinc't , for that had bin to teach them els ; which his purpose was not . and since they had tak'n a liberty which the law gave not , he amuses & repells their tempting pride with a perfection of paradise , which the law requir'd not ; not therby to oblige our performance to that wherto the law never enjoyn'd the fal'n estate of man ; for if the first institution must make wedlock , whatever happen , inseparable to us , it must make it also as perfect , as meetly helpfull , and as comfortable as god promis'd it should be , at least in some degree , otherwise it is not equal or proportionable to the strength of man , that he should be reduc't into such indissoluble bonds to his assured misery , if all the other conditions of that covnant be manifestly alter'd . next he saith , they must be one flesh , which , when all conjecturing is don , wil be found to import no more but only to make legitimate and good the carnal act , which els might seem to have somthing of pollution in it : and inferrs thus much over , that the fit union of their souls be such as may even incorporate them to love and amity ; but that can never be where no correspondence is of the minde ; nay instead of beeing one flesh , they will be rather two carkasses chain'd unnaturally together ; or as it may happ'n , a living soule bound to a dead corps , a punishment too like that inflicted by the tyrant mezentius ; so little worthy to be receav'd as that remedy of lonelines which god meant us . since wee know it is not the joyning of another body will remove lonelines , but the uniting of another compliable mind ; and that it is no blessing but a torment , nay a base and brutish condition to be one flesh , unlesse where nature can in some measure fix a unity of disposition . lastly , christ himself tells us who should not be put asunder , namely , those whom god hath joyn'd . a plain solutiō of this great controversie , if men would but use their eyes ; for when is it that god may be said to joyn , when the parties and their friends consent ? no surely ; for that may concurre to leudest ends , or is it when church-rites are finisht ? neither ; for the efficacy of those depends upon the presupposed fitnes of either party . perhaps after carnal knowledge ? lest of all : for that may joyn persons whom neither law nor nature dares joyn ; t is left , that only then , when the minds are fitly dispos'd , and enabl'd to maintain a cherfull conversation , to the solace and love of each other , according as god intended and promis'd in the very first foundation of matrimony , i will make him a help meet for him ; for surely what god intended and promis'd , that only can be thought to be of his joyning , and not the contrary . so likewise the apostle witnesseth cor. . . that in mariage god hath call'd us to peace . and doubtles in what respect he hath call'd us to mariage , in that also he hath joyn'd us . the rest whom either disproportion or deadnes of spirit , or somthing distastfull & avers in the immutable bent of nature renders uncōjugal , error may have joyn'd ; but god never joyn'd against the meaning of his own ordinance . and if he joynd them not , then is there no power above their own consent to hinder them from unjoyning ; when they cannot reap the soberest ends of beeing together in any tolerable sort . neither can it be said properly that such twain were ever divorc't , but onely parted from each other , as two persons unconjunctive , and unmariable together . but if , whom god hath made a fit help , frowardnes or private injuries have made unfit , that beeing the secret of mariage god can better judge then man , neither is man indeed fit or able to decide this matter ; however it be , undoubtedly a peacefull divorce is a lesse evil and lesse in scandal then a hatefull hard hearted and destructive continuance of mariage in the judgement of moses , and of christ , that justifies him in choosing the lesse evil , which if it were an honest & civil prudence in the law , what is there in the gospel forbidding such a kind of legal wisdom , though wee should admit the common expositers . having thus unfoulded those ambiguous reasōs , wherwith christ , as his wont was , gave to the pharises that came to sound him , such an answer as they deserv'd , it will not be uneasie to explain the sentence it self that now follows , whosoever shall put away his wife , except it be for fornication , and shall marry another , committeth adultery . first therfore i will set down what is observ'd by grotius upon this point , a man of general learning . next i produce what mine own thoughts gave me , before i had seen his annotations . origen , saith he , notes that christ nam'd adultery rather as one example of other like cases , then as one only exception . and that it is frequent not only in human but in divine laws to expresse one kind of fact , wherby other causes of like nature may have the like plea : as exod. . , , . . deut. . . and from the maxims of civil law he shews that ev'n in sharpest penal laws , the same reason hath the same right : and in gentler laws , that from like causes to like the law interprets rightly . but it may be objected , saith he , that nothing destroys the end of wedlock so much as adultery . to which he answers that mariage was not ordain'd only for copulation , but for mutual help and comfort of life ; and if we mark diligently the nature of our saviours commands , wee shall finde that both their beginning and their end consists in charity : whose will is that wee should so be good to others , as that wee be not cruel to our selves . and hence it appears why mark and luke and st. paul to the cor. mentioning this precept of christ , adde no exception ; because exceptions that arise from natural equity are included silently under general terms : it would be consider'd therfore whether the same equity may not have place in other cases lesse frequent . thus farre he . from hence , is what i adde : first , that this saying of christ , as it is usually expounded , can be no law at all , that man for no cause should separate but for adultery , except it be a supernatural law , not binding us , as wee now are : had it bin the law of nature , either the iews , or some other wise and civil nation would have pres't it : or let it be so ; yet that law deut. . . wherby a man hath leave to part , whenas for just and natural cause discover'd he cannot love , is a law ancienter , and deeper ingrav'n in blameles nature then the other : therfore the inspired law-giver moses took care that this should be specify'd and allow'd : the other he let vanish in silence , not once repeated in the volume of his law , ev'n as the reason of it vanisht with paradise . secondly , this can be no new command , for the gospel enjoyns no new morality , save only the infinit enlargement of charity , which in this respect is call'd the new commandement by st. iohn ; as being the accomplishment of every command . thirdly , it is no command of perfection further then it partakes of charity , which is the bond of perfection . those commands therfore which compell us to self-cruelty above our strength , so hardly will help forward to perfection , that they hinder & set backward in all the common rudiments of christianity ; as was prov'd . it being thus clear , that the words of christ can be no kind of command , as they are vulgarly tak'n , wee shall now see in what sense they may be a command , and that an excellent one , the same with that of moses , and no other . moses had granted that only for a natural annoyance , defect , or dislike , whether in body or mind , ( for so the hebrew words plainly note ) which a man could not force himself to live with , he might give a bill of divorce ; therby forbidding any other cause wherin amendment or reconciliation might have place . this law the pharises depraving , extended to any slight contentious cause whatsoever . christ therfore seeing where they halted , urges the negative part of that law , which is necessarily understood ( for the determinate permission of moses binds them from further licence ) and checking their supercilious drift , declares that no accidental , temporary , or reconciliable offence , except fornication , can justifie a divorce : he touches not heer those natural and perpetual hindrances of society , which are not to be remov'd : for such , as they are aptest to cause an unchangeable offence , so are they not capable of reconcilement , because not of amendment . thus is moses law heer solidly confirm'd ; and those causes which he permitted , not a jot gainsaid . and that this is the true meaning of this place , i prove also by no lesse an author then st. paul himself , cor. . , . upon which text interpreters agree , that the apostle only repeats the precept of christ : where while he speaks of the wives reconcilement to her husband , he puts it out of controversie , that our saviour meant only matters of strife and reconcilement ; of which sort he would not that any difference should be the occasion of divorce , except fornication . but because wee know that christ never gave a judicial law , and that the word fornication is variously significant in scripture , it will be much right don to our saviours words , to consider diligently , whether it be meant heer , that nothing but actual fornicatiō , prov'd by witnes , can warrant a divorce ; for so our canon law judges . neverthelesse , as i find that grotius on this place hath observ'd , the christian emperours , theodosius the second , and iustinian , men of high wisdom and reputed piety , decree'd it to be a divorsive fornication , if the wife attempted either against the knowledge , or obstinately against the will of her husband , such things as gave open suspicion of adulterizing ; as the wilfull haunting of feasts , and invitations with men not of her neer kindred , the lying forth of her hous without probable cause , the frequenting of theaters against her husbands mind , her endeavour to prevent , or destroy conception . hence that of ierom , where fornication is suspected , the wife may lawfully be divorc't ; not that every motion of a jealous mind should be regarded , but that it should not be exacted to prove all things by the visibility of law witnessing , or els to hood-wink the mind : for the law is not able to judge of these things but by the rule of equity , and by permitting a wise man to walk the middle-way of a prudent circumspection , neither wretchedly jealous , nor stupidly and tamely patient . to this purpose hath grotius in his notes . he shews also that fornicatiō is tak'n in scripture for such a continual headstrong behaviour , as tends to plain contempt of the husband : and proves it out of iudges . . where the levites wife is said to have playd the whoor against him ; which iosephus and the septuagint , with the chaldaean , interpret only of stubbornnes and rebellion against her husband : and to this i adde that kimchi and the two other rabbies who glosse the text , are in the same opinion . ben gersom reasons that had it bin whoordom , a jew and levite would have disdain'd to fetch her again . and this i shall cōtribute , that had it bin whoordom she would have chosen any other place to run to , then to her fathers house , it being so infamous for an hebrew woman to play the harlot , and so opprobrious to the parents . fornication then in this place of the iudges , is understood for stubborn disobedience against the husband , and not for adultery . a sin of that sudden activity , as to be already committed , when no more is don , but only lookt unchastly : which yet i should be loath to judge worthy a divorce , though in our saviours language it be call'd adultery . neverthelesse , when palpable and frequent signes are giv'n , the law of god num. . so far gave way to the jealousie of a man , as that the woman set before the sanctuary with her head uncover'd , was adju●'d by the priest to swear whether she were fals or no ; and constrain'd to drink that bitter water with an undoubted curse of rottennesse , and tympany to follow , unlesse she were innocent . and the jealous man had not bin guiltles before god , as seems by the last ver. if having such a suspicion in his head he should neglect this trial , which , if to this day it be not to be us'd , or be thought as uncertain of effect , as our antiquated law of ordalium , yet all equity will judge that many adulterous demeanors which are of lewd suspicion and example , may be held sufficient to incurre a divorce ; though the act it self hath not bin prov'd . and seeing the generosity of our nation is so , as to account no reproach more abominable , then to be nick-nam'd the husband of an adultresse , that our law should not be as ample as the law of god to vindicate a man from that ignoble sufferance , is our barbarous unskilfulnes , not considering that the law should be exasperated according to our estimation of the injury . and if it must be suffer'd till the act be visibly prov'd , salomon himself whose judgement will be granted to surpasse the acutenes of any canonist , confesses prov. . , . that for the act of adultery , it is as difficult to be found as the track of an eagle in the air , or the way of a ship in the sea : so that a man may be put to unmanly indignities , ere it be found out . this therfore may be anough to inform us that divorsive adultery is not limited by our saviour to the utmost act , and that to be attested always by eye-witnesse : but may be extended also to divers obvious actions , which either plainly lead to adultery , or give such presumtion wherby sensible men may suspect the deed to be already don . and this the rather may be thought , in that our saviour chose to use the word fornication , which word is found to signify other matrimonial transgressions of main breach to that covnant besides actual adultery . thus at length wee see both by this and by other places , that there is scarse any one saying in the gospel , but must be read with limitations and distinctions , to be rightly understood ; for christ gives no full comments or continu'd discourses , but scatters the heavnly grain of his doctrin like pearle heer and there , which requires a skilfull and laborious gatherer ; who must compare the words he finds , with other precepts , with the end of every ordinance , and with the general analogy of evangelick doctrine : otherwise many particular sayings would be but strange repugnant riddles ; & the church would offend in granting divorce for frigidity , which is not heer excepted with adultery , but by them added . and this was it undoubtedly which gave reason to st. paul of his own authority , as he professes , and without command from the lord , to enlarge the seeming construction of those places in the gospel , by adding a case wherin a person deserted which is somthing lesse then divorc't , may lawfully marry again . and having declar'd his opinion in one case , he leavs a furder liberty for christian prudence to determin in cases of like importance ; using words so plain as are not to be shifted off , that a brother or a sister is not under bondage in such cases ; adding also , that god hath call'd us to peace in mariage . now if it be plain that a christian may be brought into unworthy bondage , and his religious peace not only interrupted now and then , but perpetually and finally hinderd in wedlock by mis-yoking with a diversity of nature as well as of religion , the reasons of st paul cannot be made special to that one case of infidelity , but are of equal moment to a divorce wherever christian liberty and peace are without fault equally obstructed . that the ordinance which god gave to our comfort , may not be pinn'd upon us to our undeserved thraldom ; to be coop't up as it were in mockery of wedlock , to a perpētual betrothed lonelines and discontent , if nothing wors ensue . there beeing nought els of mariage left between such , but a displeasing and forc't remedy against the sting of a brute desire ; which fleshly accustoming without the souls union and commixture of intellectual delight , as it is rather a soiling then a fulfilling of mariage-rites , so is it anough to imbase the mettle of a generous spirit , and sinks him to a low and vulgar pitch of endeavour in all his actions , or , which is wors , leavs him in a dispairing plight of abject and hard'n'd thoughts : which condition , rather then a good man should fall into , a man usefull in the service of god and mankind , christ himself hath taught us to dispence with the most sacred ordinances of his worship ; even for a bodily healing to dispence with that holy & speculative rest of sabbath ; much more then with the erroneous observance of an illknottedmariage for the sustaining of an overcharg'd faith and perseverance . and though bad causes would take licence by this pretext , if that cannot be remedied , upon their conscience be it , who shall so doe . this was that hardnes of heart , & abuse of a good law which moses was content to suffer rather then good men should not have it at all to use needfully . and he who to run after one lost sheep left ninety nine of his own flock at random in the wildernes , would little perplex his thought for the obduring of nine hunder'd and ninety such as will daily take wors liberties whether they have permission or not . to conclude , as without charity god hath giv'n no commandment to men , so without it , neither can men rightly beleeve any commandment givn . for every act of true faith , as well that wherby we beleeve the law , as that wherby wee endeavour the law is wrought in us by charity : according to that in the divine hymne of st. paul , cor. . charity beleeveth all things : not as if she were so credulous , which is the exposition hitherto current , for that were a trivial praise , but to teach us that charity is the high governesse of our belief , and that wee cannot safely assent to any precept writt'n in the bible , but as charity commends it to us . which agrees with that of the same apostle to the ephes. . , . where he tels us that the way to get a sure undoubted knowledge of things , is to hold that for truth , which accords most with charity . whose unerring guidance and conduct having follow'd as a loadstarre with all diligence and fidelity in this question , i trust , through the help of that illuminating spirit which hath favor'd me , to have don no every daies work : in asserting after many ages the words of christ with other scriptures of great concernment from burdensom & remorsles obscurity , tangl'd with manifold repugnances , to their native lustre and consent between each other : heerby also dissolving tedious and gordian difficulties , which have hitherto molested the church of god , and are now decided not with the sword of alexander , but with the immaculate hands of charity , to the unspeakable good of christendom and let the extrem literalist sit down now & revolve whether this in all necessity be not the due result of our saviours words ; or if he persist to be otherwise opinion'd , let him well advise , lest thinking to gripe fast the gospel , he be found in stead with the canon law in his fist : whose boistrous edicts tyrannizing the blessed ordinance of mariage into the quality of a most unnatural and unchristianly yoke , have giv'n the flesh this advantage to hate it , & turn aside , oft-times unwillingly , to all dissolute uncleannesse , even till punishment it self is weary and overcome by the incredible frequency of trading lust , and uncontroull'd adulteries . yet men whose creed is custom , i doubt not but will be still endeavouring to hide the sloth of thir own timorous capacities with this pretext , that for all this t is better to endure with patience and silence this affliction which god hath sent and i agree t is true ; if this be exhorted and not enjoyn'd ; but withall , it will be wisely don to be as sure as may be , that what mans iniquity hath laid on , be not imputed to gods sending ; least under the colour of an affected patience wee detain our selves at the gulphs mouth of many hideous temptations , not to be withstood without proper gifts , which as perkins well notes , god gives not ordinarily , no not to most earnest prayers . therfore wee pray , lead us not into temptation . a vain prayer , if having led our selves thither , wee love to stay in that perilous condition . god sends remedies , as well as evills ; under which he who lies and groans , that may lawfully acquitt himself , is accessory to his own ruin : nor will it excuse him , though he suffer , through a sluggish fearfulnes to search throughly what is lawfull , for feare of disquieting the secure falsity of an old opinion . who doubts not but that it may be piously said to him who would dismiss frigidity , bear your trial , take it as if god would have you live this life of continence : if he exhort this , i hear him as an angel , though he speak without warrant : but if he would compell me , i know him for satan . to him who divorces an adulteresse , piety might say ; pardon her ; you may shew much mercy , you may win a soul : yet the law both of god & man leavs it freely to him . for god loves not to plow out the heart of our endeavours with over-hard and sad tasks . god delights not to make a drudge of vertue , whose actions must be all elective and unconstrain'd . forc't vertu is as a bolt overshot , it goes neither forward nor backward , & does no good as it stands . seeing therfore that neither scripture nor reason hath laid this unjust austerity upon divorce , we may resolv that nothing els hath wrought it , but that letter-bound servility of the canon doctors , supposing mariage to be a sacrament , and out of the art they have to lay unnecessary burdens upon all men , to make a fair shew in the fleshly observance of matrimony , though peace & love with all other conjugal respects fare never so ill . and indeed the papists who are the strictest forbidders of divorce , are the easiest libertines to admit of grossest uncleannesse ; as if they had a designe by making wedlock a supportles yoke , to violate it most , under colour of preserving it most inviolable , and with all delighting , as their mystery is , to make men the day-labourers of their own affliction ; as if there were such a scarsity of miseries from abroad , that wee should be made to melt our choisest home-blessings , and coin them into crosses , for want wherby to hold commerce with patience . if any therfore who shall hap to read this discours , hath bin through misadventure ill ingag'd in this contracted evill heer complain'd of , and finds the fits and workings of a high impatience frequently upon him , of all those wild words which men in misery think to ease themselves by uttering , let him not op'n his lips against the providence of heav'n , or tax the waies of god and his divine truth ; for they are equal , easy , and not burdensome ; nor do they ever crosse the just and reasonable desires of men , nor involve this our portion of mortall life , into a necessity of sadnes and malecontent , by laws commanding over the unreducible antipathies of nature sooner or later found : but allow us to remedy and shake off those evills into which human error hath led us through the middest of our best intentions ; and to support our incident extremities by that authentick precept of sovran charity ; whose grand commission is to doe and to dispose over all the ordinances of god to man ; that love & truth may advance each other to everlasting . while we literally superstitious through customary faintnes of heart , not venturing to peirce with our free thoughts into the full latitude of nature and religion , abandon our selvs to serv under the tyranny of usurpt opinions , suffering those ordinances which were allotted to our solace and reviving , to trample over us and hale us into a multitude of sorrows which god never meant us . and where he set us in a fair allowance of way with honest liberty and prudence to our guard , wee never leave subtilizing and casuisting till wee have straitn'd and par'd that liberal path into a razors edge to walk on between a precipice of unnecessary mischief on either side : and starting at every fals alarum , wee doe not know which way to set a foot forward with manly confidence and christian resolution , through the confused ringing in our ears , of panick scruples and amazements . another act of papal encroachment it was , to pluck the power & arbitrement of divorce from the master of family , into whose hands god & the law of all nations had put it , & christ so left it , preaching only to the conscience , and not authorizing a judiciall court to tosse about and divulge the unaccountable and secret reasons of disaffection between man & wife , as a thing most improperly answerable to any such kind of trial . but the popes of rome perceaving the great revenu and high autority it would give them , ev'n over princes , to have the judging and deciding of such a main consequence in the life of man as was divorce , wrought so upon the superstition of those ages , as to devest them of that right which god from the beginning had entrusted to the husband : by which means they subjected that ancient and naturally domestick prerogative to an external & unbefitting judicature . for although differences in divorce about dowries , jointures , and the like , besides the punishing of adultery , ought not to passe without referring , if need be , to the magistrate , yet for him to interpose his jurisdictive power upon the inward and irremediable disposition of man , to command love and sympathy , to forbid dislike against the guiltles instinct of nature , is not within the province of any law to reach , & were indeed an uncommodious rudenes , not a just power . for if natures resistles sway in love or hate be once compell'd , it grows careles of it self , vitious , useles to friend , unserviceable and spiritles to the common-wealth . wch moses rightly foresaw , and all wise lawgivers that ever knew man , what kind of creature he was . the parliament also and clergy of england were not ignorant of this , when they consented that harry the th might put away his q. anne of cleve , whom he could not like , after he had bin wedded half a year ; unles it were that contrary to the proverb , they made a necessity of that which might have bin a vertu in them to do . for ev'n the freedom and eminence of mans creation gives him to be a law in this matter to himself , beeing the head of the other sex which was made for him : whom therfore though he ought not to injure , yet neither should he be forc't to retain in society to his own overthrow , nor to hear any judge therin above himself . it being also an unseemly affront to the sequester'd & vail'd modesty of that sex , to have her unpleasingnes and other concealements bandied up and down , and aggravated in open court by those hir'd maisters of tongue-fence . such uncomely exigences it befell no lesse a majesty then henry th th to be reduc't to ; who finding just reason in his conscience to forgoe his brothers wife , after many indignities of beeing deluded , and made a boy of by those his two cardinal judges , was constrain'd at last for want of other prooff , that shee had bin carnally known by prince arthur , ev'n to uncover the nakednes of that vertuous lady , & to recite openly the obscene evidence of his brothers chāberlain . yet it pleas'd god to make him see all the tyranny of rome , by discovering this which they exercis'd over divorce ; and to make him the beginner of a reformation to this whole kingdom by first asserting into his familiary power the right of just divorce . t is true , an adultres cannot be sham'd anough by any publick proceeding ; but that woman whose honour is not appeach't , is lesse injur'd by a silent dismission , being otherwise not illiberally dealth with , then to endure a clamouring debate of utterles things , in a busines of that civil secrecy and difficult discerning , as not to be over-much question'd by neerest friends . which drew that answer from the greatest and worthiest roman of his time paulus emilius , beeing demanded why he would put away his wife for no visible reason , this shoo , saith he , and held it out on his foot , is a neat shoo , a new shoo , and yet none of yee know where it wrings me ? much lesse by the unfamiliar cognisance of a fee'd gamester can such a private difference be examin'd , neither ought it . lastly , all law is for some good that may be frequently attain'd without the admixture of a wors inconvenience ; but the law forbidding divorce , never attains to any good end of such prohibition , but rather multiplies evil . if it aim at the establishment of matrimony , wee know that cannot thrive under a loathed and forc't yoke , but is daily violated : if it seek to prevent the sin of divorcing , that lies not in the law to prevent ; for he that would divorce and marry again , but for the law , hath in the sight of god don it already . civil or political sin it never was , neither to jew nor gentile , nor by any judicial intendment of christ , only culpable as it transgresses the allowance of moses in the inward man , which not any law but conscience only can evince . the law can only look whether it be an injury to the divorc't , which in truth it can be none , as a meer separation ; for if she consent , wherin has the law to right her ? or consent not , then is it either just and so deserv'd , or if unjust , such in all likelihood was the divorcer , and to part from an unjust man is a happines , & no injury to be lamented . but suppose it be an injury , the law is not able to amend it , unlesse she think it other then a miserable redresse to return back from whence she was expell'd , or but entreated to be gon , or els to live apart still maried without mariage , a maried widow . last , if it be to chast'n the divorcer , what law punishes a deed which is not moral , but natural , a deed which cannot certainly be found to be an injury , or how can it be punisht by prohibiting the divorce , but that the innocent must equally partake ? so that wee see the law can to no rational purpose forbid divorce , it can only take care that the conditions of divorce be not injurious . but what ? shall then the disposal of that power return again to the maister of family ? wherfore not ? since god there put it , and the presumptuous canon thence bereft it . this only must be provided , that the ancient manner be observ'd in presence of the minister , and other grave selected elders ; who after they shall have admonisht and prest upon him the words of our saviour , & he shall have protested in the faith of the eternal gospel , and the hope he has of happy resurrection , that otherwise then thus he cannot doe , and thinks himself , & this his case not contain'd in that prohibition of divorce which christ pronounc't , the matter not beeing of malice , but of nature , and so not capable of reconciling , to constrain him surder were to unehristen him , to unman him , to throw the mountain of sinai upon him , with the waight of the whole law to boot , flat against the liberty and essence of the gospel , and yet nothing available either to the sanctity of mariage , the good of husband , wife , or children , nothing profitable either to church or common wealth . but this would bring in confusion . be of good cheer , it would not : it wrought so little disorder among the iews that from moses till after the captivity not one of the profets thought it worth rebuking ; for that of malachy well lookt into , will appeare to be , not against divorcing , but rather against keeping strange concubines , to the vexation of their hebrew wives . if therfore wee christians may be thought as good and tractable as the iews were , and certainly the prohibiters of divorce presume us to be better , then lesse confusion is to be fear'd for this among us then was among them . if wee bee wors , or but as bad , which lamentable examples confirm wee are , then have wee more , or at least as much need of this permitted law , as they to whom god expresly gave it under a harsher covnant . let not therfore the frailty of man goe on thus inventing needlesse troubles to it self to groan under the fals imagination of a strictnes never impos'd from above , enjoyning that for duty which is an impossible and vain supererogating . bee not righteous overmuch , is the counsel of ecclesiastes ; why shoulàst thou destroy thy self ? let us not be thus over-curious to strain at atoms , and yet to stop every vent and cranny of permissive liberty : lest nature wāting those needful pores , and breathing places which god hath not debarr'd our weaknes , either suddenly break out into some wide rupture of open vice , and frantick heresy , or els inwardly fester with repining and blasphemous thoughts , under an unreasonable and fruitles rigor of unwarranted law . against which evils nothing can more beseem the religion of the church or the wisdom of the state , then to consider timely and provide . and in so doing , let them not doubt but they shall vindicate the misreputed honour of god and his great lawgiver , by suffering him to give his own laws according to the condition of mans nature best known to him , without the unsufferable imputation of dispencing legally with many ages of ratify'd adultery . they shall recover the misattended words of christ to the sincerity of their true sense from manifold contradictions , and shall open them with the key of charity . many helples christians they shall raise from the depth of sadnes and distresse , utterly unfitted , as they are , to serv god or man : many they shall reclaime from obscure and giddy sects , many regain from dissolute and brutish licence , many from desperate hardnes , if ever that were justly pleaded . they shall set free many daughters of israel , not wanting much of her sad plight whom satan had bound eighteen years . man they shall restore to his just dignity , and prerogative in nature , preferring the souls free peace before the promiscuous draining of a carnal rage . mariage from a perilous hazard and snare , they shall reduce to be a more certain hav'n and retirement of happy society ; when they shall judge according to god and moses , and how not then according to christ ? when they shall judge it more wisdom and goodnes to break that covnant seemingly & keep it really , then by compulsion of la w to keep it seemingly , and by compulsion of blameles nature to break it really , at least if it were ever truly joyn'd . the vigor of discipline they may then turn with better successe upon the prostitute loosenes of the times , when men finding in themselvs the infirmities of former ages , shall not be constrain'd above the gift of god in them to unprofitable and impossible observances never requir'd from the civilest , the wisest , the holiest nations , whose other excellencies in moral vertu they never yet could equal . last of all , to those whose mind still is to maintain textual restrictions , wherof the bare sound cannot consist somtimes with humanity , much lesse with charity , i would ever answer by putting them in remembrāce of a command above all commands , which they seem to have forgot , and who spake it ; in comparison wherof this which they so exalt , is but a petty and subordinate precept . let them goe therfore with whom i am loath to couple them , yet they will needs run into the same blindnes with the pharises , let them goe therfore and consider well what this lesson means , i will have mercy and not sacrifice ; for on that saying all the law and prophets depend , much more the gospel whose end and excellence is mercy and peace : or if they cannot learn that , how will they hear this , which yet i shall not doubt to leave with them as a conclusion : that god the son hath put all other things under his own feet ; but his commandments he hath left all under the feet of charity . the end . omitted pa. . lin. . whom thus to shut up and immure together , the one with a mischosen mate , the other in a mistak'n calling , is not a course , &c. omitted pa. . lin. . uncertain good . ] this only text not to be match't again throughout the whole scripture , wherby god in his perfet law should seem to have granted to the hard hearts of his holy people under his own hand a civil immunity and free charter to live and die in a long successive adultery , under a covnant of works , till the messiah , and then that indulgent permission to be strictly deny'd by a covnant of grace , besides the incoherence of such a doctrin , cannot , must not be thus interpreted , to the raising of a paradox never known till then , only hanging by the twin'd thred of one doubtfull scripture , against so many other rules and leading principles of religion , of justice , and purity of life . for what could be granted more either to the fear , or to the lust of any tyrant , or politician , then this autority of moses thus expounded ; which opens him a way at will to damme up justice , and not only to admit of any romish , or austrian dispences , but to enact a statute of that which he dares not seem to approve , ev'n to legitimate vice , to make sin it self a free citizen of the common-wealth , pretending only these or these plausible reasons . and well he might , all the while that moses shall be alleg'd to have don as much without shewing any reason at all . yet this could not enter into the heart of david , psal . . how any such autority as endeavours to fashion wickednes by law , should derive it self from god . and isaiah lays woe upon them that decree unrighteous decrees , . . now which of these two is the better lawgiver , and which deservs most a woe he that gives out an edict singly unjust , or he that confirms to generations a fixt and unmolested impunity of that which is not only held to be unjust , but also unclean , and both in a high degree , not only as they themselvs affirm , an injurious expulsion of one wife , but also an unclean freedom by more then a patent to wed another adulterously ? how can wee therfore with safety thus dangerously confine the free simplicity of our saviours meaning to that which meerly amounts from so many letters , whenas it can consist neither with his former and cautionary words , nor with other more pure and holy principles , nor finally with the scope of charity , &c. areopagitica; a speech of mr. john milton for the liberty of vnlicens'd printing, to the parlament of england. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) areopagitica; a speech of mr. john milton for the liberty of vnlicens'd printing, to the parlament of england. milton, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the yeare, . the final leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: "ex dono authoris"; "nouemb. :"; on p. : wayfaring is corrected to "warfaring"; lord is corrected to "lords" (these emendations may be in milton's hand; cf. bernard quaritch catalogue , no. , where parker, w.r. milton: a biography, p. is cited). imperfect; lacks final leaf. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng freedom of the press -- early works to . a r (wing m ). civilwar no areopagitica; a speech of mr. john milton for the liberty of unlicenc'd printing, to the parlament of england. milton, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion areopagitica ; a speech of mr. john milton for the liberty of vnlicenc'd printing , to the parlament of england . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} euripid , hicetid . this is true liberty when free born men having to advise the public may speak free , which he who can , and will , deserv's high praise , who neither can nor will , may hold his peace ; what can be juster in a state then this ? euripid , hicetid . london , printed in the yeare , . for the liberty of unlicenc'd printing . they who to states and governours of the commonwealth direct their speech , high court of parlament , or wanting such accesse in a private condition , write that which they foresee may advance the publick good ; i suppose them as at the beginning of no meane endeavour , not a little alter'd and mov'd inwardly in their mindes : some with doubt of what will be the successe , others with feare of what will be the censure ; some with hope , others with confidence of what they have to speake . and me perhaps each of these dispositions , as the subject was whereon i enter'd , may have at other times variously affected ; and likely might in these formost expressions now also disclose which of them sway'd most , but that the very attempt of this addresse thus made , and the thought of whom it hath recourse to , hath got the power within me to a passion , farre more welcome then incidentall to a preface . which though i stay not to confesse ere any aske , i shall be blamelesse , if it be no other , then the joy and gratulation which it brings to all who wish and promote their countries liberty ; whereof this whole discourse propos'd will be a certaine testimony , if not a trophey . for this is not the liberty which wee can hope , that no grievance ever should arise in the commonwealth , that let no man in this world expect ; but when complaints are freely heard , deeply consider'd , and speedily reform'd , then is the utmost bound of civill liberty attain'd , that wise men looke for . to which if i now manifest by the very sound of this which i shall utter , that wee are already in good part arriv'd , and yet from such a steepe disadvantage of tyranny and superstition grounded into our principles as was beyond the manhood of a roman recovery , it will bee attributed first , as is most due , to the strong assistance of god our deliverer , next to your faithfull guidance and undaunted wisdome , lords and commons of england . neither is it in gods esteeme the diminution of his glory , when honourable things are spoken of good men and worthy magistrates ; which if i now first should begin to doe , after so fair a progresse of your laudable deeds , and such a l●●● obligement upon the whole realme to your indefatigable vertues●● might be justly reckn'd among the tardiest , and the unwillingest of them that praise yee . neverthelesse there being three principall things , without which all praising is but courtship and flattery . first , when that only is prais'd which is solidly worth praise : next when greatest likelihoods are brought that such things are truly and really in those persons to whom they are ascrib'd , the other , when he who praises , by shewing that such his actuall perswasion is of whom he writes , can demonstrate that he flatters not ; the former two of these i have heretofore endeavour'd , rescuing the employment from him who went about to impaire your merits with a triviall and malignant encomium ; the latter as belonging chiefly to mine owne acquittall , that whom i so extoll'd i did not flatter , hath been reserv'd opportunely to this occasion . for he who freely magnifies what hath been nobly done , and fears not to declare as freely what might be done better , gives ye the best cov'nant of his fidelity ; and that his loyalest affection and his hope waits on your proceedings . his highest praising is not flattery , and his plainest advice is a kinde of praising ; for though i should affirme and hold by argument , that it would fare better with truth , with learning , and the common-wealth , if one of your publisht orders which i should name , were call'd in , yet at the same time it could not but much redound to the lustre of your milde and equall government , when as private persons are hereby animated to thinke ye better pleas'd with publick advice , then other statists have been delighted heretofore with publicke flattery . and men will then see what difference there is between the magnanimity of a trienniall parlament , and that jealous hautinesse of prelates and cabin counsellours that usurpt of late , when as they shall observe yee in the midd'st of your victories and successes more gently brooking writt'n exceptions against a voted order , then other courts , which had produc't nothing worth memory but the weake ostentation of wealth , would have endur'd the least signifi'd dislike at any sudden proclamation . if i should thus farre presume upon the meek demeanour of your civill and gentle greatnesse , lords and commons , as what your publisht order hath directly said , that to gainsay , i might defend my selfe with ease , if any should accuse me of being new or insolent , did they but know how much better i find ye esteem it to imitate the old and elegant humanity of greece , then the barbarick pride of a hunnish and norwegian statelines . and out of those ages , to whose polite wisdom and letters we ow that we are not yet gothes and jutlanders , i could name him who from his private house wrote that discourse to the parlament of athens , that perswades them to change the forme of democraty which was then establisht . such honour was done in those dayes to men who profest the study of wisdome and eloquence , not only in their own country , but in other lands , that cities and siniories heard them gladly , and with great respect , if they had ought in publick to admonish the state . thus did dion prusaus a stranger and a privat orator counsell the rhodians against a former edict : and i abound with other like examples , which to set heer would be superfluous . but if from the industry of a life wholly dedicated to studious labours , and those naturall endowments haply not the worst for two and fifty degrees of northern latitude , so much must be derogated , as to count me not equall to any of those who had this priviledge , i would obtain to be thought not so inferior , as your selves are superior to the most of them who receiv'd their counsell : and how farre you excell them , be assur'd , lords and commons , there can no greater testimony appear , then when your prudent spirit acknowledges and obeyes the voice of reason from what quarter soever it be heard speaking ; and renders ye as willing to repeal any act of your own setting forth , as any set forth by your predecessors . if ye be thus resolv'd , as it were injury to thinke ye were not , i know not what should withhold me from presenting ye with a fit instance wherein to shew both that love of truth which ye eminently professe , and that uprightnesse of your judgement which is not wont to be partiall to your selves ; by judging over again that order which ye have ordain'd to regulate printing . that no book , pamphlet , or paper shall be henceforth printed , unlesse the same be first approv'd and licenc't by such , or at least one of such as shall be thereto appointed . for that part which preserves justly every mans copy to himselfe , or provides for the poor , i touch not , only wish they be not made pretenses to abuse and persecute honest and painfull men , who offend not in either of these particulars . but that other clause of licencing books , which we thought had dy'd with his brother quadragesunal and matrimonial when the prelats expir'd , i shall now attend with such a homily , as shall lay before ye , first the inventors of it to bee those whom ye will be loath to own ; next what is to be thought in generall of reading , what ever sort the books be ; and that this order avails nothing to the suppressing of scandalous , seditious , and libellous books , which were mainly intended to be supprest . last , that it will be primely to the discouragement of all learning , and the stop of truth , not only by disexercising and blunting our abilities in what we know already , but by hindring and cropping the discovery that might bee yet further made both in religious and civill wisdome . i deny not , but that it is of greatest concernment in the church and commonwealth , to have a vigilant eye how bookes demeane themselves as well as men ; and thereafter to confine , imprison , and do sharpest justice on them as malefactors : for books are not absolutely dead things , but doe contain a potencie of life in them to be as active as that soule was whose progeny they are ; nay they do preserve as in a violl the purest efficacie and extraction of that living intellect that bred them . i know they are as lively , and as vigorously productive , as those fabulous dragons teeth ; and being sown up and down , may chance to spring up armed men . and yet on the other hand unlesse warinesse be us'd , as good almost kill a man as kill a good book ; who kills a man kills a reasonable creature , gods image ; but hee who destroyes a good booke , kills reason it selfe , kills the image of god , as it were in the eye . many a man lives a burden to the earth ; but a good booke is the pretious life-blood of a master spirit , imbalm'd and treasur'd up on purpose to a life beyond life . 't is true , no age can restore a life , whereof perhaps there is no great losse ; and revolutions of ages doe not oft recover the losse of a rejected truth , for the want of which whole nations fare the worse . we should be wary therefore what persecution we raise against the living labours of publick men , how we spill that season'd life of man preserv'd and stor'd up in books ; since we see a kinde of homicide may be thus committed , sometimes a martyrdome , and if it extend to the whole impression , a kinde of massacre , whereof the execution ends not in the slaying of an elementall life , but strikes at that ethereall and and fist essence , the breath of reason it selfe , slaics an immortality rather then a life . but lest i should be condemn'd of introducing licence , while i oppose licencing , i refuse not the paines to be so much historicall , as will serve to shew what hath been done by ancient and famous commonwealths , against this disorder , till the very time that this project of licencing crept out of the inquisition , was catcht up by our prelates , and hath caught some of our presbyters . in athens where books and wits were ever busier then in any other part of greece , i finde but only two sorts of writings which the magistrate car'd to take notice of ; those either blasphemous and atheisticall , or libellous . thus the books of protagoras were by the iudges of areopagus commanded to be burnt , and himselfe banisht the territory for a discourse begun with his confessing not to know whether there were gods , or whether not : and against defaming , it was decreed that none should be traduc'd by name , as was the manner of vetus comoedia , whereby we may guesse how they censur'd libelling : and this course was quick enough , as cicero writes , to quell both the desperate wits of other atheists , and the open way of defaming , as the event shew'd . of other sects and opinions though tending to voluptuousnesse , and the denying of divine providence they tooke no heed . therefore we do not read that either epicurus , or that libertine school of cyrene , or what the cynick impudence utter'd , was ever question'd by the laws . neither is it recorded that the writings of those old comedians were supprest , though the acting of them were forbid ; and that plato commended the reading of aristophanes the loosest of them all , to his royall scholler dionysius , is commonly known , and may be excus'd , if holy chrysostome , as is reported , nightly studied so much the same author and had the art to cleanse a scurrilous vehemence into the stile of a rousing sermon . that other leading city of greece , lacedaemon , considering that lycurgus their law-giver was so addicted to elegant learning , as to have been the first that brought out of jonia the scatter'd workes of homer , and sent the poet thales from creet to prepare and mollifie the spartan surlinesse with his smooth songs and odes , the better to plant among them law and civility , it is to be wonder'd how musclesse and unbookish they were , minding nought but the feats of warre . there needed no licencing of books among them for they dislik'd all , but their owne laconick apothegms , and took a slight occasion to chase archilochus out of their city , perhaps for composing in a higher straine then their owne souldierly ballats and roundels could reach to : or if it were for his broad verses , they were not therein so cautious , but they were as dissolute in their promiscuous conversing ; whence euripides affirmes in andromache , that their women were all unchaste , thus much may give us light after what sort bookes were prohibited among the greeks . the romans also for many ages train'd up only to a military roughnes , resembling most the lacedaemonian guise , knew of learning little but what their twelve tables , and the pontifick college with their augurs and flamins taught them in religion and law , so unacquainted with other learning , that when carneades and critolaus , with the stoick diogenes comming embassadors to rome , tooke thereby occasion to give the city a tast of their philosophy , they were suspected for seducers by no lesse a man then cato the censor , who mov'd it in the senat to dismisse them speedily , and to banish all such attick bablers out of italy . but scipio and others of the noblest senators withstood him and his old sabin austerity ; honour'd and admir'd the men ; and the censor himself at last in his old age fell to the study of that whereof before hee was so scrupulous . and yet at the same time naevius and plautus the first latine comedians had fill'd the city with all the borrow'd scenes of menander and philemon . then began to be consider'd there also what was to be don to libellous books and authors ; for naevius was quickly cast into prison for his unbridl'd pen , and releas'd by the tribunes upon his recantation : we read also that lipels were burnt , and the makers punisht by augustus . the like severity no doubt was us'd if ought were impiously writt'n against their esteemed gods . except in these two points , how the world went in books , the magistrat kept no reckning . and therefore lucretius without impeachment versifies his epicurism to memmius , and had the honour to be set forth the second time by cicero so great a father of the common-wealth ; although himselfe disputes against that opinion in his own writings . nor was the satyricall sharpnesse , or naked plainnes of lucilius , or catullus , or flaccus , by any order prohibited . and for matters of state , the story of titus livius , though it extoll'd that part which pompey held , was not therefore supprest by octavius caesar of the other faction . but that neso was by him banisht in his old age , for the wanton poems of his youth , was but a meer covert of state over some secret cause : and besides , the books were neither banisht nor call'd in . from hence we shall meet with little else but tyranny in the roman empire , that we may not marvell , if not so often bad , as good books were silenc't . i shall therefore deem to have bin large anough in producing what among the ancients was punishable to write , save only which , all other arguments were free to treat on . by this time the emperors were become christians , whose discipline in this point i doe not finde to have bin more severe then what was formerly in practice . the books of those whom they took to be grand hereticks were examin'd , refuted , and condemn'd in the generall councels ; and not till then were prohibited , or burnt by autority of the emperor . as for the writings of heathen authors , unlesse they were plaine invectives against christianity , as those of porphyrius and proclus , they met with no interdict that can be cited , till about the year . in a carthaginian councel , wherein bishops themselves were forbid to read the books of gentiles , but heresies they might read : while others long before them on the contrary scrupl'd more the books of hereticks , then of gentiles . and that the primitive councels and bishops were wont only to declare what books were not commendable , passing no furder , but leaving it to each ones conscience to read or to lay by , till after the yeare . is observ'd already by padre paolo the great unmasker of the trentine councel . after which time the popes of rome engrossing what they pleas'd of politicall rule into their owne hands , extended their dominion over mens eyes , as they had before over their judgements , burning and prohibiting to be read , what they fansied not ; yet sparing in their censures , and the books not many which they so dealt with : till martin the . by his bull not only prohibited , but was the first that excommunicated the reading of hereticall books ; for about that time wicklef and husse growing terrible , were they who first drove the papall court to a stricter policy of prohibiting . which cours leo the , and his successors follow'd , untill the councell of trent , and the spanish inquisition engendring together brought forth , or perfeted those catalogues , and expurging indexes that rake through the entralls of many an old good author , with a violation wors then any could be offer'd to his tomb . nor did they stay in matters hereticall , but any subject that was not to their palat , they either condemn'd in a prohibition , or had it strait into the new purgatory of an index . to fill up the measure of encroachment , their last invention was to ordain that no book , pamphlet , or paper should be printed ( as if s. peter had bequeath'd them the keys of the presse also out of paradise ) unlesse it were approv'd and licenc't under the hands of or glutton friers . for example : let the chancellor cini be pleas'd to see if in this present work be contain'd ought that may withstand the printing . vincent rabatta vicar of florence . i have seen this present work , and finde nothing athwart the catholick faith and good manners : in witnesse whereof i have given , &c. nicolò cini chancellor of florence . attending the precedent relation , it is allow'd that this present work of davanzati may be printed , vincent rabatta , &c. it may be printed , july . friar simon mompei d' amelia chancellor of the holy office in florence . sure they have a conceit , if he of the bottomlesse pit had not long since broke prison , that this quadruple exorcism would barre him down . i feare their next designe will be to get into their custody the licencing of that which they say * claudius intended , but went not through with . voutsafe to see another of their forms the roman stamp : imprimatur , if it seem good to the reverend master of the holy palace , belcastro vicegerent . imprimatur friar nicolò rodolphi master of the holy palace . sometimes imprimaturs are seen together dialogue-wise in the piatza of one title page , complementing and ducking each to other with their shav'n reverences , whether the author , who stands by in perplexity at the foot of his epistle , shall to the presse or to the spunge . these are the prety responsories , these are the deare antiphonies that so bewitcht of late our prelats , and their chaplaines with the goodly eccho they made ; and besotted us to the gay imitation of a lordly imprimatur , one from lambeth house , another from the west end of pauls ; so apishly romanizing , that the word of command still was set downe in latine ; as if the learned grammaticall pen that wrote it , would cast no ink without latine ; or perhaps , as they thought , because no vulgar tongue was worthy to expresse the pure conceit of an imprimatur ; but rather , as i hope , for that our english , the language of men ever famous , and formost in the atchievements of liberty , will not easily finde servile letters anow to spell such a dictatorie presumption english . and thus ye have the inventors and the originall of book-licencing ript up , and drawn as lineally as any pedigree . we have it not , that can be heard of , from any ancient state , or politie , or church , nor by any statute left us by our ancestors elder or later ; nor from the moderne custom of any reformed citty , or church abroad ; but from the most antichristian councel , and the most tyrannous inquisition that ever inquir'd . till then books were ever as freely admitted into the world as any other birth : the issue of the brain was no more stifl'd then the issue of the womb : no envious juno sate cros-leg'd over the nativity of any mans intellectuall off spring ; but if it prov'd a monster , who denies , but that it was justly burnt , or sunk into the sea . but that a book in wors condition then a peccant soul , should be to stand before a jury ere it be borne to the world , and undergo yet in darknesse the judgement of radamanth and his collegues , ere it can passe the ferry backward into light , was never heard before , till that mysterious iniquity provokt and troubl'd at the first entrance of reformation , sought out new limbo's and new hells wherein they might include our books also within the number of their damned . and this was the rare morsell so officiously snatcht up , and so ilfavourdly imitated by our inquisiturient bishops , and the attendant minorites their chaplains . that ye like not now these most certain authors of this licencing order , and that all sinister intention was farre distant from your thoughts , when ye were importun'd the passing it , all men who know the integrity of your actions , and how ye honour truth , will clear yee readily . but some will say , what though the inventors were bad , the thing for all that may be good ? it may so ; yet if that thing be no such deep invention , but obvious , and easie for any man to light on , and yet best and wisest commonwealths through all ages , and occasions have forborne to use it , and falsest seducers , and oppressors of men were the first who tooke it up , and to no other purpose but to obstruct and hinder the first approach of reformation ; i am of those who beleeve , it will be a harder alchymy then lullius ever knew , to sublimat any good use out of such an invention . yet this only is what i request to gain from this reason , that it may be held a dangerous and suspicious fruit , as certainly it deserves , for the tree that bore it , untill i can dissect one by one the properties it has . but i have first to finish , as was propounded , what is to be thought in generall of reading books , what ever sort they be , and whether be more the benefit , or the harm that thence proceeds ? not to insist upon the examples of moses , daniel & paul , who were skilfull in all the learning of the aegyptians , caldeans , and greeks , which could not probably be without reading their books of all sorts , in paul especially , who thought it no defilement to insert into holy scripture the sentences of three greek poets , and one of them a tragedian , the question was , notwithstanding sometimes controverted among the primitive doctors , but with great odds on that side which affirm'd it both lawfull and profitable , as was then evidently perceiv'd , when julian the apostat , and suttlest enemy to our faith , made a decree forbidding christians the study of heathen learning : for , said he , they wound us with our own weapons , and with our owne arts and sciences they overcome us . and indeed the christians were put so to their shifts by this crafty means , and so much in danger to decline into all ignorance , that the two apollinarii were fain as a man may say , to coin all the seven liberall sciences out of the bible , reducing it into divers forms of orations , poems , dialogues , ev'n to the calculating of a new christian grammar . but saith the historian socrates , the providence of god provided better then the industry of apollinarius and his son , by taking a way that illiterat law with the life of him who devis'd it . so great an injury they then held it to be depriv'd of hellenick learning ; and thought it a persecution more undermining , and secretely decaying the church , then the open cruelty of decius or dioclesian . and perhaps it was the same politick drift that the divell whipt st. jerom in a lenten dream , for reading cicero ; or else it was a fantasm bred by the feaver which had then seis'd him . for had an angel bin his discipliner , unlesse it were for dwelling too much upon ciceronianisms , & had chastiz'd the reading , not the vanity , it had bin plainly partiall ; first to correct him for grave cicero , and not for scurrill plautus whom he confesses to have bin reading not long before ; next to correct him only , and let so many more ancient fathers wax old in those pleasant and florid studies without the lash of such a tutoring apparition ; insomuch that basil teaches how some good use may be made of margites a sportfull poem , not now extant , writ by homer ; and why not then of morgante an italian romanze much to the same purpose . but if it be agreed we shall be try'd by visions , there is vision recorded by eusebius far ancienter then this tale of jerom to the nun eustochium , and besides has nothing of a feavor in it . dionysius alexandrinus was about the year , a person of great name in the church for piety and learning , who had wont to avail himself much against hereticks by being conversant in their books ; untill a certain presbyter laid it scrupulously to his conscience , how he durst venture himselfe among those defiling volumes . the worthy man loath to give offence fell into a new debate with himselfe what was to be thought ; when suddenly a vision sent from god , it is his own epistle that so averrs it , confirm'd him in these words : read any books what ever come to thy hands , for thou art sufficient both to judge aright , and to examine each matter . to this revelation he assented the sooner , as he confesses , because it was answerable to that of the apostle to the thessalonians , prove all things , hold fast that which is good . and he might have added another remarkable saying of the same author : to the pure all things are pure , not only meats and drinks , but all kinde of knowledge whether of good or evill ; the knowledge cannot defile , nor consequently the books , if the will and conscience be not defil'd . for books are as meats and viands are ; some of good , some of evill substance ; and yet god in that unapocryphall vision , said without exception , rise peter , kill and eat , leaving the choice to each mans discretion . wholesome meats to a vitiated stomack differ little or nothing from unwholesome ; and best books to a naughty mind are not unappliable to occasions of evill . bad meats will scarce breed good nourishment in the healthiest concoction ; but herein the difference is of bad books , that they to a discreet and judicious reader serve in many respects to discover , to confute , to forewarn , and to illustrate . wherof what better witnes can ye expect i should produce , then one of your own now sitting in parlament , the chief of learned men reputed in this land , mr. selden , whose volume of naturall & national laws proves , not only by great autorities brought together , but by exquisite reasons and theorems almost mathematically demostrative , that all opinions , yea errors , known , read , and collated , are of main service & assistance toward the speedy attainment of what is truest . i conceive therefore , that when god did enlarge the universall diet of mans body , saving ever the rules of temperance , he then also , as before , left arbitrary the dyeting and repasting of our minds ; as wherein every mature man might have to exercise his owne leading capacity . how great a vertue is temperance , how much of moment through the whole life of man ? yet god committs the managing so great a trust , without particular law or prescription , wholly to the demeanour of every grown man . and therefore when he himself tabl'd the jews from heaven , that omer which was every mans daily portion of 〈…〉 mputed to have bin more then might have well suffic'd 〈…〉 eder thrice as many meals . for those actions which 〈…〉 ther then issue out of him , and therefore defile not , 〈…〉 captivat under a perpetuall childhood of prescripti●● 〈…〉 with the gift of reason to be his own chooser ; there 〈…〉 e work left for preaching , if law and compulsion should 〈…〉 things which hertofore were govern'd only 〈…〉 salomon informs us that much reading is a wearines to t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut neither he , nor other inspir'd author tells us that such , or ●●●●●●eading is unlawfull : yet certainly had god thought good to limit us herein , it had bin much more expedient to have told us what was unlawfull , then what was wearisome . as for the burning of those ephesian books by st. pauls converts , t is reply'd the books were magick , the syriack so renders them . it was a privat act , a voluntary act , and leaves us to a voluntary imitation : the men in remorse burnt those books which were their own ; the magistrat by this example is not appointed : these men practiz'd the books , another might perhaps have read them in some sort usefully . good and evill we know in the field of this world grow up together almost inseparably ; and the knowledge of good is so involv'd and interwoven with the knowledge of evill , and in so many cunning resemblances hardly to be discern'd , that those confused seeds which were impos'd on psyche as an incessant labour to cull out , and sort asunder , were not more intermixt . it was from out the rinde of one apple tasted , that the knowledge of good and evill as two twins cleaving together leapt forth into the world . and perhaps this is that doom which adam fell into of knowing good and evill , that is to say of knowing good by evill . as therefore the state of man now is ; what wisdome can there be to choose , what continence to forbeare without the knowledge of evill ? he that can apprehend and consider vice with all her baits and seeming pleasures , and yet abstain , and yet distinguish , and yet prefer that which is truly better , he is the true wayfaring christian . i cannot praise a fugitive and cloister'd vertue , unexercis'd & unbreath'd , that never sollies out and sees her adversary , but slinks out of the race , where that immortall garland is to be run for , notwithout dust and heat . assuredly we bring not innocence into the world , we bring impurity much rather : that which purifies us is triall , and triall is by what is contrary . that vertue therefore which is but a youngling in the contemplation of evill , and knows not the utmost that vice promises to her followers , and rejects 〈…〉 tue , not a pure ; her whitenesse is but an 〈…〉 ; which was the reason why our sage and serious poet spencer , whom i dare be known to think a better teacher then scotus or aquinas , describing true temperance under the person of guion , brings him in with his palmer through the cave of mammon , and the bowr of earthly blisse that he might see and know , and yet abstain . since therefore the knowledge and survay of vice is in this world so necessary to the constituting of human vertue , and the scanning of error to the confirmation of truth , how can we more safely , and with lesse danger scout into the regions of sin and falsity then by reading all manner of tractats , and hearing all manner of reason ? and this is the benefit which may be had of books promiscuously read . but of the harm that may result hence three kinds are usually reckn'd . first , is fear'd the infection that may spread ; but then all human learning and controversie in religious points must remove out of the world , yea the bible it selfe ; for that oftimes relates blasphemy not nicely , it describes the carnall sense of wicked men not unelegantly , it brings in holiest men passionately murmuring against providence through all the arguments of epicurus : in other great disputes it answers dubiously and darkly to the common reader : and ask a talmudist what ails the modesty of his marginall keri , that moses and all the prophets cannot perswade him to pronounce the textuall chetiv . for these causes we all know the bible it selfe put by the papist into the first rank of prohibited books . the ancientest father must be next remov'd , as clement of alexandria , and that eusebian book of evangelick preparation , transmitting our ears through a hoard of heathenish obscenities to receive the gospel . who finds not that irenaeus , epiphanius , jerom , and others discover more heresies then they well confute , and that oft for heresie which is the truer opinion . nor boots it to say for these , and all the heathen writers of greatest infection , if it must be thought so , with whom is bound up the life of human learning , that they writ in an unknown tongue , so long as we are sure those languages are known as well to the worst of men , who are both most able , and most diligent to instill the poison they suck , first into the courts of princes , acquainting them with the choisest delights , and criticisms of sin . as perhaps did that petronius whom nero call'd his arbiter , the master of his revels ; and that notorious ribald of arezzo , dreaded , and yet dear to the italian courtiers . i name not him for posterities sake , whom harry the , nam'd in merriment his vicar of hell . by which compendious way all the contagion that foreine books can infuse , will finde a passage to the people farre easier and shorter then an indian voyage , though it could be sail'd either by the north of cataio eastward , or of canada westward , while our spanish licencing gags the english presse never so severely . but on the other side that infection which is from books of controversie in religion , is more doubtfull and dangerous to the learned , then to the ignorant ; and yet those books must be permitted untoucht by the licencer . it will be hard to instance where any ignorant man hath bin ever seduc't by papisticall book in english , unlesse it were commended and expounded to him by some of the clergy : and indeed all such tractats whether false or true are as the prophesie of isaiah was to the ennuch , not to be understood without a guide . but of our priests and doctors how many have bin corrupted by studying the comments of jesuits and sorbonists , and how fast they could transfuse that corruption into the people , our experience is both late and sad . it is not forgot , since the acute and distinct arminius was perverted meerly by the perusing of a namelesse discours writt'n at delf , which at first he took in hand to confute . seeing therefore that those books , & those in great abundance which are likeliest to taint both life and doctrine , cannot be supprest without the fall of learning , and of all ability in disputation , and that these books of either sort are most and soonest catching to the learned , from whom to the common people what ever is hereticall of dissolute may quickly be convey'd , and that evill manners are as perfectly learnt without books a thousand other ways which cannot be stopt , and evill doctrine not with books can propagate , except a teacher guide , which he might also doe without writing , and so beyond prohibiting , i am not able to unfold , how this cautelous enterprise of licencing can be exempted from the number of vain and impossible attempts . and he who were pleasantly dispos'd , could not well avoid to lik'n it to the exploit of that gallant man who thought to pound up the crows by shutting his parkgate . besides another inconvenience , if learned men be the first receivers out of books , & dispredders both of vice and error , how shall the licencers themselves be confided in , unlesse we can conferr upon them , or they assume to themselves above all others in the land , the grace of infallibility , and uncorruptednesse ? and again if it be true , that a wise man like a good refiner can gather gold out of the drossiest volume , and that a fool will be a fool with the best book , yea or without book , there is no reason that we should deprive a wise man of any advantage to his wisdome , while we seek to restrain from a fool , that which being restrain'd will be no hindrance to his folly . for it there should be so much exactnesse always us'd to keep that from him which is unfit for his reading , we should in the judgement of aristotle not only , but of salomon , and of our saviour , not voutsafe him good precepts , and by consequence not willingly admit him to good books ; as being certain that a wise man will make better use of an idle pamphlet , then a fool will do of sacred scripture . 't is next alleg'd we must not expose our selves to temptations without necessity , and next to that , not imploy our time in vain things . to both these objections one answer will serve , out of the grounds already laid , that to all men such books are not temptations , not vanities ; but usefull drugs and materialls wherewith to temper and compose effective and strong med'cins , which mans life cannot want . the rest , as children and childish men , who have not the art to qualifie and prepare these working mineralls , well may be exhorted to forbear , but hinder'd forcibly they cannot be by all the licencing that sainted inquisition could ever yet contrive ; which is what i promis'd to deliver next , that this order of licencing conduces nothing to the end for which it was fram'd ; and hath almost prevented me by being clear already while thus much hath bin explaining . see the ingenuity of truth , who when she gets a free and willing hand , opens her self faster , then the pace of method and discours can overtake her . it was the task which i began with , to shew that no nation , or well instituted state , if they valu'd books at all , did ever use this way of licencing ; and it might be answer'd , that this is a piece of prudence lately discover'd . to which i return , that as it was a thing slight and obvious to think on , so if it had bin difficult to finde out , there wanted not among them long since , who suggested such a cours ; which they not following , leave us a pattern of their judgement , that it was not the not knowing , but the not approving , which was the cause of their not using it . plato , a man of high autority indeed , but least of all for his commonwealth , in the book of his laws , which no city ever yet receiv'd , fed his fancie with making many edicts to his ayrie burgomasters , which they who otherwise admire him , wish had bin rather buried and excus'd in the genial cups of an academick night-satting . by which laws he seems to tolerat no kind of learning , but by unalterable decree , consisting most of practicall traditions , to the attainment whereof a library of smaller bulk then his own dialogues would be abundant . and there also enacts that no poet should so much as read to any privat man , what he had writt'n , untill the judges and law-keepers had seen it , and allow'd it : but that plato meant this law peculiarly to that commonwealth which he had imagin'd , and to no other , is evident . why was he not else a law-giver to himself , but a transgressor , and to be expell'd by his own magistrats ; both for the wanton epigrams and dialogues which he made , and his perpetuall reading of sophron mimus , and aristophanes , books of grossest infamy , and also for commending the latter of them though he were the malicious libeller of his chief friends , to be read by the tyrant dionysius , who had little need of such trash to spend his time on ? but that he knew this licencing of poems had reference and dependence to many other proviso's there set down in his fancied republic , which in this world could have no place : and so neither he himself , nor any magistrat , or city ever imitated that cours , which tak'n apart from those other collaterall injunctions must needs be vain and fruitlesse . for if they fell upon one kind of strictnesse , unlesse their care were equall to regulat all other things of like aptnes to corrupt the mind , that single endeavour they knew would be but a fond labour ; to shut and fortifie one gate against corruption , and be necessitated to leave others round about wide open . if we think to regulat printing , thereby to rectifie manners , we must regulat all recreations and pastimes , all that is delightfull to man . no musick must be heard , no song be set or sung , but what is grave and dorick . there must be licencing dancers , that no gesture , motion , or deportment be taught our youth but what by their allowance shall be thought honest ; for such plato was provided of ; it will ask more then the work of twenty licencers to examin all the lutes , the violins , and the ghittarrs in every house ; they must not be suffer'd to prattle as they doe , but must be licenc'd what they may say . and who shall silence all the airs and madrigalls , that whisper softnes in chambers ? the windows also , and the balcone's must be thought on , there are shrewd books , with dangerous frontispices set to sale ; who shall prohibit them , shall twenty licencers ? the villages also must have their visitors to enquire what lectures the bagpipe and the rebbeck reads ev'n to the ballatry , and the gammuth of every municipal sidler , for these are the countrymans arcadia's and his monte mayors . next , what more nationall corruption , for which england hears ill abroad , then houshold gluttony ; who shall be the rectors of our daily rioting ? and what shall be done to inhibit the multitudes that frequent those houses where drunk'nes is sold and harbour'd ? our garments also should be referr'd to the licencing of some more sober work-masters to see them cut into a lesse wanton garb . who shall regulat all the mixt conversation of our youth , male and female together , as is the fashion of this country , who shall still appoint what shall be discours'd , what presum'd , and no furder ? lastly , who shall forbid and separat all idle resort , all evill company ? these things will be , and must be ; but how they shall be lest hurtfull , how lest enticing , herein consists the grave and governing wisdom of a state . to sequester out of the world into atlantick and eutopian politics , which never can be drawn into use , will not mend our condition ; but to ordain wisely as in this world of evill , in the midd'st whereof god hath plac't us unavoidably . nor is it plato's licencing of books will doe this , which necessarily pulls along with it so many other kinds of licencing , as will make us all both ridiculous and weary , and yet frustrat ; but those unwritt'n , or at least unconstraining laws of vertuous education , religious and civil nurture , which plato there mentions , as the bonds and ligaments of the commonwealth , the pillars and the sustainers of every writt'n statute ; these they be which will bear chief sway in such matters as these , when all licencing will be easily eluded . impunity and remissenes , for certain are the bane of a commonwealth , but here the great art lyes to discern in what the law is to bid restraint and punishment , and in what things perswasion only is to work . if every action which is good , or evill in man at ripe years , were to be under pittance , and prescription , and compulsion , what were vertue but a name , what praise could be then due to well-doing , what grammercy to be sober , just or continent ? many there be that complain of divin providence for suffering adam to transgresse , foolish tongues ! when god gave him reason , he gave him freedom to choose , for reason is but choosing ; he had bin else a meer artificiall adam , such an adam as he is in the motions . we our selves esteem not of that obedience , or love , or gift , which is of force : god therefore left him free , set before him a provoking object , ever almost in his eyes herein consisted his merit , herein in the right of his reward , the praise of his abstinence . wherefore did he creat passions within us , pleasures round about us , but that these rightly temper'd are the very ingredients of vertu ? they are not skilfull considerers of human things , who imagin to remove sin by removing the matter of sin ; for , besides that it is a huge heap increasing under the very act of diminishing though some part of it may for a time be withdrawn from some persons , it cannot from all , in such a universall thing as books are ; and when this is done , yet the sin remains entire . though ye take from a covetous man all his treasure , he has yet one jewell left , ye cannot bereave him of his covetousnesse . banish all objects of lust , shut up all youth into the severest discipline that can be exercis'd in any hermitage , ye cannot make them chaste , that came not thither so : such great care and wisdom is requir'd to the right managing of this point . suppose we could expell sin by this means ; look how much we thus expell of sin , so much we expell of vertue : for the matter of them both is the same ; remove that , and ye remove them both alike . this justifies the high providence of god , who though he command us temperance , justice , continence , yet powrs out before us ev'n to a prosusenes all desirable things , and gives us minds that can wander beyond all limit and satiety . why should we then affect a rigor contrary to the manner of god and of nature , by abridging or scanting those means , which books freely permitted are , both to the triall of vertue , and the exercise of truth . it would be better done to learn that the law must needs be frivolous which goes to restrain things , uncertainly and yet equally working to good , and to evill . and were i the chooser , a dram of well-doing should be preferr'd before many times as much the forcible hindrance of evill-doing . for god sure esteems the growth and compleating of one vertuous person , more then the restraint often vitious . and albeit what ever thing we hear or see , sitting , walking , travelling , or conversing may be fitly call'd our book , and is of the same effect that writings are , yet grant the thing to be prohibited were only books , it appears that this order hitherto is far insufficient to the end which it intends . do we not see , not once or oftner , but weekly that continu'd court-libell against the parlament and city , printed , as the wet sheets can witnes , and dispers't among us , for all that licencing can doe ? yet this is the prime service a man would think , wherein this order should give proof of it self . if it were executed , you 'l say . but certain , if execution be remisse or blindfold now , and in this particular , what will it be hereafter , and in other books . if then the order shall not be vain and frustrat , behold a new labour , lords and commons , ye must repeal and proscribe all scandalous and unlicenc't books already printed and divulg'd ; after ye have drawn them up into a list , that all may know which are condemn'd , and which not ; and ordain that no forrein books be deliver'd out of custody , till they have bin read over . this office will require the whole time of not a few overseers , and those no vulgar men . there be also books which are partly usefull and excellent , partly culpable and pernicious ; this work will ask as many more officials , to make expurgations , and expunctions , that the commonwealth of learning be not damnify'd . in fine , when the multitude of books encrease upon their hands , ye must be fain to catalogue all those printers who are found frequently offending , and forbidd the importation of their whole suspected typography . in a word , that this your order may be exact , and not desicient , ye must reform it perfectly according to the model of trent and sevil , which i know ye abhorre to doe . yet though ye should condiscend to this , which god forbid , the order still would be but fruitlesse and defective to that end whereto ye meant it . if to prevent sects and schisms , who is so unread or so uncatechis'd in story , that hath not heard of many sects refusing books as a hindrance , and preserving their doctrine unmixt for many ages , only by unwritt'n traditions . the christian faith , for that was once a schism , is not unknown to have spread all over asia , ere any gospel or epistle was seen in writing . if the amendment of manners be aym'd at , look into italy and spain , whether those places be one scruple the better , the honester , the wiser , the chaster , since all the inquisitionall rigor that hath bin executed upon books . another reason , whereby to make it plain that this order will misse the end it seeks , consider by the quality which ought to be in every licencer . it cannot be deny'd but that he who is made judge to sit upon the birth , or death of books whether they may be wafted into this world , or not , had need to be a man above the common measure , both studious , learned , and judicious ; there may be else no mean mistakes in the censure of what is passable or not ; which is also no mean injury . if he be of such worth as behoovs him , here cannot be a more tedious and unpleasing journey-work , a greater losse of time levied upon his head , then to be made the perpetuall reader of unchosen books and pamphlets , oftimes huge volumes . there is no book that is acceptable unlesse at certain seasons ; but to be enjoyn'd the reading of that at all times , and in a hand scars legible , whereof three pages would not down at any time in the fairest print , is an imposition which i cannot beleeve how he that values time , and his own studies , or is but of a sensible nostrill should be able to endure . in this one thing i crave leave of the present licencers to be pardon'd for so thinking : who doublesse took this office up , looking on it through their obedience to the parlament , whose command perhaps made all things seem easie and unlaborious to them ; but that this short triall hath wearied them out already , their own expressions and excuses to them who make so many journeys to sollicit their licence , are testimony anough . seeing therefore those who now possesse the imployment , by all evident signs wish themselves well ridd of it , and that no man of worth , none that is not a plain unthrift of his own hours is ever likely to succeed them , except he mean to put him'elf to the salary of a presse-corrector , we may easily foresee what kind of licencers we are to expect hereafter , either ignorant , imperious , and remisse , or basely pecuniary . this is what i had to shew wherein this order cannot conduce to that end , whereof it bears the intention . i lastly proceed from the no good it can do , to the manifest hurt it causes , in being first the greatest discouragement and affront , that can be offer'd to learning and to learned men . it was the complaint and lamentation of prelats , upon every least breath of a motion to remove pluralities , and distribute more equally church revennu's , that then all learning would be for ever dasht and discourag'd . but as for that opinion , i never found cause to think that the tenth part of learning stood or fell with the clergy : nor could i ever but hold it for a sordid and unworthy speech of any churchman who had a competency left him . if therefore ye be loath to dishearten utterly and discontent , not the mercenary crew of false pretenders to learning , but the free and ingenuous sort of such as evidently were born to study , and love lerning for it self , not for lucre , or any other end , but the service of god and of truth , and perhaps that lasting fame and perpetuity of praise which god and good men have consented shall be the reward of those whose publisht labours advance the good of mankind , then know , that so far to distrust the judgement & the honesty of one who hath but a common repute in learning , and never yet offended , as not to count him fit to print his mind without a tutor and examiner , lest he should drop a scism , or something of corruption , is the greatest displeasure and indignity to a free and knowing spirit that can be put upon him . what advantage is it to be a man over it is to be a boy at school , if we have only scapt the ferular , to come under the fescu of an imprimatur , if serious and elaborat writings , as if they were no more then the theam of a grammar lad under his pedagogue must not be utter'd without the cursory eyes of a temporizing and extemporizing licencer . he who is not trusted with his own actions , his drift not being known to be evill , and standing to the hazard of law and penalty , has no great argument to think himself reputed in the commonwealth wherin he was born , for other then a fool or a foreiner . when a man writes to the world , he summons up all his reason and deliberation to assist him ; he searches , meditats , is industrious , and likely consults and conferrs with his judicious friends ; after all which done he takes himself to be inform'd in what he writes , as well as any that writ before him ; if in this the most consummat act of his fidelity and ripenesse , no years , no industry , no former proof of his abilities can bring him to that state of maturity , as not to be still mistrusted and suspected , unlesse he carry all his considerat diligence , all his midnight watchings , and expence of palladian oyl , to the hasty view of an unleasur'd licencer , perhaps much his younger , perhaps far his inferiour in judgement , perhaps one who never knew the labour of book-writing , and if he be not repulst , or slighted , must appear in print like a punic with his guardian , and his censors hand on the back of his title to be his bayl and surety , that he is no idiot , or seducer , it cannot be but a dishonor and derogation to the author , to the book , to the priviledge and dignity of learning . and what if the author shall be one so copious of fancie , as to have many things well worth the adding , come into his mind after licencing , while the book is yet under the presse , which not seldom happ'ns to the best and diligentest writers ; and that perhaps a dozen times in one book . the printer dares not go beyond his licenc't copy ; so often then must the author trudge to his leav-giver , that those his new insertions may be viewd ; and many a jaunt will be made , ere that licencer , for it must be the same man , can either be found , or found at leisure ; mean while either the presse must stand still , which is no small damage , or the author loose his accuratest thoughts , & send the book forth wors then he had made it , which to a diligent writer is the greatest melancholy and vexation that can befall . and how can a man teach with autority , which is the life of teaching , how can he be a doctor in his book as he ought to be , or else had better be silent , whenas all he teaches , all he delivers , is but under the tuition , under the correction of his patriarchal licencer to blot or alter what precisely accords not with the hidebound humor which he calls his judgement . when every acute reader upon the first sight of a pedantick licence , will be ready with these like words to ding the book a coits distance from him , i hate a pupil teacher , i endure not an instructer that comes to me under the wardship of an overseeing sist . i know nothing of the licencer , but that i have his own hand here for his arrogance ; who shall warrant me his judgement ? the state sir , replies the stationer , but has a quick return , the state shall be my governours , but not my criticks ; they may be mistak'n in the choice of a licencer , as easily as this licencer may be mistak'n in an author : this is some common stuffe : and he might adde from sir francis bacon , that such authoriz'd books are but the language of the times . for though a licencer should happ'n to be judicious more then ordnary , which will be a great jeopardy of the next succession , yet his very office , and his commission enjoyns him to let passe nothing but what is vulgarly receiv'd already . nay , which is more lamentable , if the work of any deceased author , though never so famous in his life time , and even to this day , come to their hands for licence to be printed , or reprinted , if there be found in his book one sentence of a ventrous edge , utter'd in the height of zeal , and who knows whether it might not be the dictat of a divine spirit , yet not suiting with every low decrepit humor of their own , though it were knox himself , the reformer of a kingdom that spake it , they will not pardon him their dash : the sense of that great man shall to all posterity be lost , for the fearfulnesse , or the presumptuous rashnesse of a perfunctory licencer . and to what an author this violence hath bin lately done , and in what book of greatest consequence to be faithfully publisht , i could now instance , but shall forbear till a more convenient season . yet if these things be not resented seriously and timely by them who have the remedy in their power , but that such iron moulds as these shall have autority to knaw out the choisest periods of exquisitest books , and to commit such a treacherous fraud against the orphan remainders of worthiest men after death , the more sorrow will belong to that haples race of men , whose misfortune it is to have understanding . henceforth let no man care to learn , or care to be more then worldly wise ; for certainly in higher matters to be ignorant and slothfull , to be a common stedfast dunce will be the only pleasant life , and only in request . and as it is a particular disesteem of every knowing person alive , and most injurious to the writt'n labours and monuments of the dead , so to me it seems an undervaluing and vilifying of the whole nation . i cannot set so light by all the invention , the art , the wit , the grave and solid judgement which is in england , as that it can be comprehended in any twenty capacities how good soever , much lesse that it should not passe except their superintendence be over it , except it be sifted and strain'd with their strainers , that it should be uncurrant without their manuall stamp . truth and understanding are not such wares as to be monopoliz'd and traded in by tickets and statutes , and standards . we must not think to make a staple commodity of all the knowledge in the land , to mark and licence it like our broad cloath , and our wooll packs . what is it but a servitude like that impos'd by the philistims , not to be allow'd the sharpning of our own axes and coulters , but we must repair from all quarters to twenty licencing forges . had any one writt'n and divulg'd erroneous things & scandalous to honest life , misusing and forfeiting the esteem had of his reason among men , if after conviction this only censure were adjudg'd him , that he should never henceforth write , but what were first examin'd by an appointed officer , whose hand should be annext to passe his credit for him , that now he might be safely read , it could not be apprehended lesse then a disgracefull punishment . whence to include the whole nation , and those that never yet thus offended , under such a diffident and suspectfull prohibition , may plainly be understood what a disparagement it is . so much the more , when as dettors and delinquents may walk abroad without a keeper , but unoffensive books must not stirre forth without a visible jaylor in thir title . nor is it to the common people lesse then a reproach ; for if we be so jealous over them , as that we dare not trust them with an english pamphlet , what doe we but censure them for a giddy , vitious , and ungrounded people ; in such a sick and weak estate of faith and discretion , as to be able to take nothing down but through the pipe of a licencer . that this is care or love of them , we cannot pretend , whenas in those popish places where the laity are most hated and dispis'd the same strictnes is us'd over them . wisdom we cannot call it , because it stops but one breach of licence , nor that neither ; whenas those corruptions which it seeks to prevent , break in faster at other dores which cannot be shut . and in conclusion it reslects to the disrepute of our ministers also , of whose labours we should hope better , and of the proficiencie which thir flock reaps by them , then that after all this light of the gospel which is , and is to be , and all this continuall preaching , they should be still frequented with such an unprincipl'd , unedify'd , and laick rabble , as that the whiffe of every new pamphlet should stagger them out of thir catechism , and christian walking . this may have much reason to discourage the ministers when such a low conceit is had of all their exhortations , and the benefiting of their hearers , as that they are not thought fit to be turn'd loose to three sheets of paper without a licencer , that all the sermons , all the lectures preacht , printed , vented in such numbers , and such volumes , as have now well-nigh made all other books unsalable , should not be armor anough against one single enchiridion , without the castle st. angelo of an imprimatur . and lest som should perswade ye , lords and commons , that these arguments of lerned mens discouragement at this your order , are meer flourishes , and not reall , i could recount what i have seen and heard in other countries , where this kind of inquisition tyrannizes ; when i have sat among their lerned men , for that honor i had , and bin counted happy to be born in such a place of as they suppos'd england was , while themselvs did nothing but bemoan the servil condition into which lerning amongst them was brought ; that this was it which had dampt the glory of italian wits : that nothing had bin there writt'n now these many years but flattery and lustian . there it was that i found and visited the famous galileo grown old , a prisner to the inquisition , for thinking in astronomy otherwise then the franciscan and dominican licencers thought . and though i knew that england then was groaning loudest under the prelaticall yoak , neverthelesse i took it as a pledge of future happines , that other nations were so perswaded of her liberty . yet was it beyond my hope that those worthies were then breathing in her air , who should be her leaders to such a deliverance , as shall never be forgott'n by any revolution of time that this world hath to finish . when that was once begun , it was as little in my fear , that what words of complaint i heard among lerned men of other parts utter'd against the inquisition , the same i shou'd hear by as lerned men at home utterd in time of parlament against an order of licencing ; and that so generally , that when i had disclos'd my self a companion of their discontent , i might say , if without envy , that he whom an honest questorship had indear'd to the sicilians , was not more by them importun'd against verres , then the favourable opinion which i had among many who honour ye , and are known and respected by ye , loaded me with entreaties and perswasions ; that i would not despair to lay together that which just reason should bring into my mind , toward the removal of an undeserved thraldom upon lerning . that this is not therefore the disburdning of a particular fancie , but the common grievance of all those who had prepar'd their minds and studies above the vulgar pitch to advance truth in others , and from others to entertain it , thus much may satisfie . and in their name i shall for neither friend nor foe conceal what the generall murmur is ; that if it come to inquisitioning again , and licencing , and that we are so timorous of our selvs , and so suspicious of all men , as to fear each book , and the shaking of every leaf , before we know what the contents are , if some who but of late were little better then silenc't from preaching , shall come now to silence us from reading , except what they please , it cannot be guest what is intended by som but a second tyranny over learning : and will soon put it out of controversie that bishops and presbyters are the same to us both name and thing . that those evills of prelaty which before from five or six and twenty sees were distributivly charg'd upon the whole people , will now light wholly upon learning , is not obscure to us : whenas now the pastor of a small unlearned parish , on the sudden shall be exalted archbishop over a large dioces of books , and yet not remove , but keep his other cure too , a mysticall pluralist . he who but of late cry'd down the sole ordination of every novice batchelor of art , and deny'd sole jurisdiction over the simplest parishioner , shall now at home in his privat chair assume both these over worthiest and excellentest books and ablest authors that write them . this is not , yee covnants and protestations that we have made , this is not to put down prelaty , this is but to chop an episcopacy , this is but to translate the palace metropolitan from one kind of dominion into another , this is but an old canonicall flight of commuting our penance . to startle thus betimes at a meer unlicenc't pamphlet will after a while be afraid of every conventicle , and a while after will make a conventicle of every christian meeting . but i am certain that a state govern'd by the rules of justice and fortitude , or a church built and founded upon the rock of faith and true knowledge , cannot be so pusillanimous . while things are yet not constituted in religion , that freedom of writing should be restrain'd by a discipline imitated from the prelats , and learnt by them from the inquisition to shut us up all again into the brest of a licencer , must needs give cause of doubt and discouragement to all learned and religious men . who cannot but discern the finenes of this politic drift , and who are the contrivers ; that while bishops were to be baited down , then all presses might be open ; it was the peoples birthright and priviledge in time of parlament , it was the breaking forth of light . but now the bishops abrogated and voided out of the church , as if our reformation sought no more , but to make room for others into their seats under another name , the episcopall arts begin to bud again , the cruse of truth must run no more oyle , liberty of printing must be enthrall'd again under a prelaticall commission of twenty , the privilege of the people nullify'd , and which is wors , the freedom of learning must groan again , and to her old fetters ; all this the parlament yet sitting . although their own late arguments and defences against the prelats might remember them that this obstructing violence meets for the most part with an event utterly opposite to the end which it drives at : instead of suppressing sects and schisms , it raises them and invests them with a reputation : the punishing of wits enhaunces their autority , saith the vicount st. albans , and a forbidd'n writing is thought to be a certain spark of truth that flies up in the faces of them who seeke to tread it out . this order therefore may prove a nursing mother to sects , but i shall easily shew how it will be a step-dame to truth : and first by disinabling us to the maintenance of what is known already . well knows he who uses to consider , that our faith and knowledge thrives by exercise , as well as our limbs and complexion . truth is compar'd in scripture to a streaming fountain ; if her waters flow not in a perpetuall progression , they sick'n into a muddy pool of conformity and tradition . a man may be a heretick in the truth ; and if he beleeve things only because his pastor sayes so , or the assembly so determins , without knowing other reason , though his belief be true , yet the very truth he holds , becomes his heresie . there is not any burden that som would gladlier post off to another , then the charge and care of their religion . there be , who knows not that there be of protestants and professors who live and dye in as arrant an implicit faith , as any lay papist of loretto . a wealthy man addicted to his pleasure and to his profits , finds religion to be a traffick so entangl'd , and of so many piddling accounts , that of all mysteries he cannot skill to keep a stock going upon that trade . what should he doe ? fain he would have the name to be religious , fain he would bear up with his neighbours in that . what does he therefore , but resolvs to give over toyling , and to find himself out som factor , to whose care and credit he may commit the whole managing of his religious affairs ; som divine of note and estimation that must be . to him he adheres , resigns the whole ware-house of his religion , with all the locks and keyes into his custody ; and indeed makes the very person of that man his religion ; esteems his associating with him a sufficient evidence and commendatory of his own piety . so that a man may say his religion is now no more within himself , but is becom a dividuall movable , and goes and comes neer him , according as that good man frequents the house . he entertains him , gives him gifts , feasts him , lodges him ; his religion comes home at night , praies , is liberally supt , and sumptuously laid to sleep , rises , is saluted , and after the malmsey , or some well spic't bruage , and better breakfasted then he whose morning appetite would have gladly fed on green figs between bethany and ierusalem , his religion walks abroad at eight , and leavs his kind entertainer in the shop trading all day without his religion . another sort there be who when they hear that all things shall be order'd , all things regulated and setl'd ; nothing writt'n but what passes through the custom-house of certain publicans that have the tunaging and the poundaging of all free spok'n truth , will strait give themselvs up into your hands , mak 'em & cut 'em out what religion ye please ; there be delights , there be recreations and jolly pastimes that will fetch the day about from sun to sun , and rock the tedious year as in a delightfull dream . what need they torture their heads with that which others have tak'n so strictly , and so unalterably into their own pourveying . these are the fruits which a dull ease and cessation of our knowledge will bring forth among the people . how goodly , and how to be wisht were such an obedient unanimity as this , what a fine conformity would it starch us all into ? doubtles a stanch and solid peece of frame-work , as any january could freeze together . nor much better will be the consequence ev'n among the clergy themselvs ; it is no new thing never heard of before , for a parochiall minister , who has his reward , and is at his hercules pillars in a warm benefice , to be easily inclinable , if he have nothing else that may rouse up his studies , to finish his circuit in an english concordance and a topic folio , the gatherings and savings of a sober graduatship , a harmony and a catena , treading the constant round of certain common doctrinall heads , attended with their uses , motives , marks and means , out of which as out of an alphabet or sol fa by forming and transforming , joyning and dis-joyning variously a little book-craft , and two hours meditation might furnish him unspeakably to the performance of more then a weekly charge of sermoning : not to reck'n up the infinit helps of interlinearies , breviaries , synopses , and other loitering gear . but as for the multitude of sermons ready printed and pil'd up , on every text that is not difficult , our london trading st. thomas in his vestry , and adde to boot st. martin , and st. hugh , have not within their hallow'd limits more vendible ware of all sorts ready made : so that penury he never need fear of pulpit provision , having where so plenteously to refresh his magazin . but if his rear and flanks be not impal'd , if his back dore be not secur'd by the rigid licencer , but that a bold book may now and then issue forth , and give the assault to some of his old collections in their trenches , it will concern him then to keep waking , to stand in watch , to set good guards and sentinells about his receiv'd opinions , to walk the round and counter-round with his fellow inspectors , fearing lest any of his flock be seduc't , who also then would be better instructed , better exercis'd and disciplin'd . and god send that the fear of this diligence which must then be us'd , doe not make us affect the lazines of a licencing church . for if we be sure we are in the right , and doe not hold the truth guiltily , which becomes not , if we our selves condemn not our own weak and frivolous teaching , and the people for an untaught and irreligious gadding rout , what can be more fair , then when a man judicious , learned , and of a conscience , for ought we know , as good as theirs that taught us what we know , shall not privily from house to house , which is more dangerous , but openly by writing publish to the world what his opinion is , what his reasons , and wherefore that which is now thought cannot be found . christ urg'd it as wherewith to justifie himself , that he preacht in publick ; yet writing is more publick then preaching ; and more easie to refutation , if need be , there being so many whose businesse and profession meerly it is , to be the champions of truth ; which if they neglect , what can be imputed but their sloth , or unability ? thus much we are hinder'd and dis-inur'd by this cours of licencing toward the true knowledge of what we seem to know . for how much it hurts and hinders the licencers themselves in the calling of their ministery , more then any secular employment , if they will discharge that office as they ought , so that of necessity they must neglect either the one duty or the other , i insist not , because it is a particular , but leave it to their own conscience , how they will decide it there . there is yet behind of what i purpos'd to lay open , the incredible losse , and detriment that this plot of licencing puts us to , more then if som enemy at sea should stop up all our hav'ns and ports , and creeks , it hinders and retards the importation of our richest marchandize , truth : nay it was first establisht and put in practice by antichristian malice and mystery on set purpose to extinguish , if it were possible , the light of reformation , and to settle falshood ; little differing from that policie wherewith the turk upholds his alcoran , by the prohibition of printing . 't is not deny'd , but gladly confest , we are to send our thanks and vows to heav'n , louder then most of nations , for that great measure of truth which we enjoy , especially in those main points between us and the pope , with his appertinences the prelats : but he who thinks we are to pitch our tent here , and have attain'd the utmost prospect of reformation , that the mortall glasse wherein we contemplate , can shew us , till we come to beatisic vision , that man by this very opinion declares , that he is yet farre short of truth . truth indeed came once into the world with her divine master , and was a perfect shape most glorious to look on : but when he ascended , and his apostles after him were laid asleep , then strait arose a wicked race of deceivers , who as that story goes of the aegyptian typhon with his conspirators , how they dealt with the good osiris , took the virgin truth , hewd her lovely form into a thousand peeces , and scatter'd them to the four winds . from that time ever since , the sad friends of truth , such as durst appear , imitating the carefull search that isis made for the mangl'd body of osiris , went up and down gathering up limb by limb still as they could find them . we have not yet found them all , lords and commons , nor ever shall doe , till her masters second comming ; he shall bring together every joynt and member , and shall mould them into an immortall feature of lovelines and perfection . suffer not these licencing prohibitions to stand at every place of opportunity forbidding and disturbing them that continue seeking , that continue to do our obsequies to the torn body of our martyr'd saint . we boast our light ; but if we look not wisely on the sun it self , it smites us into darknes . who can discern those planets that are oft combust , and those stars of brightest magnitude that rise and set with the sun , untill the opposite motion of their orbs bring them to such a place in the firmament , where they may be seen evning or morning . the light which we have gain'd , was giv'n us , not to be ever staring on , but by it to discover onward things more remote from our knowledge it is not the unfrocking of a priest , the unmitring of a bishop , and the removing him from off the presbyterian shoulders that will make us a happy nation , no , if other things as great in the church , and in the rule of life both economicall and politicall be not lookt into and reform'd , we have lookt so long upon the blaze that zuinglius and calvin hath beacon'd up to us , that we are stark blind . there be who perpetually complain of schisms and sects , and make it such a calamity that any man dissents from their maxims . 't is their own pride and ignorance which causes the disturbing , who neither will hear with meeknes , nor can convince , yet all must be supprest which is not found in their syntagma . they are the troublers , they are the dividers of unity , who neglect and permit not others to unite those dissever'd peeces which are yet wanting to the body of truth . to be still searching what we know not , by what we know , still closing up truth to truth as we find it ( for all her body is homogeneal , and proportionall ) this is the golden rule in theology as well as in arithmetick , and makes up the best harmony in a church ; not the forc't and outward union of cold , and neutrall , and inwardly divided minds . lords and commons of england , consider what nation it is wherof ye are , and wherof ye are the governours : a nation not slow and dull , but of a quick , ingenious , and piercing spirit , acute to invent , suttle and sinewy to discours , not beneath the reach of any point the highest that human capacity can soar to . therefore the studies of learning in her deepest sciences have bin so ancient , and so eminent among us , that writers of good antiquity , and ablest judgement have bin perswaded that ev'n the school of pythagoras , and the persian wisdom took beginning from the old philosophy of this iland . and that wise and civill roman , julius agricola , who govern'd once here for caesar , preferr'd the naturall wits of britain , before the labour'd studies of the french . nor is it for nothing that the grave and frugal transilvanian sends out yearly from as farre as the mountanous borders of russia , and beyond the hercynian wildernes , not their youth , but their stay'd men , to learn our language , and our theologic arts . yet that which is above all this , the favour and the love of heav'n we have great argument to think in a peculiar manner propitious and propending towards us . why else was this nation chos'n before any other , that out of her as out of sion should be proclam'd and sounded forth the first tidings and trumpet of reformation to all europ . and had it not bin the obstinat perversnes of our prelats against the divine and admirable spirit of wicklef , to suppresse him as a schismatic and innovator , perhaps neither the bohemian husse and jerom , no nor the name of luther , or of calvin had bin ever known ; the glory of reforming all our neighbours had bin compleatly ours . but now , as our obdurat clergy have with violence demean'd the matter , we are become hitherto the latest and the backwardest schollers , of whom god offer'd to have made us the teachers . now once again by all concurrence of signs , and by the generall instinct of holy and devout men , as they daily and solemnly expresse their thoughts , god is decreeing to begin some new and great period in his church , ev'n to the reforming of reformation it self : what does he then but reveal himself to his servants , and as his manner is , first to his english-men ; i say as his manner is , first to us , though we mark not the method of his counsels , and are unworthy . behold now this vast city ; a city of refuge , the mansion house of liberty , encompast and surrounded with his protection ; the shop of warre hath not there more anvils and hammers waking , to fashion out the plates and instruments of armed justice in defence of beleaguer'd truth , then there be pens and heads there , sitting by their studious lamps , musing , searching , revolving new nations and idea's wherewith to present , as with their homage and their fealty the approaching reformation : others as fast reading , trying all things , assenting to the force of reason and convincement . what could a man require more from a nation so pliant and so prone to seek after knowledge . what wants there to such a towardly and pregnant soile , but wise and faithfull labourers , to make a knowing people , a nation of prophets , of sages , and of worthies . we reck'n more then five months yet to harvest ; there need not be five weeks , had we but eyes to lift up , the fields are white already . where there is much desire to learn , there of necessity will be much arguing , much writing , many opinions ; for opinion in good men is but knowledge in the making . under these fantastic terrors of sect and schism , we wrong the earnest and zealous thirst after knowledge and understanding which god hath stirr'd up in this city . what some lament of , we rather should rejoyce at , should rather praise this pious forwardnes among men , to reassume the ill deputed care of their religion into their own hands again . a little generous prudence , a little forbearance of one another , and som grain of charity might win all these diligences to joyn , and unite into one generall and brotherly search after truth ; could we but forgoe this prelaticall tradition of crowding free consciences and christian liberties into canons and precepts of men . i doubt not , if some great and worthy stranger should come among us , wise to discern the mould and temper of a people , and how to govern it , observing the high hopes and aims , the diligent alacrity of our extended thoughts and reasonings in the pursuance of truth and freedom , but that he would cry out as pirrhus did , admiring the roman docility and courage , if such were my epirots , i would not despair the greatest design that could be attempted to make a church or kingdom happy . yet these are the men cry'd out against for schismaticks and sectaries ; as if , while the temple of the lord was building , some cutting , some squaring the marble , others hewing the cedars , there should be a sort of irrationall men who could not consider there must be many schisms and many dissections made in the quarry and in the timber , ere the house of god can be built . and when every stone is laid artfully together , it cannot be united into a continuity , it can but be contiguous in this world ; neither can every peece of the building be of one form ; nay rather the perfection consists in this , that out of many moderat varieties and brotherly dissimilitudes that are not vastly disproportionall arises the goodly and the gracefull symmetry that commends the whole pile and structure . let us therefore be more considerat builders , more wise in spirituall architecture , when great reformation is expected . for now the time seems come , wherein moses the great prophet may sit in heav'n rejoycing to see that memorable and glorious wish of his fulfill'd , when not only our sev'nty elders , but all the lords people are become prophets . no marvell then though some men , and some good men too perhaps , but young in goodnesse , as joshua then was , envy them . they fret , and out of their own weaknes are in agony , lest these divisions and subdivisions will undoe us . the adversarie again applauds , and waits the hour , when they have brancht themselves out , saith he , small anough into parties and partitions , then will be our time . fool ! he sees not the firm root , out of which we all grow , though into branches : nor will beware untill he see our small divided maniples cutting through at every angle of his ill united and unweildy brigade . and that we are to hope better of all those supposed sects and schisms , and that we shall not need that solicitude honest perhaps though over timorous of them that vex in this behalf , but shall laugh in the end , at those malicious applauders of our differences , i have these reasons to perswade me . first , when a city shall be as it were besieg'd and blockt about , her navigable river infested , inrodes and incursions round , defiance and battell oft rumor'd to be marching up ev'n to her walls , and suburb trenches , that then the people , or the greater part , more then at other times , wholly tak'n up with the study of highest and most important matters to be reform'd , should be disputing , reasoning , reading , inventing , discoursing , ev'n to a rarity , and admiration , things not before discourst or writt'n of , argues first a singular good will , contentednesse and confidence in your prudent foresight , and safe government , lords and commons ; and from thence derives it self to a gallant bravery and well grounded contempt of their enemies , as if there were no small number of as great spirits among us , as his was , who when rome was nigh besieg'd by hanibal , being in the city , bought that peece of ground at no cheap rate , whereon hanibal himself encampt his own regiment . next it is a lively and cherfull presage of our happy successe and victory . for as in a body , when the blood is fresh , the spirits pure and vigorous , not only to vital , but to rationall faculties , and those in the acutest , and the pertest operations of wit and suttlety , it argues in what good plight and constitution the body is , so when the cherfulnesse of the people is so sprightly up , as that it has , not only wherewith to guard well its own freedom and safety , but to spare , and to bestow upon the solidest and sublimest points of controversie , and new invention , it betok'ns us not degenerated , nor drooping to a fatall decay , but casting off the old and wrincl'd skin of corruption to outlive these pangs and wax young again , entring the glorious waies of truth and prosperous vertue destin'd to become come great and honourable in these latter ages . methinks i see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep , and shaking her invincible locks : methinks i see her as an eagle muing her mighty youth , and kindling her undazl'd eyes at the full midday beam ; purging and unscaling her long abused sight at the fountain it self of heav'nly radiance ; while the whole noise of timorous and flocking birds , with those also that love the twilight , flutter about , amaz'd at what she means , and in their envious gabble would prognosticat a year of sects and schisms . what should ye doe then , should ye suppresse all this flowry crop of knowledge and new light sprung up and yet springing daily in this city , should ye set an oligarchy of twenty ingrossers over it , to bring a famin upon our minds again , when we shall know nothing but what is measur'd to us by their bushel ? beleeve it , lord and commons , they who counsell ye to such a suppressing , doe as good as bid ye suppresse your selves ; and i will soon shew how . if it be desir'd to know the immediat cause of all this free writing and free speaking , there cannot be assing'd a truer then your own mild , and free , and human government ; it is the liberty , lords and commons , which your own valorous and happy counsels have purchast us , liberty which is the nurse of all great wits ; this is that which hath ratify'd and enlightn'd our spirits like the influence of heav'n ; this is that which hath enfranchis'd , enlarg'd and lifted up our apprehensions degrees above themselves . ye cannot make us now lesse capable , lesse knowing , lesse eagarly pursuing of the truth , unlesse ye first make your selves , that made us so , lesse the lovers , lesse the founders of our true liberty . we can grow ignorant again , brutish , formall , and slavish , as ye found us ; but you then must first become that which ye cannot be , oppressive , arbitrary , and tyrannous , as they were from whom ye have free'd us . that our hearts are now more capacious , our thoughts more erected to the search and expectation of greatest and exactest things , is the issue of your owne vertu propagated in us ; ye cannot suppresse that unlesse ye reinforce an abrogated and mercilesse law , that fathers may dispatch at will their own children . and who shall then stick closest to ye , and excite others ? not he who takes up armes for cote and conduct , and his four nobles of danegelt . although i dispraise not the defence of just immunities , yet love my peace better , if that were all . give me the liberty to know , to utter , and to argue freely according to conscience , above all liberties . what would be best advis'd then , if it be found so hurtfull and so unequall to suppresse opinions for the newness or the unsutablenes to a customary acceptance , will not be my task to say ; i only shall repeat what i have learnt from one of your own honourable number , a right noble and pious lord , who had he not sacrific'd his life and fortunes to the church and commonwealth , we had not now mist and bewayl'd a worthy and undoubted patron of this argument . ye know him i am sure ; yet i for honours sake , and may it be eternall to him , shall name him , the lord brook . he writing of episcopacy , and by the way treating of sects and schisms , left ye his vote , or rather now the last words of his dying charge , which i know will ever be of dear and honour'd regard with ye , so full of meeknes and breathing charity , that next to his last testament , who bequeath'd love and peace to his disciples , i cannot call to mind where i have read or heard words more mild and peacefull . he there exhorts us to hear with patience and humility those however they be miscall'd , that desire to live purely , in such a use of gods ordinances , as the best guidance of their conscience gives them , and to tolerat them , though in some disconformity to ourselves . the book it self will tell us more at large being publish to the world , and dedicated to the parlament by him who both for his life and for his death deserve , that what advice he left be not laid by without perusall . and now the time in speciall is , by priviledge to write and speak what may help to the furder discussing of matters in agitation . the temple of janus with his two controversal faces might now not unsignificantly be set open . and though all the windes of doctrin were let loose to play upon the earth , so truth be in the field , we do injuriously by licencing and prohibiting to misdoubt her strength . let her and falshood grapple ; who ever knew truth put to the wors , in a free and open encounter . her confuting is the best and surest suppressing . he who hears what praying there is for light and clear knowledge to be sent down among us , would think of other matters to be constituted beyond the discipline of geneva , fram'd and fabric't already to our hands . yet when the new light which we beg for shines in upon us , there be who envy , and oppose , if it come not first in at their casements . what a collusion is this , whenas we are exhorted by the wise man to use diligence , to seek for wisdom as for hidd'n treasures early and late , that another order shall enjoyn us to know nothing but by statute . when a man hath bin labouring the hardest labour in the deep mines of knowledge , hath furnisht out his findings in all their equipage , drawn forth his reasons as it were a battell raung'd , scatter'd and defeated all objections in his way , calls out his adversary into the plain , offers him the advantage of wind and sun , if he please ; only that he may try the matter by dint of argument , for his opponets then to sculk , to lay ambushments , to keep a narrow bridge of licencing where the challenger should passe , though it be valour anough in shouldiership , is but weaknes and cowardise in the wars of truth . for who knows not that truth is strong next to the almighty ; she needs no policies , nor stratagems , nor licencings to make her victorious , those are the shifts and the defences that error uses against her power : give her but room , & do not bind her when she sleeps , for then she speaks not true , as the old proteus did , who spake oracles only when he was caught & bound , but then rather she turns herself into all shapes , except her own , and perhaps tunes her voice according to the time , as micaiah did before ahab , untill she be adjur'd into her own likenes . yet is it not impossible that she may have more shapes then one . what else is all that rank of things indifferent , wherein truth may be on this side , or on the other , without being unlike her self . what but a vain shadow else is the abolition of those ordinances , that hand writing nayl'd to the crosse , what great purchase is this christian liberty which paul so often boasts of . his doctrine is , that he who eats or eats not , regards a day , or regards it not , may doe either to the lord . how many other things might be tolerated in peace , and left to conscience , had we but charity , and were it not the chiefstrong hold of our hypocrisie to be ever judging one another . i fear yet this iron yoke of outward conformity hath left a slavish print upon our necks : the ghost of a linnen decency yet haunts us . we stumble and are impatient at the least dividing of one visible congregation from another , though it be not in fundamentalls ; and through our forwardnes to suppresse , and our backwardnes to recover any enthrall'd peece of truth out of the gripe of custom , we care not to keep truth separated from truth , which is the fiercest rent and disunion of all . we doe not see that while we still affect by all means a rigid externall formality , we may as soon fall again into a grosse conforming stupidity , a stark and dead congealment of wood and hay and stubble forc't and frozen together , which is more to the sudden degenerating of a church then many subdichotomies of petty schisms . not that i can think well of every light separation , or that all in a church is to be expected gold and silver and presious stones : it is not possible for man to sever the wheat from the tares , the good fish from the other frie ; that must be the angels ministery at the end of mortall things . yet if all cannot be of one mind , as who looks they should be ? this doubtles is more wholsome , more prudent , and more christian that many be tolerated , rather then all compell'd , i mean not tolerated popery , and open superstition , which as it extirpats all religions and civill supremacies , so it self should be extirpat , provided first that all charitable and compassionat means be us'd to win and regain the weak and the misled : that also which is impious or evil absolutely either against faith or maners no law can possibly permit , that intends not to unlaw it self : but those neighboring differences , or rather indifference , are what i speak of , whether in some point of doctrine or of discipline , which though they may be many , yet need not interrupt the unity of spirit , if we could but find among us the bond of peace . in the mean while if any one would write , and bring his helpfull hand to the slow-moving reformation which we labour under , if truth have spok'n to him before others , or but seem'd at least to speak , who hath so bejesuited us that we should trouble that man with asking licence to doe so worthy a deed ? and not consider this , that if it come to prohibiting , there is not ought more likely to be prohibited then truth it self ; whose first appearance to our eyes bleat'd and dimm'd with prejudice and custom , is more unsightly and unplausible then many errors , ev'n as the person is of many a great man slight and contemptible to see to . and what doe they tell us vainly of new opinions , when this very opinion of theirs , that none must be heard , but whom they like , is the worst and newest opinion of all others ; and is the chief cause why sects and schisms doe so much abound , and true knowledge is kept at distance from us ; besides yet a greater danger which is in it . for when god shakes a kingdome with strong and healthfull commotions to a generall reforming , 't is not untrue that many sectaries and false teachers are then busiest in seducing ; but yet more true it is , that god then raises to his own work men of rare abilities , and more then common industry not only to look back and revise what hath bin taught heretofore , but to gain furder and goe on , some new enlightn'd steps in the discovery of truth . for such is the order of gods enlightning his church , to dispense and deal out by degrees his beam , so as our earthly eyes may best sustain it . neither is god appointed and confin'd , where and out of what place these his chosen shall be first heard to speak ; for he sees not as man sees , chooses not as man chooses , lest we should devote our selves again to set places , and assemblies , and outward callings of men ; planting our faith one while in the old convocation house , and another while in the chappell at westminster ; when all the faith and religion that shall be there canoniz'd , is not sustient without plain convincement , and the charity of patient instruction to supple the least bruise of conscience , to edifie the meanest christian , who desires to walk in the spirit , and not in the letter of human trust , for all the number of voices that can be there made ; no though harry the . himself there , with all his leige tombs about him , should lend them voices from the dead , to swell their number . and if the men be erroneous who appear to be the leading schismaticks , what witholds us but our sloth , our self-will , and distrust in the right cause , that we doe not give them gentle meetings and gentle dismissions , that we debate not and examin the matter throughly with liberall and frequent audience ; if not for their sakes , yet for our own ? seeing no man who hath tasted learning , but will confesse the many waies of profiting by those who not contented with stale receits are able to manage , and set forth new positions to the world . and were they but as the dust and cinders of our feet , so long as in that notion they may yet serve to polish and brighten the armoury of truth , ev'n for that respect they were not utterly to be cast a way . but if they be of those whom god hath fitted for the speciall use of these times , with eminent and ample gifts , and those perhaps neither among the priests , nor among the pharisees , and we in the hast of a precipitant zeal shall make no distinction , but resolve to stop their mouths , because we fear they come with new and dangerous opinions , as we commonly forejudge them ere we understand them , no lesse then woe to us , while thinking thus to defend the gospel , we are found the persecutors . there have bin not a few since the beginning of this parlament , both of the presbytery and others who by their unlicen't books to the contempt of an imprimatur first broke that triple ice clung about our hearts , and taught the people to see day : i hope that none of those were the perswaders to renew upon us this bondage which they themselves have wrought so much good by contemning . but if neither the check that moses gave to young joshua , nor the countermand which our saviour gave to young john , who was so ready to prohibit those whom he thought unlicenc't , be not anough to admonish our elders how unacceptable to god their testy mood of prohibiting is , if neither their own remembrance what evill hath abounded in the church by this lett of licencing , and what good they themselves have begun by transgressing it , be not anough , but that they will perswade , and execute the most deminican part of the inquisition over us , and are already with one foot in the stirrup so active at suppressing , it would be no unequall distribution in the first place to suppresse the suppressors themselves ; whom the change of their condition hath puft up , more then their late experience of harder times hath made wise . and as for regulating the presse , let no man think to have the honour of advising ye better then your selves have done in that order publisht next before this , that no book be printed , unlesse the printers and the authors name , or at least the printers be register'd . those which otherwise come forth , if they be found mischievous and libellous , the fire and the executioner will be the timeliest and the most effectuall remedy , that mans prevention can use . for this authentic spanish policy of licencing books , if i have said ought , will prove the most unlicenc't book it self within a short while ; and was the immediat image of a star-chamber decree to that purpose made in those very times when that court did the rest of those her pious works , for which she is now fall'n from the starres with lucifer . where by ye may guesse what kinde of state prudence , what love of the people , what care of religion , or good manners there was at the contriving , although with singular hypocrisie it pretended to bind books to their good behavior . and how it got the upper hand of your precedent order so well constituted before , if we may beleeve those men whose profession gives them cause to enquire most , it may be doubted there was in it the fraud of some old patentees and monopolizers in the trade of book-selling ; who under pretence of the poor in their company not to be defrauded , and the just retaining of each man his severall copy , which god forbid should be gainsaid , brought divers glosing colours to the house , which were indeed but colours , and serving to no end except it be to exercise a superiority over their neighbours , men who doe not therefore labour in an honest profession to which learning is indetted , that they should be made other mens vassalls . another end is thought was aym'd at by some of them in procuring by petition this order , that having power in their hand , malignant books might the easier scape abroad , as the event shews . but of these sophisms and elenchs of marchandize i skill not : this i know , that errors in a good government and in a bad are equally almost incident ; for what magistrate may not be mis-inform'd , and much the sooner , if liberty of printing be reduc't into the power of a few ; but to redresse willingly and speedily what hath bin err'd , and in highest autority to esteem a plain advertisement more then others have done a sumptuous bribe , is a vertue ( honour'd lords and commons ) answerable to your highest actions , and whereof none can participat but greatest and wisest men . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * quo veniam daret flatum crepitumque ventris in convivio emittendi . sueton , in claudio . a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion / the author, j.m. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion / the author, j.m. milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed by tho. newcomb, london : . address "to the parliament of the commonwealth of england" signed: john milton. first ed. cf. nuc pre- . reproduction of original in huntington library. eng church and state. freedom of religion. a r (wing m ). civilwar no a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes: shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion. milton, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion . the author j. m. london , printed by tho. newcomb anno . to the parlament of the commonwealth of england with the dominions therof . i have prepar'd supream councel , against the much expected time of your sitting , this treatise ; which , though to all christian magistrates equally belonging , and therfore to have bin written in the common language of christendom , natural dutie and affection hath confin'd , and dedicated first to my own nation : and in a season wherin the timely reading therof , to the easier accomplishment of your great work , may save you much labor and interruption : of two parts usually propos'd , civil and ecclesiastical , recommending civil only to your proper care , ecclesiastical to them only from whom it takes both that name and nature . yet not for this cause only do i require or trust to finde acceptance , but in a twofold respect besides : first as bringing cleer evidence of scripture and protestant maxims to the parlament of england , who in all thir late acts , upon occasion , have professd to assert only the true protestant christian religion , as it is containd in the holy scriptures : next , in regard that your power being but for a time , and having in your selves a christian libertie of your own , which at one time or other may be oppressd , therof truly sensible , it will concern you while you are in power , so to regard other mens consciences , as you would your own should be regarded in the power of others ; and to consider that any law against conscience is alike in force against any conscience , and so may one way or other justly redound upon your selves . one advantage i make no doubt of , that i shall write to many eminent persons of your number , alreadie perfet and resolvd in this important article of christianitie . some of whom i remember to have heard often for several years , at a councel next in autoritie to your own , so well joining religion with civil prudence , and yet so well distinguishing the different power of either , and this not only voting , but frequently reasoning why it should be so , that if any there present had bin before of an opinion contrary , he might doubtless have departed thence a convert in that point , and have confessd , that then both commonwealth and religion will at length , if ever , flourish in christendom , when either they who govern discern between civil and religious , or they only who so discern shall be admitted to govern . till then nothing but troubles , persecutions , commotions can be expected ; the inward decay of true religion among our selves , and the utter overthrow at last by a common enemy . of civil libertie i have written heretofore by the appointment , and not without the approbation of civil power : of christian liberty i write now ; which others long since having don with all freedom under heathen emperors , i should do wrong to suspect , that i now shall with less under christian governors , and such especially as profess openly thir defence of christian libertie ; although i write this not otherwise appointed or induc'd then by an inward perswasion of the christian dutie which i may usefully discharge herin to the common lord and master of us all , and the certain hope of his approbation , first and chiefest to be sought : in the hand of whose providence i remain , praying all success and good event on your publick councels to the defence of true religion and our civil rights . john milton . a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes . two things there be which have bin ever found working much mischief to the church of god , and the advancement of truth ; force on the one side restraining , and hire on the other side corrupting the teachers thereof . few ages have bin since the ascension of our saviour , wherin the one of these two , or both together have not prevaild . it can be at no time therfore unseasonable to speak of these things ; since by them the church is either in continual detriment and oppression , or in continual danger . the former shall be at this time my argument ; the latter as i shall finde god disposing me , and opportunity inviting . what i argue , shall be drawn from the scripture only ; and therin from true fundamental principles of the gospel ; to all knowing christians undeniable . and if the governors of this common-wealth since the rooting out of prelats have made least use of force in religion , and most have favord christian liberty of any in this iland before them since the first preaching of the gospel , for which we are not to forget our thanks to god , and their due praise , they may , i doubt not , in this treatise finde that which not only will confirm them to defend still the christian liberty which we enjoy , but will incite them also to enlarge it , if in aught they yet straiten it . to them who perhaps herafter , less experienc'd in religion , may come to govern or give us laws , this or other such , if they please , may be a timely instruction : however to the truth it will be at all times no unneedfull testimonie ; at least some discharge of that general dutie which no christian but according to what he hath receivd , knows is requir'd of him if he have aught more conducing to the advancement of religion then what is usually endeavourd , freely to impart it . it will require no great labor of exposition to unfold what is here meant by matters of religion ; being as soon apprehended as defin'd , such things as belong chiefly to the knowledge and service of god : and are either above the reach and light of nature without revelation from above , and therfore liable to be variously understood by humane reason , or such things as are enjoind or forbidden by divine precept , which els by the light of reason would seem indifferent to be don or not don ; and so likewise must needs appeer to everie man as the precept is understood . whence i here mean by conscience or religion , that full perswasion whereby we are assur'd that our beleef and practise , as far as we are able to apprehend and probably make appeer , is according to the will of god & his holy spirit within us , which we ought to follow much rather then any law of man , as not only his word every where bids us , but the very dictate of reason tells us . act. . . whether it be right in the sight of god , to hearken to you more then to god , judge ye . that for beleef or practise in religion according to this conscientious perswasion no man ought be punishd or molested by any outward force on earth whatsoever , i distrust not , through gods implor'd assistance , to make plane by these following arguments . first it cannot be deni'd , being the main foundation of our protestant religion , that we of these ages , having no other divine rule or autoritie from without us warrantable to one another as a common ground but the holy scripture , and no other within us but the illumination of the holy spirit so interpreting that scripture as warrantable only to our selves and to such whose consciences we can so perswade , can have no other ground in matters of religion but only from the scriptures . and these being not possible to be understood without this divine illumination , which no man can know at all times to be in himself , much less to be at any time for certain in any other , it follows cleerly , that no man or body of men in these times can be the infallible judges or determiners in matters of religion to any other mens consciences but thir own . and therfore those beroeans are commended , act. . , who after the preaching even of s. paul , searchd the scriptures daily , whether those things were so . nor did they more then what god himself in many places commands us by the same apostle , to search , to try , to judge of these things our selves : and gives us reason also , gal. . , . let every man prove his own work , and then shall he have rejoicing in himself alone , and not in another : for every man shall bear his own burden . if then we count it so ignorant and irreligious in the papist to think himself dischargd in gods account , beleeving only as the church beleevs , how much greater condemnation will it be to the protestant his condemner , to think himself justified , beleeving only as the state beleevs ? with good cause therfore it is the general consent of all sound protestant writers , that neither traditions , councels nor canons of any visibie church , much less edicts of any magistrate or civil session , but the scripture only can be the final judge or rule in matters of religion , and that only in the conscience of every christian to himself . which protestation made by the first publick reformers of our religion against the imperial edicts of charls the fifth , imposing church-traditions without scripture , gave first beginning to the name of protestant ; and with that name hath ever bin receivd this doctrine , which preferrs the scripture before the church , and acknowledges none but the scripture sole interpreter of it self to the conscience . for if the church be not sufficient to be implicitly beleevd , as we hold it is not , what can there els be nam'd of more autoritie then the church but the conscience ; then which god only is greater , ioh. . ? but if any man shall pretend , that the scripture judges to his conscience for other men , he makes himself greater not only then the church , but also then the scripture , then the consciences of other men ; a presumption too high for any mortal ; since every true christian able to give a reason of his faith , hath the word of god before him , the promisd holy spirit , and the minde of christ within him , cor. . ; a much better and safer guide of conscience , which as far as concerns himself he may far more certainly know then any outward rule impos'd upon him by others whom he inwardly neither knows nor can know ; at least knows nothing of them more sure then this one thing , that they cannot be his judges in religion . cor. . . the spiritual man judgeth all things , but he himself is judgd of no man . chiefly for this cause do all true protestants account the pope antichrist , for that he assumes to himself this infallibilitie over both the conscience and the scripture ; siting in the temple of god , as it were opposite to god , and exalting himself above all that is called god , or is worshipd , thess. . . that is to say not only above all judges and magistrates , who though they be calld gods , are far beneath infallible , but also above god himself , by giving law both to the scripture , to the conscience , and to the spirit it self of god within us . when as we finde , iames . , there is one lawgiver , who is able to save and to destroy : who art thou that judgest another ? that christ is the only lawgiver of his church and that it is here meant in religious matters , no well grounded christian will deny . thus also s. paul , rom. . . who art thou that judgest the servant of another ? to his own lord he standeth or falleth : but he shall stand ; for god is able to make him stand . as therfore of one beyond expression bold and presumptuous , both these apostles demand , who art thou that presum'st to impose other law or judgment in religion then the only lawgiver and judge christ , who only can save and can destroy , gives to the conscience ? and the forecited place to the thessalonians by compar'd effects resolvs us , that be he or they who or wherever they be or can be , they are of far less autoritie then the church , whom in these things as protestants they receive not , and yet no less antichrist in this main point of antichristianism , no less a pope or popedom then he at rome , if not much more ; by setting up supream interpreters of scripture either those doctors whom they follow , or , which is far worse , themselves as a civil papacie assuming unaccountable supremacie to themselves not in civil only but ecclesiastical causes . seeing then that in matters of religion , as hath been prov'd , none can judge or determin here on earth , no not church-governors themselves against the consciences of other beleevers , my inference is , or rather not mine but our saviours own , that in those matters they neither can command nor use constraint ; lest they run rashly on a pernicious consequence , forewarnd in that parable mat. . from the to the verse : least while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them . let both grow together until the harvest : and in the time of harvest i will say to the reapers , gather ye together first the tares &c. whereby he declares that this work neither his own ministers nor any els can discerningly anough or judgingly perform without his own immediat direction , in his own fit season ; and that they ought till then not to attempt it . which is further confirmd cor. . . not that we have dominion over your faith , but are helpers of your joy . if apostles had no dominion or constraining power over faith or conscience , much less have ordinary ministers . pet. . , . feed the flock of god not by constraint &c. neither as being lords over gods heritage . but some will object , that this overthrows all church-discipline , all censure of errors , if no man can determin . my answer is , that what they hear is plane scripture ; which forbids not church-sentence or determining , but as it ends in violence upon the conscience unconvinc'd . let who so will interpret or determin , so it be according to true church-discipline ; which is exercis'd on them only who have willingly joind themselves in that covnant of union , and proceeds only to a separation from the rest , proceeds never to any corporal inforcement or forfeture of monie ; which in spiritual things are the two arms of antichrist , not of the true church ; the one being an inquisition , the other no better then a temporal indulgence of sin for monie , whether by the church exacted or by the magistrate ; both the one and the other a temporal satisfaction for what christ hath satisfied eternally ; a popish commuting of penaltie , corporal for spiritual ; a satisfaction to man especially to the magistrate , for what and to whom we owe none : these and more are the injustices of force and fining in religion , besides what i most insist on , the violation of gods express commandment in the gospel , as hath bin shewn . thus then if church-governors cannot use force in religion , though but for this reason , because they cannot infallibly determin to the conscience without convincement , much less have civil magistrates autoritie to use force where they can much less judge ; unless they mean only to be the civil executioners of them who have no civil power to give them such commission , no nor yet ecclesiastical to any force or violence in religion . to summe up all in brief , if we must beleeve as the magistrate appoints , why not rather as the church ? if not as either without convincement , how can force be lawfull ? but some are ready to cry out , what shall then be don to blasphemie ? them i would first exhort not thus to terrifie and pose the people with a greek word : but to teach them better what it is ; being a most usual and common word in that language to signifie any slander , any malitious or evil speaking , whether against god or man or any thing to good belonging : blasphemie or evil speaking against god malitiously , is far from conscience in religion ; according to that of marc . . there is none who doth a powerfull work in my name , and can likely speak evil of me . if this suffice not , i referre them to that prudent and well deliberated act august . ; where the parlament defines blasphemie against god , as far as it is a crime belonging to civil judicature , pleniùs ac meliùs chrysippo & crantore ; in plane english more warily , more judiciously , more orthodoxally then twice thir number of divines have don in many a prolix volume : although in all likelihood they whose whole studie and profession these things are should be most intelligent and authentic therin , as they are for the most part , yet neither they nor these unnerring always or infallible . but we shall not carrie it thus ; another greek apparition stands in our way , heresie and heretic ; in like manner also rail'd at to the people as in a tongue unknown . they should first interpret to them , that heresie , by what it signifies in that language , is no word of evil note ; meaning only the choise or following of any opinion good or bad in religion or any other learning : and thus not only in heathen authors , but in the new testament it self without censure or blame . acts . . certain of the heresie of the pharises which beleevd . and . . after the exactest heresie of our religion i livd a pharise . in which sense presbyterian or independent may without reproach be calld a heresie . where it is mentiond with blame , it seems to differ little from schism cor. . , . i hear that there be schisms among you &c. for there must also heresies be among you though some who write of heresie after their own heads , would make it far worse then schism ; when as on the contrarie , schism signifies division , and in the worst sense ; heresie , choise only of one opinion before another , which may bee without discord . in apostolic times therfore ere the scripture was written , heresie was a doctrin maintaind against the doctrin by them deliverd : which in these times can be no otherwise defin'd then a doctrin maintaind against the light , which we now only have , of the scripture . seeing therfore that no man , no synod , no session of men , though calld the church , can judge definitively the sense of scripture to another mans conscience , which is well known to be a general maxim of the protestant religion , it follows planely , that he who holds in religion that beleef or those opinions which to his conscience and utmost understanding appeer with most evidence or probabilitie in the scripture , though to others he seem erroneous , can no more be justly censur'd for a heretic then his censurers ; who do but the same thing themselves while they censure him for so doing . for ask them , or any protestant , which hath most autoritie , the church or the scripture ? they will answer , doubtless , that the scripture : and what hath most autoritie , that no doubt but they will confess is to be followd . he then who to his best apprehension follows the scripture , though against any point of doctrine by the whole church receivd , is not the heretic ; but he who follows the church against his conscience and perswasion grounded on the scripture . to make this yet more undeniable , i shall only borrow a plane similie , the same which our own writers , when they would demonstrate planest that we rightly preferre the scripture before the church , use frequently against the papist in this manner . as the samaritans beleevd christ , first for the womans word , but next and much rather for his own , so we the scripture ; first on the churches word , but afterwards and much more for its own , as the word of god ; yea the church it self we beleeve then for the scripture . the inference of it self follows : if by the protestant doctrine we beleeve the scripture not for the churches saying , but for its own as the word of god , then ought we to beleeve what in our conscience we apprehend the scripture to say , though the visible church with all her doctors gainsay ; and being taught to beleeve them only for the scripture , they who so do are not heretics , but the best protestants : and by their opinions , whatever they be , can hurt no protestant , whose rule is not to receive them but from the scripture : which to interpret convincingly to his own conscience none is able but himself guided by the holy spirit ; and not so guided , none then he to himself can be a worse deceiver . to protestants therfore whose common rule and touchstone is the scripture , nothing can with more conscience , more equitie , nothing more protestantly can be permitted then a free and lawful debate at all times by writing , conference or disputation of what opinion soever , disputable by scripture : concluding , that no man in religion is properly a heretic at this day , but he who maintains traditions or opinions not probable by scripture ; who , for aught i know , is the papist only ; he the only heretic , who counts all heretics but himself . such as these , indeed , were capitally punishd by the law of moses , as the only true heretics , idolaters , plane and open deserters of god and his known law : but in the gospel such are punishd by excommunion only . tit. . . an heretic , after the first and second admonition , reject . but they who think not this heavie anough and understand not that dreadfull aw and spiritual efficacie which the apostle hath expressd so highly to be in church-discipline , cor. . of which anon , and think weakly that the church of god cannot long subsist but in a bodilie fear , for want of other prooff will needs wrest that place of s. paul rom. . to set up civil inquisition , and give power to the magistrate both of civil judgment and punishment in causes ecclesiastical . but let us see with what strength of argument . let every soul be subject to the higher powers . first , how prove they that the apostle means other powers then such as they to whom he writes were then under ; who medld not at all in ecclesiastical causes , unless as tyrants and persecuters ; and from them , i hope , they will not derive either the right of magistrates to judge in spiritual things , or the dutie of such our obedience . how prove they next , that he intitles them here to spiritual causes , from whom he witheld , as much as in him lay , the judging of civil ; cor. . , &c. if he himself appeald to cesar , it was to judge his innocence , not his religion . for rulers are not a terror to good works , but to the evil . then are they not a terror to conscience , which is the rule or judge of good works grounded on the scripture . but heresie , they say , is reck'nd among evil works gal. . : as if all evil works were to be punishd by the magistrate ; wherof this place , thir own citation , reck'ns up besides heresie a sufficient number to confute them ; uncleanness , wantonness , enmitie , strife , emulations , animosities , contentions , envyings ; all which are far more manifest to be judgd by him then heresie , as they define it ; and yet i suppose they will not subject these evil works nor many more such like to his cognisance and punishment . wilt thou then not be affraid of the power ? do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same . this shews that religious matters are not here meant ; wherin from the power here spoken of they could have no praise . for he is the minister of god to thee for good . true ; but in that office and to that end and by those means which in this place must be cleerly found , if from this place they intend to argue . and how for thy good by forcing , oppressing and insnaring thy conscience ? many are the ministers of god , and thir offices no less different then many ; none more different then state and church-government . who seeks to govern both must needs be worse then any lord prelat or church-pluralist : for he in his own facultie and profession , the other not in his own and for the most part not throughly understood makes himself supream lord or pope of the church as far as his civil jurisdiction stretches , and all the ministers of god therin , his ministers , or his curates rather in the function onely , not in the government : while he himself assumes to rule by civil power things to be rul'd only by spiritual : when as this very chapter v. appointing him his peculiar office , which requires utmost attendance , forbids him this worse then church-plurality from that full and waightie charge , wherin alone he is the minister of god , attending continually on this very thing . to little purpose will they here instance moses , who did all by immediate divine direction , no nor yet asa , iehosaphat , or iosia , who both might when they pleasd receive answer from god , and had a commonwealth by him deliverd them , incorporated with a national church exercis'd more in bodily then in spiritual worship , so as that the church might be calld a commonwealth and the whole commonwealth a church : nothing of which can be said of christianitie , deliverd without the help of magistrates , yea in the midst of thir opposition ; how little then with any reference to them or mention of them , save onely of our obedience to thir civil laws , as they countnance good and deterr evil : which is the proper work of the magistrate , following in the same verse , and shews distinctly wherin he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil . but we must first know who it is that doth evil : the heretic they say among the first . let it be known then certainly who is a heretic : and that he who holds opinions in religion professdly from tradition or his own inventions and not from scipture but rather against it , is the only heretic ; and yet though such , not alwaies punishable by the magistrate , unless he do evil against a a civil law , properly so calld , hath been already prov'd without need of repetition . but if thou do that which is evil , be affraid . to do by scripture and the gospel according to conscience is not to do evil ; if we therof ought not to be affraid , he ought not by his judging to give cause . causes therfore of religion are not here meant . for he beareth not the sword in vain . yes altogether in vain , if it smite he knows not what ; if that for heresie which not the church it self , much less he , can determine absolutely to be so ; if truth for error , being himself so often fallible , he bears the sword not in vain only , but unjustly and to evil . be subject not only for wrath , but for conscience sake : how for conscience sake against conscience ? by all these reasons it appeers planely that the apostle in this place gives no judgment or coercive power to magistrates , neither to those then nor these now in matters of religion ; and exhorts us no otherwise then he exhorted those romans . it hath now twice befaln me to assert , through gods assistance , this most wrested and vexd place of scripture ; heretofore against salmasius and regal tyranie over the state ; now against erastus and state-tyranie over the church . if from such uncertain or rather such improbable grounds as these they endue magistracie with spiritual judgment , they may as well invest him in the same spiritual kinde with power of utmost punishment , excommunication ; and then turn spiritual into corporal , as no worse authors did then chrysostom , ierom and austin , whom erasmus and others in thir notes on the new testament have cited to interpret that cutting off which s. paul wishd to them who had brought back the galatians to circumcision , no less then the amercement of thir whole virilitie ; and grotius addes that this concising punishment of circumcisers became a penal law therupon among the visigothes : a dangerous example of beginning in the spirit to end so in the flesh : wheras that cutting off much likelier seems meant a cutting off from the church , not unusually so termd in scripture , and a zealous imprecation , not a command . but i have mentiond this passage to shew how absurd they often prove who have not learnd to distinguish rightly between civil power and ecclesiastical . how many persecutions then , imprisonments , banishments , penalties and stripes ; how much bloodshed have the forcers of conscience to answer for , and protestants rather then papists ! for the papist , judging by his principles , punishes them who beleeve not as the church beleevs though against the scripture : but the protestant , teaching every one to beleeve the scripture though against the church , counts heretical and persecutes , against his own principles , them who in any particular so beleeve as he in general teaches them ; them who most honor and beleeve divine scripture , but not against it any humane interpretation though universal ; them who interpret scripture only to themselves , which by his own position none but they to themselves can interpret ; them who use the scripture no otherwise by his own doctrine to thir edification , then he himself uses it to thir punishing : and so whom his doctrine acknowledges a true beleever , his discipline persecutes as a heretic . the papist exacts our beleef as to the church due above scripture ; and by the church , which is the whole people of god , understands the pope , the general councels prelatical only and the surnam'd fathers : but the forcing protestant though he deny such beleef to any church whatsoever , yet takes it to himself and his teachers , of far less autoritie then to be calld the church and above scripture beleevd : which renders his practise both contrarie to his beleef , and far worse then that beleef which he condemns in the papist . by all which well considerd , the more he professes to be a true protestant , the more he hath to answer for his persecuting then a papist . no protestant therfore of what sect soever following scripture only , which is the common sect wherin they all agree , and the granted rule of everie mans conscience to himself , ought , by the common doctrine of protestants , to be forc'd or molested for religion . but as for poperie and idolatrie , why they also may not hence plead to be tolerated , i have much less to say . their religion the more considerd , the less can be acknowledgd a religion ; but a roman principalitie rather , endevouring to keep up her old universal dominion under a new name and meer shaddow of a catholic religion ; being indeed more rightly nam'd a catholic heresie against the scripture ; supported mainly by a civil , and , except in rome , by a forein power : justly therfore to be suspected , not tolerated by the magistrate of another countrey . besides , of an implicit faith , which they profess , the conscience also becoms implicit ; and so by voluntarie servitude to mans law , forfets her christian libertie . who then can plead for such a conscience , as being implicitly enthrald to man instead of god , almost becoms no conscience , as the will not free , becoms no will . nevertheless if they ought not to be tolerated , it is for just reason of state more then of religion ; which they who force , though professing to be protestants , deserve as little to be tolerated themselves , being no less guiltie of poperie in the most popish point . lastly , for idolatrie , who knows it not to be evidently against all scripture both of the old and new testament , and therfore a true heresie , or rather an impietie ; wherin a right conscience can have naught to do ; and the works therof so manifest , that a magistrate can hardly err in prohibiting and quite removing at least the publick and scandalous use therof . from the riddance of these objections i proceed yet to another reason why it is unlawfull for the civil magistrate to use force in matters of religion ; which is , because to judge in those things , though we should grant him able , which is prov'd he is not , yet as a civil magistrate he hath no right . christ hath a government of his own , sufficient of it self to all his ends and purposes in governing his church ; but much different from that of the civil magistrate ; and the difference in this verie thing principally consists , that it governs not by outward force , and that for two reasons . first because it deals only with the inward man and his actions , which are all spiritual and to outward force not lyable : secondly to shew us the divine excellence of his spiritual kingdom , able without worldly force to subdue all the powers and kingdoms of this world , which are upheld by outward force only . that the inward man is nothing els but the inward part of man , his understanding and his will , and that his actions thence proceeding , yet not simply thence but from the work of divine grace upon them , are the whole matter of religion under the gospel , will appeer planely by considering what that religion is ; whence we shall perceive yet more planely that it cannot be forc'd . what euangelic religion is , is told in two words , faith and charitie ; or beleef and practise . that both these flow either the one from the understanding , the other from the will , or both jointly from both , once indeed naturally free , but now only as they are regenerat and wrought on by divine grace , is . in part evident to common sense and principles unquestiond , the rest by scripture : concerning our beleef , mat. . . flesh and blood hath not reveald it unto thee , but my father which is in heaven : concerning our practise , as it is religious and not meerly civil , gal. . , and other places declare it to be the fruit of the spirit only . nay our whole practical dutie in religion is containd in charitie , or the love of god and our neighbour , no way to be forc'd , yet the fulfilling of the whole law ; that is to say , our whole practise in religion . if then both our beleef and practise , which comprehend our whole religion , flow from the faculties of the inward man , free and unconstrainable of themselves by nature , and our practise not only from faculties endu'd with freedom , but from love and charitie besides , incapable of force , and all these things by transgression lost , but renewd and regenerated in us by the power and gift of god alone , how can such religion as this admit of force from man , or force be any way appli'd to such religion , especially under the free offer of grace in the gospel , but it must forthwith frustrate and make of no effect both the religion and the gospel ? and that to compell outward profession , which they will say perhaps ought to be compelld though inward religion cannot , is to compell hypocrisie not to advance religion , shall yet , though of it self cleer anough , be ere the conclusion further manifest . the other reason why christ rejects outward force in the goverment of his church , is , as i said before , to shew us the divine excellence of his spiritual kingdom , able without worldly force to subdue all the powers and kingdoms of this world , which are upheld by outward force only : by which to uphold religion otherwise then to defend the religious from outward violence , is no service to christ or his kingdom , but rather a disparagement , and degrades it from a divine and spiritual kingdom to a kingdom of this world : which he denies it to be , because it needs not force to confirm it : ioh. . . if my kingdom were of this world , then would my servants fight , that i should not be deliverd to the iewes . this proves the kingdom of christ not governd by outward force ; as being none of this world , whose kingdoms are maintaind all by force onely : and yet disproves not that a christian common-wealth may defend it self against outward force in the cause of religion as well as in any other ; though christ himself , coming purposely to dye for us , would not be so defended . cor. . . god hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty . then surely he hath not chosen the force of this world to subdue conscience and conscientious men , who in this world are counted weakest ; but rather conscience , as being weakest , to subdue and regulate force , his adversarie , not his aide or instrument in governing the church . cor. . , , , . for though we walk in the flesh , we do not warre after the flesh : for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal ; but mightie through god to the pulling down of strong holds ; casting down imaginations and everie high thing that exalts it self against the knowledge of god ; and bringing into captivitie everie thought to the obedience of christ : and having in a readiness to aveng all disobedience . it is evident by the first and second verses of this chapter , that the apostle here speaks of that spiritual power by which christ governs his church , how all sufficient it is , how powerful to reach the conscience and the inward man with whom it chiefly deals and whom no power els can deal with . in comparison of which as it is here thus magnificently describ'd , how uneffectual and weak is outward force with all her boistrous tooles , to the shame of those christians and especially those churchmen , who to the exercising of church discipline never cease calling on the civil magistrate to interpose his fleshlie force ; an argument that all true ministerial and spiritual power is dead within them : who think the gospel , which both began and spread over the whole world for above three hundred years under heathen and persecuting emperors , cannot stand or continue , supported by the same divine presence and protection to the worlds end , much easier under the defensive favor onely of a christian magistrate , unless it be enacted and settled , as they call it , by the state , a statute or a state-religion : and understand not that the church it self cannot , much less the state , settle or impose one tittle of religion upon our obedience implicit , but can only recommend or propound it to our free and conscientious examination : unless they mean to set the state higher then the church in religion , and with a grosse contradiction give to the state in thir settling petition that command of our implicit beleef , which they deny in thir setled confession both to the state and to the church . let them cease then to importune and interrupt the magistrate from attending to his own charge in civil and moral things , the settling of things just , things honest , the defence of things religious settled by the churches within themselves ; and the repressing of thir contraries determinable by the common light of nature ; which is not to constrain or to repress religion , probable by scripture , but the violaters and persecuters therof : of all which things he hath anough and more then anough to do , left yet undon ; for which the land groans and justice goes to wrack the while : let him also forbear force where he hath no right to judge ; for the conscience is not his province : least a worse woe arrive him , for worse offending , then was denounc'd by our saviour matt. . . against the pharises : ye have forc'd the conscience , which was not to be forc'd ; but judgment and mercy ye have not executed : this ye should have don , and the other let alone . and since it is the councel and set purpose of god in the gospel by spiritual means which are counted weak , to overcom all power which resists him ; let them not go about to do that by worldly strength which he hath decreed to do by those means which the world counts weakness , least they be again obnoxious to that saying which in another place is also written of the pharises , luke . . that they frustrated the councel of god . the main plea is , and urgd with much vehemence to thir imitation , that the kings of iuda , as i touchd before , and especially iosia both judgd and us'd force in religion . chr. . . he made all that were present in israel to serve the lord thir god : an argument , if it be well weighed , worse then that us'd by the false prophet shemaia to the high priest , that in imitation of iehojada he ought to put ieremie in the stocks , ier. . , , &c. for which he receivd his due denouncement from god . but to this besides i return a three-fold answer : first , that the state of religion under the gospel is far differing from what it was under the law : then was the state of rigor , childhood , bondage and works , to all which force was not unbefitting ; now is the state of grace , manhood , freedom and faith ; to all which belongs willingness and reason , not force : the law was then written on tables of stone , and to be performd according to the letter , willingly or unwillingly ; ( the gospel , our new covnant , upon the heart of every beleever , to be interpreted only by the sense of charitie and inward perswasion : the law had no distinct government or governors of church and commonwealth , but the priests and levites judg'd in all causes not ecclesiastical only but civil , deut. . , &c. which under the gospel is forbidden to all church-ministers , as a thing which christ thir master in his ministerie disclam'd luke . ; as a thing beneathe them cor. . ; and by many of our statutes , as to them who have a peculiar and far differing government of thir own . if not , why different the governors ? why not church-ministers in state-affairs , as well as state-ministers in church-affairs ? if church and state shall be made one flesh again as under the law , let it be withall considerd , that god who then joind them hath now severd them ; that which , he so ordaining , was then a lawfull conjunction , to such on either side as join again what he hath severd , would be nothing now but thir own presumptuous fornication . secondly , the kings of iuda and those magistrates under the law might have recours , as i said before , to divine inspiration ; which our magistrates under the gospel have not , more then to the same spirit , which those whom they force have oft times in greater measure then themselves : and so , instead of forcing the christian , they force the holy ghost ; and , against that wise forewarning of gamaliel , fight against god . thirdly , those kings and magistrates us'd force in such things only as were undoubtedly known and forbidden in the law of moses , idolatrie and direct apostacie from that national and strict enjoind worship of god ; wherof the corporal punishment was by himself expressly set down : but magistrates under the gospel , our free , elective and rational worship , are most commonly busiest to force those things which in the gospel are either left free , nay somtimes abolishd when by them compelld , or els controverted equally by writers on both sides , and somtimes with odds on that side which is against them . by which means they either punish that which they ought to favor and protect , or that with corporal punishment and of thir own inventing , which not they but the church hath receivd command to chastise with a spiritual rod only . yet some are so eager in thir zeal of forcing , that they refuse not to descend at length to the utmost shift of that parabolical prooff luke . , &c. compell them to come in . therfore magistrates may compell in religion . as if a parable were to be straind through every word or phrase , and not expounded by the general scope therof : which is no other here then the earnest expression of gods displeasure on those recusant jewes , and his purpose to preferre the gentiles on any terms before them ; expressd here by the word compell . but how compells he ? doubtless no otherwise then he draws , without which no man can come to him , ioh. . : and that is by the inward perswasive motions of his spirit and by his ministers ; not by the outward compulsions of a magistrate or his officers . the true people of christ , as is foretold psal. . , are a willing people in the day of his power . then much more now when he rules all things by outward weakness , that both his inward power and their sinceritie may the more appeer . god loveth a chearfull giver : then certainly is not pleasd with an unchearfull worshiper ; as the verie words declare of his euangelical invitations . esa. . . ho , everie one that thirsteth , come . ioh. . . if any man thirst . rev. . . i counsel thee . and . . whosoever will , let him take the water of life freely . and in that grand commission of preaching to invite all nations marc . , as the reward of them who come , so the penaltie of them who come not is only spiritual . but they bring now some reason with thir force , which must not pass unanswerd ; that the church of thyatira was blam'd rev. . for suffering the false prophetess to teach and to seduce . i answer , that seducement is to be hinderd by fit and proper means ordaind in church-discipline ; by instant and powerfull demonstration to the contrarie ; by opposing truth to error , no unequal match ; truth the strong to error the weak though slie and shifting . force is no honest confutation ; but uneffectual , and for the most part unsuccessfull , oft times fatal to them who use it : sound doctrine diligently and duely taught , is of herself both sufficient , and of herself ( if some secret judgment of god hinder not ) alwaies prevalent against seducers . this the thyatirians had neglected , suffering , against church-discipline , that woman to teach and seduce among them : civil force they had not then in thir power ; being the christian part only of that citie , and then especially under one of those ten great persecutions , wherof this the second was raisd by domitian : force therfore in these matters could not be requir'd of them , who were then under force themselves . i have shewn that the civil power hath neither right nor can do right by forcing religious things : i will now shew the wrong it doth ; by violating the fundamental privilege of the gospel , the new-birthright of everie true beleever , christian libertie . cor. . . where the spirit of the lord is , there is libertie . gal. . . ierusalem which is above , is free ; which is the mother of us all . and . we are not children of the bondwoman but of the free . it will be sufficient in this place to say no more of christian libertie , then that it sets us free not only from the bondage of those ceremonies , but also from the forcible imposition of those circumstances , place and time in the worship of god : which though by him commanded in the old law , yet in respect of that veritie and freedom which is euangelical , s. paul comprehends both kindes alike , that is to say , both ceremonie and circumstance , under one and the same contemtuous name of weak and beggarly rudiments , gal. . . , . col. . . with : conformable to what our saviour himself taught iohn . , . neither in this mountain nor yet at ierusalem . in spirit and in truth : for the father seeketh such to worship him . that is to say , not only sincere of heart , for such he sought ever , but also , as the words here chiefly import , not compelld to place , and by the same reason , not to any set time ; as his apostle by the same spirit hath taught us rom. . , &c. one man esteemeth one day above another , another &c. gal. . . ye observe dayes , and moonths &c. coloss. . . these and other such places of scripture the best and learnedest reformed writers have thought evident anough to instruct us in our freedom not only from ceremonies but from those circumstances also , though impos'd with a confident perswasion of moralitie in them , which they hold impossible to be in place or time . by what warrant then our opinions and practises herin are of late turnd quite against all other protestants , and that which is to them orthodoxal , to us become scandalous and punishable by statute , i wish were once again better considerd ; if we mean not to proclame a schism in this point from the best and most reformed churches abroad . they who would seem more knowing , confess that these things are indifferent , but for that very cause by the magistrate may be commanded . as if god of his special grace in the gospel had to this end freed us from his own commandments in these things , that our freedom should subject us to a more greevous yoke , the commandments of men . as well may the magistrate call that common or unclean which god hath cleansd , forbidden to s. peter acts . ; as well may he loos'n that which god hath strait'nd , or strait'n that which god hath loos'nd , as he may injoin those things in religion which god hath left free , and lay on that yoke which god hath taken off . for he hath not only given us this gift as a special privilege and excellence of the free gospel above the servile law , but strictly , also hath commanded us to keep it and enjoy it . gal. . . you are calld to libertie . cor. . . be not made the servants of men . gal. . . stand fast therfore in the libertie wherwith christ hath made us free ; and be not intangl'd again with the yoke of bondage . neither is this a meer command , but for the most part in these forecited places accompanied with the verie waightiest and inmost reasons of christian religion : rom. . , . for to this end christ both dy'd and rose and reviv'd , that he might be lord both of the dead and living . but why dost thou judge thy brother ? &c. how presum'st thou to be his lord , to be whose only lord , at least in these things , christ both dy'd and rose and livd again ? we shall all stand before the judgment seat of christ . why then dost thou not only judge , but persecute in these things for which we are to be accountable to the tribunal of christ only , our lord and lawgiver ? cor. . . ye are bought with a price ; be not made the servants of men . some trivial price belike , and for some frivolous pretences paid in their opinion , if bought and by him redeemd who is god from what was once the service of god , we shall be enthrald again and forc'd by men to what now is but the service of men . gal. . , with . . we are not children of the bondwoman &c. stand fast therfore &c. col. . . beware least any man spoil you , &c. after the rudiments of the world , and not after christ . solid reasons wherof are continu'd through the whole chapter . v. . ye are complete in him , which is the head of all principalitie and power . not completed therfore or made the more religious by those ordinances of civil power , from which christ thi● head hath dischargd us ; blotting out the handwriting of ordinances , that was against us , which was contrarie to us ; and took it out of the way , nailing it to his cross , v. : blotting out ordinances written by god himself , much more those so boldly written over again by men . ordinances which were against us , that is , against our frailtie , much more those which are against our conscience . let no man therfore judge you in respect of &c. v. . gal. . , &c. even so we , when we were children , were in bondage under the rudiments of the world : but when the fullness of time was come , god sent forth his son &c. to redeem them that were under the law , that we might receive the adoption of sons &c. wherfore thou art no more a servant , but a son &c. but now &c. how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly rudiments , wherunto ye desire again to be in bondage ? ye observe dayes &c. hence it planely appeers , that if we be not free we are not sons , but still servants unadopted ; and if we turn again to those weak and beggarly rudiments , we are not free ; yea though willingly and with a misguided conscience we desire to be in bondage to them ; how much more then if unwillingly and against our conscience ? ill was our condition chang'd from legal to euangelical , and small advantage gotten by the gospel , if for the spirit of adoption to freedom , promisd us , we receive again the spirit of bondage to fear ; if our fear which was then servile towards god only , must be now servile in religion towards men : strange also and preposterous fear , if when and wherin it hath attaind by the redemption of our saviour to be filial only towards god , it must be now servile towards the magistrate . who by subjecting us to his punishment in these things , brings back into religion that law of terror and satisfaction , belonging now only to civil crimes ; and thereby in effect abolishes the gospel by establishing again the law to a far worse yoke of servitude upon us then before . it will therfore not misbecome the meanest christian to put in minde christian magistrates , and so much the more freely by how much the more they desire to be thought christian ( for they will be thereby , as they ought to be in these things , the more our brethren and the less our lords ) that they meddle not rashly with christian libertie , the birthright and outward testimonie of our adoption : least while they little think it , nay think they do god service , they themselves like the sons of that bondwoman be found persecuting them who are freeborne of the spirit ; and by a sacrilege of not the least aggravation bereaving them of that sacred libertie which our saviour with his own blood purchas'd for them . a fourth reason why the magistrate ought not to use force in religion , i bring from the consideration of all those ends which he can likely pretend to the interposing of his force therin : and those hardly can be other then first the glorie of god ; next either the spiritual good of them whom he forces , or the temporal punishment of their scandal to others . as for the promoting of gods glory , none , i think , will say that his glorie ought to be promoted in religious things by unwarrantable means , much less by means contrarie to what he hath commanded . that outward force is such , and that gods glory in the whole administration of the gospel according to his own will and councel ought to be fulfilld by weakness , at least so refuted , not by force ; or if by force , inward and spiritual , not outward and corporeal , is already prov'd at large . that outward force cannot tend to the good of him who is forc'd in religion , is unquestionable . for in religion whatever we do under the gospel , we ought to be therof perswaded without scruple ; and are justified by the faith we have , not by the work we do . rom. . . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind . the other reason which follows necessarily , is obvious gal. . , and in many other places of st. paul , as the groundwork and foundation of the whole gospel , that we are justified by the faith of christ , and not by the works of the law . if not by the works of gods law , how then by the injunctions of mans law ? surely force cannot work perswasion , which is faith ; cannot therfore justifie nor pacifie the conscience ; and that which justifies not in the gospel , condemns ; is not only not good , but sinfull to do . rom. . . whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . it concerns the magistrate then to take heed how he forces in religion conscientious men 〈◊〉 least by compelling them to do that wherof they cannot be perswaded , that wherin they cannot finde themselves justified , but by thir own consciences condemnd , instead of aiming at thir spiritual good , he force them to do evil ; and while he thinks himself asa , iosia , nehemia , he be found ieroboam , who causd israel to sin ; and thereby draw upon his own head all those sins and shipwracks of implicit faith and conformitie , which he hath forc'd , and all the wounds given to those little ones , whom to offend he will finde worse one day then that violent drowning mentioned matt. . . lastly as a preface to force , it is the usual pretence , that although tender consciences shall be tolerated , yet scandals thereby given shall not be unpunishd , prophane and licentious men shall not be encourag'd to neglect the performance of religious and holy duties by color of any law giving libertie to tender consciences . by which contrivance the way lies ready open to them heerafter who may be so minded , to take away by little and little , that liberty which christ and his gospel , not any magistrate , hath right to give : though this kinde of his giving be but to give with one hand and take away with the other , which is a deluding not a giving . as for scandals , if any man be offended at the conscientious liberty of another , it is a taken scandal not a given . to heal one conscience we must not wound another : and men must be exhorted to beware of scandals in christian libertie , not forc'd by the magistrate ; least while he goes about to take away the scandal , which is uncertain whether given or taken , he take away our liberty , which is the certain and the sacred gift of god , neither to be touchd by him , nor to be parted with by us . none more cautious of giving scandal then st. paul . yet while he made himself servant to all , that he might gain the more , he made himself so of his own accord , was not made so by outward force , testifying at the same time that he was free from all men , cor. . : and therafter exhorts us also gal. . . ye were calld to libertie &c. but by love serve one another : then not by force . as for that fear least prophane and licentious men should be encourag'd to omit the performance of religious and holy duties , how can that care belong to the civil magistrate , especially to his force ? for if prophane and licentious persons must not neglect the performance of religious and holy duties , it implies , that such duties they can perform ; which no protestant will affirm . they who mean the outward performance , may so explane it ; and it will then appeer yet more planely , that such performance of religious and holy duties especialy by prophane and licentious persons , is a dishonoring rather then a worshiping of god ; and not only by him not requir'd but detested : prov. . . the sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination : how much more when he bringeth it with a wicked minde ? to compell therfore the prophane to things holy in his prophaneness , is all one under the gospel , as to have compelld the unclean to sacrifise in his uncleanness under the law . and i adde withall , that to compell the licentious in his licentiousness , and the conscientious against his conscience , coms all to one ; tends not to the honor of god , but to the multiplying and the aggravating of sin to them both . we read not that christ ever exercis'd force but once ; and that was to drive prophane ones out of his temple , not to force them in : and if thir beeing there was an offence , we finde by many other scriptures that thir praying there was an abomination : and yet to the jewish law that nation , as a servant , was oblig'd ; but to the gospel each person is left voluntarie , calld only , as a son , by the preaching of the word ; not to be driven in by edicts and force of arms . for if by the apostle , rom. . , we are beseechd as brethren by the mercies of god to present our bodies a living sacrifice , holy , acceptable to god , which is our reasonable service or worship , then is no man to be forc'd by the compulsive laws of men to present his body a dead sacrifice , and so under the gospel most unholy and unacceptable , because it is his unreasonable service , that is to say , not only unwilling but unconscionable , but if prophane and licentious persons may not omit the performance of holy duties , why may they not partake of holy things ? why are they prohibited the lords supper ; since both the one and the other action may be outward ; and outward performance of dutie may attain at least an outward participation of benefit ? the church denying them that communion of grace and thanksgiving , as it justly doth , why doth the magistrate compell them to the union of performing that which they neither truly can , being themselves unholy , and to do seemingly is both hatefull to god , and perhaps no less dangerous to perform holie duties irreligiously then to receive holy signes or sacraments unworthily . all prophane and licentious men , so known , can be considerd but either so without the church as never yet within it , or departed thence of thir own accord , or excommunicate : if never yet within the church , whom the apostle , and so consequently the church have naught to do to judge , as he professes cor. . , them by what autoritie doth the magistrate judge , or , which is worse , compell in relation to the church ? if departed of his own accord , like that lost sheep luke . , &c. the true church either with her own or any borrowd force worries him not in again , but rather in all charitable manner sends after him ; and if she finde him , layes him gently on her shoulders ; bears him , yea bears his burdens ; his errors , his infirmities any way tolerable , so fulfilling the law of christ , gal. . : if excommunicate , whom the church hath bid go out , in whose name doth the magistrate compell to go in ? the church indeed hinders none from hearing in her publick congregation , for the doors are open to all : nor excommunicates to destruction , but , as much as in her lies , to a final saving . her meaning therfore must needs bee , that as her driving out brings on no outward penaltie , so no outward force or penaltie of an improper and only a destructive power should drive in again her infectious sheep ; therfore sent out because infectious , and not driven in but with the danger not only of the whole and sound , but also of his own utter perishing . since force neither instructs in religion nor begets repentance or amendment of life , but , on the contrarie , hardness of heart , formalitie , hypocrisie , and , as i said before , everie way increase of sin ; more and more alienates the minde from a violent religion expelling out and compelling in , and reduces it to a condition like that which the britains complain of in our storie , driven to and fro between the picts and the sea . if after excommunion he be found intractable , incurable , and will not hear the church , he becoms as one never yet within her pale , a heathen or a publican , mat. . ; not further to be judgd , no not by the magistrate , unless for civil causes ; but left to the final sentence of that judge , whose coming shall be in flames of fire ; that maran athaà , cor. . ; then which to him so left nothing can be more dreadful and ofttimes to him particularly nothing more speedie , that is to say , the lord cometh : in the mean while deliverd up to satan , cor. . . tim. . . that is , from the fould of christ and kingdom of grace to the world again which is the kingdom of satan ; and as he was receivd from darkness to light , and from the power of satan to god acts . , so now deliverd up again from light to darkness , and from god to the power of satan ; yet so as is in both places manifested , to the intent of saving him , brought sooner to contrition by spiritual then by any corporal severitie . but grant it belonging any way to the magistrate , that prophane and licentious persons omit not the performance of holy duties , which in them were odious to god even under the law , much more now under the gospel , yet ought his care both as a magistrate and a christian , to be much more that conscience be not inwardly violated , then that licence in these things be made outwardly conformable : since his part is undoubtedly as a christian , which puts him upon this office much more then as a magistrate , in all respects to have more care of the conscientious then of the prophane ; and not for their sakes to take away ( while they ptetend to give ) or to diminish the rightfull libertie of religious consciences . on these four scriptural reasons as on a firm square this truth , the right of christian and euangelic liberty , will stand immoveable against all those pretended consequences of license and confusion , which for the most part men most licentious and confus'd themselves , or such as whose severitie would be wiser then divine wisdom , are ever aptest to object against the waies of god : as if god without them when he gave us this libertie , knew not of the worst which these men in thir arrogance pretend will follow : yet knowing all their worst , he gave us this liberty as by him judgd best . as to those magistrates who think it their work to settle religion , and those ministers or others , who so oft call upon them to do so , i trust , that having well considerd what hath bin here argu'd , neither they will continue in that intention , nor these in that expectation from them : when they shall finde that the settlement of religion belongs only to each particular church by perswasive and spiritual means within it self , and that the defence only of the church belongs to the magistrate . had he once learnt not further to concern himself with church affairs , half his labor might be spar'd , and the commonwealth better tended . to which end , that which i premis'd in the beginning , and in due place treated of more at large , i desire now concluding , that they would consider seriously what religion is : and they will find it to be in summe , both our beleef and our practise depending upon god only . that there can be no place then left for the magistrate or his force in the settlement of religion , by appointing either what we shall beleeve in divine things or practise in religious ( neither of which things are in the power of man either to perform himself or to enable others ) i perswade me in the christian ingenuitie of all religious men , the more they examin seriously , the more they will finde cleerly to be true : and finde how false and deceivable that common saying is , which is so much reli'd upon , that the christian magistrate is custos utriusque tabulae , keeper of both tables ; unless is meant by keeper the defender only : neither can that maxim be maintaind by any prooff or argument which hath not in this discours first or last bin refuted . for the two tables , or ten commandements , teach our dutie to god and our neighbour from the love of both ; ( give magistrates no autoritie to force either : they seek that from the judicial law ; though on false grounds , especially in the first table , as i have shewn ; and both in first and second execute that autoritie for the most part not according to gods judicial laws but thir own . as for civil crimes and of the outward man , which all are not , no not of those against the second table , as that of coveting ; in them what power they have , they had from the beginning , long before moses or the two tables were in being . and whether they be not now as little in being to be kept by any christian as they are two legal tables , remanes yet as undecided , as it is sure they never were yet deliverd to the keeping of any christian magistrate . but of these things perhaps more some other time ; what may serve the present hath bin above discourst sufficiently out of the scriptures : and to those produc'd might be added testimonies , examples , experiences of all succeeding ages to these times asserting this doctrine : but having herin the scripture so copious and so plane , we have all that can be properly calld true strength and nerve ; the rest would be but pomp and incumbrance . pomp and ostentation of reading is admir'd among the vulgar : but doubtless in matters of religion he is learnedest who is planest . the brevitie i use , not exceeding a small manual , will not therfore , i suppose , be thought the less considerable , unless with them perhaps who think that great books only can determin great matters . i rather chose the common rule , not to make much ado where less may serve . which in controversies and those especially of religion , would make them less tedious , and by consequence read ofter , by many more , and with more benefit . the end . nevvs from hell, rome and the innes of court wherein is set forth the coppy of a letter written from the devill to the pope : the true coppy of the petition delivered to the king at yorke : the coppy of certaine articles of agreement betweene the devill, the pope, and divers others : the description of a feast, sent from the devill to the pope : together with a short advertisement to the high court of parliament with sundry other particulars / by j. m. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) nevvs from hell, rome and the innes of court wherein is set forth the coppy of a letter written from the devill to the pope : the true coppy of the petition delivered to the king at yorke : the coppy of certaine articles of agreement betweene the devill, the pope, and divers others : the description of a feast, sent from the devill to the pope : together with a short advertisement to the high court of parliament with sundry other particulars / by j. m. milton, john, - . [ ], p. s.n.], [london : . attributed to john milton. cf. blc. illustrated t.p. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng catholic church -- controversial literature. a r (wing m b). civilwar no nevvs from hell, rome, and the innes of court. wherein is set forth the coppy of a letter written from the devill to the pope. the true copp j. m b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevvs from hell , rome , and the innes of court . wherein is set forth the coppy of a letter written from the devill to the pope . the true coppy of the petition delivered to the king at yorke . the coppy of certaine articles of agreement betweene the devill , the pope , and divers others . the description of a feast , sent from the devill to the pope ; together with a short advertisement to the high court of parliament , with sundry other particulars . published for the future peace and tranquillity of the inhabitants of great britany . by j. m. printed in the yeare of grace and reformation . . to ovr dearely beloved sonne the most pious and most religious primate of the romane church , and to all our dearely beloved children the cardinals , and lordly bishops in europe . haste : haste : poste : haste . your intire prince and god of this world , lucifer , prince of darknes and superstition , king of stiks and phlegeton , supreame lord of gehenna , tartaria , colmakia , samoyedia , lappia , corelia , and colmagoria , prince abyssus , and sole commander of seeberia , alteenia , pecheora , and of all the infernall furies and their punife , the jesuites , priests , and semenaries , sendeth greeting . most dearely beloved sonne , and you our dutifull children , whose sanctity we reverence , whose persons we adore , whose wisdomes wee admire , at whose policies we wonder , at whose power we muse , and at whose invincible stratagems we stand amazed . nor can wee in the first place , but extoll , applaud , and most highly commend thee our deare sonne for the extraordinary care in the advancement of our kingdome . and as next in place the extraordinary diligent and vigilant care of all our beloved children the lordly bishops in the advancement of our regall power to the great enlargement of our infernall dominions , by their rare and subtill plots , and stratagems . and in a more speciall manner wee are pleased through our infernall grace and favour to extoll them for this their present and excellent invention , in sowing discord amongst the english hereticks , as also in provoking the scots hereticks to an apparant opposition against their king , yea so farre as to an invasion of the territories of england ; all which services are most deare and acceptable unto us . in respect of which services , as also for their fidelity to us and our kingdome , we have caused our principall secretary of estate , don antonio furioso diabolo , to make an especiall inroulement of their names in our calend , amongst those our deare servants the plotters of the gun-powder-treason ; and the most renowned the complotters of the former invasion of england , in the year of grace . and since the creation of the world . both which services although their events were no wayes answerable according to our royall expectation ; yet those instruments that so freely adventured themselves in them , shall be ever renowned in our court infernall , and most acceptable to our person . and for the better incouragement of these our trusty and wel-beloved servants , in the speedier advancement of this worke , now intended for the utter extirpation of all hereticks , and increase of our regall power , we are pleased by this our royall manuell to give unto them assurance of our aide and best assistance in the most efficacious manner that our princely power can extend unto . and because our former stratagems put in execution by our beloved cozen and counsellor the king of spaine , were by him no wayes effected according to our princely expectation : wee have now therefore imposed our princely command upon our beloved servant the king of france , at the humble sute made unto us , by our children the lordly bishops , and by some of our servants of greatest quality in the realme of england , as also by our servants the jesuites and romane catholicks of england , to have a puissant armie in readinesse for the invasion of england at such a time , as those our children and servants shall conceive it most convenient and efficacious . and further our will and pleasure is , that you our deare son , shall still persist to stir up and incourage our children the arch-bishops , as also the disciples and our loyall subjects and servants the jesuites , priests , and seminaries , to this worke , that they with all their might , together with our powerfull policies granted unto them , may strive to effect this worke with all celerity ; that we may once more see our kingdome of superstition re-established in the monarchie of great brittain and ireland . the motives to be pressed , inducing them to the expeditious effecting of the same is principally , their respect to our kingly honour , next their own increase of greatnes , for we promise & assure them by the word of a king infernall , that every of them shall raigne as princes under us , not onely over the bodies and estates of men , but also over their soules , by and through the many infernall graces by us most freely and benignely conferred on them : and hereby , to make them the more sensible of these our severall graces conferred on them , we are pleased therefore here at present to expresse but some few of them in particular , ( as namely ) pride , vain-glory , hypocrisie , selfe-love of themselves ; and of this present world , love of will worship , and advancement of idolatry ; together with that speciall gift of covetousnesse , the onely pillar to all the rest of our infernall graces conferred on them . thirdly , in respect of the cleare passage by us made for them , by setting the hereticks for this long time at variance amongst themselves , by our trusty servants the lawyers , and advancement of idolatry amongst them : the onely meanes in our princely wisdome conceived to be to the breaking of the bond of unity and peace , thereby to provoke the great god of heaven to leave them to themselves , and to our powerfull stratagems . we are likewise pleased to take speciall notice of that service done by our children the lordly bishops , in working the dissolution of the assembly of parliament in may last past , . by which meanes nothing was effected for the good of hereticks , either concerning their church or common-wealth , so as the successe of this designe of ours was thereby no wayes hindered : you are likewise to let them know from us , that the noblemen of england be disheartered , the gentry daunted , 〈◊〉 divided , the number of our servants , the roman catholicks infinitely increased , and the realme in generall greatly oppressed , not onely by the sundry monopolies , but also by the invincible oppressing power of our children the lordly bishops , the multitude of our servants the corrupt judges , base minded lawyers , seditious atturnies , and woodden-headed doctors of our civill lawes , proctors , prothonotaries , registers , advocates , solicitors , and apparators , whom wee have caused to swarme , like to the egyptian locusts , over all the land , for the sowing of discord , and blowing the coales of contention amongst all the inhabitants of the same , they having all of them long since received instructions by some of our infernall spirits , sent forth from us to that effect . you are likewise to let them know , that out of our princely respect to them , & their damnable actions for our honour : we are pleased to take speciall notice of that service , which they most willingly endeavoured to effect for the confusion of all the hereticks , inhabiting england , scotland , ireland , and the netherlands , by the late ( conceived ) invincible armado , procured from spain in the yeare of our raigne . which through the providence of the celestiall powers then over them , and the disturbance of martin harper trump , here below , failed of that successe , which wee together with them expected and hoped for , to our no lesse sorrow then theirs . nor can we but applaud the diligent care taken by our children and servants of greatest quality in that kingdome , in preventing the discovery of that invasive plott by the hereticks , and their small well-meaning state , through their speedy flight to dover rode , and private conference there with don oquindo , the generalissimo of spaine to that effect ; all which was most exquisitely performed , especially by our hispaniolized lack-latine lord , our dearely beloved servant . and lastly our hope is , that this present plot set on foot by these our trusty and well-beloved children , and servants afore-named , and by their earnest endeavours and our assistance once effected , will crowne all our labours to our unspeakable terrestriall glory , and their eternall favours by us to bee conferred on them in our royall pallace of perdition , where we have already imposed our royal command upon our trusty and wel-beloved cozen and counsellour , peter tretyacove chancellour , evane becklemeesheve our knight marshall , richardo slowe treasurer , and don serborus grand porter of our said pallace , to give them free admittance into our royall presence . thus no wayes doubting of your singular care and diligence in fulfilling this our royall will and pleasure hereby expressed ; we doe further impose our royall favour and princely respect to be by you presented unto our trusty and wel-beloved cozen and counsellour your present nuntio in the court of england , as also unto our beloved children and servants , the bishops , jesuites , priests , and seminaries , our faithfull agents in this invincible plot ; and also to all our faithfull subjects and servants the roman catholicks of england . we are pleased to remaine your royall soveraigne and patron of all your damnable plots and stratagems now in hand . given at out infernall pallace of perdition this first of september , and in the . yeare of our most damnable raigne . postscript . since the above-writtē we are credibly informed of the intention of a most scandalous petition to be delivered by a small number of hereticall lords unto their king at york , which doth not a little touch our honour , & the discovery of this our present stratagem . our expresse will & pleasure is , that there be some speedy course taken for the suppressing of the same , and the authors thereof severely punished , and pomfret castle allotted unto them for their abode , untill our will and pleasure be further knowne , and this our designe be effected ; of which faile you not , as you tender our royall favour , the successe of this our designe , and your owne safety . farewell . antonio furioso diabolo : principalio secretario . consider this and marke the substance well , it seemes a letter from the feind of hell ; what ere the form or method seeme to be , th' intent thereof was quite the contrarie . had not this rung a knell in some mens eares , they 'd nea'r been freed from their slavish feares , of tyranny , oppression , and th' bishops pride ; judges , and lawyers ; a wicked crew beside , of doctors , proctors , that the realm did sway , trod under foot gods truth , turn'd night to day . strove to confound great brittains monarchy , justice and truth pervert ; advanc't impiety ; and all by this , romes doctrine to prefer , obey the pope , and serve king lucifer ; that is the cause , why them he doth applaud , that he thereby with them may have the laud , and honour due , unto his servants all , that strive by him , to worke great brittains fall . a true coppie of the petition which was by the lords presented unto the king at york , september the . . to the kings most excellent majesty . the humble petition of your majesties most loyall subjects , whose names are here under subscribed , in the behalfe of themselves , and divers others . most gracious soveraigne , the sense of that duty we owe to gods sacred majesty , and our nearest affection to the good and welfare of this your realm of england , have moved us in all humility , to beseech your royall majesty , to give us leave to offer to your princely wisdom , the apprehension which we & others your faithful subjects have conceived , of the great distemper and danger now threatning this church and state , & your royall person , and of the fittest means to remove and prevent the same . the evils and dangers whereof your majesty may be pleased to take notice of , are these . that your majesties sacred person is exposed to hazard & danger , in this present expedition against the scottish army , and that by occasion of this warre , your majesties revenues are much wasted , your subjects burthened with cote and conduct mony , billiting of souldiers , and other military charges , and divers rapines & disorders ( committed , ) in severall parts of this your realm , by the souldiers raised for that service , and the whole realme full of feares and discontentments . the sundry innovations in matters of religion , the oath of canons lately imposed upon the clergy , and others of your majesties subjects , the great increase of popery , and imploying of popish recusants , and others ill affected unto religion , are established in places of power & trust ; especially in commanding of men & armes , both in the field , & in sundry other counties of this your realm , which by the lawes , they are not permitted to have any armes in their owne houses , the great mischiefe that may fall upon this kingdom , if the intention which hath beene credibly reported of the bringing in of irish and forraigne forces , should take effect ; the heavy charge of merchants , to the great discouragement of trade ; the multitude of monopolies and other patents , whereby the commodities and manufactures of this kingdome are much burthened , to the great and universall grievances of your people , the great griefe of your subjects , with the long intermission of parliaments , and the late and former dissolving of such as have beene called , without the happy effects , which otherwise they might have produced ; for remedy whereof , and prevention of the danger that may ensue to your royall person , & the whole state , they do in all humility & faithfulnesse beseech your majesty , that you will be pleased to summon a parliament in some short and convenient time , whereby the causes of these and other great grievances , which your people suffer under , may be taken away , & the authors & counsellors of them may be brought to such legall tryal , & condigne punishment , as the nature of their offences shall require , and that the present warre may be composed by your majesties wisdom without bloudshed , in such a manner as may conduce to the honour of your majesties person & safety , the cōfort of your people , & uniting of both the realmes against the common enemies of the reformed religion , & your majesties petitioners shall &c. the names of such earles and barons as subscribed this petition . viz. earles : bedford , hartford , essex , mougrave , warwicke , bullingbrooke , rutland , lincolne , exeter . vicounts : lord say and seale , mandifield , brooke , harford , north , willowby , savell , wharton , lovelace , saint john . articles of agreement , made , concluded , and done this . of september , in the yeare of grace , . and of the world , . by and between the high and mighty prince lucifer , king of sticks and phlegeton , the holy and most superstitious primate of the roman church , the cardinals , bishops , jesuites , priests , and semenaries , ( of the one party ) and judge bribery , lawyer corruption , atturney contention , solicitor sedition , justice connivence , jaylor oppression , and state negligence , ( of the other party ) in manner and forme following . imprimis , it is this day mutually agreed , by and betweene the severall parties above-named , that there shal be a league offensive , and defensive , concluded , and confirmed by both parties , at or before holy-roode day , next ensuing the date hereof . item , that whereas there hath beene lately by the subtill practises of some parliamentary reformists , a discord & dissension raised between the state ecclesiastick , & the state of the inns of court , wherby there hath hapned no small prejudice unto the ecclesiastick state , the likes whereof is to be doubted , may also fall upon the state of the innes of court , and so consequently upon the crown and dignity of our soveraigne lord king lucifer . it is therefore mutually agreed , that all former controverfies and contentions betweene both parties shall cease , and that all unity , peace , and concord , shall be imbraced on either side , according to the expressions in the precedent article , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , his crowne and dignity . item , it is agreed that the said state of the inns of court , and the state ecclesiastick afore-said , shall joyntly & severally use the uttermost of their strength , power , and policy , to resist and suppresse all such proceedings of this present parliament , which shall any way tend to the reformation and suppression of oppression , extortion , bribery , contention , & tradition ; and that they shall and will , with all their might , power , and policie , endeavour and strive to broach , advance , and maintaine , all the said severall impieties again , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , his crowne and dignity . item , it is agreed by & betweene our soveraigne lord king lucifer , and the whole state ecclesiastick , of the one part , and judge bribery ; that forthwith upon the dissolution of this present parliament , he the said judge bribery , is then again to put in practise the taking of bribes , passing of false judgment , and maintaining his false & corrupt sentences and decrees , to be things sacred and infallible ; oppressing the innocent by close imprisonment ; and also favouring all jesuites , priests , and semenaries , if any of them happen by the instruments of justice to be laid hold on ; animating and instructing all atturnies , soliciters , and clarks , for and to the sowing of strife and contention amongst the people of the land , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , his crowne and dignity . item , it is agreed by & betweene our soveraigne lord king lucifer , & lawyer corruption : that he the said lawyer corruption , shall notwithstanding any powerfull parliamentary reformation , still persist in taking fees , both of plaintife and defendant , nor shall ever bring any honest cause to its period , untill he hath ( in fees ) devoured the whole substance both of plaintife and defendant , neither shall he the said lawyer corruption ever at any time give any true and prevalent advice to any his clyents , but shall delude and delay them , untill hee hath draynd them as afore-said , to the utter ruine of them , their wives and children , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , and the propagation of his crowne and dignity . to their owne present , rich impiety , and assured successefull perdition . item , it is agreed and concluded , by and betweene our soveraigne lord king lucifer , and atturny contention ; that he the said atturny contention , shall and will , at all times , in all places , and upon all occasions , use his best diligence to sow debate , strife , variance , & contention amongst the people of the land without exception of persons ; yea , he shall not omit to set the father against the son , and the son against the father , as also one brother against the other , to the utter ruine of their estates , houses , and families , to that end he shall dispose of himselfe and all his imphes , into all the quarters and severall corners of the kingdom ; neither shall there be any market-towne or place of habitation , but hee shall seat himselfe there , to the intent and purpose afore-said , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , his crown and dignity , and to the advancement of the said science of iniquity . item , it is agreed by , & between our soveraigne lord king lucifer , and solicitor sedition , that he the said solicitor sedition , shall & will at all times use his best endeavour to stir up , animate , and encourage all people , of what condition , degree , & profession soever , unto ● in the law , and that he the said solicitor sedition , shall & will prove faithfull unto all lawyers and atturnies , and shall & will be slow in the prosecution of any mans cause whatsoever , & spin out the thred thereof unto its full length , especially in the courts of equity , by multiplicity of ( begging orders ) and by not omitting to have this clause inserted into every of his orders ; viz. ( unlesse cause be shewed to the contrary at the next court day by the defendant ) as also by falsifying of orders through the corrupting of registers , and corrupting of counsell in an honest cause , by deceiving his clyents through false and unjust bils of charges , by brybing the judges of the severall courts , and the masters of the chancery , richly , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , his crowne and dignity , and the eternall damnation of solicitor sedition . item , it is agreed & concluded in perpetuum , between our soveraigne lord king lucifer , & jaylor oppression , that whereas through the rigour of the law , many poore christian soules are committed unto his keeping and safe custody for sundry causes , & sometimes for no just cause at all : he the said jaylor oppression , shall & will , by himself , his clarks & servants , be void of all mercy & compassion towards them ; and shall and will , as much as in him lyeth , endeavour to worke the utter ruine of the estates and lives of all such as shall be committed to his custody , and to that end , he the said jaylor oppression , shall nor will not bee slacke in giving bribes , otherwise stiled new-yeares-gifts yearly unto all the judges of the courts of justice , for , and towards the better incouragement and animation of them , to the commitment of all such to prison , as are , or shall be brought before them on the least occasion ; and that he the said jaylor oppression shal be ever ready to yeeld his daily attendance on the judges in their courts , thereby to stir them up to be mindfull of him to that effect : & lastly it is agreed & concluded , that he the said jayloroppression , shal & will by himselfe & his servants , set such snares & gins for all those committed to his custody , that they being once intrapped within his prison doors , shall never find the way out , during the continuance of their lives , or of their estates at the least , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , his crowne and dignity , and to the eternall perdition of jaylor oppression . item , it is agreed by and between our soveraigne lord king lucifer , and justice connivence , that he the said justice connivence , shall not nor will have any regard or respect to the justnes of any poore mans cause , nor shall ever incline his eare to any his just complaints , but shall & will ever connive and bear with the oppressor , defrauder , & deceiver ; and that he the said justice connivence , shall and will ever preferre the value of a goose , a pig , a capon , a brace of partridges , a good fat sheep , a bore at christmas , or a letter from a friend , written in favour of sir oppressor , mr. defrauder , and dick deceiver , far before justice it selfe , or the justnesse of any honest mans cause whatsoever ; nor that hee the said justice connivence shall ever execute justice in any poore mans cause , but on the contrary , he shall oppresse them , and have his mittimus ready written by his clark . m' double fees for the speedy commitment of them to prison ; neither shall hee ever incline his eare to heare their just complaints against the severall golden persons of worship afore-said , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , his crowne and dignity , and the benefit of jaylor oppression . item , it is agreed by and between our soveragine lord king lucifer , and state negligence , that he the said state negligence , shall ever preferre his own peace and present benefit , before the welfare and future prosperity of his king and country , & also that he the said state negligence shall not at any time , take notice of any the illegal proceedings in any the courts of justice , nor shall addict himself or ever endeavour to suppresse nor prevent by any good or wholsome lawes the practise of tyranny , oppression , in justice , extortion , bribery , contention , idolatry , and the like . but shall and will soly addict himself to the pastimes , of hunting , hauking , gaming , whoring , & the utter rejection of the present and future benefit and welfare of his native countrey , to the honour of our soveraigne lord king lucifer , the prosperity of his religious vicegerent , and the peace and tranquillity of all his servants the jesuites , priests , seminaries , and the roman catholicks of england . in witnesse of the truth of these presents , and of every particular contained in the same , the parties above named have hereunto set their hands and seales , the day aforesaid , and in the yeere of the raigne of our most damnable soveraigne lord , king lucifer . etcetera . signed , sealed , and delivered in the presence of us . william laud , bishop . isoprise crauly , judge . bribing long , justice . corrupt fountaine , lawyer . jumping jumper , atturney . johnson in graine , jaylor . robert kilfart , solicitor . and rudine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , notarius publicus . here followeth a breif relation of a great feast , which from lucifer prince of hell was by the hands of cardinall pegusius presented to the view , disposall and approbation of the pope of rome , in the yeare of jubilee , . pope . my lord cardinall pegusius , and you the rest of my holy brethren , i beseech you view these excellent varieties , and variety of excellencies , well dressed , & most exquisitely set forth and garnished . but the contents of every dish , i beleeve , is best known to you my lord pegusius , from whom i desire to be satisfied , concerning the contents , qualities and operation of every severall dish . card. may it please your holinesse , these varieties of dishes , wch your holinesse here sees thus set forth , were all of them prepared , for the onely table of our high and mighty monarch , king lucifer , your holinesse sole patron and protector , a certain number of which dishes his majesty hath gratiously been pleased to cause them to be presented to your holinesse disposall , and the residue of them , onely to your holinesse view and approbation , being to be preserved for his majesties owne peculiar pallate . pope . i beseech you my lord card. let me have them brought hither before me in order , according to the appointment of my soveraigne and most munificent patron . card. your holinesse will and pleasure shall be accomplished , & here in the first place may it please your holynesse to take notice , that the first dish by his majesties appointment to be presented to your holinesse disposall , is this large ( latine charger ) contayning twenty two lordly bishops , stued with the fire contention , on the chafindish of exasperation , and seasoned with the severall spices of mans invention , as with the spice of the masse , priesthood , holy-days , altars , candles , rayles , holy-bread , holy-water , holy-ashes , devout prayer for the dead , invocation of saints , offerings at the altars , excommunications : and the strong and operative spice , of the high commission . it is also garnished about , with the severall hereticall doctrines of all the new intituled priests of england , and this dish his majesty hath appointed to be disposed of by your holynesse . pope . i will surely taste of it , ( it looks lovely ) oh admirable , it is a most lavdable dish of meat : i can finde nothing wanting in this dish : but onely three graines of the spice of accomplishments , and then it had bin devoutly seasoned for my pallat : but i pray-what is the next dish my lo' card. the next dish may it please your holynesse , is a silver charger , comprehending all the contrivers , and complotters of the dissention betweene england and scotland , of the last spanish invasion of england , and the practisers with the french for the subversion of a the heriticks in england , scotland , and ireland , it is seasoned with all our iesuitical practises , church policies and all our english romane catholicke trecheries , and garnished with all our english romane statists : this dish of meat is now almost cold , and therefore at this present unfit for your holinesse pallat , it only wants the breath of the earle of straffords fiery zeale to heat it , by a lavdable blast or two . pope . however i pray let me taste of it , oh the lamentation of a sinner , pity , pity , yea a thousand pities is it , that this dish had not bin kept hot and seasoned to the proofe , that we might have sung most lavdably , ●e lucifer landamus . but my lord cardinal what is the next dish . card. may it please your holynesse , this dish contains a certaine number of false and corrupt iudges , it is seasoned with the spice of aged detestable covetousnesse , bribery , extortion , oppression , injustice , unmercifulnesse , and with pervertion of all the statute lawes , garnished with ship-money , forrest-money , lone-money , and a multitude of isoprises , but this dish is by his majesties speciall order to be preserved for his owne peculiar palate . pope . his majesties will be done , i shall ever be ready & obedient to al his majesties commands , nor wil i presume to taste of it , but onely passe my judgement on it , that it is a princely dish , fit onely for his majesties table . what is the next i pray my lord ? card. the next may it please your holinesse , is a large golden charger , contayning a very great number of base-minded , covetous , unjust , extorting and oppressing lawyers who value every word by them uttered at a barre of justice , at a farre higher price then your holinesse doth your buls , issued forth for remission of sins : and these caterpillars , his majesty king lucifer hath brought into such great esteeme , with all the inhabitants of england , as that no man of quality thinks his house to stand , unlesse it be supported by one of those vermin pillars & brood of contention , this dish is seasoned with the spice of extorting fees from one shillingspeece , to to . yea , to , especially by those who are stiled the judges favourites , all this is given sometimes but for the speaking of two or three words , it is likewise seasoned with the taking fees on both sides , deluding clyents , spinning out the thread of an honest cause to its full length , until the purs-strings both of plaintife and defendant cracke , and then they are tyed together , by a commission into the country , where these caterpillers are reverenced and feared like so many gods , by all the people : this dish is garnished with some . pestiferous pettifogging seditious ten-groat-atturnies , one of whose perfidious bils of charges , in one tearme advances it selfe sometimes unto the sum of , . . yea , . pounds , especially when he finds his clyent naturally inclined to the conditions of an asse . and on every of these garnishes hanges five cony-catching deceitfull solicitors , properly termed lawyers-lime-twigs , traps or nets to catch the poor silly creatures called clyents , and this dish his majesty hath also reserved for his own table . pope . it is a princely dish indeed , and fit onely for the peculiar table of so great a monarch , as is our most damnable soveraigne king lucifer , the operation and vertue of which dish , is able to season a whole kingdome , to be fit meat for his majesties palate , especially if there be but the operative spice added to it , call'd the ( action of the case . ) but what is this dish my lord cardinall . card. may it please your holinesse , this dish containes a certain number of base muck-worms , stiled doctors of our civill law , chancellors and officials , this dish is also seasoned with the unjust spice of extortion , oppression , fraud and deceit , and garnished about with a most damnable crue of proctors , notaries , registers , deligates , advocates , sumners , and petty apparaters , these have for many yeares proved notable instruments of strife and vexation , unto the inhabitants of england , and through their deceiveable wayes , have mightily oppressed the people , being not much inferiour unto the precedent golden charger . but to this dish may it please your holinesse , there hath happened this year a very great mischance in the cooking , for when we thought it should have bin most laudably boyled up to its greatest height of catholick operation there happened a spider to fall into it , through a sudden blast of reformation which hath made it somewhat dangerous now for your holinesse to taste of , for , the lamb that was most richly seasoned in it , is now through this sudden & unexpected misfortune putrified , and the duck being awatry foule , is quite dissolved , and this dish by his majesties speciall order , is to be left now to your holinesse disposall . pope , i am much bound to his majesty for his gracious favour to me herein , i shall be very carefull through deliberation and mature consideration to study for the most fittest disposall thereof during the time of my vicegency here , and then returne it againe to his majestyes disposall . but i pray you my lord cardinal what do those coper vessels contain ? card. may it please your holinesse : this covered messe is a gallimophre or as the flemine cals it a hutchpot , wherin are sundry meats stued together : it containes a certaine number of beasts called corrupt masters of the chancery , and halfe a dozen corrupt clarks of the chancery , also . of their puny clarks commonly termed atturnies in chancery , it also containes new atturnies of the court of requests and some of their puny clarks : this hutchpot is seasoned with the spice of bribery , false witnesses stiled knights of the poste , a spice greatly in request in those courts , especially in the examiners offices and the late coventry affidavit office , but his majesties speciall command is to have this covered mispreserved in its present condition , least contention should cease amongst the inhabitants of england , and unity and peace take place , which cannot but tend much to his majesties detriment and losse of dominion in that kingdome , and to that end he hath caused the same to be sealed up , and to be conveyed from coventry to manchester by the goulden-finche . pope . good my lord cardinall i beseech you , let his majesties will and pleasure herein be very carefully accomplished , for it concerns much his majestyes honour and our safety . but what is in this dish my lord ? card. this may it please your holines , is likewise a hutchpot , contayning meates of sundry sorts and operations , it containes a certaine number of prothonotaries , registers , and clarks of the star chamber , chancery , court of request , kings-bench , common pleas , and the exchecker , this galimofre is seasoned with subornation of false-witnesses , falsifying of orders , and decrees , it is garnished with the subtill practises of the renter warden of the fleet and his imphes , as also with kilvert , kilfart , kilbennet , kill bishop , and the like instruments of lawyers gaine , the operations of this dish chiefly consists in the confusion of mens estates , to extract gold out of all mens purses , to suppresse vertue and peace , and to advance iniquity and contention , to wrong and oppresse every man , and to do right unto no man . and this messe is also to be reserved for his majesties table . pope . good my lord cardinal , i pray you let me taste of this messe , the operation whereof by your relation appeares to be admirable , i wish from my heart that i might also grow capeable of that vertue of extracting gold out of the english nation , as some of my predecessors have don before me , ( i confesse ) the study of this art was begun by my phisition most laudadly , but alasse and woe is me , it was marred by a robustuous storme of winde out of the north , and quite spoyled a vehement shower of puritanicall raine , and what is the next messe my lord ? card. may it please your holinesse , this is also a hutchpot , containing sundry course meats , as scriveners , brokers , usurers , jailors , baliss , sergeants , informers , perjured chuch-wardens , justlers of the peace , and bumbailifs : this messe is seasoned with parchment , deceit , extortion , usury , oppression , murdering of christian souls in prisons through famine , false information , injustice , neglect , and tyranny , and is garnished with a number of irreligious maiors , sherifs , feoderies , escheaters , clarkes of the syse , clarcks of the peace , constables and headboroughs . but this messe is by his majesties order to be disposed of unto his servant . pope . indeed my lord card. me thinks this messe hath a very bitter rellish with it , else my mouth is quite out of taste , i confesse it to be a messe fit onely for his majesties hell-hounds , but what is this last messe ? card. i conceive this messe to be very well known to your holinesse , for it is seasoned with most of those operative spices that all the meat dressed in your holines kitchen is seasoned with this mess , contains divers justicial birds of middlesex , as namely the long , the hearn , the snape , the hooker , the geay , & the likes of them . seasoned with the fees and bribes of all the whores and theeves that live in westminster , coven-garden , holborn , grub-street , clarkenwell , rosemary-lane , turnbull-street , ratcliff , southwark , bank-side , and kent-street ; this dish is also garnished with the new-yearsgifts of the whores , theeves , and cutpurses , dwelling in the forenamed severall places , but this messe is by his majestie reserved for his owne peculiar pallate . pope . oh venerable bead , oh holy garnet , o sanctified faux , o reverend becket , o beloved ravilliack , campion , watson , parsons , morton , sands , and admired bellarmine , i call you all to witnesse this day , whether you or any of you have ever as yet been capeable of such a delicious feast , adorned with so many varieties , beautified with so many severall rarieties , and seasoned with such delectable spices . sancte ●dicte or● pro nobis . and thus rendring all humble and hearty thanks , with all reverence in all obedience unto his majestie , our most damnable prince and protector , lucifer , king of sticks and phlegeton ; i remaine his majesties humble servant and vice gerent , at his majesties sole disposall during life . papa romanorum advices and motives to the honourable assembly in parliament . e. s. i. the stake 's three crowns , foure nations gamsters are , e. w. i. s. ther 's three to one , and yet no man that dare . take these great odds , the cause is as they say , the fourth knows both our stock , & cards we play . this turnes the odds , and makes most gamesters thinke , wee 'r but in jest , and play our cards and winke . the sett goes hard , when gamesters thinke it best , though three men vie it , the fourth sets his rest . my masters , you that undertake the game , looke to 't , your countries safety and her fame are now at stake , be carefull how you cut and deale , as knowne occasions put you to 't . the cards are strangely shuffled , for your parts , 't is odds , you ever get the ace of harts . yet the five finger , and some helps beside , lie in the pack disperst , be those your guide , that you possesse , to tell you what you want , least the mistake of one poore tricke should daunt , your spirits quite , and make you fling away your liberty , not to be lost by play : detest foule jugling , now 't is in your powers , let none but square play passe , the game is yours . for here you see , hell , rome , and all their traine , plot to confound all your good lawes againe . then have a care , expell romes imphes , make sure , your lawes and liberties may still indure , to future ages , posterities then may , have cause to blesse your memories for aye . lament , lament , you bishops all each weare his blackest gowne , hang up your rochets on the wall , your pride is going downe . it needs must grieve each romish heart to heare this sad relation : all cannons are not worth a fart , made in the convocation . the bishops holy synod , and the priests of baal , that there consented , and concluded all , are now in grievous feare , to be depriv'd of priestly stile , of coat canonicall : and quite be banished this ile , they feare they must be all . ah , poore ( etcetera , ) is now dead , which grieves the bishops most : what they would have immortall made , hath now given up the ghost . alas i what new begotten oath , like snow against the sun , it did begin to melt away , when th' parliament begun . all ceremonies are good cheape , and i will tell you how : the tippit , hood , and surplisse eke , are good for nothing now . and which i w●s more woefull is , and most their courage quayles : there was a grievous murther made , among their holy rayles . oh , when this sad and heavy newes , unto that synod came , the birds and beasts were in a muse , asse , wren , and duck , and lambe . and then a dolefull ditty these , did thus lament together : alas , we must all runne away , when shall we run , and whether . shall we with windibanke to france , or flie to holland , where the finch is flown , for us a place , before hand to prepare . no quoth the duck , wee 'l fly to rome , and there rest without feare of parliament , and then the lambe , may come up in the reare . and there wee 'l drinke a health to all the puritans confusion , that have thus strongly wrought our fall , by parliament conclusion . the judges and the lawyers all , atturnies , proctors , clarkes , soliciters , and advocates , must now stand in their sarkes ; and penance doe for all their faults , their bribes they must restore , their cheats and tricks which they did use , they practise must no more . the people long they have beguil'd , and many a one undone , gods curse their wealth for this doth melt , as snow is by the sunne . their children and posterity , the gallowes doth devoure , themselves have made a league with hell , to raigne still by his power . god is the god of unity , of love , and peace alone , but these men for deceit and strife , the like of them there 's none . probatum est . received by me , fountaine of iniquity , this . of september , . by the helpe of judge bribery , and the furtherance of lawyer impiety , of romanus treachery , the summe of . pounds of damnable simplicity : . pounds of superstitious ignorance : . pounds of idolatrous folly : . pounds of wilfull stupidity : and . pounds of perversenesse , to and for the use of impatience : and by his appointment to be delivered unto gentle prodigality , to and for the use of mistris inconstancy , daughter and sole heire unto mistris letchery , the grand-child of mistris bawdery , dwelling next doore unto mistris beggery . by the new prison neare the whipping thong : at no great distance from m. iustice long . long hath a long time beene a knave : receiving bribes from every slave . long ever hath a shelter beene full sure , for every theefe , a cutpurse , and a whore . long knowes full well his christmas how to keepe , on cost of whores , those are his onely sheepe . his capons , wood-cocks , sheeps-heads , s●ites and geayes : providers of good cheere on all assayes . long may he feast his body , fill his purse , by such a crue of hellish imphes . gods curse assuredly will fall on him and his . and prove his fatall recompence for this . long may he be a knave , of such great fame to all whores glory , his owne eternall shame . finis . considerations touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church wherein is also discourc'd of tithes, church-fees, church-revenues, and whether any maintenance of ministers can be settl'd by law / the author j.m. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) considerations touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church wherein is also discourc'd of tithes, church-fees, church-revenues, and whether any maintenance of ministers can be settl'd by law / the author j.m. milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed by t.n. for l. chapman ..., london : . attributed to john milton. cf. bm. first ed. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. item incorrectly identified in reel guide as m . eng church of england -- controversial literature. church of england -- clergy -- salaries, etc. fees, ecclesiastical -- early works to . tithes -- early works to . a r (wing m ). civilwar no considerations touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church. wherein is also discourc'd of tithes, church-fees, church milton, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion considerations touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church . wherein is also discourc'd of tithes , church-fees , church-revenues ; and whether any maintenance of ministers can be settl'd by law . the author j. m. london : printed by t. n. for l. chapman at the crown in popes-head alley . . to the parlament of the commonwealth of england with the dominions therof . owing to your protection , supream senat , this libertie of writing which i have us'd these years on all occasions to assert the just rights and freedoms both of church and state , and so far approv'd , as to have bin trusted with the representment and defence of your actions to all christendom against an adversarie of no mean repute , to whom should i address what i still publish on the same argument , but to you whose magnanimous councels first opend and unbound the age from a double bondage under prelatical and regal tyrannie ; above our own hopes heartning us to look up at last like men and christians from the slavish dejection , wherin from father to son we were bred up and taught ; and thereby deserving of these nations , if they be not barbarously ingrateful , to be acknowledgd , next under god , the authors and best patrons of religious and civil libertie , that ever these ilands brought forth . the care and tuition of whose peace and safety , after a short but scandalous night of interruption , is now again by a new dawning of gods miraculous providence among us , revolvd upon your shoulders . and to whom more appertain these considerations which i propound , then to your selves and the debate before you , though i trust of no difficultie , yet at present of great expectation , not whether ye will gratifie , were it no more then so , but whether ye will hearken to the just petition of many thousands best affected both to religion and to this your returne , or whether ye will satisfie , which you never can , the covetous pretences and demands of insatiable hirelings , whose disaffection ye well know both to your selves and your resolutions . that i , though among many others in this common concernment , interpose to your deliberations what my thoughts also are , your own judgment and the success therof hath given me the confidence : which requests but this , that if i have prosperously , god so favoring me , defended the publick cause of this commonwealth to foreiners , ye would not think the reason and abilitie , wheron ye trusted once , and repent not , your whole reputation to the world , either grown less by more maturitie and longer studie , or less available in english then in another tongue : but that if it suffic'd som years past to convince and satisfie the uningag'd of other nations in the justice of your doings , though then held paradoxal , it may as well suffice now against weaker opposition in matters , except here in england ( with a spiritualtie of men devoted to thir temporal gain , ) of no controversie els among protestants . neither do i doubt , seeing daily the acceptance which they ▪ finde who in thir petitions venture to bring advice also and new modells of a commonwealth , but that you will interpret it much more the dutie of a christian to offer what his conscience perswades him may be of moment to the freedom and better constituting of the church : ) since it is a deed of highest charitie to help undeceive the people , and a work worthiest your autoritie , in all things els authors , assertors and now recoverers of our libertie , to deliver us , the only people of all protestants left still undeliverd , from the oppressions of a simonious decimating clergie ; who shame not against the judgment and practice of all other churches reformd , to maintain , though very weakly , thir popish and oft refuted positions , not in a point of conscience , wherin they might be blameles , but in a point of covetousnes and unjust claim to other mens goods ; a conuention foul and odious in any man , but most of all in ministers of the gospel , in whom contention , though for thir own right , scarce is allowable . till which greevances be remov'd and religion set free from the monopolie of hirelings , i dare affirme , that no modell whatsoever of a common-wealth will prove succesful or undisturbd ; and so perswaded , implore divine assistance on your pious councels and proceedings to unanimitie in this and all other truth . john milton . considerations touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church . the former treatise , which leads in this , begann with two things ever found working much mischief to the church of god , and the advancement of truth ; force on the one side restraining , and hire on the other side corrupting the teachers therof . the latter of these is by much the more dangerous : ( for under force , though no thank to the forcers , true religion oft-times best thrives ) and flourishes : but the corruption of teachers , most commonly the effect of hire , is the very bane of truth in them who are so corrupted . of force not to be us'd in matters of religion , i have already spoken ; and so stated matters of conscience and religion in faith and divine worship , and so severd them from blasphemie and heresie , the one being such properly as is despiteful , the other such as stands not to the rule of scripture , and so both of them not matters of religion , but rather against it , that to them who will yet us● force , this only choise can b● left , whether they will force them to beleeve , to whom it is not given from above , being not forc'd thereto by any principle of the gospel , which is now the only dispensation of god to all men , or whether being protestants , they will punish in those things wherin the protestant religion denies them to be judges , either in themselves infallible or to the consciences of other men , or whether , lastly , they think fit to punish error , supposing they can be infallible that it is so , being not wilful , but conscientious , and , according to the best light of him who errs , grounded on scripture : which kinde of error all men religious , or but only reasonable , have thought worthier of pardon ; and the growth therof to be prevented by spiritual means and church-discipline , not by civil laws and outward force ; since it is god only who gives as well to beleeve aright , as to beleeve at all ; and by those means which he ordaind sufficiently in his church to the full execution of his divine purpose in the gospel . it remanes now to speak of hire ; the other evil so mischeevous in religion : wherof i promisd then to speak further , when i should finde god disposing me , and opportunity inviting . opportunity i finde now inviting ; and apprehend therin the concurrence of god disposing ; since the maintenance of church-ministers , a thing not properly belonging to the magistrate , and yet with such importunity call'd for , and expected from him , is at present under publick debate . wherin least any thing may happen to be determind and establishd prejudicial to the right and freedom of church , or advantageous to such as may be found hirelings therin , it will be now most seasonable , and in these matters wherin every christian hath his free suffrage , no way misbecoming christian meeknes to offer freely , without disparagement to the wisest , such advice as god shall incline him and inable him to propound . since heretofore in commonwealths of most fame for government , civil laws were not establishd till they had been first for certain dayes publishd to the view of all men , that who so pleasd might speak freely his opinion therof , and give in his exceptions , ere the law could pass to a full establishment . and where ought this equity to have more place , then in the libertie which is unseparable from christian religion ? this , i am not ignorant , will be a work unpleasing to some : but what truth is not hateful to some or other , as this , in likelihood , will be to none but hirelings . and if there be among them who hold it thir duty to speak impartial truth , as the work of thir ministry , though not performd without monie , let them not envie others who think the same no less their duty by the general office of christianity , to speak truth , as in all reason may be thought , more impartially and unsuspectedly without monie . hire of itself is neither a thing unlawful , nor a word of any evil note , signifying no more then a due recompence or reward ; as when our saviour saith , the laborer is worthy of his hire . that which makes it so dangerous in the church , and properly makes the hireling , a word always of evil signification , is either the excess thereof , or the undue manner of giving and taking it . what harme the excess therof brought to the church , perhaps was not found by experience till the days of constantine : who out of his zeal thinking he could be never too liberally a nursing father of the church , might be not unfitly said to have either overlaid it or choakd it in the nursing . which was foretold , as is recorded in ecclesiastical traditions , by a voice heard from heaven on the very day that those great donations and church-revenues were given , crying aloud , this day is poison pourd into the church . which the event soon after verifi'd ; as appeers by another no less ancient observation , that religion brought forth wealth , and the daughter devourd the mother . but long ere wealth came into the church , so soone as any gain appeerd in religion , hirelings were apparent ; drawn in long before by the very sent thereof . judas therefor , the first hireling , for want of present hire answerable to his coveting , from the small number or the meanness of such as then were the religious , sold the religion it self with the founder therof , his master . simon magus the next , in hope only that preaching and the gifts of the holy ghost would prove gainful , offerd before-hand a sum of monie to obtain them . not long after , as the apostle foretold , hirelings like wolves came in by herds , acts . . for , i know this , that after my departing shall greevous wolves enter in among you , not sparing the flock . tit. . . teaching things which they ought not , for filthy lucres sake . pet. . . and through covetousnes shall they with feigned words make merchandise of you . yet they taught not fals doctrin only , but seeming piety : tim. . . supposing that gain is godlines . neither came they in of themselves only , but invited oft-times by a corrupt audience : tim. . . for the time will come , when they will not endure sound doctrin , but after thir own lusts they will heap to themselves teachers , having itching ears : and they on the other side , as fast heaping to themselves disciples , acts . , doubtles had as itching palmes . pet. . . following the way of balaam , the son of bosor , who lovd the wages of unrighteousnes . jude . they ran greedily after the error of balaam for reward . thus we see that not only the excess of hire in wealthiest times , but also the undue and vitious taking or giving it , though but small or mean , as in the primitive times , gave to hirelings occasion , though not intended , yet sufficient , to creep at first into the church . which argues also the difficulty , or rather the impossibility , to remove them quite ; unless every minister were , as st. paul , contented to teach gratis : but few such are to be found . as therefor we cannot justly take away all hire in the church , because we cannot otherwise quite remove all hirelings , so are we not for the impossibility of removing them all , to use therefor no endevor that fewest may come in : but rather , in regard the evil , do what we can , will alwayes be incumbent and unavoidable , to use our utmost diligence , how it may be least dangerous . which will be likeliest effected , if we consider , first , what recompence god hath ordaind should be given to ministers of the church ; ( for that a recompence ought to be given them , and may by them justly be received , our saviour himself from the very light of reason and of equity hath declar'd : luke . . the laborer is worthy of his hire ) next by whom ; and lastly , in what manner . what recompence ought be given to church-ministers , god hath answerably ordaind according to that difference which he hath manifestly put between those his two great dispensations , the law and the gospel . under the law he gave them tithes ; under the gospel , having left all things in his church to charity and christian freedom , he hath given them only what is justly given them . that , as well under the gospel as under the law , say our english divines , and they only of all protestants , is tithes ; and they say true , if any man be so minded to give them of his own the tenth or twentith : out that the law therefor of tithes is in force under the gospel , all other protestant divines , though equally concernd , yet constantly deny . for although hire to the laborer be of moral and perpetual right , yet that special kinde of hire , the tenth , can be of no right or necessity , but to that special labor for which god ordaind it . that special labor was the levitical and ceremonial service of the tabernacle , numb. . , . which is now abolishd : the right therefor of that special hire must needs be withall abolishd , as being also ceremonial . that tithes were ceremonial , is plane ; not being given to the levites till they had bin first offerd a heave-offering to the lord , vers. , . he then who by that law brings tithes into the gospel , of necessity brings in withall a sacrifice , and an altar ; without which tithes by that law were unsanctifi'd and polluted , vers. . and therefor never thought on in the first christian times , till ceremonies , altars , and oblations , by an ancienter corruption were brought back long before . and yet the jewes ever since thir temple was destroid , though they have rabbies and teachers of thir law , yet pay no tithes , as having no levites to whom , no temple where to pay them , no altar wheron to hallow them ; which argues that the jewes themselves never thought tithes moral , but ceremonial only . that christians therefor should take them up , when jewes have laid them down , must needs be very absurd and preposterous . next , it is as cleer in the same chapter , that the priests and levites had not tithes for their labor only in the tabernacle , but in regard they were to have no other part nor inheritance in the land , vers. , . and by that means for a tenth lost a twelfth . but our levites undergoing no such law of deprivement , can have no right to any such compensation : nay , if by this law they will have tithes , can have no inheritance of land , but forfeit what they have . besides this , tithes were of two sorts , those of every year , and those of every third year : of the former , every one that brought his tithes , was to eat his share . deut. . . thou shalt eat before the lord thy god , in the place which he shall chuse to place his name there , the tithe of thy corn , of thy wine , and of thine oyle , &c. nay , though he could not bring his tithe in kinde , by reason of his distant dwelling from the tabernacle or temple , but was thereby forc'd to turn it into monie , he was to bestow that monie on whatsoever pleasd him ; oxen , sheep , wine , or strong drink ; and to eat and drink therof there before the lord both he and his houshold , ver. , , . as for the tithes of every third year , they were not given only to the levite , but to the stranger , the fatherles , and the widdow , vers. , . & chap. . , . so that ours , if they will have tithes , must admitt of these sharers with them . nay , these tithes were not paid in at all to the levite , but the levite himself was to come with those his fellow guests and eat his share of them only at his house who provided them ; and this not in regard of his ministerial office , but because he had no part nor inheritance in the land . lastly , the priests and levites , a tribe , were of a far different constitution from this of our ministers under the gospel : in them were orders and degrees both by family , dignity and office , mainly distinguishd ; the high priest , his brethren and his sons , to whom the levites themselves paid tithes , and of the best , were eminently superior , num. . , . no protestant , i suppose , will liken one of our ministers to a high priest , but rather to a common levite . unless then , to keep their tithes , they mean to bring back again bishops , archbishops and the whole gang of prelatry , to whom will they themselves pay tythes , as by that law it was a sin to them , if they did not , v. . certainly this must needs put them to a deep demurr , while the desire of holding fast thir tithes without sin , may tempt them to bring back again bishops as the likenes of that hierarchy that should receive tithes from them , and the desire to pay none , may advise them to keep out of the church all orders above them . but if we have to do at present , as i suppose we have , with true reformed protestants , not with papists or prelates , it will not be deni'd that in the gospel there be but two ministerial degrees , presbyters and deacons : which if they contend to have any succession , reference or conformity with those two degrees under the law , priests & levites , it must needs be such whereby our presbyters or ministers may be answerable to priests , and our deacons to levites : by which rule of proportion it will follow , that we must pay our tithes to the deacons only , and they only to the ministers . but if it be truer yet that the priesthood of aaron typifi'd a better reality , pet. . . signifying the christian true and holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifice ; it follows hence , that we are now justly exempt from paying tithes , to any who claim from aaron , since that priesthood is in us now real , which in him was but a shaddow . seeing then by all this which hath bin shewn that the law of tithes is partly ceremonial , as the work was for which they were given , partly judicial , not of common , but of particular right to the tribe of levi , nor to them alone , but to the owner also and his houshold , at the time of thir offering , and every three year to the stranger , the fatherles , and the widdow , thir appointed sharers , and that they were a tribe of priests and deacons improperly compar'd to the constitution of our ministery , and the tithes given by that people to those deacons only , it follows that our ministers at this day , being neither priests nor levites , nor fitly answering to either of them , can have no just title or pretence to tithes , by any consequence drawn from the law of moses . but they think they have yet a better plea in the example of melchisedec , who took tithes of abram ere the law was given : whence they would inferr tithes to be of moral right . but they ought to know , or to remember , that not examples , but express commands oblige our obedience to god or man : next , that whatsoever was don in religion before the law written , is not presently to be counted moral , when as so many things were then don both ceremonial and judaically judicial , that we need not doubt to conclude all times before christ , more or less under the ceremonial law . to what end servd els those altars and sacrifices , that distinction of clean and unclean entring into the ark , circumcision and the raising up of seed to the elder brother , gen. . ? if these things be not moral , though before the law , how are tithes , though in the example of abram and melchisedec ? but this instance is so far from being the just ground of a law , that after all circumstances duly waighd both from gen. . and heb. , it will not be allowd them so much as an example . melchisedec , besides his priestly benediction , brought with him bread and wine sufficient to refresh abram and his whole armie ; incited to do so , first , by the secret providence of god , intending him for a type of christ and his priesthood ; next by his due thankfulnes and honor to abram , who had freed his borders of salem from a potent enemie : abram on the other side honors him with the tenth of all , that is to say , ( for he took not sure his whole estate with him to that warr ) of the spoiles , heb. . . incited he also by the same secret providence , to signifie as grandfather of levi , that the levitical priesthood was excelld by the priesthood of christ . for the giving of a tenth declar'd it seems in those countreys and times , him the greater who receivd it . that which next incited him , was partly his gratitude to requite the present , partly his reverence to the person and his benediction : to his person , as a king and priest ; greater therefor then abram ; who was a priest also , but not a king . and who unhir'd will be so hardy as to say , that abram at any other time ever paid him tithes , either before or after ; or had then , but for this accidental meeting and obligement ; or that els melchisedec had demanded or exacted them , or took them otherwise , then as the voluntarie gift of abram ? but our ministers , though neither priests nor kings more then any other christian , greater in thir own esteem then abraham and all his seed , for the verbal labor of a seventh dayes preachment , not bringing , like melchisedec , bread or wine at thir own cost , would not take only at the willing hand of liberality or gratitude , but require and exact as due the tenth , not of spoiles , but of our whole estates and labors ; nor once , but yearly . we then it seems by the example of abram must pay tithes to these melchisedecs : but what if the person of abram can either no way represent us , or will oblige the ministers to pay tithes no less then other men ? abram had not only a priest in his loines , but was himself a priest ; and gave tithes to melchisedec either as grandfather of levi , or as father of the faithful . if as grandfather ( though he understood it not ) of levi , he oblig'd not us but levi only , the inferior priest , by that homage ( as the apostle to the hebrewes cleerly anough explanes ) to acknowledge the greater . and they who by melchisedec claim from abram as levi's grandfather , have none to seek thir tithes of but the levites , where they can finde them . if abram as father of the faithful paid tithes to melchisedec , then certainly the ministers also , if they be of that number , paid in him equally with the rest . which may induce us to beleeve , that as both abram and melchisedec , so tithes also in that action typical and ceremonial , signifi'd nothing els but that subjection , which all the faithful , both ministers and people owe to christ , our high priest and king . in any literal sense from this example they never will be able to extort that the people in those dayes paid tithes to priests ; but this only , that one priest once in his life , of spoiles only , and in requital partly of a liberal present , partly of a benediction , gave voluntary tithes , not to a greater priest then himself as far as abram could then understand , but rather to a priest and king joind in one person . they will reply , perhaps , that if one priest paid tithes to another , it must needs be understood that the people did no less to the priest . but i shall easily remove that necessitie by remembring them that in those dayes was no priest , but the father , or the first born of each familie ; and by consequence no people to pay him tithes , but his own children and servants , who had not wherewithall to pay him , but of his own . yet grant that the people then paid tithes , there will not yet be the like reason to enjoin us : they being then under ceremonies , a meer laitie , we now under christ ▪ a royal priesthood , pet. . , as we are coheirs , kings and priests with him , a priest for ever after the order or manner of melchisedec . as therefor abram paid tithes to melchisedec because levi was in him , so we ought to pay none because the true melchisedec is in us , and we in him who can pay to none greater , and hath freed us by our union with himself , from all compulsive tributes and taxes in his church . neither doth the collateral place , heb. , make other use of this story , then to prove christ , personated by melchisedec , a greater priest then aaron : vers. . now consider how great this man was , &c. and prov● not in the least manner that tithes be of any right to ministers , but the contrary : first the levites had a commandment to take tithes of the people according to the law , that is of thir brethren , though they com out of the loines of abraham , vers. . the commandment then was , it seems , to take tithes of the jewes only , and according to the law . that law changing of necessity with the priesthood , no other sort of ministers , as they must needs be another sort , under another priesthood , can receive that tribute of tithes which fell with that law , unless renu'd by another express command and according to another law : no such law is extant . next , melchisedec not as a minister , but as christ himself in person blessd abraham , who had the promises , vers. ; and in him blessd all both ministers and people , both of the law and gospel : that blessing declar'd him greater and better then whom he blessd , vers. ; receiving tithes from them all not as a maintenance , which melchisedec needed not , but as a signe of homage and subjection to thir king and priest : wheras ministers bear not the person of christ in his priesthood or kingship , bless not as he blesses , are not by their blessing greater then abraham , and all the faithful with themselves included in him , cannot both give and take tithes in abram , cannot claim to themselves that signe of our allegiance due only to our eternal king and priest , cannot therefor derive tithes from melchisedec . lastly , the eighth verse hath thus : here men that die receive tithes : there he received them , of whom it is witnesd that he liveth . which words intimate that as he offerd himself once for us , so he received once of us in abraham , and in that place the typical acknowledgment of our redemption : which had it bin a perpetual annuitie to christ , by him claimd as his due , levi must have paid it yearly , as well as then , vers. . and our ministers ought still to som melchisedec or other , as well now as they did in abraham . but that christ never claimd any such tenth as his annual due , much less resign'd it to the ministers , his so officious receivers without express commission or assignement , will be yet cleerer as we proceed . thus much may at length assure us , that this example of abram & melchisedec , though i see of late they build most upon it , can so little be the ground of any law to us , that it will not so much avail them as to the autoritie of an example . of like impertinence is that example of jacob , gen. . , who of his free choise , not enjoind by any law , vowd the tenth of all that god should give him : which , for aught appeers to the contrarie , he vowd as a thing no less indifferent before his vow , then the foregoing part thereof ; that the stone which he had set there for a pillar , should be god's house . and to whom vowd he this tenth , but to god ; not to any priest ; for we read of none to him greater then himself ? and to god , no doubt , but he paid what he vowd ; both in the building of that bethel with other altars els where , and the expence of his continual sacrifices , which none but he had right to offer . however therefor he paid his tenth , it could in no likelihood , unless by such an occasion as befell his grandfather , be to any priest . but , say they , all the tithe of the land , whether of the seed of the land , or of the fruit of the tree , is the lords , holy unto the lord , levit. . . and this before it was given to the levites ; therefor since they ceasd . no question ; for the whole earth is the lords , and the fulnes therof , psal. . ; and the light of nature shews us no less : but that the tenth is his more then the rest , how know i , but as he so declares it ? he declares it so here of the land of canaan only , as by all circumstance appeers ; and passes by deed of gift this tenth to the levite ; yet so as offerd to him first a heaveoffring , and consecrated on his altar , numb. . all which i had as little known , but by that evidence . the levites are ceasd , the gift returns to the giver . how then can we know that he hath given it to any other , or how can these men presume to take it unofferd first to god , unconsecrated , without an other cleer and express donation , wherof they shew no evidence or writing ? besides , he hath now alienated that holy land : who can warrantably affirme , that he hath since hallowd the tenth of this land ; which none but god hath power to do or can warrant ? thir last prooff they cite out of the gospel , which makes as little for them ; matth. . ; where our saviour denouncing woe to the scribes and pharises , who paid tithe so exactly , and omitted waightier matters , tels them , that these they ought to have don , that is , to have paid tithes . for our saviour spake then to those who observd the law of moses , which was yet not fully abrogated , till the destruction of the temple . and by the way here we may observe out of thir own prooff , that the scribes and pharises , though then chief teachers of the people , such at least as were not levites , did not take tithes , but paid them : so much less covetous were the scribes and pharises in those worst times then ours at this day . this is so apparent to the reformed divines of other countreys , that when any one of ours hath attempted in latine to maintain this argument of tithes , though a man would think they might suffer him without opposition in a point equally tending to the advantage of all ministers , yet they forbear not to oppose him , as in a doctrin not fit to pass unoppos'd under the gospel . which shews the modestie , the contentednes of those forein pastors with the maintenance given them , thir sinceritie also in the truth , though less gainful , and the avarice of ours : who through the love of their old papistical tithes , consider not the weak arguments , or rather conjectures and surmises which they bring to defend them . on the other side , although it be sufficient to have prov'd in general the abolishing of tithes , as part of the judaical or ceremonial law , which is abolishd all , as well that before as that after moses , yet i shall further prove them abrogated by an express ordinance of the gospel , founded not on any type , or that municipal law of moses , but on moral , and general equitie , given us instead : cor. . , . know ye not , that they who minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; and they which wait at the altar , are partake●s with the altar ? so also the lord hath ordaind , that they who preach the gospel , should live of the gospel . he saith not , should live on things which were of the temple or of the altar , of which were tithes , for that had given them a cleer title : but abrogating that former law of moses , which determind what and how much , by a later ordinance of christ , which leaves the what and how much indefinit and free , so it be sufficient to live on , he saith , the lord hath so ordaind , that they who preach the gospel , should live of the gospel ; which hath neither temple , altar nor sacrifice : heb. . . for he of whom these things are spoken , pertaineth to another tribe , of which no man gave attendance at the altar : his ministers therefor cannot thence have tithes . and where the lord hath so ordaind , we may finde easily in more then one evangelist : luke . , . in the same house remane , eating and drinking such things as they give : for the laborer is worthy of his hire , &c. and into whatsoever citie you enter , and they receive you , eat such things as are set before you . to which ordinance of christ it may seem likeliest , that the apostle referrs us both here and tim. . , where he cites this as the saying of our saviour , that the laborer is worthy of his hire : and both by this place of luke , and that of matth. . , , , it evidently appeers that our saviour ordaind no certain maintenance for his apostles or ministers publickly or privatly in house or citie receivd , but that , what ever it were , which might suffice to live on : and this not commanded or proportiond by abram or by moses , whom he might easily have here cited , as his manner was , but declar'd only by a rule of common equitie which proportions the hire as well to the abilitie of him who gives as to the labor of him who receives , and recommends him only as worthy , not invests him with a legal right . and mark wheron he grounds this his ordinance ; not on a perpetual right of tithes from melchisedec , as hirelings pretend , which he never claimd either for himself , or for his ministers , but on the plane and common equitie of rewarding the laborer ; worthy somtimes of single , somtimes of double honor , not proportionable by tithes . and the apostle in this forecited chapter to the corinthians , vers. , affirms it to be no great recompence , if carnal things be reapd for spiritual sown ; but to mention tithes , neglects here the fittest occasion that could be offerd him , and leaves the rest free and undetermind . certainly if christ or his apostles had approv'd of tithes , they would have either by writing or tradition recommended them to the church : and that soone would have appeerd in the practise of those primitive and the next ages . but for the first three hundred years and more , in all the ecclesiastical storie , i finde no such doctrin or example : though error by that time had brought back again priests , altars and oblations ; and in many other points of religion had miserably judaiz'd the church . so that the defenders of tithes , after a long pomp and tedious preparation out of heathen authors , telling us that tithes were paid to hercules and apollo , which perhaps was imitated from the jewes , and as it were bespeaking our expectation , that they will abound much more with autorities out of christian storie , have nothing of general approbation to beginn with from the first three or four ages , but that which abundantly serves to the confutation of thir tithes ; while they confess that churchmen in those ages livd meerly upon freewill offerings . neither can they say , that tithes were not then paid for want of a civil magistrate to ordain them , for christians had then also lands , and might give out of them what they pleasd ; and yet of tithes then given we finde no mention . and the first christian emperors , who did all things as bishops advis'd them , suppli'd what was wanting to the clergy not out of tithes , which were never motiond , but out of thir own imperial revenues ; as is manifest in eusebius , theodorit and sozomen , from constantine to arcadius . hence those ancientest reformed churches of the waldenses , if they rather continu'd not pure since the apostles , deni'd that tithes were to be given , or that they were ever given in the primitive church ; as appeers by an ancient tractate inserted in the bohemian historie . thus far hath the church bin alwaies , whether in her prime , or in her ancientest reformation , from the approving of tithes : nor without reason ; for they might easily perceive that tithes were fitted to the jewes only , a national church of many incomplete synagogues , uniting the accomplishment of divine worship in one temple ; and the levites there had thir tithes paid where they did thir bodilie work ; to which a particular tribe was set apart by divine appointment , not by the peoples election : but the christian church is universal ; not ti'd to nation , dioces or parish , but consisting of many particular churches complete in themselves ; gatherd , not by compulsion or the accident of dwelling nigh together , but by free consent chusing both thir particular church and thir church-officers . wheras if tithes be set up , all these christian privileges will be disturbd and soone lost , and with them christian libertie . the first autoritie which our adversaries bring , after those fabulous apostolic canons , which they dare not insist upon , is a provincial councel held at cullen , where they voted tithes to be gods rent , in the year three hundred fifty six ; at the same time perhaps when the three kings reignd there , and of like autoritie . for to what purpose do they bring these trivial testimonies , by which they might as well prove altars , candles at noone , and the greatest part of those superstitions , fetchd from paganism or jewism , which the papist , inveigl'd by this fond argument of antiquitie , retains to this day ? to what purpose those decrees of i know not what bishops , to a parlament and people who have thrown out both bishops and altars , and promisd all reformation by the word of god ? and that altars brought tithes hither , as one corruption begott another , is evident by one of those questions which the monk austin propounded to the pope , concerning those things , which by offerings of the faithful came to the altar ; as beda writes , l. . c. . if then by these testimonies we must have tithes continu'd , we must again have altars . of fathers , by custom so calld , they quote ambrose , augustin , and som other ceremonial doctors of the same leaven : whose assertion without pertinent scripture , no reformed church can admitt ; and what they vouch , is founded on the law of moses , with which , every where pitifully mistaken , they again incorporate the gospel ; as did the rest also of those titular fathers , perhaps an age or two before them , by many rights and ceremonies , both jewish and heathenish introduc'd ; whereby thinking to gain all , they lost all : and instead of winning jewes and pagans to be ▪ christians ▪ by too much condescending they turnd christians into jewes and pagans . to heap such unconvincing ▪ citations as these in religion , wherof the scripture only is our rule , argues not much learning nor judgment , but the lost labor of much unprofitable reading . and yet a late hot quaerist for tithes , whom ye may know by his wits lying ever beside him in the margent , to be ever beside his wits in the text , a fierce reformer once , now ranckl'd with a contrary heat , would send us back , very reformedly indeed , to learn reformation from tyndarus and rebuffus , two canonical promooters . they produce next the ancient constitutions of this land , saxon laws , edicts of kings , and thir counsels , from athelstan , in the year nine hundred twenty eight , that tithes by statute were paid : and might produce from ina , above two hundred years before , that romescot , or peters penny , was by as good statute law paid to the pope , from seven hundred twenty five , and almost as long continu'd . and who knows not that this law of tithes was enacted by those kings and barons upon the opinion they had of thir divine right , as the very words import of edward the confessor , in the close of that law : for so blessed austin preachd and taught ; meaning the monk , who first brought the romish religion into england from gregory the pope ▪ and by the way i add , that by these laws , imitating the law of moses , the third part 〈◊〉 tithes only was the priests due ; the other two were appointed for the poor , and to adorne or repare churches ; as the canons of ecbert and elfric witnes : concil. brit. if then these laws were founded upon the opinion of divine autoritie , and that autoritie be found mistaken and erroneous , as hath bin fully manifested , it follows , that these laws fall of themselves with thir fals foundation . but with what face or conscience can they alleage moses , or these laws for tithes , as they now enjoy or exact them ; wherof moses ordains the owner , as we heard before , the stranger , the fatherles and the widdow partakers with the levite ; and these fathers which they cite , and these though romish rather then english laws , allotted both to priest and bishop the third part only . but these our protestant , these our new reformed english presbyterian divines , against thir own cited authors , and to the shame of thir pretended reformation , would engross to themselves all tithes by statute ; and supported more by thir wilful obstinacie and desire of filthie lucre then by these both insufficient and impertinent autorities , would perswade a christian magistracie and parlament , whom we trust god hath restor'd for a happier reformation , to impose upon us a judaical ceremonial law , and yet from that law to be more irregular and unwarrantable , more complying with a covetous clergie , then any of those popish kings and parlaments alleagd . another shift they have to plead , that tithes may be moral as well as the sabbath , a tenth of fruits as well as a seaventh of dayes . i answer , that the prelats who urge this argument , have least reason to use it ; denying morality in the sabbath , and therin better agreeing with reformed churches abroad then the rest of our divines . as therefor the seaventh day is not moral , but a convenient recourse of worship in fit season , whether seaventh or other number , so neither is the tenth of our goods , but only a convenient subsistence morally due to ministers . the last and lowest sort of thir arguments , that men purchas'd not thir tithe with thir land and such like pettifoggerie , i omitt ; as refuted sufficiently by others : i omitt also thir violent and irreligious exactions , related no less credibly : thir seising of pots and pans from the poor , who have as good right to tithes as they ; from som , the very beds ; thir sueing and imprisoning ; worse then when the canon law was in force ; worse then when those wicked sons of eli were priests , whose manner was thus to seise thir pretended priestly due by force , sam. . , &c. whereby men abhorrd the offering of the lord ; and it may be feard that many will as much abhorr the gospel , if such violence as this be sufferd in her ministers , and in that which they also pretend to be the offering of the lord . for those sons of belial within som limits made seisure of what they knew was thir own by an undoubted law ; but these , from whom there is no sanctuarie , seise out of mens grounds , out of mens houses thir other goods of double , somtimes of treble value , for that , which did not covetousnes and rapine blinde them , they know to be not thir own by the gospel which they preach . of som more tolerable then these , thus severely god hath spoken : esa. . , &c. they are greedy dogs ; they all look to thir own way , every one for his gain , from his quarter . with what anger then will he judge them who stand not looking , but under colour of a divine right , fetch by force that which is not thir own , taking his name not in vain , but in violence ? nor content as gehazi was to make a cunning , but a constraind advantage of what thir master bids them give freely , how can they but returne smitten , worse then that sharking minister , with a spiritual leprosie ? and yet they cry out sacrilege , that men will not be gulld and baffl'd the tenth of thir estates by giving credit to frivolous pretences of divine right . where did god ever cleerly declare to all nations , or in all lands ( and none but fooles part with thir estates , without cleerest evidence , on bare supposals and presumptions of them who are the gainers thereby ) that he requir'd the tenth as due to him or his son perpetually and in all places ? where did he demand it , that we might certainly know , as in all claimes of temporal right is just and reasonable ? or if demanded , where did he assigne it , or by what evident conveyance to ministers ? unless they can demonstrate this by more then conjectures , thir title can be no better to tithes then the title of gehazi was to those things which by abusing his masters name he rookd from naaman . much less where did he command that tithes should be fetchd by force , where left not under the gospel whatever his right was , to the freewilloffrings of men ? which is the greater sacrilege , to bely divine autoritie , to make the name of christ accessory to violence , and , robbing him of the very honor which he aimd at in bestowing freely the gospel , to committ simonie and rapin , both secular and ecclesiastical , or on the other fide , not to give up the tenth of civil right and proprietie to the tricks and impostures of clergie men , contriv'd with all the art and argument that thir bellies can invent or suggest ; yet so ridiculous and presuming on the peoples dulnes or superstition , as to think they prove the divine right of thir maintenance by abram paying tithes to melchisedec , when as milchisedec in that passage rather gave maintenance to abram ; in whom all both priests and ministers , as well as lay-men paid tithes , not receivd them . and because i affirmd above , beginning this first part of my discourse , that god hath given to ministers of the gospel that maintenance only which is justly given them , let us see a little what hath bin thought of that other maintenance besides tithes , which of all protestants , our english divines either only or most apparently both require and take . those are , fees for christnings , marriages , and burials : which , though whoso will may give freely , yet being not of right , but of free gift , if they be exacted or establishd , they become unjust to them who are otherwise maintaind ; and of such evil note , that even the councel of trent , l. . p. , makes them lyable to the laws against simonie , who take or demand fees for the administring of any sacrament : che la sinodo volendo levare gli abusi introdotti , &c. and in the next page , with like severity condemns the giving or taking for a benefice , and the celebrating of marriages , christnings , and burials , for fees exacted or demanded : nor counts it less simonie to sell the ground or place of burial . and in a state assembly at orleans , , it was decreed , che non si potesse essi ger cosa alcuna , &c , p. . that nothing should be exacted for the administring of sacraments , burials , or any other spiritual funstion . thus much that councel , of all others the most popish , and this assembly of papists , though , by thir own principles , in bondage to the clergie , were induc'd , either by thir own reason and shame , or by the light of reformation then shining in upon them , or rather by the known canons of many councels and synods long before , to condemne of simonie spiritual fees demanded . for if the minister be maintaind for his whole ministry , why should he be twice paid for any part therof ? why should he , like a servant , seek vailes over and above his wages ? as for christnings , either they themselves call men to baptism , or men of themselves com : if ministers invite , how ill had it becomd john the baptist to demand fees for his baptising , or christ for his christnings ? far less becoms it these now , with a greedines lower then that of tradesmen calling passengers to thir shop , and yet paid before-hand , to ask again , for doing that which those thir founders did freely . if men of themselves com to be baptiz'd , they are either brought by such as already pay the minister , or com to be one of his disciples and maintainers : of whom to ask a fee as it were for entrance , is a piece of paultry craft or caution , befitting none but beggarly artists . burials and marriages are so little to be any part of thir gain , that they who consider well , may finde them to be no part of thir function . at burials thir attendance they alleage on the corps ; all the guests do as much unhir'd : but thir praiers at the grave ; superstitiously requir'd : yet if requir'd , thir last performance to the deceasd of thir own flock . but the funeral sermon : at thir choise : or if not , an occasion offerd them to preach out of season , which is one part of thir office . but somthing must be spoken in praise : if due , thir duty ; if undue , thir corruption : a peculiar simonie of our divines in england only . but the ground is broken , and especially thir unrighteous possession , the chancel . to sell that will not only raise up in judgment the councel of trent against them , but will lose them the best champion of tithes , thir zealous antiquary , sir hen : spelman ; who in a book written to that purpose , by many cited canons , and som even of times corruptest in the church , proves that fees exacted or demanded for sacraments , marriages , burials , and especially for interring , are wicked , accursed , simoniacal and abominable . yet thus is the church , for all this noise of reformation , left still unreformd , by the censure of thir own synods , thir own favorers , a den of theeves and robbers . as for marriages that ministers should meddle with them , as not sanctifi'd or legitimat without their celebration , i finde no ground in scripture either of precept or example . likeliest it is ( which our selden hath well observd , l. . c. , ux . eb. ) that in imitation of heathen priests who were wont at nuptials to use many rites and ceremonies , and especially , judging it would be profitable , and the increase of thir autoritie , not to be spectators only in busines of such concernment to the life of man , they infinuated that marriage was not holy without their benediction , and for the better colour , made it a sacrament ; being of it self a civil ordinance , a houshold contract , a thing indifferent and free to the whole race of mankinde , not as religious , but as men : best , indeed , undertaken to religious ends , and , as the apostle saith , cor. , in the lord . yet not therefor invalid or unholy without a minister and his pretended necessary hallowing , more then any other act , enterprise or contract of civil life , which ought all to be don also in the lord and to his glorie . all which , no less then marriage , were by the cunning of priests heretofore , as material to thir profit , transacted at the altar . our divines denie it to be a sacrament ; yet retaind the celebration , till prudently a late parlament recoverd the civil liberty of marriage from thir incroachment ; and transferrd the ratifying and registring therof from the canonical shop to the proper cognisance of civil magistrates seeing then , that god hath given to ministers under the gospel , that only which is justly given them , that is to say , a due and moderat livelihood , the hire of thir labor , and that the heave-offering of tithes is abolishd with the altar , yea though not abolishd , yet lawles , as they enjoy them , thir melchisedecian right also trivial and groundles , and both tithes and fees , if exacted or establishd , unjust and scandalous , we may hope , with them remov'd , to remove hirelings in som good measure , whom these tempting baits , by law especially to be recoverd , allure into the church . the next thing to be considerd in the maintenance of ministers , is by whom it should be given . wherin though the light of reason might sufficiently informe us , it will be best to consult the scripture : gal. . . let him that is taught in the word , communicate , to him that teacheth , in all good things : that is to say , in all manner of gratitude , to his abilitie . cor. . . if we have sown unto you spiritual things , is it a great matter if we reap your carnal things ? to whom therefor hath not bin sown , from him wherefor should be reapd ? tim. . . let the elders that rule well , be counted worthie of double honor ; especially they who labor in the word and doctrin . by these places we see , that recompence was given either by every one in particular who had bin instructed , or by them all in common , brought into the church-treasurie , and distributed to the ministers according to thir several labors : and that was judgd either by som extraordinarie person , as timothie , who by the apostle was then left evangelist at ephesus , tim. . , or by som to whom the church deputed that care . this is so agreeable to reason and so cleer , that any one may perceive what iniquitie and violence hath prevaild since in the church , whereby it hath bin so orderd , that they also shall be compelld to recompence the parochial minister , who neither chose him for thir teacher , nor have receivd instruction from him , as being either insufficient , or not resident , or inferior to whom they follow ; wherin to barr them thir choise , is to violate christian liberty . our law-books testifie , that before the councel of lateran , in the year , and the fifth of our henry , or rather before a decretal epistle of pope innocent the third , about , and the first of king john , any man might have given his tithes to what spiritual person he would : and , as the l. coke notes on that place , instit. part , that this decretal bound not the subjects of this realm ; but , as it seemd just and reasonable . the pope took his reason rightly from the above cited place , cor. . : but falsly suppos'd every one to be instructed by his parishpriest . whether this were then first so decreed or rather long before , as may seem by the laws of edgar and canute , that tithes were to be paid , not to whom he would that paid them , but to the cathedral church or the parishpriest , it imports not ; since the reason which they themselves bring , built on fals supposition , becoms alike infirme and absurd , that he should reap from me , who sows not to me ; bee the cause either his defect , or my free choise . but here it will be readily objected , what if they who are to be instructed be not able to maintain a minister , as in many villages ? i answer , that the scripture shews in many places what ought to be don herin . first i offer it to the reason of any man , whether he think the knowledge of christian religion harder then any other art or science to attain . i suppose he will grant that it is far easier ; both of it self , and in regard of gods assisting spirit , not particularly promisd us to the attainment of any other knowledge , but of this only : since it was preachd as well to the shepherds of bethleem by angels , as to the eastern wisemen by that starr : and our saviour declares himself anointed to preach the gospel to the poore , luke . . then surely to thir capacitie . they who after him first taught it , were otherwise unlearned men : they who before hus and luther first reformd it , were for the meanenes of thir condition calld , the poore men of lions : and in flanders at this day , les gueus , which is to say , beggars . therefor are the scriptures translated into every vulgar tongue , as being held in main matters of belief and salvation , plane and easie to the poorest : and such no less then thir teachers have the spirit to guide them in all truth , jo●. . , & . . hence we may conclude , if men be not all thir life time under a teacher to learn logic , natural philosophie , ethics or mathematics , which are more difficult , that certainly it is not necessarie to the attainment of christian knowledge that men should sit all thir life long at the feet of a pulpited divine ; while he , a lollard indeed over his elbow-cushion , in almost the seaventh part of . or . years teaches them scarce half the principles of religion ; and his sheep oft-times sit the while to as little purpose of benifiting as the sheep in thir pues at smithfield ; and for the most part by som simonie or other , bought and sold like them : or , if this comparison be too low , like those woemen , tim. . . ever learning and never attaining ; yet not so much through thir own fault , as through the unskilful and immethodical teaching of thir pastor , teaching here and there at random out of this or that text as his ease or fansie , and oft-times as his stealth guides him . seeing then that christian religion may be so easily attaind , and by meanest capacities , it cannot be much difficult to finde waies , both how the poore , yea all men may be soone taught what is to be known of christianitie , and they who teach them , recompenc'd . first , if ministers of thir own accord , who pretend that they are calld and sent to preach the gospel , those especially who have no particular flock , would imitate our saviour and his disciples who went preaching through the villages , not only through the cities , matth. . , mark . , luke . , acts . . and there preachd to the poore as well as to the rich , looking for no recompence but in heaven : john . , . looke on the fields ; for they are white alreadie to harvest : and he that reapeth , receiveth wages , and gathereth fruit unto life eternal . this was their wages . but they will soone reply , we our selves have not wherewithall ; who shall bear the charges of our journey ? to whom it may as soone be answerd , that in likelihood they are not poorer then they who did thus ; and if they have not the same faith which those disciples had to trust in god and the promise of christ for thir mainten●nce as they did , and yet intrude into the ministerie without any livelihood of thir own , they cast themselves into a miserable hazzard or temptation , and oft-times into a more miserable necessitie , either to starve , or to please thir paymasters rather them god : and give men just cause to suspect , that they came neither calld nor sent from above to preach the word , but from below , by the instinct of thir own hunger , to feed upon the church . yet grant it needful to allow them both the charges of thir jorn●y and the hire of thir labor , it will belong next to the charitie of richer congregations , where most commonly they abound with teachers , to send som of thir number to the villages round , as the apostles from jerusalem sent peter and john to the citie and villages of samaria , acts . , ; or as the church at jerusalem sent barnabas to antioch , chap. . ; and other churches joining sent luke to travail with paul , cor. . : though whether they had thir charges born by the church or no , it be not recorded . if it be objected that this itinerarie preaching will not serve to plant the gospel in those places , unless they who are sent , abide there som competent time , i answer , that if they stay there a year or two , which was the longest time usually staid by the apostles in one place , it may suffice to teach them , who will attend and learn , all the points of religion necessary to salvation ; then sorting them into several congregations of a moderat number , out of the ablest and zealousest among them to create elders , who , exercising and requiring from themselves what they have learnd ( for no learning is retaind without constant exercise and methodical repetition ) may teach and govern the rest : and so exhorted to continue faithful and stedfast , they may securely be committed to the providence of god and the guidance of his holy spirit , till god may offer som opportunitie to visit them again and to confirme them : which when they have don , they have don as much as the apostles were wont to do in prop●gating the gospel , acts . . and when they had ordaind them elders in every church , and had praied with fasting , they commended them to the lord , on whom they beleevd . and in the same chapter , vers. , , when they had preachd the gospel to that citie , and had taught many , they returned again to lystra and to iconium and antioch , confirming the soules of the disciples , and exhorting them to continue in the faith . and chap. . . let us go again and visit our brethren . and vers. . he went thorow syria and cilicia , confirming the churches . to these i might add other helps , which we enjoy now , to make more easie the attainment of christian religion by the meanest : the entire scripture translated into english with plenty of notes ; and som where or other , i trust , may be found som wholsom bodie of divinitie , as they call it , without schoole terms and metaphysical notions , which have obscur'd rather then explan'd our religion , and made it seem difficult without cause . thus taught once for all , and thus now and then visited and confirmd , in the most destitute and poorest places of the land , under the government of thir own elders performing all ministerial offices among them , they may be trusted to meet and edifie one another whether in church or chappel , or , to save them the trudging of many miles thether , neerer home , though in a house or barn . for notwithstanding the gaudy superstition of som devoted still ignorantly to temples , we may be well assur'd that he who disdaind not to be laid in a manger , disdains not to be preachd in a barn ; and that by such meetings as these , being , indeed , most apostolical and primitive , they will in a short time advance more in christian knowledge and reformation of life , then by the many years preaching of such an incumbent , i may say , such an incubus oft times , as will be meanly hir'd to abide long in those places . they have this left perhaps to object further , that to send thus and to maintaine , though but for a year or two , ministers and teachers in several places , would prove chargeable to the churches , though in towns and cities round about . to whom again i answer , that it was not thought so by them who first thus propagated the gospel , though but few in number to us , and much less able to sustain the expence . yet this expence would be much less , then to hire incumbents or rather incumbrances , for life-time ; and a great means ( which is the subject of this discourse ) to diminish hirelings . but be the expence less or more , if it be found burdensom to the churches , they have in this land an easie remedie in thir recourse to the civil magistrate ; who hath in his hands the disposal of no small revenues ; left , perhaps , anciently to superstitious , but meant undoubtedly to good and best uses ; and therefor , once made publick , appliable by the present magistrate to such uses as the church or solid reason from whomsoever shall convince him to think best . and those uses may be , no doubt , much rather then as glebes and augmentations are now bestowd , to grant such requests as these of the churches ; or to erect in greater number all over the land schooles and competent libraries to those schooles , where languages and arts may be taught free together , without the needles , unprofitable and inconvenient removing to another place . so all the land would be soone better civiliz'd , and they who are taught freely at the publick cost , might have thir education given them on this condition , that therewith content , they should not gadd for preferment out of thir own countrey , but continue there thankful for what they receivd freely , bestowing it as freely on thir countrey , without soaring above the meannes wherin they were born . but how they shall live when they are thus bred and dismissd , will be still the sluggish objection . to which is answerd , that those publick foundations may be so instituted , as the youth therin may be at once brought up to a competence of learning and to an honest trade ; and the hours of teaching so orderd , as thir studie may be no hindrance to thir labor or other calling . this was the breeding of s. paul , though born of no mean parents , a free citizen of the roman empire : so little did his trade debase him , that it rather enabld him to use that magnanimitie of preaching the gospel through asia and europe at his own charges : thus those preachers among the poor waldenses , the ancient stock of our reformation , without these helps which i speak of , bred up themselves in trades , and especially in physic and surgery as well as in the studie of scripture ( which is the only true theologie ) that they might be no burden to the church ; and by the example of christ , might cure both soul and bodie ; through industry joining that to their ministerie , which he joind to his by gift of the spirit . thus relates peter gilles in his historie of the waldenses in piemont . but our ministers think scorn to use a trade , and count it the reproach of this age , that tradesmen preach the gospel . it were to be wishd they were all tradesmen ; they would not then so many of them , for want of another trade , make a trade of thir preaching : and yet they clamor that tradesmen preach ; and yet they preach , while they themselves are the worst tradesmen of all . as for church-endowments and possessions , i meet with none considerable before constantine , but the houses and gardens where they met , and thir places of burial : and i perswade me , that from them the ancient waldenses , whom deservedly i cite so often , held , that to endow churches is an evil thing ; and , that the church then fell off and turnd whore sitting on that beast in the revelation , when under pope sylvester she receivd those temporal donations . so the forecited tractate of thir doctrin testifies . this also thir own traditions of that heavenly voice witnesd , and som of the ancient fathers then living , foresaw and deplor'd . and indeed , how could these endowments thrive better with the church , being unjustly taken by those emperors , without suffrage of the people , out of the tributes and publick lands of each citie , whereby the people became liable to be oppressd with other taxes . being therefor given for the most part by kings and other publick persons , and so likeliest out of the publick , and if without the peoples consent , unjustly , however to publick ends of much concernment to the good or evil of a common-wealth , and in that regard made publick though given by privat persons , or which is worse , given , as the clergie then perswaded men , for thir soul's health , a pious gift , but as the truth was , oft times a bribe to god or to christ for absolution , as they were then taught , from murders , adulteries , and other hainous crimes , what shall be found heretofore given by kings or princes out of the publick , may justly by the magistrate be recalld and reappropriated to the civil revenue : what by privat or publick persons out of thir own , the price of blood or lust , or to som such purgatorious and superstitious uses , not only may but ought to be taken off from christ , as a foul dishonor laid upon him , or not impiously given , nor in particular to any one , but in general to the churches good , may be converted to that use , which shall be judgd tending more directly to that general end . thus did the princes and cities of germany in the first reformation ; and defended thir so doing by many reasons , which are set down at large in sleidan , l. , an. , and l. , an. , and l. , an. . but that the magistrate either out of that church revenue which remanes yet in his hand , or establishing any other maintenance instead of tithe , should take into his own power the stipendiarie maintenance of church-ministers , or compell it by law , can stand neither with the peoples right nor with christian liberty , but would suspend the church wholly upon the state , and turn her ministers into statepensioners . and for the magistrate in person of a nursing father to make the church his meer ward , as alwaies in minoritie , the church , to whom he ought as a magistrate , esa. . , to bow down with his face toward the earth , and lick up the dust of her feet , her to subject to his political drifts or conceivd opinions by mastring her revenue , and so by his examinant committies to circumscribe her free election of ministers , is neither just nor pious ; no honor don to to the church , but a plane dishonor : and upon her , whose only head is in heaven , yea upon him , who is her only head , sets another in effect , and , which is most monstrous , a human on a heavenly , a carnal on a spiritual , a political head on an ecclesiastical bodie ; which at length by such heterogeneal , such incestuous conjunction , transformes her oft-times into a beast of many heads and many horns . for if the chu●ch be of all societies the holiest on earth , and so to be reverenc'd by the magistrate , not to trust her with her own belief and integritie , and therefor not with the keeping , at least with the disposing of what revenue shall be found justly and lawfully her own , is to count the church not a holy congregation , but a pack of giddy or dishonest persons , to be rul'd by civil power in sacred affairs . but to proceed further in the truth yet more freely , seeing the christian church is not national , but consisting of many particular congregations , subject to many changes , as well through civil accidents as through schism and various opinions , not to be decided by any outward judge , being matters of conscience , whereby these pretended church-revenues , as they have bin ever , so are like to continue endles matter of dissention both between the church and magistrate , and the churches among themselves , there will be found no better remedie to these evils , otherwise incurable , then by the incorruptest councel of those waldenses , our first reformers , to remove them as a pest , an apple of discord in the church , ( for what els can be the effect of riches and the snare of monie in religion ▪ ) and to convert them to those more profitable uses above expressd or other such as shall be judgd most necessarie ; considering that the church of christ was founded in poverty rather then in revenues , stood purest and prosperd best without them , receivd them unlawfully from them who both erroneously and unjustly , somtimes impiously , gave them , and so justly was ensnar'd and corrupted by them . and least it be thought that these revenues withdrawne and better imploid , the magistrate ought in stead to settle by statute som maintenance of ministers , let this be considerd first , that it concerns every mans conscience to what religion he contributes ; and that the civil magistrate is intrusted with civil rights only , not with conscience , which can have no deputy or representer of it self , but one of the same minde : next , that what each man gives to the minister , he gives either as to god , or as to his teacher ; if as to god , no civil power can justly consecrate to religious uses any part either of civil revenue , which is the peoples , and must save them from other taxes , or of any mans proprietie , but god by special command , as he did by moses , or the owner himself by voluntarie intention and the perswasion of his giving it to god ; forc'd consecrations out of another mans estate are no better then forc'd vowes ; hateful to god , who loves a chearful giver ; but much more hateful , wrung out of mens purses to maintaine a disapprov'd ministerie against thir conscience ; however , unholy , infamous and dishonorable to his ministers and the free-gospel , maintaind in such unworthy manner as by violence and extortion : if he give it as to his teacher , what justice or equitie compells him to pay for learning that religion which leaves freely to his choise whether he will learn it or no , whether of this teacher or another , and especially to pay for what he never learnd , or approves not ; whereby , besides the wound of his conscience , he becoms the less able to recompence his true teacher ? thus far hath bin enquir'd by whom church-ministers ought to be maintaind ; and hath bin prov'd most natural , most equal and agreeable with scripture , to be by them who receive thir teaching ; and by whom , if they be unable . which waies well observd , can discourage none but hirelings , and will much lessen thir number in the church . it remanes lastly to consider in what manner god hath ordaind that recompence be given to ministers of the gospel : and by all scripture it will appeer that he hath given it them not by civil law and freehold , as they claim , but by the benevolence and free gratitude of such as receive them : luke . , . eating and drinking such things as they give you . if they receive you , eate such things as are set before you . matth. . , . as ye go , preach , saying , the kingdome of god is at hand , &c. freely ye have receivd , freely give . if god have ordaind ministers to preach freely , whether they receive recompence or not , then certainly he hath forbidd both them to compell it , and others to compell it for them . but freely given , he accounts it as given to himself : phillip . . , , . ye sent once and again to my necessitie . not because i desire a gift ; but i desire fruit that may abound to your account . having receivd of epaphroditus the things which were sent from you , an odour of sweet smell , a sacrifice acceptable , well pleasing to god . which cannot be from force or unwillingnes . the same is said of almes , heb. . . to do good and to communicate , forgett not : for with such sacrifices god is well pleasd . whence the primitive church thought it no shame to receive all thir maintenance as the almes of thir auditors . which they who defend tithes , as if it made for thir cause , when as it utterly confutes them , omitt not to set down at large ; proving to our hands out of origen , tertullian , cyprian , and others , that the clergie livd at first upon the meer benevolence of thir hearers : who gave what they gave , not to the clergie , but to the church ; out of which the clergie had thir portions given them in baskets ; and were thence calld sportularii , basket-clerks : that thir portion was a very mean allowance , only for a bare livelihood ; according to those precepts of our saviour , matth. . , the rest was distributed to the poore . they cite also out of prosper , the disciple of st. austin , that such of the clergie as had means of thir own , might not without sin partake of church-maintenance ; not receiving thereby food which they abound with , but feeding on the sins of other men : that the holy ghost saith of such clergie men , they eat the sins of my people : and that a councel at antioch , in the year , sufferd not either priest or bishop to live on church-maintenance without necessitie . thus far tithers themselves have contributed to thir own confutation , by confessing that the church livd primitively on almes . and i add , that about the year , constantius the emperor having summond a general councel of bishops to ariminum in italie , and provided for thir subsistence there , the british and french bishops judging it not decent to live on the publick , chose rather to be at thir own charges . three only out of britain constraind through want , yet refusing offerd assistance from the rest , accepted the emperor's provision ; judging it more convenient to subsist by publick then by privat sustenance . whence we may conclude , that bishops then in this iland had thir livelihood only from benevolence : in wch regard this relater sulpitius severus , a good author of the same time , highly praises them . and the waldenses , our fi●st reformers , both from the scripture and these primitive examples , maintaind those among them who bore the office of ministers , by almes only . take thir very words from the historie written of them in french , part. . l. . c. . la nourriture & ce de quoy nous sommes couverts &c. our food & cloathing is sufficiently administerd & given to us by way of gratuitie and almes , by the good people whom we teach . if then by almes and benevolence , not by legal force , not by tenure of freehold or copyhold : for almes , though just , cannot be compelld ; and benevolence forc'd , is malevolence rather , violent and inconsistent with the gospel ; and declares him no true minister therof , but a rapacious hireling rather , who by force receiving it , eats the bread of violence and exaction , no holy or just livelihood , no not civilly counted honest ; much less beseeming such a spiritual ministry . but , say they , our maintenance is our due , tithes the right of christ , unseparable from the priest , no where repeald ; if then , not otherwise to be had , by law to be recoverd : for though paul were pleasd to forgoe his due , and not to use his power , cor. . , yet he had a power , v. , and bound not others . i answer first , because i see them still so loath to unlearn thir decimal arithmetic , and still grasp thir tithes as inseparable from a priest , that ministers of the gospel are not priests ; and therefor separated from tithes by thir own exclusion ; being neither calld priests in the new testament , nor of any order known in scripture : not of melchisedec , proper to christ only ; not of aaron , as they themselves will confess ; and the third priesthood , only remaining , is common to all the faithful . but they are ministers of our high priest . true ; but not of his priesthood , as the levites were to aaron : for he performs that whole office himself incommunicably . yet tithes remane , say they , still unreleasd , the due of christ ; and to whom payable , but to his ministers ? i say again , that no man can so understand them , unless christ in som place or other so claim them . that example of abram argues nothing but his voluntarie act ; honor once only don , but on what consideration , whether to a priest or to a king , whether due the honor , arbitrarie that kinde of honor or not , will after all contending be left still in meer conjecture : which must not be permitted in the claim of such a needy and suttle spiritual corporation pretending by divine right to the tenth of all other mens estates ; nor can it be allowd by wise men or the verdit of common law . and the tenth part , though once declar'd holy , is declar'd now to be no holier then the other nine , by that command to peter act. . . : whereby all distinction of holy and unholy is remov'd from all things . tithes therefor though claimd , and holy under the law , yet are now releasd and quitted both by that command to peter , and by this to all ministers , above-cited luke ; eating and drinking such things as they give you : made holy now by thir free gift only . and therefor s. paul , cor. . , asserts his power , indeed ; but of what ? not of tithes , but , to eat and drink such things as are given in reference to this command : which he calls not holy things or things of the gospel , as if the gospel had any consecrated things in answer to things of the temple , v. , but he calls them your carnal things , v. . without changing thir property . and what power had he ? not the power of force but of conscience only , whereby he might lawfully and without scruple live on the gospel ; receiving what was given him , as the recompence of his labor . for if christ the master hath professd his kingdom to be not of this world , it suits not with that profession either in him or his ministers to claim temporal right from spiritual respects . he who refus'd to be the divider of an inheritance between two brethren , cannot approve his ministers by pretended right from him to be dividers of tenths and free-holds out of other mens possessions , making thereby the gospel but a cloak of carnal interest , and , to the contradiction of thir master , turning his heavenly kingdom into a kingdom of this world , a kingdom of force and rapin . to whom it will be one day thunderd more terribly then to gehazi , for thus dishonoring a far greater master and his gospel , is this a time to receive monie and to receive garments and olive-yards and vinyards and sheep and oxen ? the leprosie of naaman linkd with that apostolic curse of perishing imprecated on simon magus , may be feard will cleave to such and to thir seed for ever . so that when all is don , and bellie hath us'd in vain all her cunning shifts , i doubt not but all true ministers , considering the demonstration of what hath bin here prov'd , will be wise , and think it much more tolerable to hear , that no maintenance of ministers , whether tithes or any other , can be settl'd by statute ; but must be given by them who receive instruction ; and freely given , as god hath ordaind . and indeed what can be a more honorable maintenance to them , then such whether almes or willing oblations as these , which being accounted both alike as given to god , the only acceptable sacrifices now remaining , must needs represent him who receives them much in the care of god and neerly related to him , when not by worldly force and constraint , but with religious awe and reverence , what is given to god , is given to him , and what to him , accounted as given to god . this would be well anough , say they ; but how many will so give ? i answer , as many , doubtles , as shall be well taught ; as many as god shall so move . why are ye so distrustful both of your own doctrin and of gods promises , fulfilld in the expèrience of those disciples first sent : luke . . when i sent you without purse and scrip and shooes , lackd ye anything ? and they said , nothing . how then came ours , or who sent them thus destitute , thus poor and empty both of purse and faith ? who stile themselves embassadors of jesus christ , and seem to be his tithegatherers , though an office of thir own setting up to his dishonor , his ex●cters , his publicans rather , not trusting that he will maintain them in thir embassy , unless they binde him to his promise by a statute law that we shall maintain them . lay down for shame that magnific title , while ye seek maintenance from the people : it is not the manner of embassadors to ask maintenance of them to whom they are sent . but he who is lord of all things , hath so ordaind : trust him then ; he doubtles will command the people to make good his promises of maintenance more honorably unaskd , unrak'd for . this they know , this they preach , yet beleeve not : but think it as impossible without a statute law to live of the gospel , as if by those words they were bid go eat thir bibles , as ezechiel and john did thir books ; and such doctrins as these are as bitter to thir bellies : but will serve so much the better to discover hirelings , who can have nothing , though but in appearance , just and solid to answer for themselves against what hath bin here spoken , unless perhaps this one remaning pretence , which we shall quickly see to be either fals or uningenuous . they pretend that thir education either at schoole or universitie hath bin very chargeable ; and therefor ought to be repar'd in future by a plentiful maintenance : whenas it is well known that the better half of them , and oft times poor and pittiful boyes of no merit or promising hopes that might intitle them to the publick provision but thir povertie and the unjust favor of friends , have had the most of thir breeding both at schoole and universitie by schollarships ▪ exhibitions and fellowships at the publick cost ; which might ingage them the rather to give freely , as they have freely receivd . or if they have missd of these helps at the latter place , they have after two or three years left the cours of thir studies there , if they ever well began them , and undertaken , though furnishd with little els but ignorance , boldnes and ambition , if with no worse vices , a chaplainship in som gentlemans house , to the frequent imbasing of his sons with illiterate and narrow principles . or if they have livd there upon thir own , who knows not that seaven years charge of living there , to them who fly not from the government of thir parents to the license of a universitie , but com seriously to studie , is no more then may be well defraid and reimbours'd by one years revenue of an ord'nary good benifice ? if they had then means of breeding from thir parents , 't is likely they have more now ; and if they have , it needs must be mechanique and uningenuous in them to bring a bill of charges for the learning of those liberal arts and sciences , which they have learnd ( if they have indeed learnd them , as they seldom have ) to thir own benefit and accomplishment . but they will say , we had betaken us to som other trade or profession , had we not expected to finde a better livelihood by the ministerie . this is that which i lookd for , to discover them openly neither true lovers of learning , and so very seldom guilty of it , nor true ministers of the gospel . so long agoe out of date is that old true saying , tim. . if a man desire a bishoprick , he desires a good work : for now commonly he who desires to be a minister , looks not at the work but at the wages ; and by that lure or loubel may be toald from parish to parish all the town over . but what can be planer simonie , then thus to be at charges beforehand to no other end then to make thir ministry doubly or trebly beneficial ? to whom it might be said as justly as to that simon , thy monie perish with thee , because thou hast thought that the gift of god may be purchas'd with monie : thou hast neither part nor lot in this matter . next , it is a fond error , though too much beleevd among us , to think that the universitie makes a minister of the gospel ; what it may conduce to other arts and sciences , i dispute not now : but that which makes fit a minister , the scripture can best informe us to be only from above ; whence also we are bid to seek them ; matth. . . pray ye therefor to the lord of the harvest , that he will send forth laborers into his harvest . acts . . the flock , over which the holy ghost hath made you over-seers . rom. . . how shall they preach , unless they be sent ? by whom sent ? by the universitie , or the magistrate , or thir belly ? no surely : but sent from god only , and that god who is not thir belly . and whether he be sent from god or from simon magus , the inward sense of his calling and spiritual abilitie will sufficiently tell him ; and that strong obligation felt within him , which was felt by the apostle , will often express from him the same words : cor. . . necessity is laid upon me , yea , woe is me , if i preach not the gospel . not a beggarly necessity , and the woe feard otherwise of perpetual want , but such a necessitie as made him willing to preach the gospel gratis , and to embrace povertie rather then as a woe to fear it . cor. . . god hath set som in the church , first apostles , &c. eph. . , &c. he gave som apostles , &c. for the perfeting of the saints , for the work of the ministerie , for the edifying of the body of christ , till we all come to the unitie of the faith . whereby we may know that as he made them at the first , so he makes them still , and to the worlds end . cor. . . who hath also made us fit or able ministers of the new testament . tim. . . the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophesie and the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . these are all the means which we read of requir'd in scripture to the making of a minister . all this is granted you will say : but yet that it is also requisite he should be traind in other learning ; which can be no where better had then at universities . i answer , that what learning either human or divine can be necessary to a minister , may as easily and less chargeably be had in any private house . how deficient els and to how little purpose are all those piles of sermons , notes , and comments on all parts of the bible , bodies and marrows of divinitie , besides all other sciences , in our english tongue ; many of the same books which in latine they . read at the universitie ? and the small necessitie of going thether to learn divinitie , i prove first from the most part of themselves , who seldom continue there till they have well got through logic , thir first rudiments ; though , to say truth , logic also may much better be wanting in disputes of divinitie , then in the suttle debates of lawyers and statesmen , who yet seldom or never deal with syllogisms . and those theological disputations there held by professors and graduates are such as tend least of all to the edification or capacitie of the people , but rather perplex and leaven pure doctrin with scholastical trash then enable any minister to the better preaching of the gospel . whence we may also compute , since they com to recknings , the charges of his needful library : which , though som shame not to value at l , may be competently furnishd for l. if any man for his own curiositie or delight be in books further expensive , that is not to be recknd as necessarie to his ministerial either breeding or function . but papists and other adversaries cannot be confuted without fathers and councels , immense volumes and of vast charges . i will shew them therefor a shorter and a better way of confutation : tit. . . holding fast the faithful word , as he hath bin taught , that he may be able by sound doctrin , both to exhort and to convince gain-sayers : who are confuted as soon as heard , bringing that which is either not in scripture or against it . to persue them further through the obscure and intangld wood of antiquitie , fathers and councels fighting one against another , is needles , endles , not requisite in a minister , and refus'd by the first reformers of our religion . and yet we may be confident , if these things be thought needful , let the state but erect in publick good store of libraries , and there will not want men in the church , who of thir own inclinations will become able in this kinde against papist or any other adversarie . i have thus at large examind the usual pretences of hirelings , colourd over most commonly with the cause of learning and universities : as if with divines learning stood and fell ; wherin for the most part thir pittance is so small : and , to speak freely , it were much better , there were not one divine in the universitie ; no schoole-divinitie known , the idle sophistrie of monks , the canker of religion ; and that they who intended to be ministers , were traind up in the church only , by the scripture and in the original languages therof at schoole ; without fetching the compas of other arts and sciences , more then what they can well learn at secondary leasure and at home . neither speak i this in contempt of learning or the ministry , but hating the common cheats of both ; hating that they who have preachd out bishops , prelats and canonists , should , in what serves thir own ends , retain thir fals opinions , thir pharisaical leaven , thir avarice and closely thir ambition , thir pluralities , thir nonresidences , thir odious fees , and use thir legal and popish arguments for tithes : that independents should take that name , as they may justly from the true freedom of christian doctrin and church-discipline subject to no superior judge but god only , and seek to be dependents on the magistrate for thir maintenance ; which two things , independence and state-hire in religion , can never consist long or certainly together . for magistrates at one time or other , not like these at present our patrons of christian libertie , will pay none but such whom by thir committies of examination , they find conformable to their interest and opinions : and hirelings will soone frame themselves to that interest and those opinions which they see best pleasing to thir pay-masters ; and to seem right themselves , will force others as to the truth . but most of all they are to be revil'd and sham'd , who cry out with the distinct voice of notorious hirelings , that if ye settle not our maintenance by law , farwell the gospel : then which nothing can be utterd more fals , more ignominious , and , i may say , more blasphemous against our saviour ; who hath promisd , without this condition , both his holy spirit and his own presence with his church to the worlds end : nothing more fals ( unless with thir own mouths they condemne themselves for the unworthiest and most mercenary of all other ministers ) by the experience of . years after christ , and the churches at this day in france , austria , polonia , and other places witnessing the contrary under an advers magistrate not a favorable : nothing more ignominious , levelling or rather undervaluing christ beneath mahomet . for if it must be thus , how can any christian object it to a turk , that his religion stands by force only ; and not justly fear from him this reply , yours both by force and monie in the judgment of your own preachers . this is that which makes atheists in the land , whom they so much complain of : not the want of maintenance or preachers , as they alleage , but the many hirelings and cheaters that have the gospel in thir hands ; hands that still crave , and are never satisfi'd . likely ministers , indeed , to proclaim the faith or to exhort our trust in god , when they themselves will not trust him to provide for them in the message wheron , they say , he sent them ; but threaten for want of temporal means to desert it ; calling that want of means , which is nothing els but the want of thir own faith ; and would force us to pay the hire of building our faith to their covetous incredulitie . doubtles , if god only be he who gives ministers to his church till the worlds end ; and through the whole gospel never sent us for ministers to the schooles of philosophie , but rather bids us beware of such vain deceit , col. . . ( which the primitive church , after two or three ages not remembring , brought herself quickly to confusion ) if all the faithful be now a holy and a royal priesthood , pet. . . , not excluded from the dispensation of things holiest , after free election of the church and imposition of hands , there will not want ministers , elected out of all sorts and orders of men , for the gospel makes no difference from the magistrate himself to the meanest artificer , if god evidently favor him with spiritual gifts , as he can easily and oft hath don , while those batchelor divines and doctors of the tippet have bin passd by ▪ heretofore in the fi●st evangelic times ( and it were happy for christendom if it were so again ) ministers of the gospel were by nothing els distinguishd from ▪ other christians but by thir spiritual knowledge and sanctitie of life , for which the church elected them to be her teachers and overseers , though not thereby to separate them from whatever calling she then found them following besides , as the example of s. paul declares , and the first times of christianitie . when once they affected to be calld a clergie , and became as it were a peculiar tribe of levites , a partie , a distinct order in the commonwealth , bred up for divines in babling schooles and fed at the publick cost , good for nothing els but what was good for nothing , they soone grew idle : that idlenes with fulnes of bread begat pride and perpetual contention with thir feeders the despis'd laitie , through all ages ever since ; to the perverting of religion , and the disturbance of all christendom . and we may confidently conclude , it never will be otherwise while they are thus upheld undepending on the church , on which alone they anciently depended , and are by the magistrate publickly maintaind a numerous faction of indigent persons , crept for the most part out of extream want and bad nurture , claiming by divine right and freehold the tenth of our estates , to monopolize the ministry as their peculiar , which is free and open to all able christians , elected by any church . under this pretence exempt from all other imployment , and inriching themselves on the publick , they last of all prove common incendiaries , and exalt thir horns against the magistrate himself that maintains them , as the priest of rome did soone after against his benefactor the emperor , and the presbyters of late in scotland . of which hireling crew together with all the mischiefs , dissentions , troubles , warrs meerly of their kindling , christendom might soone rid herself and be happie , if christians would but know thir own dignitie , thir libertie , thir adoption , and let it not be wonderd if i say , thir spiritual priesthood , whereby they have all equally access to any ministerial function whenever calld by thir own abilities and the church , though they never came neer commencement or universitie . but while protestants , to avoid the due labor of understanding thir own religion are content to lodge it in the breast or rather in the books of a clergie man , and to take it thence by scraps and mammocks as he dispences it in his sundays dole , they will be alwaies learning and never knowing , alwaies infants , alwaies either his vassals , as lay-papists are to their priests , or at odds with him , as reformed principles give them som light to be not wholly conformable , whence infinit disturbances in the state , as they do , must needs follow . thus much i had to say ; and , i suppose , what may be anough to them who are not avariciously bent otherwise , touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church ; then which nothing can more conduce to truth , to peace and all happines both in church and state . if i be not heard nor beleevd , the event will bear me witnes to have spoken truth : and i in the mean while have borne my witnes not out of season to the church and to my countrey . the end . the history of britain, that part especially now call'd england from the first traditional beginning, continu'd to the norman conquest / collected out of the antientest and best authours thereof by john milton. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the history of britain, that part especially now call'd england from the first traditional beginning, continu'd to the norman conquest / collected out of the antientest and best authours thereof by john milton. milton, john, - . faithorne, william, - . [ ], , [ ] p. : port. printed by j.m. for james allestry ..., london : . index: leaves [ ]-[ ] at end. errata: p. [ ] at end. portrait signed: gul. faithorne ad vivum delin. et sculpsit. first edition. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -- history -- to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ioannis miltoni effigies aetat : . . g●l . faithorne ad vivum delin . et sculpsit . the history of britain , that part especially now call'd england . from the first traditional beginning , continu'd to the norman conqvest . collected out of the antientest and best authors thereof by john milton . london , printed by j. m. for james allestry , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard , mdclxx . the history of britain , that part especially now call'd england ; continu'd to the norman conquest . book i. the beginning of nations , those excepted of whom sacred books have spok'n , is to this day unknown . nor only the beginning , but the deeds also of many succeeding ages , yea periods of ages , either wholly unknown , or obscur'd and blemisht with fables . whether it were that the use of letters came in long after , or were it the violence of barbarous inundations , or they themselves at certain revolutions of time , fatally decaying , and degenerating into sloth and ignorance ; wherby the monuments of more ancient civility have bin som destroy'd , som lost . perhaps dis-esteem and contempt of the public affairs then present , as not worth recording , might partly be in cause . certainly oft-times we see that wise men , and of best abilitie have forborn to write the acts of thir own daies , while they beheld with a just loathing and disdain , not only how unworthy , how pervers , how corrupt , but often how ignoble , how petty , how below all history the persons and thir actions were ; who either by fortune , or som rude election had attain'd as a sore judgment , and ignominie upon the land , to have cheif sway in managing the common-wealth . but that any law , or superstition of our old philosophers the druids forbad the britains to write thir memorable deeds , i know not why any out of caesar should allege : he indeed saith , that thir doctrine they thought not lawful to commit to letters ; but in most matters else , both privat , and public , among which well may history be reck'nd , they us'd the greek tongue : and that the british druids who taught those in gaule would be ignorant of any language known and us'd by thir disciples , or so frequently writing other things , and so inquisitive into highest , would for want of recording be ever children in the knowledge of times and ages , is not likely . what ever might be the reason , this we find , that of british affairs , from the first peopling of the iland to the coming of julius caesar , nothing certain , either by tradition , history , or ancient fame hath hitherto bin left us . that which we have of oldest seeming , hath by the greater part of judicious antiquaries bin long rejected for a modern fable . nevertheless there being others besides the first suppos'd author , men not unread , nor unlerned in antiquitie , who admitt that for approved story , which the former explode for fiction , and seeing that oft-times relations heertofore accounted fabulous have bin after found to contain in them many footsteps , and reliques of somthing true , as what we read in poets of the flood , and giants little beleev'd , till undoubted witnesses taught us , that all was not fain'd ; i have therfore determin'd to bestow the telling over ev'n of these reputed tales ; be it for nothing else but in favour of our english poets , and rhetoricians , who by thir art will know , how to use them judiciously . i might also produce example , as diodorus among the greeks , livie and others of the latines , polydore and virunnius accounted among our own writers . but i intend not with controversies and quotations to delay or interrupt the smooth course of history ; much less to argue and debate long who were the first inhabitants , with what probabilities , what authorities each opinion hath bin upheld , but shall endevor that which hitherto hath bin needed most , with plain , and lightsom brevity , to relate well and orderly things worth the nothing , so as may best instruct and benefit them that read . which , imploring divine assistance , that it may redound to his glory , and the good of the british nation , i now begin . that the whole earth was inhabited before the flood , and to the utmost point of habitable ground , from those effectual words of god in the creation , may be more then conjectur'd . hence that this iland also had her dwellers , her affairs , and perhaps her stories , eev'n in that old world those many hunderd years , with much reason we may inferr . after the flood , and the dispersing of nations , as they journey'd leasurely from the east , gomer the eldest son of japhet , and his off-spring , as by authorities , arguments , and affinitie of divers names is generally beleev'd , were the first that peopl'd all these west and northren climes . but they of our own writers , who thought they had don nothing , unless with all circumstance they tell us when , and who first set foot upon this iland , presume to name out of fabulous and counterfet authors a certain samothes or dis , a fowrth or sixt son of japhet , whom they make about years after the flood , to have planted with colonies ; first the continent of celtica , or gaule , and next this iland ; thence to have nam'd it samothea , to have reign'd heer , and after him lineally fowr kings , magus , saron , druis , and bardus . but the forg'd berosus , whom only they have to cite , no where mentions that either hee , or any of those whom they bring , did ever pass into britain , or send thir people hither . so that this out-landish figment may easily excuse our not allowing it the room heer so much as of a british fable . that which follows , perhaps as wide from truth , though seeming less impertinent , is , that these samotheans under the reign of bardus were subdu'd by albion a giant , son of neptune : who call'd the iland after his own name , and rul'd it years . till at length passing over into gaul , in aid of his brother lestrygon , against whom hercules was hasting out of spain into italy , he was there slain in fight , and bergion also his brother . sure anough we are , that britan hath bin anciently term'd albion , both by the greeks and romans . and mela the geographer makes mention of a stonie shoar in languedoc , where by report such a battel was fought . the rest , as his giving name to the i le , or ever landing heer , depends altogether upon late surmises . but too absurd , and too unconscionably gross is that fond invention that wafted hither the fifty daughters of a strange dioclesian king of syria ; brought in doubtles by som illiterat pretender to somthing mistak'n in the common poetical story of danaus king of argos , while his vanity , not pleas'd with the obscure beginning which truest antiquity affords the nation , labour'd to contrive us a pedigree , as he thought , more noble . these daughters by appointment of danaus on the mariage-night having murder'd all thir husbands , except linceus , whom his wives loialty sav'd , were by him at the suit of his wife thir sister , not put to death , but turn'd out to sea in a ship unmann'd ; of which whole sex they had incurr'd the hate : and as the tale goes , were driv'n on this iland . where the inhabitants , none but devils , as som write , or as others , a lawless crew left heer by albion without head or governour , both entertain'd them , and had issue by them a second breed of giants , who tyranniz'd the ile , till brutus came . the eldest of these dames in thir legend they call albina ; and from thence , for which cause the whole scene was fram'd , will have the name albion deriv'd . incredible it may seem so sluggish a conceit should prove so ancient , as to be authoriz'd by the elder ninnius , reputed to have liv'd above a thousand years agoe . this i find not in him ; but that histion sprung of japhet , had four sons ; francus , romanus , alemannus , and britto , of whom the britans ; as true , i beleeve , as that those other nations whose names are resembl'd , came of the other three ; if these dreams give not just occasion to call in doubt the book it self , which bears that title . hitherto the things themselves have giv'n us a warrantable dispatch to run them soon over . but now of brutus and his line , with the whole progeny of kings , to the entrance of julius caesar , we cannot so easily be discharg'd ; descents of ancestry , long continu'd , laws and exploits not plainly seeming to be borrow'd , or devis'd , which on the common beleif have wrought no small impression : defended by many , deny'd utterly by few . for what though brutus , and the whole trojan pretence were yeelded up , seeing they who first devis'd to bring us from som noble ancestor were content at first with brutus the consul ; till better invention , although not willing to forgoe the name , taught them to remove it higher into a more fabulous age , by the same remove lighting on the trojan tales in affectation to make the britan of one original with the roman , pitch'd there , yet those old and inborn names of successive kings , never any to have bin real persons , or don in thir lives at least som part of what so long hath bin remember'd , cannot be thought without too strict an incredulity . for these , and those causes above mention'd , that which hath receav'd approbation from so many , i have chos'n not to omitt . certain or uncertain , be that upon the credit of those whom i must follow ; so far as keeps alooff from impossible and absurd , attested by ancient writers from books more ancient i refuse not , as the due and proper subject of story . the principal author is well know'n to be geoffrey of monmouth ; what he was , and whence his authority , who in his age or before him have deliver'd the same matter , and such like general discourses , will better stand in a treatise by themselvs . all of them agree in this , that brutus was the son of silvius ; he of ascanius ; whose father was aeneas a trojan prince , who at the burning of that city , with his son ascanius , and a collected number that escap'd , after long wandring on the sea , arriv'd in italy . where at length by the assistance of latinus king of latium , who had giv'n him his daughter lavinia , he obtain'd to succeed in that kingdom , and left it to ascanius , whose son silvius ( though roman histories deny silvius to be son of ascanius ) had maried secretly a neece of lavinia . she being with child , the matter became known to ascanius . who commanding his magicians to enquire by art , what sex the maid had conceiv'd , had answer , that it was one who should be the death of both his parents ; and banish'd for the fact , should after all in a farr country attain to highest honour . the prediction fail'd not , for intravel the mother di'd . and brutus ( the child was so call'd ) at fifteen years of age , attending his father to the chace , with an arrow unfortunately kill'd him . banish'd therefore by his kindred he retires into greece . where meeting with the race of helenus king priams son , held there in servile condition by pandrasus then king , with them he abides . for pirrhus in revenge of his father slain at troy had brought thither with him helenus , and many others into servitude . there brutus among his own stock so thrives in vertue and in arms , as renders him belov'd to kings , and great captains above all the youth of that land. wherby the trojans not only beginn to hope , but secretly to move him , that he would lead them the way to liberty . they allege their numbers , and the promis'd help of assaracus a noble greekish youth , by the mothers side a trojan ; whom for that cause his brother went about to dispossess of certain castles bequeath'd him by his father . brutus considering both the forces offer'd him , and the strength of those holds , not unwillingly consents . first therfore having fortifi'd those castles , he with assaracus and the whole multitude betake them to the woods and hills ; as the safest place from whence to expostulate ; and in the name of all sends to pandrasus this message ; that the trojans holding it unworthy thir ancestors to serv in a foren kingdom , had retreated to the woods ; choosing rather a savage life then a slavish ; if that displeas'd him , that then with his leave they might depart to some other soil . as this may pass with good allowance , that the trojans might be many in these parts , for helenus was by pirrhus made king of the chaouians , and the sons of pirrhus by andromache hectors wise could not but be powerful through all epirus , so much the more it may be doubted , how these trojans could be thus in bondage , where they had freinds and country-men so potent . but to examin these things with diligence , were but to confute the fables of britan with the fables of greece or italy ; for of this age , what we have to say , as well concerning most other countries , as this iland , is equally under question . bee 't how it will , pandrasus not expecting so bold a message from the sons of captives , gathers an army . and marching toward the woods , brutus who had notice of his approach nigh to a town call'd sparatinum , ( i know not what towne , but certaine of no greek name ) over night planting himself there with good part of his men , suddenly sets upon him , and with slaughter of the greeks pursues him to the passage of a river , which mine author names akalon , meaning perhaps achelous , or acheron : where at the ford he overlaies them afresh . this victory obtain'd , and a sufficient strength left in sparatinum , brutus with antigonus , the kings brother and his freind anacletus , whom he had tak'n in the fight , returns to the residue of his freinds in the thick woods . while pandrasus with all speed recollecting , beseiges the town . brutus to releive his men beseig'd , who earnestly call'd him , distrusting the sufficiency of his force , bethinks himself of this policy . calls to him anacletus , and threatning instant death else , both to him and his freind antigonus , enjoyns him , that he should goe at the second howr of night to the greekish leagre , and tell the guards he had brought antigonus by stealth out of prison to a certain woody vale ; unable through the waight of his fetters to move furder : entreating them to come speedily and fetch him in . anacletus to save both himself and his freind antigonus , swears this ; and at fit howr setts on alone toward the camp : is mett , examin'd , and at last unquestionably known . to whom , great profession of fidelity first made , he frames his tale , as had bin taught him : and they now fully assur'd , with a credulous rashness leaving thir stations , far'd accordingly by the ambush that there awaited them . forthwith brutus dividing his men into three parts , leads on in silence to the camp ; commanding first each part at a several place to enter , and forbear execution , till he with his squadron posses'd of the kings tent , gave signal to them by trumpet . the sound whereof no sooner heard , but huge havock begins upon the sleeping , and unguarded enemy ; whom the beseiged also now sallying forth , on the other side assaile . brutus the while had special care to seise and secure the kings person ; whose life still within his custody , he knew was the surest pledge to obtain what he should demand . day appearing , he enters the town , there distributes the kings treasury , and leaving the place better fortify'd , returns with the king his prisner to the woods . strait the ancient and grave men he summons to counsell , what they should now demand of the king. after long debate mempricius , one of the gravest , utterly dissuading them from thought of longer stay in greece , unlesse they meant to be deluded with a suttle peace , and the awaited revenge of those whose freinds they had slain , advises them to demand first the kings eldest daughter innogen in mariage to thir leader brutus , with a rich dowry , next shipping , mony , and fitt provision for them all to depart the land. this resolution pleasing best , the king now brought in , and plac'd in a high seat , is breifly told , that on these conditions granted , he might be free , not granted , he must prepare to die . prest with fear of death the king readily yeelds : especially to bestow his daughter on whom he confess'd so noble and so valiant : offers them also the third part of his kingdom , if they like to stay ; if not , to be thir hostage himself , till he had made good his word . the mariage therfore solemniz'd , and shipping from all parts got together , the trojans in a fleet , no less writt'n then three hunderd fowr and twenty sail , betake them to the wide sea ; where with a prosperous course two daies and a night bring them on a certain iland long before dispeopl'd and left wast by sea-roavers ; the name wherof was then leogecia , now unknow'n . they who were sent out to discover , came at length to a ruin'd city ; where was a temple and image of diana that gave oracles : but not meeting first or last save wild beasts , they return with this notice to thir ships : wishing thir general would enquire of that oracle what voiage to pursue . consultation had , brutus taking with him geriou his diviner , and twely of the ancientest , with wonted ceremonies before the inward shrine of the goddess , in verse , as it seems the manner was , utters his request , diva potens nemorum , &c. goddess of shades , and huntress , who at will walk'st on the rowling sphear , and through the deep , on thy third reigne the earth look now , and tell what land , what seat of rest thou bidst me seek , what certain seat , where i may worship thee for aye , with temples vow'd , and virgin quires . to whom sleeping before the altar , diana in a vision that night thus answer'd , brute sub occasum solis , &c. brutus far to the west , in th' ocean wide beyond the realm of gaul , a land there lies , sea-girt it lies , where giants dwelt of old , now void , it fits thy people ; thether bend thy course , there shalt thou find a lasting seat , there to thy sons another troy shall rise , and kings be born of thee , whose dredded might shall aw the world , and conquer nations bold . these verses originally greek , were put in latin , saith virunnius , by gildas a british poet , and him to have liv'd under claudius . which granted true , adds much to the antiquitie of this fable ; and indeed the latin verses are much better , then for the age of geoffrey ap - arthur , unless perhaps joseph of exeter , the only smooth poet of those times , befreinded him ; in this diana overshot her oracle thus ending , ipsis totiusterrae subditus orbis erit , that to the race of brute kings of this iland , the whole earth shall be subject . but brutus guided now , as he thought , by divine conduct , speeds him towards the west ; and after som encounters on the afric side , arrives at a place on the tyrrhen sea ; where he happ'ns to find the race of those trojans who with antenor came into italy ; and corineus a man much fam'd , was thir cheif : though by surer authors it be reported , that those trojans with antenor , were seated on the other side of italie , on the adriatic , not the tyrrhen shoar . but these joyning company , and past the herculean pillars , at the mouth of ligeris in aquitania cast anchor , where after som discovery made of the place , corineus hunting nigh the shoar with his men , is by messengers of the king goffarius pictus mett , and question'd about his errand there . who not answering to thir mind , imbertus , one of them , le ts fly an arrow at corineus , which he avoiding , slaies him : and the pictavian himself heerupon levying his whole force , is over-thrown by brutus , and corineus ; who with the battell ax which he was wont to manage against the tyrrhen giants is said to have done marvells . but goffarius having draw'n to his aid the whole country of gaul , at that time govern'd by twelv kings , puts his fortune to a second trial , wherin the trojans over-born by multitude , are driv'n back , and beseigd in thir own camp , which by good foresight was strongly situate . whence brutus unexpectedly issuing out , and corineus in the mean while , whose device it was , assaulting them behind from a wood , where he had convayd his men the night before : the trojans are again victors , but with the loss of turon a valiant nefew of brutus ; whose ashes left in that place , gave name to the city of tours , built there by the trojans . brutus finding now his powers much lessn'd , and this yet not the place foretold him , leavs aquitain , and with an easie course , arriving at totness in dev'nshire , quickly perceivs heer to be the promis'd end of his labours . the iland not yet britain but albion , was in a manner desert and inhospitable ; kept only by a remnant of giants ; whose excessive force and tyranie had consum'd the rest . them brutus destroies , and to his people divides the land , which with som reference to his own name he thenceforth calls britain . to corineus , cornwal , as now we call it , fell by lot ; the rather by him lik't , for that the hugest giants , in rocks and caves were said to lurk still there ; which kind of monsters to deal with was his old exercise . and heer , with leave be-spok'n to recite a grand fable , though dignify'd by our best poets ; while brutus on a certain festival day solemnly kept on that shoar , where he first landed , was with the people in great jollity and mirth , a crew of these savages breaking in upon them , began on the suddain another sort of game then at such a meeting was expected . but at length by many hands overcome , goëmagog the hugest , in higth twelv cubits , is reserv'd alive ; that with him corineus , who desir'd nothing more , might try his strength ; whom in a wrestle the giant catching aloft , with a terrible hugg broke three of his ribs : nevertheless corineus enrag'd , heaving him up by main force , and on his shoulders bearing him to the next high rock , threw him headlong all shatter'd into the sea , and left his name on the cliff , call'd ever since langoëmagog , which is to say , the giants leap . after this , brutus in a chosen place builds troia nova , chang'd in time to trinovantum , now london : and began to enact laws ; heli beeing then high preist in judaea : and having govern'd the whole ile years , dy'd , and was buried in his new troy. his three sons locrine , albanact , and camber divide the land by consent . locrine had the middle part loëgria ; camber possess'd cambria or wales ; albanact albania , now scotland . but he in the end by humber king of the hunns , who with a fleet invaded that land , was slain in fight , and his people driv'n back into loëgria . locrine and his brother goe out against humber ; who now marching onward , was by them defeated , and in a river drown'd , which to this day retains his name . among the spoils of his camp and navy , were found certain young maids , and estrildis , above the rest , passing fair ; the daughter of a king in germany ; from whence humber , as he went wasting the sea-coast , had led her captive : whom locrine , though before contracted to the daughter of corineus , resolvs to marry . but beeing forc'd and threatn'd by corineus , whose autority , and power he fear'd , guendolen the daughter he yeelds to marry , but in secret loves the other : and oft-times retiring as to som privat sacrifice , through vaults and passages made under ground ; and seven years thus enjoying her , had by her a daughter equally fair , whose name was sabra . but when once his fear was off by the death of corineus , not content with secret enjoyment , divorcing guendolen , he makes estrildis now his queen . guendolen all in rage departs into cornwall ; where madan , the son she had by locrine , was hitherto brought up by corineus his grandfather . and gathering an army of her fathers friends and subjects , gives battail to her husband by the river sture ; wherein locrine shot with an arrow ends his life . but not so ends the fury of guendolen ; for estrildis and her daughter sabra , she throws into a river : and to leave a monument of revenge , proclaims , that the stream be thenceforth call'd after the damsels name ; which by length of time is chang'd now to sabrina , or severn . fifteen years she governs in behalf of her son ; then resigning to him at age , retires to her fathers dominion . this saith my author , was in the daies of samuel . madan hath the praise to have well and peacefully rul'd the space of years ; leaving behind him two sons , memprioius , and malim . mempricius had first to doe with the ambition of his brother , aspiring to share with him in the kingdom ; whom therfore at a meeting to compose matters , with a treachery which his cause needed not , he slew . nor was he better in the sole possession , wherof so ill he could endure a partner , killing his nobles , and those especially next to succeed him ; till lastly giv'n over to unnaturall lust , in the twentith of his reigne , hunting in a forest , he was devowr'd by wolves . his son ebranc a man of mighty strength and stature , reign'd years . he first after brutus wasted gaul ; and returning rich and prosperous , builded caerebranc , now york ; in albania alclud , mount agned , or the castle of maydens , now edinburgh . he had sons and daughters by wives . his daughters he sent to silvius alba into italy , who bestow'd them on his peers of the trojan line . his sons under the leading of assaracus thir brother , won them lands and signories in germany ; thence call'd , from these brethren germania : a derivation too hastily suppos'd , perhaps before the word germannus or the latin tongue was in use . som who have describ'd henault , as jacobus ●ergomas , and lessabeus , are cited to affirm that ebr●● 〈◊〉 his warre there , was by brunchildis lord of 〈◊〉 put to the worse . brutus therfore surnamed greenshield succeeding , to repair his fathers losses , as the sam , lessabeus reports , fought a second battail in henault with brunchild at the mouth of scaldis , and encamp'd on the river hania . of which our spencer also thus sings . let scaldis tell , and let tell hania , and let the marsh of esthambruges tell what colour were thir waters that same day , and all the moar twixt elversham and dell , with blood of henalois which therin fell ; how oft that day did sad brunchildis see the greenshield dy'd in dolorous vermeil , &c. but henault , and brunchild , and greenesheild , seeme newer names then for a story pretended thus antient. him succeeded leil , a maintainer of peace and equity ; but slackn'd in his latter end , whence arose som civil discord . he built in the north cairleil ; and in the daies of solomon . rudhuddibras , or hudibras appeasing the commotions which his father could not , fownded caerkeynt or canturbury , caerguent , or winchester , and mount paladur , now septonia or shaftsbury : but this by others is contradicted . bladud his son built caerbadus or bathe , and those medcinable waters he dedicated to minerva , in whose temple there he kept fire continually burning . he was a man of great invention , and taught necromancie : till having made him wings to fly , he fell down upon the temple of apollo in trinovant , and so dy'd after twenty years reigne . hitherto from father to son the direct line hath run on : but leir who next reign'd , had only three daughters , and no male issue : govern'd laudably , and built caer-leir , now leicestre , on the bank of sora. but at last , failing through age , he determines to bestow his daughters , and so among them to divide his kingdom . yet first to try which of them lov'd him best ( a trial that might have made him , had he known as wisely how to try , as he seem'd to know how much the trying behoov'd him ) he resolves a simple resolution , to ask them solemly in order ; and which of them should profess largest , her to beleev . gonorill th' eldest apprehending too well her fathers weakness , makes answer invoking heav'n , that she lov'd him above her soul. therfore , quoth the old man overjoy'd , since thou so honourst my declin'd age , to thee and the husband whom thou shalt choose , i give the third part of my realm . so fair a speeding for a few words soon utter'd , was to regan the second , ample instruction what to say . she on the same demand spares no protesting , and the gods must witness , that otherwise to express her thoughts she knew not , but that she lov'd him above all creatures ; and so receavs an equal reward with her sister . but cordelia the youngest , though hitherto best belov'd , and now before her eyes the rich and present hire of a little easie soothing , the danger also , and the loss likely to betide plain dealing , yet moves not from the solid purpose of a sincere and vertuous answer . father , saith she , my love towards you , is as my duty bids ; what should a father seek , what can a child promise more ? they who pretend beyond this , flatter . when the old man , sorry to hear this , and wishing her to recall those words , persisted asking , with a loiall sadness at her fathers infirmity , but somthing on the sudden , harsh , and glancing rather at her sisters , then speaking her own mind , two waies only , saith she , i have to answer what you require mee ; the former , your command is , i should recant ; accept then this other which is lest mee ; look how much you have , so much is your value , and so much i love you . then hear thou , quoth leir now all in passion , what thy ingratitude hath gain'd thee ; because thou hast not reverenc'd thy aged father equall to thy sisters , part in my kingdom , or what else is mine reck'n to have none . and without delay gives in mariage his other daughters , gonorill to maglaunus duke of albania , regan to henninus duke of cornwall ; with them in present half his kingdom ; the rest to follow at his death . in the mean while fame was not sparing to divulge the wisdom , and other graces of cordeilla , insomuch that aganippus a great king in gaul ( however he came by his greek name ) seeks her to wife , and nothing alter'd at the loss of her dowry , receavs her gladly in such manner as she was sent him . after this king leir , more and more drooping with years , became an easy prey to his daughters and thir husbands ; who now by dayly encroachment had feis'd the whole kingdom into thir hands : and the old king is put to sojorn with his eldest daughter , attended only by threescore knights . but they in a short while grudg'd at , as too numerous and disorderly for continuall guests , are reduc'd to thirty . not brooking that affront , the old king betakes him to his second daughter : but there also discord soon arising between the servants of differing masters in one family , five only are suffer'd to attend him . then back again he returns to the other ; hoping that she his eldest could not but have more pity on his gray hairs : but she now refuses to admitt him , unless he be content with one only of his followers . at last the remembrance of his youngest cordeilla comes to his thoughts ; and now acknowledging how true her words had bin , though with little hope from whom he had so injur'd , be it but to pay her the last recompence she can have from him , his confession of her wise forewarning , that so perhaps his misery , the prooff and experiment of her wisdom , might somthing soft'n her , he takes his journey into france . now might be seen a difference between the silent , or down-right spok'n affection of som children to thir parents , and the talkative obsequiousness of others ; while the hope of inheritance over-acts them , and on the tongues end enlarges thir duty . cordeilla out of meer love , without the suspicion of expected reward , at the message only of her father in distress , powrs forth true filial tears . and not enduring either that her own , or any other eye should see him in such forlorn condition as his messenger declar'd , discreetly appoints one of her trusted servants , first to convay him privately toward som good sea town , there to array him , bathe him , cherish him , furnish him with such attendance and state , as beseemd his dignity . that then , as from his first landing , he might send word of his arrival to her husband aganippus . which don with all mature , and requisite contrivance , cordelia with the king her husband , and all the barony of his realm , who then first had news of his passing the sea , goe out to meet him ; and after all honourable and joyfull entertainment , aganippus , as to his wives father , and his royall guest , surrenders him , during his abode there , the power , and disposal of his whole dominion : permitting his wife cordeilla to go with an army , and set her father upon his throne . wherin her piety so prosper'd , as that she vanquish'd her impious sisters with those dukes , and leir again , as saith the story , three years obtain'd the crown . to whom dying , cordeilla with all regal solemnities gave burial in the town of leicestre . and then as right heir succeeding , and her husband dead , rul'd the land five years in peace . untill marganus and cunedagius her two sisters sons , not bearing that a kingdom should be govern'd by a woman , in the unseasonablest time to raise that quarrel against a woman so worthy , make war against her , depose her , and imprison her ; of which impatient , and now long unexercis'd to suffer , she there , as is related , killd her self . the victors between them part the land : but marganus the eldest sisters son , who held by agreement from the north-side of humber to cathness , incited by those about him , to invade all as his own right , warres on cunedagius ; who soon met him , overcame , and overtook him in a town of wales , where he left his life , and ever since his name to the place . cuncdagius was now sole king , and govern'd with much praise many years ; about the time when rome was built . him succeeded rivallo his son , wise also and fortunat ; save what they tell us of three daies raining blood , and swarmes of stinging flies , whereof men dy'd . in order then gurgustius , jago or lago , his nefew ; sisillius , kinmarcus . then gorbogudo , whom others name gorbodego , and gorbodion , who had two sons , ferrex , and porrex . they in the old age of thir father falling to contend who should succeed , porrex attempting by treachery his brothers life , drives him into france ; and in his return though aided with the force of that country , defeats and slaies him . but by his mother videna who less lov'd him , is himself , with the assistance of her women , soon after slain in his bed : with whom ended , as is thought , the line of brutus . whereupon , the whole land with civil broils was rent into five kingdoms , long time waging warr each on other ; and som say years . at length dunwallo molmutius the son of cloten king of cornwall , one of the foresaid five , excelling in valour , and goodliness of person , after his fathers decease found means to reduce again the whole iland into a monarchy : subduing the rest at opportunities . first y●●ner king of loegria whom he slew ; then rudaucus of cambria , staterius of albania , confederat together . in which fight dunwallo is reported , while the victory hung doubtfull , to have us'd this art. he takes with him stout men , bids them put on the armour of thir slain enemies ; and so unexpectedly approaching the squadron , where those two kings had plac'd themselvs in fight , from that part which they thought securest , assaults , and dispatches them . then displaying his own ensignes which before he had conceal'd , and sending notice to the other part of his army what was don , adds to them new courage , and gains a final victory . this dunwallo was the first in britain that wore a crown of gold ; and therfore by som reputed the first king. he established the molmutine laws , famous among the english to this day ; writt'n long after in latine by gildas , and in saxon by king alfred : so saith geofrey , but gildas denies to have known aught of the britans before caesar ; much less knew alfred . these laws , whoever made them , bestow'd on temples the privilege of sanctuary ; to cities also , and the waies thether leading , yea to plows granted a kind of like refuge : and made such riddance of theeves and robbers , that all passages were safe . forty years he govern'd alone , and was buried nigh to the temple of concord ; which he , to the memory of peace restor'd , had built in trinovant . his two sons belinus and brennus contending about the crown , by decision of freinds came at length to an accord ; brennus to have the north of humber , belinus the sovrantie of all . but the younger not long so contented , that he , as they whisper'd to him , whose valour had so oft repell'd the invasions of ceulphus the morine duke , should now be subject to his brother , upon new designe fails into norway ; enters league and affinitie with elsing that king ; which belinus perceaving , in his absence disposseses him of all the north. brennus with a fleet of norwegians makes toward britain ; but encounter'd by guithlac the danish king , who laying claim to his bride , pursu'd him on the sea , his hast was retarded , and he berest of his spouse : who from the fight by a sudden tempest , was by the danish king driv'n on northumberland , and brought to belinus . brennus nevertheless recollecting his navy , lands in albania , and gives battell to his brother in the wood calaterium ; but loosing the day , escapes with one single ship into gaul . mean while the dane upon his own offer to become tributary , sent home with his new prise , belinus returns his thoughts to the administring of justice , and the perfeting of his fathers laws ; and to explain what high-waies might enjoy the foresaid privileges , he caus'd to be drawn out and pav'd fowr main roades to the utmost length and bredth of the iland ; and two others athwart ; which are since attributed to the romans . bren-brennus on the other side solliciting to his aid the kings of gaul , happ'ns at last on seginus duke of the allobreges ; where his worth , and comliness of person wan him the dukes daughter and heir . in whose right he shortly succeeding , and by obtain'd leave passing with a great host through the length of gaul , gets footing once again in britain . nor was belinus unprepar'd , and now the battell ready to joyn , conuvenna the mother of them both all in a fright , throws her self between ; and calling earnestly to brennus her son , whose absence had so long depriv'd her of his sight , after imbracements and teares , assails him with such a motherly power , and the mention of things so dear and reverend , as irresistibly wrung from him all his enmity against belinus . then are hands joyn'd , reconciliation made firm , and counsel held to turn thir united preparations on foren parts . thence that by these two all gallia was overrun , the story tells ; and what they did in italy , and at rome , if these be they , and not gauls , who took that city , the roman authors can best relate . so far from home i undertake not for the monmouth chronicle ; which heer against the stream of history carries up and down these brethren , now into germany , then again to rome , pursuing gabius and porsena , two unheard of consuls . thus much is more generally beleev'd , that both this brennus , and another famous captain , britomarus , whom the epitomist florus and others mention , were not gauls but britans ; the name of the first in that tongue signifying a king , and of the other a great britan. however belinus after a while returning home , the rest of his daies rul'd in peace , wealth , and honour above all his predecessors ; building som cities , of which one was caerose upon osca , since caerlegion ; beautifying others , as trinovant with a gate , a hav'n , and a towr , on the thames , retaining yet his name ; on the top wherof his ashes are said to have bin laid up in a golden urne . after him gurguntius barbirus was king , mild and just , but yet inheriting his fathers courage , he subdu'd the dacian , or dane , who refus'd to pay the tribute covnanted to belinus for his enlargement . in his return finding about the orkneies ships of spain , or biscay , fraught with men and women for a plantation , whose captain also bartholinus wrongfully banish't , as he pleaded , besaught him that som part of his territory might be assign'd them to dwell in , he sent with them certain of his own men to ireland , which then lay unpeopl'd ; and gave them that iland to hold of him as in homage . he was buried in caerlegion , a city which he had wall'd about . guitheline his son , is also remember'd , as a just and good prince , and his wife martia to have excell'd so much in wisdom , as to venture upon a new institution of laws . which king alfred translating call'd marchen leage , but more truly therby is meant , the mertian law ; not translated by alfred , but digested or incorporated with the west-saxon . in the minority of her son she had the rule , and then , as may be suppos'd , brought forth these laws , not her self , for laws are masculin births , but by the advice of her sagest counselors ; and therin she might doe vertuously , since it befell her to supply the nonage of her son : else nothing more awry from the law of god and nature , then that a woman should give laws to men. hir son sisilius comming to yeares receav'd the rule ; then in order kimarus , then danius or elanius his brother . then morindus , his son by tanguestela a concubine , who is recorded a man of excessive strength , valiant , liberal , and fair of aspect , but immanely cruell ; not sparing in his anger , enemy , or freind , if any weapon were in his hand . a certain king of the morines , or picards invaded northumberland ; whose army this king , though not wanting sufficient numbers , cheifly by his own prowess overcame : but dishonour'd his victory by the cruel usage of his prisners , whom his own hands , or others in his presence put all to several deaths : well fitted to such a bestiall cruelty was his end ; for hearing of a huge monster that from the irish sea infested the coast , and in the pride of his strength foolishly attempting to set manly valour against a brute vastness , when his weapons were all in vain , by that horrible mouth he was catch't up and devour'd . gorbonian the eldest of his five sons , then whom a juster man liv'd not in his age , was a great builder of temples , and gave to all what was thir due ; to his gods devout worship , to men of desert honour and preferment , to the commons encouragement in thir labours , and trades , defence and protection from injuries and oppressions , so that the land florish'd above her neighbours , violence and wrong seldom was heard of : his death was a general loss : he was buried in trinovant . archigallo the second brother follow'd not his example ; but depress'd the ancient nobility , and by peeling the wealthier sort , stuff'd his treasury , and took the right way to be depos'd . elidure the next brother , surnam'd the pious , was set up in his place ; a mind so noble , and so moderat , as almost is incredible to have bin ever found . for having held the scepter five years , hunting one day in the forest of calater , he chanc'd to meet his deposed brother , wandring in mean condition : who had bin long in vain beyond the seas , importuning foren aides to his restorement : and was now in a poor habit , with only ten followers , privatly return'd to find subsistence among his secret freinds . at the unexpected sight of him , elidure himself also then but thinly accompanied , runns to him with open arms ; and after many dear and sincere welcomings , convaines him to the citty alclud ; there hides him in his own bed-chamber . afterwards faining himself sick , summons all his peers as about greatest affairs ; where admitting them one by one , as if his weakness endur'd not the disturbance of more at once , causes them willing , or unwilling , once more to swear allegiance to archigallo . whom after reconciliation made on all sides , he leads to york ; and from his own head , places the crown on the head of his brother . who thenceforth , vice it self dissolving in him , and forgetting her firmest hold with the admiration of a deed so heroic , became a true converted man ; rul'd worthily years ; dy'd , and was buried in caerleir . thus was a brother sav'd by a brother , to whom love of a crown , the thing that so often dazles , and vitiats mortal men , for which , thousands of neerest blood have destroy'd each other , was in respect of brotherly dearness , a contemptible thing . elidure now in his own behalf re-assumes the government , and did as was worthy such a man to doe . when providence , that so great vertue might want no sort of trial to make it more illustrious , stirs up vigenius , and peredure his youngest brethren , against him who had deserv'd so nobly of that relation , as lest of all by a brother to be injur'd . yet him they defeat , him they imprison in the towr of trinovant , and divide his kingdom ; the north to peredure , the south to vigenius . after whose death peredure obtaining all , so much the better us'd his power , by how much the worse he got it . so that elidure now is hardly miss't . but yet in all right owing to his elder the due place wherof he had depriv'd him , fate would that he should die first : and elidure after many years imprisonment , is now the third time seated on the throne ; which at last he enjoy'd long in peace ; finishing the interrupted course of his mild , and just reign , as full of vertuous deeds , as daies to his end . after these five sons of morindus , succeeded also thir sons in order . * regin of gorbonian , marganus of archigallo , both good kings . but enniaunus his brother taking other courses , was after six years depos'd . then idwallo taught by a neer example , govern'd soberly . then runno , then geruntius , he of peredure , this last the son of elidure . from whose loyns ( for that likely is the durable , and surviving race that springs of just progenitors ) issu'd a long descent of kings , whose names only for many successions without other memory stand thus register'd , catellus , coillus , porrex , cherin , and his three sons , fulgenius , eldadus , and andragius , his son vrianus ; eliud , eledaueus , clotenus , gurguntius , merianus , bleduno , capis , oënus , sisillius , twentie kings in a continu'd row , that either did nothing , or liv'd in ages that wrote nothing , at least a foul pretermission in the author of this , whether story or fable ; himself wearie , as seems , of his own tedious tale. but to make amends for this silence , blegabredus next succeeding , is recorded to have excell'd all before him in the art of music ; oppertunely , had he but left us one song of his predecessors doings . yet after him nine more succeeded in name ; his brother archimailus , eldol , redion , rederchius , samulius , penissel , pir , capoirus , but cliguellius , with the addition of modest , wise , and just . his son heli reign'd years , and had three sons , lud , cassibelaun , and nennius . this heli seems to be the same whom ninnius in his fragment calls minocan ; for him he writes to be the father of cassibelan . lud was he that enlarg'd , and wall'd about trinovant , there kept his court , made it the prime city , and call'd it from his own name caer-lud , or luds town , now london . which , as is alledg'd out of gildas , became matter of great dissention betwixt him , and his brother nennius ; who took it hainously that the name of troy thir ancient country should be abolish'd for any new one . lud was hardy , and bold in warr , in peace a jolly feaster . he conquer'd many ilands of the sea , saith huntingdon , and was buried by the gate which from thence wee call ludgate . his two sons androgeus , and tenuantius , were left unto the tuition of cassibelan ; whose bounty , and high demeanor so wraught with the common people , as got him easily the kingdom transferr'd upon himself . he nevertheless continuing to favour and support his nefews , conferrs freely upon androgeus , london with kent , upon tenuantius , cornwall : reserving a superiority both over them , and all the other princes to himself ; till the romans for a while circumscrib'd his power . thus farr , though leaning only on the cre●●t of geffrey monmouth , and his assertors , i yet for the specify'd causes have thought it not beneath my purpose , to relate what i found . wherto i neither oblige the beleif of other person , nor over-hastily subscribe mine own . nor have i stood with others computing , or collating years and chronologies , lest i should be vainly curious about the time and circumstance of things wherof the substance is so much in doubt . by this time , like one who had set out on his way by night , and travail'd through a region of smooth or idle dreams , our history now arrivs on the confines , where day-light and truth meet us with a cleer dawn , representing to our view , though at a farr distance , true colours and shapes . for albeit , caesar , whose autority we are now first to follow , wanted not who tax'd him of mis-reporting in his commentaries , yea in his civil warrs against pompey , much more , may wee think , in the british affairs , of whose little skill in writing he did not easily hope to be contradicted , yet now in such variety of good authors , we hardly can miss from one hand or other to be sufficiently inform'd as of things past so long agoe . but this will better be referr'd to a second discourse . the end of the first book . the history of britain . the second book . i am now to write of what befell the britans from fifty and three years before the birth of our saviour , when first the romans came in , till the decay and ceasing of that empire ; a story of much truth , and for the first hunderd years and somwhat more , collected without much labour . so many and so prudent were the writers , which those two , the civilest , and the wisest of european nations , both italy and greece , afforded to the actions of that puissant citty . for worthy deeds are not often destitute of worthy relaters : as by a certain fate great acts and great eloquence have most commonly gon hand in hand , equalling and honouring each other in the same ages . 't is true that in obscurest times , by shallow and unskilfull writers , the indistinct noise of many battels , and devastations , of many kingdoms over-run and lost , hath come to our eares . for what wonder , if in all ages , ambition and the love of rapine hath stirr'd up greedy and violent men to bold attempts in wasting and ruining warrs , which to posterity have left the work of wild beasts and destroyers , rather then the deeds and monuments of men and conquerours . but he whose just and true valour uses the necessity of warr and dominion , not to destroy but to prevent destruction , to bring in liberty against tyrants , law and civility among barbarous nations , knowing that when he conquers all things else , he cannot conquer time , or detraction , wisely conscious of this his want as well as of his worth not to be forgott'n or conceal'd , honours and hath recourse to the aid of eloquence , his freindliest and best supply ; by whose immortal record his noble deeds , which else were transitory , becoming fixt and durable against the force of yeares and generations , he fails not to continue through all posterity , over envy , death , and time , also victorious . therfore when the esteem of science , and liberal study waxes low in the common-wealth , wee may presume that also there all civil vertue , and worthy action is grown as low to a decline : and then eloquence , as it were consorted in the same destiny , with the decrease and fall of vertue corrupts also and fades ; at least resignes her office of relating to illiterat and frivolous historians ; such as the persons themselvs both deserv , and are best pleas'd with ; whilst they want either the understanding to choose better , or the innocence to dare invite the examining , and searching stile of an intelligent , and faithfull writer to the survay of thir unsound exploits , better befreinded by obscurity then fame . as for these , the only authors wee have of brittish matters , while the power of rome reach'd hither , ( for gildas affirms that of the roman times noe brittish writer was in his daies extant , or if any ever were , either burnt by enemies , or transported with such as fled the pictish and saxon invasions ) these therfore only roman authors there bee who in the english tongue have laid together , as much , and perhaps more then was requisite to a history of britain . so that were it not for leaving an unsightly gap so neer to the beginning , i should have judg'd this labour , wherin so little seems to be requir'd above transcription , almost superfluous . notwithstanding since i must through it , if ought by diligence may bee added , or omitted , or by other disposing may be more explain'd , or more express'd , i shall assay . julius caesar ( of whom , and of the roman free state , more then what appertains , is not here to be discours'd ) having subdu'd most part of gallia , which by a potent faction , he had obtain'd of the senat as his province for many years , stirr'd up with a desire of adding still more glory to his name , and the whole roman empire to his ambition , som say , with a farr meaner and ignobler , the desire of brittish pearls , whose bigness he delighted to ballance in his hand , determins , and that upon no unjust pretended occasion , to trie his force in the conquest also of britain . for he understood that the britans in most of his gallian warrs had sent supplies against him , had receiv'd fugitives of the bellovaci his enemies , and were call'd over to aid the citties of armorica , which had the year before conspir'd all in a new rebellion . therfore caesar , though now the summer well nigh year before christ , ending , and the season unagreeable to transport a warr , yet judg'd it would be great advantage , only to get entrance into the i le , knowledge of the men , the places , the ports , the accesses ; which then , it seems , were eev'n to the gauls thir neighbours almost unknown . for except merchants and traders , it is not oft , saith he , that any use to travel thether ; and to those that doe , besides the sea coast , and the ports next to gallia , nothing else is known . but heer i must require , as pollio did , the diligence , at least the memory of caesar : for if it were true , as they of rhemes told him , that divitiacus , not long before , a puissant king of the soissons , had britain also under his command , besides the belgian colonies which he affirms to have nam'd and peopl'd many provinces there , if also the britans had so frequently giv'n them aid in all thir warrs , if lastly the druid learning honour'd so much among them , were at first taught them out of britain , and they who soonest would attain that discipline , sent hether to learn ; it appears not how britain at that time should be so utterly unknow'n in gallia , or only know'n to merchants , yea to them so little , that beeing call'd together from all parts , none could be found to inform caesar of what bigness the i le , what nations , how great , what use of warr they had , what laws , or so much as what commodious havens for bigger vessels . of all which things as it were then first to make discovery , he sends caius volusenus , in a long galley , with command to return assoon as this could be effected . hee in the mean time with his whole power draws nigh to the morine coast , whence the shortest passage was into britain . hether his navy which he us'd against the armoricans , and what else of shipping can be provided , he draws together . this known in britain , embassadors are sent from many of the states there , who promise hostages , and obedience to the roman empire . them , after audience giv'n , caesar as largely promising , and exhorting to continue in that mind , sends home , and with them comius of arras , whom he had made king of that country , and now secretly employ'd to gain a roman party among the britans , in as many citties as he found inclinable , and to tell them , that he himself was speeding thether . volusenus with what discovery of the iland he could make from aboard his ship , not daring to venture on the shoar , within five daies returns to caesar . who soon after , with two legions , ordnarily amounting , of romans and thir allies , to about foot , and horse , the foot in ships of burden , the horse in , besides what gallies were appointed for his chief commanders , setts off about the third watch of night with a good gale to sea ; leaving behind him sulpitius rufus to make good the port with a sufficient strength . but the horse whose appointed shipping lay wind-bound mile upward in another hav'n , had much trouble to imbark . caesar now within sight of britain beholds on every hill multitudes of armed men , ready to forbid his landing ; and cicero writes to his friend atticus , that the accesses of the iland were wondrously fortify'd with strong workes or moles . heer from the fowrth to the ninth hour of day he awaits at anchor the coming up of his whole fleet. mean while with his legatts and tribuns consulting , and giving order to fitt all things for what might happ'n in such a various , and floating water-fight as was to be expected . this place , which was a narrow bay-close , environ'd with hills , appearing no way commodious , he removes to a plain and open shoar mile distant ; commonly suppos'd about deal in kent . which when the britans perceav'd , thir horse and chariots , as then they us'din fight , scowring before , thir main powr speeding after , som thick upon the shoar , others not tarrying to be assail'd , ride in among the waves to encounter , and assault the romans eev'n under thir ships ; with such a bold , and free hardihood , that caesar himself between confessing and excusing that his souldiers were to come down from thir ships , to stand in water heavy arm'd , and to fight at once , denies not but that the terrour of such new and resolute opposition made them forget thir wonted valour . to succour which , he commands his gallies , a sight unusual to the britans , and more apt for motion , drawn from the bigger vessels , to row against the op'n side of the enemy , and thence with slings , engines , and darts , to beat them back . but neither yet , though amaz'd at the strangeness of those new sea castles , bearing up so neer , and so swiftly as almost to overwhelm them , the hurtling of oares , the battring of feirce engines against thir bodies barely expos'd , did the britans give much ground , or the romans gain ; till he who bore the eagle of the tenth legion , yet in the gallies , first beseeching his gods , said thus alowd , leap down souldiers , unless ye mean to betray your ensigne ; i for my part will perform what i ow to the commonwealth and my general . this utter'd , over-board he leaps , and with his eagle feircly advanc'd runs upon the enemy ; the rest hartning one another not to admit the dishonour of so nigh loosing thir cheif standard , follow him resolutely . now was fought eagerly on both sides . ours who well knew thir own advantages , and expertly us'd them , now in the shallows , now on the sand , still as the romans went trooping to their ensignes , receav'd them , dispatch'd them , and with the help of thir horse , put them every where to great disorder . but caesar causing all his boats and shallops to be fill'd with souldiers , commanded to ply up and down continually with releif where they saw need ; whereby at length all the foot now dis-imbark't , and got together in som order on firm ground , with a more steddy charge put the britans to flight : but wanting all thir horse , whom the winds yet with held from sailing , they were not able to make poursuit . in this confused fight scaeva a roman souldier , having press'd too farr among the britans , and besett round , after incredible valour shewn , single against a multitude , swom back safe to his general ; and in the place that rung with his praises , earnestly besought pardon for his rash adventure against discipline : which modest confessing after no bad event , for such a deed wherin valour , and ingenuity so much out-weigh'd transgression , easily made amends and preferr'd him to be a centurion . caesar also is brought in by julian , attributing to himself the honour ( if it were at all an honour to that person which he sustain'd ) of being the first that left his ship , and took land : but this were to make caesar less understand what became him then scaeva . the britans finding themselvs maister'd in fight , forthwith send embassadors to treat of peace ; promising to give hostages , and to be at command . with them comius of arras also return'd ; whom hitherto since his first coming from caesar , they had detain'd in prison as a spy : the blame wherof they lay on the common people ; for whose violence , and thir own imprudence they crave pardon . caesar complaining they had first sought peace , and then without cause had begun war , yet content to pardon them , commands hostages : wherof part they bring in strait , others farr up in the country to be sent for , they promise in a few daies . mean while the people disbanded and sent home , many princes , and cheif men from all parts of the i le submit themselves and thir citties to the dispose of caesar , who lay then encamp'd , as is thought , on baram down . thus had the britans made thir peace ; when suddenly an accident unlook'd for put new counsels into thir minds . fowr daies after the coming of caesar , those ships of burden , which from the upper hav'n had tak'n in all the roman horse , born with a soft wind to the very coast , in sight of the roman camp , were by a sudden tempest scatter'd , and driv'n back , some to the port from whence they loos'd , others down into the west country ; who finding there no safety either to land , or to cast anchor , chose rather to commit themselvs again to the troubl'd sea ; and as orosius reports , were most of them cast away . the same night , it being full moon , the gallies left upon dry land , were unaware to the romans , cover'd with a spring-tide , and the greater ships that lay off at anchor , torn and beat'n with waves , to the great perplexity of caesar , and his whole army ; who now had neither shipping left to convay them back , nor any provision made to stay heer , intending to have winter'd in gallia . all this the britans well perceaving , and by the compass of his camp , which without baggage appear'd the smaller , guessing at his numbers , consult together , and one by one slily withdrawing from the camp , where they were waiting the conclusion of a peace , resolve to stop all provisions , and to draw out the business till winter . caesar though ignorant of what they intended , yet from the condition wherin he was , and thir other hostages not sent , suspecting what was likely , begins to provide apace , all that might be , against what might happ'n : laies in corn , and with materials fetch'd from the continent , and what was left of those ships which were past help , he repairs the rest . so that now by the incessant labour of his souldiers , all but twelv were again made serviceable . while these things are doing , one of the legions being sent out to forrage , as was accustom'd , and no suspicion of warr , while som of the britans were remaining in the country about , others also going and coming freely to the roman quarters , they who were in station at the camp gates sent speedy word to caesar , that from that part of the country , to which the legion went , a greater dust then usual was seen to rise . caesar guessing the matter , commands the cohorts of guard to follow him thether , two others to succeed in thir stead , the rest all to arm and follow . they had not march'd long , when caesar discerns his legion sore overcharg'd : for the britans not doubting but that thir enemies on the morrow , would be in that place which only they had left unreap'd of all thir harvest , had plac'd an ambush ; and while they were disperst and busiest at thir labour , set upon them , kill'd som , and routed the rest . the manner of thir fight was from a kind of chariots ; wherin riding about , and throwing darts , with the clutter of thir horse , and of thir wheels , they oft-times broke the rank of thir enemies ; then retreating among the horse , and quitting thir chariots , they fought on foot. the charioters in the mean while somwhat aside from the battell , set themselvs in such order , that thir maisters at any time oppress'd with odds , might retire safely thether , having perform'd with one person both the nimble service of a horse-man , and the stedfast duty of a foot souldier . so much they could with thir chariots by use , and exercise , as riding on the speed down a steep hill , to stop suddenly , and with a short rein turn swiftly , now runing on the beam , now on the yoke , then in the seat. with this sort of new skirmishing , the romans now overmatch'd , and terrify'd , caesar with opportune aid appears ; for then the britans make a stand : but he considering that now was not fitt time to offer battell , while his men were scarce recover'd of so late a fear , only keeps his ground , and soon after leads back his legions to the camp. furder action for many days following was hinder'd on both sides by foul weather ; in which time the britans dispatching messengers round about , to how few the romans were reduc'd , what hope of prise and booty , and now if ever of freeing themselvs from the fear of like invasions heerafter by making these an example , if they could but now uncamp thir enemies , at this intimation multitudes of horse and foot coming down from all parts make towards the romans . caesar foreseeing that the britans though beat'n and put to flight would easily evade his foot , yet with no more than horse , which comius had brought over , draws out his men to battell , puts again the britans to flight , poursues with slaughter , and returning burns and laies waste all about . whereupon embassadors the same day being sent from the britans to desire peace , caesar , as his affairs at present stood , for so great a breach of faith , only imposes on them double the former hostages , to be sent after him into gallia : and because september was nigh half spent , a season not fit to tempt the sea with his weather-beat'n fleet , the same night with a fair wind he departs towards belgia ; whether two only of the britan citties sent hostages , as they promis'd , the rest neglected . but at rome when the news came of caesars acts here , whether it were esteem'd a conquest , or a fair escape , supplication of days is decreed by the senate , as either for an exploit done , or a discovery made , wherin both caesar and the romans gloried not a little , though it brought no benefit either to him , or the common-wealth . the winter following , caesar , as his custom was , going into italy , when as he saw that most of the britans regarded not to send thir hostages , appoints his legats whom he left in belgia , to provide what possible shipping they could either build , or repair . low built they were to bee , as therby easier both to fraught , and to hale ashoar ; nor needed to be higher , because the tyde so often changing , was observ'd to make the billows less in our sea then those in the mediterranean : broader likewise they were made , for the better transporting of horses , and all other fraughtage , being intended cheifly to that end . these all about . in a readiness , with ships of burden , and what with adventurers , and other hulks above , cotta one of the legates wrote them , as athaeneus affirms , in all , caesar from port iccius , a passage of som mile over , leaving behind him labienus to guard the hav'n , and for other supply at need , with five legions , though but horse , about sun sett hoysing saile with a slack south-west , at midnight was becalm'd . and finding when it was light , that the whole navy lying on the current , had fal'n of from the i le , which now they could descry on thir left hand , by the unwearied labour of his souldiers , who refus'd not to tugg the oare , and kept course with ships under sayl , he bore up as neer as might bee , to the same place where he had landed the yeer before ; where about noon arriving , before the birth of christ , no enemy could be seen . for the britans , which in great number , as was after know'n , had bin there , at sight of so huge a fleet durst not abide . caesar forthwith landing his army , and encamping to his best advantage , som notice being giv'n him by those he took , where to find the enemy , with his whole power , save only ten cohorts , and horse , left to quintus atrius for the guard of his ships , about the third watch of the same night marches up twelv mile into the country . and at length by a river commonly thought the stowre in kent , espies embattail'd the british forces . they with thir horses and chariots advancing to the higher banks , oppose the romans in thir march , and begin the fight ; but repuls't by the roman cavalrie give back into the woods to a place notably made strong both by art and nature ; which , it seems , had bin a fort , or hold of strength rays'd heertofore in time of warrs among themselvs . for entrance , and access on all sides , by the felling of huge trees overthwart one another , was quite barr'd up ; and within these the britans did thir utmost to keep out the enemy . but the souldiers of the seventh legion locking all thir sheilds together like a rooff close over head , and others raysing a mount , without much loss of blood took the place , and drove them all to forsake the woods . pursuit they made not long , as beeing through ways unknow'n ; and now ev'ning came on , which they more wisely spent , in choosing out where to pitch and fortify thir camp that night . the next morning caesar had but newly sent out his men in three bodies to poursue , and the last no furder gon then yet in sight , when horsemen all in poste from quintus artrius bring word to caesar , that almost all his ships in a tempest that night had suffer'd wrack , and lay brok'n upon the shoar . caesar at this news recalls his legions , himself in all hast riding back to the sea-side , beheld with his own eyes the ruinous prospect . about forty vessels were sunk and lost , the residue so torn , and shak'n as not to be new rigg'd without much labour . strait he assembles what number of ship-wrights either in his own legions or from beyond sea , could be summon'd ; appoints labienus on the belgian side to build more ; and with a dreadful industry of ten days , not respiting his souldiers day or night , drew up all his ships , and entrench'd them round within the circuit of his camp. this don , and leaving to thir defence the same strength as before , he returns with his whole forces to the same wood , where he had defeated the britans : who preventing him with greater powers then before , had now repossess'd themselvs of that place , under cassibelan thir cheif leader . whose territory from the states bordering on the sea was divided by the river thames about mile inward . with him formerly other citties had continual warr ; but now in the common danger had all made choise of him to be thir generall . heer the british horse and charioters meeting with the roman cavalrie fought stoutly ; and at first , somthing overmatch'd they retreat to the neer advantage of thir woods and hills , but still follow'd by the romans , make head again , cut of the forwardest among them , and after some pause , while caesar , who thought the days work had bin don , was busied about the entrenching of his camp , march out again , give feirce assault to the very stations of his guards and senteries , and while the main cohorts of two legions that were sent to the alarme , stood within a small distance of each other terrify'd at the newness and the boldness of thir fight , charg'd back again through the midst , without loss of a man. of the romans that day was slain quintus laberius durus a tribune : the britans having fought thir fill at the very entrance of caesars camp , and sustain'd the resistance of his whole army entrench'd , gave over the assault . caesar heer acknowledges that the roman way both of arming , and of fighting , was not so well fitted against this kind of enemy ; for that the foot in heavy armour could not follow thir cunning flight , and durst not by ancient discipline stirr from thir ensigne ; and the horse alone , disjoyn'd from the legions , against a foe that turn'd suddenly upon them with a mixt encounter both of horse and foot , were in equall danger both following and retiring . besides thir fashion was , not in great bodies , and close order , but in small divisions , and open distances to make thir onset ; appointing others at certain spaces , now to releev and bring of the weary , now to succeed and renew the conflict ; which argu'd no small experience , and use of armes . next day the britans afarr off upon the hills begin to shew themselves heer and there , and though less boldly then before , to skirmish with the roman horse . but at noon caesar having sent out legions , and all his horse with trebonius the legat , to seek fodder , suddenly on all sides they set upon the forragers , and charge up after them to the very legions , and thir standards . the romans with great courage beat them back , and in the chace , beeing well seconded by the legions , not giving them time either to rally , to stand , or to descend from thir chariots as they were wont , slew many . from this overthrow , the britans , that dwelt farder off , betook them home ; and came no more after that time with so great a power against caesar . whereof advertis'd he marches onward to the frontiers of cassibelan , which on this side were bounded by the thames , not passable except in one place and that difficult , about coway stakes neer oatlands , as is conjectur'd . hither coming he descries on the other side great forces of the enemy , plac'd in good array ; the bank sett all with sharp stakes , others in the bottom , cover'd with water ; whereof the marks in beda's time , were to be seene , as he relates . this having learnt by such as were tak'n , or had run to him , he first commands his horse to pass over ; then his foot , who wadeing up to the neck went on so resolutely , and so fast , that they on the furder side not enduring the violence , retreated and fled . cassibelan noe more now in hope to contend for victorie , dismissing all but . of those charioters , through woods , and intricate waies attends thir motion ; where the romans are to pass , drives all before him ; and with continuall sallies upon the horse , where they least expected , cutting off some and terrifying others , compells them soe close together , as gave them no leave to fetch in prey or bootie without ill success . whereupon caesar strictly commanding all not to part from the legions , had nothing left him in his way but empty fields and houses , which he spoil'd and burnt . meane while the trinobantes a state , or kingdome , and perhaps the greatest then among the britans , less favouring cassibelan send embassadors , and yeild to caesar upon this reason . immanuentius had bin thir king : him cassibelan had slaine , and purpos'd the like to mandubratius his son , whom orosius calls androgorius , beda androgius ; but the youth escaping by flight into gallia , put himself under the protection of caesar . these entreat that mandubratius may be still defended ; and sent home to succeed in his fathers right . caesar sends him , demands hostages and provision for his armie , which they immediately bring in , and have thir confines protected from the souldier . by their example the cenimagni , segontiaci , ancalites , bibroci , cassi ( so i write them for the modern names are but guess'd ) on like terms make thir peace . by them he learns that the town of cassibelan , suppos'd to be verulam , was not farr distant ; fenc't about with woods and marshes , well stuff't with men and much cattel . for towns then in britain were only wooddy places ditch't round and with a mud wall encompass'd against the inrodes of enemies . thether goes caesar with his legions , and though a place of great strength both by art and nature , assaults it in two places . the britans after some defence fled out all at another end of the town ; in the flight many were taken , many slain , and great store of cattel found there . cassibelan for all these losses yet deserts not himself ; nor was yet his authoritie so much impair'd , but that in kent , though in a manner possest by the enemie , his messengers and commands finde obedience anough to raise all the people . by his direction cingetorix , carvilius , taximagulus and segonax , fowr kings reigning in those countries which ly upon the sea , lead them on to assault that camp wherein the romans had entrench'd thir shipping : but they whom caesar left there , issuing out slew many , and took prisners cingetorix a noted leader , without loss of thir own . cassibelan after so many defeats , mov'd especially by revolt of the citties from him , thir inconstancie and falshood one to another , uses mediation by comius of arras to send embassadors about treatie of yeilding . caesar who had determin'd to winter in the continent , by reason that gallia was unsettl'd and not much of the summer now behind , commands him only hostages , and what yearly tribute the iland should pay to rome , forbidds him to molest the trinobants , or mandubratius ; and with his hostages , and great number of captives he puts to sea , haveing at twise embark't his whole armie . at his return to rome , as from a glorious enterprise , he offers to venus the patroness of his family , a corslet of british pearles . howbeit other antient writers have spok'n more doubtfully of caesars victories heer ; and that in plaine termes he fled from hence ; for which the common verse in lucan with divers passages heer and there in tacitus is alleg'd . paulus orofius , who took what he wrote from a historie of suetonius now lost , writes that caesar in his first journey entertain'd with a sharp fight lost no small number of his foot , and by tempest nigh all his horse . dion affirms that once in the second expedition all his foot were routed , orosius that another time all his horse . the british author , whom i use only then when others are all silent , hath many trivial discourses of caesars beeing heer , which are best omitted . nor have wee more of cassibelan , then what the same storie tells , how he warr'd soon after with androgeus , about his nefew slain by evelinus nefew to the other ; which business at length compos'd , cassibelan dies and was buried in yorke , if the monmouth booke fable not . but at caesars coming hither , such likeliest were the britans , as the writers of those times , and thir own actions represent them ; in courage and warlike readiness to take advantage by ambush or sudden onset , not inferiour to the romans , nor cassibelan to caesar , in weapons , armes , and the skill of encamping , embattailing , fortifying , overmatch't ; thir weapons were a short speare and light target , a sword also by thir side , thir fight sometimes in chariots phang'd at the axle with iron sithes , thir bodies most part naked , only painted with woad in sundrie figures to seeme terrible as they thought , but poursu'd by enemies , not nice of thir painting to run into bogs , worse then wild irish up to the neck , and there to stay many daies holding a certain morsel in thir mouths no bigger then a bean , to suffice hunger ; but that receit , and the temperance it taught , is long since unknown among us : thir towns and strong holds were spaces of ground fenc't about with a ditch and great trees fell'd overthwart each other , thir buildings within were thatch't houses for themselves and thir cattell : in peace the upland inhabitants besides hunting tended thir flocks and heards , but with little skill of countrie affaires ; the makeing of cheese they commonly knew not , woole or flax they spun not , gard'ning and planting many of them knew not ; clothing they had none , but what the skins of beasts afforded them , and that not alwaies ; yet gallantrie they had , painting thir own skins with severall portratures of beast , bird , or flower , a vanitie which hath not yet left us , remov'd only from the skin to the skirt behung now with as many colour'd ribands and gewgawes ; towards the sea side they till'd the ground and liv'd much after the manner of caules thir neighbours , or first planters : thir money was brazen pieces or iron rings , thir best merchandise tin , the rest trifles of glass , ivorie and such like ; yet gemms and pearles they had , saith mela , in some rivers : thir ships of light timber wickerd with oysier betweene , and coverd over with leather , serv'd not therefore to tranceport them farr , and thir commodities were fetch 't away by foren merchants : thir dealing , saith diodorus , plaine and simple without fraude ; thir civil government under many princes and states , not confederate or consulting in common , but mistrustfull , and oft-times warring one with the other , which gave them up one by one an easie conquest to the romans : thir religion was governd by a sort of priests or magicians call'd druides from the greek name of an oke , which tree they had in greate reverence , and the missleto especially growing theron ; plinie writes them skill'd in magic no less then those of persia : by thir abstaining from a hen , a hare , and a goose , from fish also , saith dion , and thir opinion of the soules passing after death into other bodies , they may be thought to have studied pythagoras ; yet philosophers i cannot call them , reported men factious and ambitious , contending somtimes about the archpriesthood not without civil warr and slaughter ; nor restrein'd they the people under them from a lew'd adulterous and incestuous life , ten or twelve men absurdly against nature , possessing one woman as thir common wife , though of neerest kin , mother , daughter , or sister ; progenitors not to be glori'd in . but the gospel , not long after preach't heer , abolish'd such impurities , and of the romans we have cause not to say much worse , then that they beate us into some civilitie ; likely else to have continu'd longer in a barbarous and savage manner of life . after julius ( for julius before his death tyrannously had made himself emperor of the roman common-wealth , and was slaine in the senate for so doeing ) he who next obtain'd the empire , octavianus caesar augustus , either contemning the iland , as strabo would have us think , whose neither benefit was worth the having , nor enmitie worth the fearing ; or out of a wholsome state maxim , as some say , to moderate and bound the empire from growing vast and unweildie , made no attempt against the britans . but the truer cause was partly civil warr among the romans , partly other affairs more year before the birth of christ , urging . for about years after , all which time the britans had liv'd at thir own dispose , augustus in imitation of his uncle julius , either intending or seeming to intend an expedition hither , was com into gallia , when the news of a revolt in pannonia diverted him : about year after in the same resolution , what with the unsettl'dness of gallia , and what with embassadors from britain which met him there , he proceeded not . the next year , difference arrising about covnants , he was again prevented by other new commotions in spaine . nevertheless som of the british potentates omitted not to seek his friendship by guifts offerd in the capitol , and other obsequious addresses . insomuch that the whole iland became eev'n in those daies well known to the romans ; too well perhaps for them , who from the knowledge of us were so like to prove enemies . but as for tribute , the britans paid none to augustus , except what easie customes were levied on the slight commodities wherewith they traded into gallia . after cassibelan , tenantius the younger son of lud , according to the monmouth storie was made king. for androgeus the elder , conceaving himself generally hated , for sideing with the romans , forsook his claime heer , and follow'd caesars fortune . this king is recorded just and warlike . his son kymbeline or cunobeline succeeding , was brought up , as is said , in the court of augustus , and with him held friendly correspondences to the end ; was a warlike prince ; his chief seat camalodunum , or maldon , as by certain of his coines , yet to be seen , appears . tiberius the next emperor , adhering alwaies to the advice of augustus , and of himself less careing to extend the bounds of his empire , sought not the britans ; and they as little to incite him , sent home courteously the souldiers of germanicus , that by shipwrack had bin cast on the britan shoar . but caligula his successor , a wild and dissolute tyrant , haveing past the alpes with intent to rob and spoile those provinces , and stirr'd up by adminius the son of cunobeline ; who by his father banish'd , with a small number fled thether to him , he made semblance of marching toward britain ; but beeing come to the ocean , and there behaveing himself madly , and ridiculously , an. dom. went back the same way : yet sent before him boasting letters to the senate , as if all britain had bin yeilded him . cunobeline now dead , adminius the eldest by his father banish'd from his country , and by his own practice against it , from the crown , though by an old coine seeming to have also reign'd ; togodumnus , and caractacus the two younger , uncertaine whether equal or subordinat in power , were advanc'd into his place . but through civil discord , bericus ( what he was furder , is not known ) with others of his party flying to rome , persuaded claudius the emperor to an invasion . claudius now consul the third time , and desirous to an. dom. do something , whence he might gain the honour of a triumph , at the persuasion of these fugitives , whom the britans demanding , he had deny'd to render , and they for that cause had deny'd furder amity with rome , makes choise of this iland for his province : and sends before him aulus plautius the praetor , with this command , if the business grew difficult to give him notice . plautius with much ado persuaded the legions to move out of gallia , murmuring that now they must be put to make warr beyond the worlds end ; for so they counted britain ; and what welcom julius the dictator found there , doubtless they had heard . at last prevail'd with , and hoyssing saile from three several ports , lest thir landing should in any one place be resisted , meeting cross winds , they were cast back and disheartn'd : till in the night a meteor shooting flames from the east , and , as they fansi'd , directing thir course , they took heart againe to try the sea , and without opposition landed . for the britans haveing heard of thir unwillingness to come , had bin negligent to provide against them ; and retireing to the woods and moares , intended to frustrate , and wear them out with delaies , as they had serv'd caesar before . plautius after much trouble to find them out , encountring first with caractacus , then with togodumnus , overthrew them ; and receaving into conditions part of the boduni , who then were subject to the catuellani , and leaving there a garrison , went on toward a river ; where the britans not imagining that plautius without a bridge could pass , lay on the furder side careless and secure . but he sending first the germans , whose custome was , arm'd as they were , to swim with ease the strongest current , commands them to strike especially at the horses , whereby the chariots , wherein consisted thir chief art of fight , became unserviceable . to second them he sent vespatian , who in his later daies obtain'd the empire , and sabinus his brother ; who unexpectedly assailing those who were least aware , did much execution . yet not for this were the britans dismaid ; but reuniteing the next day fought with such a courage , as made it hard to decide which way hung the victorie : till caius sidius geta , at point to have bin tak'n , recover'd himself so valiantly , as brought the day on his side ; for which at rome he receav'd high honours . after this the britans drew back toward the mouth of thames , and acquainted with those places , cross'd over ; where the romans following them through bogs and dangerous flats , hazarded the loss of all . yet the germans getting over , and others by a bridge at some place above , fell on them again with sundry alarmes and great slaughter ; but in the heat of pursuit running themselves again into bogs and mires , lost as many of thir own . upon which ill success , and seeing the britans more enrag'd at the death of togodumnus , who in one of these battels had bin slain , plautius fearing the worst , and glad that he could hold what he held , as was enjoyn'd him , sends to claudius . he who waited ready with a huge preparation , as if not safe anough amidst the flowr of all his romans , like a great eastern king , with armed elephants marches through gallia . so full of perill was this enterprise esteem'd , as not without all this equipage , and stranger terrors then roman armies to meet the native and the naked british valour defending their country . joyn'd with plautius who encamping on the bank of thames attended him , he passes the river . the britans , who had the courage , but not the wise conduct of old cassibelan , laying all stratagem aside , in down right manhood scrupl'd not to affront in op'n field almost the whole power of the roman empire . but overcome and vanquish'd , part by force , others by treatie com in and yeild . claudius therfore who took camalodunum , the royal seat of canobeline , was oft'n by his armie saluted imperator ; a militarie title which usually they gave thir generall after any notable exploit ; but to others not above once in the same warr ; as if claudius by these acts had deservd more then the laws of rome had provided honour to reward . haveing therefore disarm'd the britans , but remitted the confiscation of thir goods , for which they worship'd him with sacrifice and temple as a god , leaving plautius to subdue what remain'd ; an. dom. he returnes to rome , from whence he had bin absent only six moneths , and in britain but daies ; sending the news before him of his victories , though in a small part of the iland . to whom the senate , as for atchievments of highest merit , decree'd excessive honours ; arches , triumphs , annual solemnities , and the sirname of britannicus both to him and his son. suetonius writes that claudius found heer no resistance , and that all was done without stroke : but this seems not probable . the monmouth writer names these two sones of cunobeline , guiderius , and arviragus ; that guiderius beeing slaine in fight , arviragus to conceale it , put on his brothers habillements , and in his person held up the battel to a victorie ; the rest , as of hamo the roman captaine , genuissa the emperors daughter , and such like stuff , is too palpably untrue to be worth rehersing in the midst of truth . plautius after this , employing his fresh forces to conquer on , and quiet the rebelling countries , found worke anough to deserve at his returne a kind of tryumphant riding into the capitol side by side with the emperour . vespatian also under plautius had thirtie conflicts with the enemie ; in one of which encompass'd and in great danger , he was valiantly and piously rescu'd by his son titus : two powerfull nations he subdu'd heer , an. dom. above townes and the i le of wight ; for which he receav'd at rome tryumphal ornaments , and other great dignities . for that cittie in reward of vertue was ever magnificent : and long after when true merit was ceas't among them , lest any thing resembling vertue should want honour , the same rewards were yet allow'd to the very shadow and ostentation of merit . an. dom. ostorius in the room of plautius vice-praetor , met with turbulent affaires ; the britans not ceasing to vex with inrodes all those countries that , were yeilded to the romans ; and now the more eagerly , supposing that the new generall unacquainted with his armie , and on the edge of winter , would not hastily oppose them . but he waighing that first events were most available to breed fear or contempt , with such cohorts as were next at hand sets out against them : whome having routed , so close he followes , as one who meant not to be everie day molested with the cavils of a slight peace , or an emboldn'd enemie . lest they should make head againe , he disarmes whom he suspects ; and to surround them , places many garrisons upon the rivers of antona and sabrina . but the icenians , a stout people untouch'd yet by these warrs , as haveing before sought alliance with the romans , were the first that brook'd not this . by their example others rise ; and in a chosen place , fenc't with high banks of earth , and narrow lanes to prevent the horse , warily encampe . ostorius , though yet not strengthn'd with his legions , causes the auxiliar bands , his troops also allighting , to assault the rampart . they within though pester'd with thir own number , stood to it like men resolv'd , and in a narrow compass did remarkable deeds . but overpowerd at last , and others by thir success quieted , who till then waverd , ostorius next bends his force upon the cangians , wasting all eeven to the sea of ireland , without foe in his way , or them , who durst , ill handl'd ; when the brigantes attempting new matters , drew him back to settle first what was unsecure behind him . they , of whome the chief were punish'd , the rest forgiv'n , soon gave over , but the silures no way tractable were not to be repress'd without a set warr. to furder this , camalodunum was planted with a colony of veteran souldiers ; to be a firme and readie aid against revolts , and a means to teach the natives roman law and civilitie . cogidunus also a british king , thir fast friend , had to the same intent certain citties giv'n him : a haughtie craft , which the romans us'd , to make kings also the servile agents of enslaving others . but the silures hardie of themselves , rely'd more on the valour of caractacus ; whome many doubtfull , many prosperous successes had made eminent above all that rul'd in britain . he adding to his courage policie , and knowing himself to be of strength inferior , in other advantages the better ; makes the seat of his warr among the ordovices ; a country wherein all the odds were to his own partie , all the difficulties to his enemie . the hills and every access he fortifi'd with heapes of stones , and guards of men ; to com at whom a river of unsafe passage must be first waded . the place , as camden conjectures , had thence the name of caer-caradcc on the west edge of shropshire . he himself continually went up and down , animating his officers and leaders , that this was the day , this the field either to defend thir libertie , or to die free ; calling to mind the names of his glorious ancestors , who drove caesar the dictator out of britain , whose valour hitherto had preserv'd them from bondage , thir wives and children from dishonour . inflam'd with these words , they all vow thir utmost , with such undaunted resolution as amaz'd the roman generall ; but the souldier less waighing , because less knowing , clamourd to be led on against any danger . ostorius after wary circumspection bidds them pass the river : the britans no sooner had them within reach of thir arrowes , darts , and stones , but slew and wounded largly of the romans . they on the other side closeing thir ranks , and over head closeing thir targetts , threw down the loose rampires of the britans , and persue them up the hills both light arm'd and legions ; till what with gauling darts and heavie strokes , the britans who wore neither helmet nor cuirass to defend them , were at last overcome . this the romans thought a famous victorie ; wherein the wife and daughter of caractacus were tak'n , his brothers also reduc'd to obedience ; himself escapeing to cartismandua queene of the brigantes , against faith giv'n was to the victors deliverd bound : having held out against the romans nine year , saith tacitus , but by truer computation , seaven . whereby his name was up through all the adjoyning provinces , eev'n to italy and rome : many desiring to see who he was , that could withstand so many years the roman puissance : and caesar to extoll his own victorie , extoll'd the man whom he had vanquish'd . beeing brought to rome , the people as to a solemn spectacle were call'd together , the emperors guard stood in armes . in order came first the kings servants , bearing his trophies won in other warrs , next , his brothers , wife , and daughter , last himself . the behaviour of others through fear was low and degenerate : he only neither in countenance , word , or action , submissive standing at the tribunal of claudius , briefly spake to this purpose . if my mind , caesar , had bin as moderate in the highth of fortune , as my birth and dignitie was eminent , i might have come a friend rather then a captive into this cittie . nor couldst thou have dislik'd him for a confederate , so noble of descent , and ruling so many nations . my present estate to me disgracefull , to thee is glorious . i had riches , horses , armes , and men ; no wonder then if i contended , not to loose them . but if by fate , yours only must be empire , then of necessitie ours among the rest must be subjection . if i sooner had bin brought to yeild , my misfortune had bin less notorious , your conquest had bin less renown'd ; and in your severest determining of me , both will be soon forgott'n . but if you grant that i shall live , by me will live to you for ever that praise which is so neer divine , the clemency of a conquerour . caesar mov'd at such a spectacle of fortune , but especially at the nobleness of his bearing it , gave him pardon , and to all the rest . they all unbound , submissely thank him , and did like reverence to agrippina the emperors wife , who sat by in state : a new and disdained sight to the manly eyes of romans , a woeman sitting public in her female pride among ensignes and armed cohorts . to ostorius tryumph is decreed ; and his acts esteem'd equall to theirs , that brought in bonds to rome famousest kings . but the same prosperitie attended not his later actions heer . for the silures , whether to reveng thir loss of caractacus , or that they saw ostorius , as if now all were done , less earnest to restrain them , besett the prefect of his camp , left there with legionarie bands to appoint garrisons : and had not speedie aid com in from the neighbouring holds and castles , had cutt them all off ; notwithstanding which , the praefect with centurions , and many thir stoubtest men were slaine : and upon the neck of this , meeting first with roman forragers , then with other troops hasting to thir relief , utterly foyl'd and broke them also . ostorius sending more after , could hardly stay thir flight ; till the waighty legions coming on , at first poys'd the battel , at length turn'd the scale : to the britans without much loss ; for by that time it grew night . then was the warr shiverd as it were into small frayes and bickerings ; not unlike sometimes to so many robberies , in woods , at waters , as chance or valour , advice or rashness led them on , commanded or without command . that which most exasperated the silures , was a report of certaine words cast out by the emperor , that he would root them out to the verie name . therefore two cohorts more of auxiliars , by the avarice of thir leaders too securely pillageing , they quite intercepted : and bestowing liberally the spoils and captives , whereof they took plentie ; drew other countries to joyne with them . these losses falling so thick upon the romans , ostorius with the thought , and anguish thereof ended his daies : the britans rejoycing , although no battel , that yet adverse warr had worne out so great a souldier . caesar in his place ordaines aulus didius : but ere his coming , though much hastn'd , that the province might not want a governour ; the silures had giv'n an over-throw to manlius valens with his legion , rumor'd on both sides greater then was true , by the silures to amate the new generall ; by him in a double respect , of the more praise if he queld them , or the more excuse if he fail'd . meane time the silures forgett not to infest the roman pale with wide excursions ; till didius marching out , kept them somwhat more within bounds . nor were they long to seek , who after caractacus should lead them ; for next to him in worth and skill of warr , venutius a prince of the brigantes merited to be thir chief . he at first faithfull to the romans , and by them protected , was the husband of cartismandua q. of the brigantes , himself perhaps reigning elsewhere . she who had betray'd caractacus and her countrie to adorne the tryumph of claudius , thereby grown powerfull and gratious with the romans , presuming on the hire of her treason , deserted her husband ; and marrying vellocatus one of his squires , conferrs on him the kingdome also . this deed so odious and full of infamie , disturb'd the whole state : venutius with other forces , and the help of her own subjects , who detested the example of so foule a fact , and with all the uncomeliness of thir subjection to the monarchie of a woeman , a peece of manhood not every day to be found among britans , though shee had got by suttle train his brother with many of his kindred into her hands , brought her soon below the confidence of beeing able to resist longer . when imploring the roman aid , with much adoe , and after many a hard encounter she escap'd the punishment which was readie to have seis'd her . venutius thus debar'd the authority of ruling his own houshold , justly turnes his anger against the romans themselves ; whose magnanimitie not wont to undertake dishonorable causes , had arrogantly intermeddl'd in his domestic affaires , to uphold the rebelion of an adultress against her husband . and the kingdome he retain'd against thir utmost opposition ; and of warr gave them thir fill : first in a sharpe conflict of uncertaine event , then against the legion of caesius nasica . insomuch that didius growing old and mannageing the warr by deputies , had worke anough to stand on his defence , with the gaining now and then of a small castle . and nero ( for in that part of the i le things continu'd in the same plight to the reigne of vespatian ) was minded but for shame to have withdrawn the roman forces out of britain : in other parts whereof , about the same time , other things befell . verannius , whom nero sent hither to succeed didius , dying in his first year , save a few inrodes upon the silures , left only a great boast behind him , that in two years , had he liv'd , he would have conquerd all . but suetonius paulinus , who next was sent hither , esteem'd a souldier equall to the best in that age , for two years together went on prosperously ; both confirming what was got , and subdueing onward . at last over-confident of his present actions , and aemulating others , of whose deeds he heard from abroad , marches up as farr as mona , the i le of anglesey , a populous place . for they it seemes had both entertain'd fugitives , and giv'n good assistance to the rest that withstood him . he makes him boates with flat bottoms , fitted to the shallows which he expected in that narrow frith : his foot so pass'd over , his horse waded or swom . thick upon the shoar stood several gross bands of men well weapn'd many women like furies running to and fro in dismal habit with hair loose about thir shoulders , held torches in thir hands . the druids , those were thir priests , of whome more in another place , with hands lift up to heav'n uttering direfull praiers , astonish'd the romans ; who at so strange a sight stood in a-maze though wounded : at length awak'd and encourag'd by thir generall , not to feare a barbarous and lunatic rout , fall on , and beat them down scorch't and rouling in thir own fire . then were they yoak'd with garrisons , and the places consecrate to thir bloodie superstitions destroi'd . for whom they took in warr they held it lawfull to sacrifice ; and by the entrails of men us'd divination . while thus paulinus had his thought still fix'd before , to goe on winning , his back lay broad op'n to occasion of loosing more behind . for the britans urg'd and oppress'd with many unsufferable injuries , had all banded themselves to a generall revolt . the particular causes are not all writt'n by one author ; tacitus who liv'd next those times of any to us extant , writes that prasutagus king of the icenians abounding in wealth had left caesar coheir with his two daughters ; thereby hopeing to have secur'd from all wrong both his kingdom and his house ; which fell out farr otherwise . for under colour to oversee and take possession of the emperors new inheritance , his kingdome became a prey to centurions , his house to rav'ning officers , his wife boadicea violated with stripes , his daughters with rape , the wealthiest of his subjects , as it were by the will and testament of thir king thrown out of thir estates , his kindred made little better then slaves . the new colony also at camalodunum took house or land from whome they pleas'd ; terming them slaves and vassals ; the souldiers complying with the colony , out of hope hereafter to use the same licence themselves . moreover the temple erected to claudius as a badge of thir eternal slaverie , stood a great eye sore ; the priests whereof under pretext of what was due to the religious service , wasted and imbezl'd each mans substance upon themselves . and catus decianus the procurator endeavour'd to bring all thir goods within the compass of a new confiscation , by disavowing the remittment of claudius . lastly , seneca in his books a philosopher , having drawn the britans unwillingly to borrow of him vast summs upon faire promises of easy loan , and for repayment to take thir own time , on a sudden compells them to pay in all at once with great extortion . thus provock't by heaviest sufferings , and thus invited by opportunities in the absence of paulinus , the icenians , and by their example the trinobantes , and as many else as hated servitude , rise up in armes . of these ensueing troubles many foregoing signes appear'd : the image of victorie at camalodunum fell down of it self with her face turn'd as it were to the britans ; certaine women in a kind of ecstasie foretold of calamities to come ; in the counsel-house were heard by night barbarous noises , in the theater hideous howlings , in the creek horrid sights betok'ning the destruction of that colony ; heerto the ocean seeming of a bloody hew , and human shapes at a low ebb , left imprinted on the sand , wrought in the britans new courage , in the romans unwonted feares . camalodunum , where the romans had seated themselves to dwell pleasantly , rather then defensively , was not fortifi'd : against that therefore the britans make first assault . the souldiers with in were not very many . decianus the procurator could send them but , those ill arm'd : and through the treachery of some among them , who secretly favour'd the insurrection , they had deferr'd both to entrench , and to send out such as bore not armes ; such as did , flying to the temple , which on the second day was forcibly tak'n , were put all to the sword , the temple made a heap , the ●est rifl'd and burnt . petilius cerealis coming to his succour , is in his way met , and overthrown , his whole legion cut to peeces ; he with his horse hardly escaping to the roman camp. decianus , whose rapine was the cause of all this , fled into callia . but suetonius at these tideings not dismay'd , through the midst of his enemies countrie marches to london ( though not term'd a colony , yet full of roman inhabitants , and for the frequency of trade and other commodities , a town eev'n then of principal note ) with purpose to have made there the seat of warr. but considering the smallness of his numbers , and the late rashness of petilius , he chooses rather with the loss of one town to save the rest . nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of them that besought him to tarry there ; but taking with him such as were willing , gave signal to depart ; they who through weakness of sex or age , or love of the place went not along , perish'd by the enemie ; so did verulam a roman free town . for the britans omitting forts and castles , flew thether first where richest bootie , and the hope of pillageing toald them on . in this massacre , about thousand romans and thir associats in the places above-mention'd , of a certaine , lost thir lives . none might be spar'd , none ransom'd , but tasted all either a present or a lingring death ; no crueltie that either outrage or the insolence of success put into thir heads , was left unacted . the roman wives and virgins hang'd up all naked , had thir breasts cut off , and sow'd to thir mouthes ; that in the grimness of death they might seem to eat thir own flesh ; while the britans fell to feasting and carousing in the temple of andate thir goddess of victorie . suetonius adding to his legion other old officers , and souldiers thereabout , which gatherd to him , were neer upon ten thousand ; and purposing with those not to deferr battel , had chos'n a place narrow , and not to be overwing'd , on his rear a wood ; being well inform'd that his enemies were all in front on a plain unapt for ambush : the legionaries stood thic in order , impal'd with light armed ; the horse on either wing . the britans in companies and squadrons were every where shouting and swarming , such a multitude as at other time never ; no less reckon'd then and thousand , so feirce and confident of victorie , that thir wives also came in waggons to sit and behold the sport , as they made full account , of killing romans : a folly doubtless for the serious romans to smile at , as a sure tok'n of prospering that day : a woeman also was thir commander in chief . for boadicea and her daughters ride about in a chariot , telling the tall champions as a great encouragement , that with the britans it was usual for woemen to be thir leaders . a deal of other fondness they put into her mouth , not worth recital ; how she was lash'd , how her daughters were handl'd , things worthier silence , retirment , and a vail , then for a woeman to repeat , as don to hir own person , or to hear repeated before an host of men . the greek historian setts her in the field on a high heap of turves , in a loose-bodied gown declaming , a spear in her hand , a hare in her bosome , which after a long circumlocution she was to let slip among them for luck 's sake , then praying to andate the british goddess , to talk again as fondly as before . and this they do out of a vanity , hoping to embellish and set out thir historie with the strangness of our manners , not careing in the mean while to brand us with the rankest note of barbarism , as if in britain woemen were men , and men woemen . i affect not set speeches in a historie , unless known for certain to have bin so spok'n in effect as they are writ'n , nor then , unless worth rehearsal ; and to invent such , though eloquently , as some historians have done , is an abuse of posteritie , raising , in them that read , other conceptions of those times and persons then were true . much less therefore do i purpose heer or elsewhere to copie out tedious orations without decorum , though in thir authors compos'd ready to my hand . hitherto what we have heard of cassibelan , togadumnus , venusius , and caractacus hath bin full of magnanimitie , soberness , and martial skill : but the truth is , that in this battel , and whole business , the britans never more plainly manifested themselves to be right barbarians ; no rule , no foresight , no forecast , experience or estimation , either of themselves or of thir enemies ; such confusion , such impotence , as seem'd likest not to a warr , but to the wild hurrey of a distracted woeman , with as mad a crew at her heeles . therefore suetonius contemning thir unruly noises , and fierce looks , heart'ns his men but to stand close a while , and strike manfully this headless rabble that stood neerest , the rest would be a purchase , rather then a toil . and so it fell out ; for the legion , when they saw thir time , bursting out like a violent wedge , quickly broke and dissipated what oppos'd them ; all else held only out thir necks to the slayer , for thir own carts and waggons were so plac'd by themselves , as left them but little room to escape between . the roman slew all ; men , women , and the very drawing horses lay heap'd along the field in a gory mixture of slaughter . about fowrscore thousand britans are said to have bin slain on the place ; of the enemy scarse and not many more wounded . boadicea poysond her self , or , as others say , sick'n'd and dy'd . she was of stature big and tall , of visage grim and stern , harsh of voice , her hair of bright colour flowing down to her hipps ; she wore a plighted garment of divers colours , with a great gold'n chain ; button'd over all a thick robe . gildas calls her the craftie lioness , and leaves an ill fame upon her doeings . dion sets down otherwise the order of this fight , and that the field was not won without much difficultie , nor without intention of the britans to give another battel , had not the death of boadicea come betweene . howbeit suetonius to preserve discipline , and to dispatch the reliques of warr , lodg'd with all his armie in the op'n field ; which was supply'd out of germany with horse , and foot ; thence dispers'd to winter , and with incursions to wast those countries that stood out . but to the britans famin was a worse affliction ; having left off dureing this uproar , to till the ground , and made reck'ning to serve themselves on the provisions of thir enemie . nevertheless those nations that were yet untaimd , hearing of some discord ris'n betweene suetonius , and the new procurator classicianus , were brought but slowly to terms of peace ; and the rigor us'd by suetonius on them that yeilded , taught them the better course to stand on thir defence . for it is certaine , that suetonius , though else a worthieman , over-proud of his victorie , gave too much way to his anger against the britans . classician therefore sending such word to rome , that these severe proceedings would beget an endless warr , polycletus , no roman but a courtier , was sent by nero to examin how things went. he admonishing suetonius to use more mildness , aw'd the armie , and to the britans gave matter of laughter . who so much eeven till then were nurs'd up in thir native libertie , as to wonder that so great a generall with his whole armie should be at the rebuke and ordering of a court servitor . an. dom. but suetonius a while after having lost a few gallies on the shoar , was bid resigne his command to petronius turpilianus , who not provoking the britans , nor by them provok'd , was thought to have pretended the love of peace to what indeed was his love of ease and sloth . trebellius maximus follow'd his steps , usurping the name of gentle goverment to any remisness or neglect of discipline ; which brought in first licence , next disobedience into his camp ; incens'd against him partly for his covetousness , partly by the incitement of roscius caelius legat of a legion ; with whom formerly disagreeing , now that civil warr began in the empire , he fell to op'n discord ; charging him with disorder , and sedition , and him caelius with peeling and defrauding the legions of thir pay ; insomuch that trebellius hated , and deserted of the souldiers , was content a while to govern by base entreaty , and forc'd at length to flie the land. which notwithstanding remain'd in good quiet , govern'd by caelius and the other legate of a legion , both faithfull to vitellius then emperour ; who sent hither vectius bolanus ; an. dom. under whose lenity , though not tainted with other fault , against the britans nothing was done , nor in thir own discipline reform'd . petilius cerealis by appointment of vespasian succeeding , an. dom. had to doe with the populous brigantes in many battails , and som of those , not unbloodie . an. dom. for as we heard before , it was venusius who eeven to these times held them tack , both himself remaining to the end unvanquish'd , and some part of his countrie not so much as reach 't . it appeares also by several passages in the histories of tacitus , that no small number of british forces were commanded over sea the year before to serve in those bloodie warrs betweene otho and vitellius , vitellius and vespasian contending for the empire . to cerealis succeeded julius frontinus in the government of britain , who by tameing the silures , a people warlike and strongly inhabiting , augmented much his reputation . an. dom. but julius agricola , whom vespatiau in his last year sent hither , train'd up from his youth in the british warrs , extended with victories the roman limit beyond all his predecessors . his coming was in the midst of summer ; and the ordovices to welcome the new general , had hew'n in peeces a whole squadron of horse , which lay upon thir bounds , few escapeing . agricola , who perceav'd that the noise of this defeat had also in the province desirous of novelty , stirr'd up new expectations , resolves to be before-hand with the danger : and drawing together the choice of his legions with a competent number of auxiliars , not beeing met by the ordovices , who kept the hills , himself in the head of his men hunts them up and down through difficult places , almost to the final extirpating of that whole nation . with the same current of success , what paulinus had left unfinish'd he conquers in the i le of mona : for the ilanders altogether fearless of his approach , whom they knew to have no shipping , when they saw themselves invaded on a sudden by the auxiliars , whose countrie use had taught them to swimm over with horse and armes , were compel'd to yeild . this gain'd agricola much opinion ; who at his verie entrance , a time which others bestow'd of course in hearing complements and gratulations , had made such early progress into laborious and hardest enterprises . but by farr not so famous was agricola in bringing warr to a speedie end , as in cutting off the causes from whence warr arises . for he knowing that the end of warr was not to make way for injuries in peace , began reformation from his own house ; permitted not his attendants and followers to sway , or have to doe at all in public affairs : laies on with equallitie the proportions of corn and tribute that were impos'd ; takes off exactions , and the fees of encroaching officers , heavier then the tribute it self . for the countries had bin compell'd before , to sitt and wait the op'ning of public granaries , and both to sell and to buy thir corn at what rate the publicans thought fitt ; the pourveyers also commanding when they pleas'd to bring it in , not to the neerest , but still to the remotest places , either by the compounding of such as would be excus'd , or by causing a dearth , where none was , made a particular gain . these greevances and the like , he in the time of peace removing , brought peace into some credit ; which before , since the romans coming , had as ill a name as warr. an. dom. the summer following , titus then emperor , he so continually with inroads disquieted the enemie over all the i le , and after terror so allur'd them with his gentle demeanour , that many citties which till that time would not bend , gave hostages , admitted garrisons , and came in voluntarily . the winter he spent all in worthie actions ; teaching and promoting like a public father the institutes and customes of civil life . the inhabitants rude and scatter'd , and by that the proner to warr , he so perswaded as to build houses , temples , and seats of justice ; and by praysing the forward , quick'ning the slow , assisting all , turn'd the name of necessitie into an emulation . he caus'd moreover the noblemens sons to be bred up in liberal arts ; and by preferring the witts of britain , before the studies of gallia , brought them to affect the latine eloquence , who before hated the language . then were the roman fashions imitated , and the gown ; after a while the incitements also and materials of vice , and voluptuous life , proud buildings , baths , and the elegance of banqueting ; which the foolisher sort call'd civilitie , but was indeed a secret art to prepare them for bondage . an. dom. spring appearing , he took the field , and with a prosperous expedition wasted as farr northward as the frith of taus all that obey'd not ; with such a terror , as he went , that the roman army , though much hinderd by tempestuous weather , had the leasure to build forts and castles where they pleas'd , none dareing to oppose them . besides , agricola had this excellence in him , so providently to choose his places where to fortifie , as not another general then alive . no sconce , or fortress of his raising was ever known either to have bin forc'd , or yeilded up , or quitted . out of these impregnable by seige , or in that case duely releev'd , with continual irruptions he so prevail'd , that the enemie , whose manner was in winter to regain , what in summer he had lost , was now alike in both seasons kept short , and streit'n'd . for these exploits then ex'steem'd so great , and honourable , titus in whose reign they were atcheev'd , was the fifteenth time saluted imperator ; and of him agricola receav'd triumphal honours . an. dom. the fourth summer , domitian then ruleing the empire , he spent in settling and confirming what the year before he had travail'd over with a running conquest . and had the valour of his souldiers bin answerable , he had reach'd that year , as was thought , the utmost bounds of britain . for glota , and bodotria , now dunbritton , and the frith of edinburrow ; two opposite armes of the sea , divided only by a neck of land , and all the creeks and inlets on this side , were held by the romans , and the enemie driv'n as it were into another iland . an. dom. in his fift year he pass'd over into the orcades , as we may probably guess , and other scotch iles ; discovering and subdueing nations till then unknown . he gain'd also with his forces that part of britain which faces ireland , as aiming also to conquer that iland ; where one of the irish kings driv'n out by civil warrs , comming to him , he both gladly receav'd , and retain'd him as against a fitt time . an. dom. the summer ensueing , on mistrust that the nations beyond bodotria would generally rise , and forelay the passages by land , he caus'd his fleet , makeing a great shew , to bear along the coast , and up the friths and harbours ; joyning most commonly at night on the same shoar both land and sea forces , with mutual shouts and loud greetings . at sight whereof the britans , not wont to see thir sea so ridd'n , were much daunted . howbeit the caledonians with great preparation , and by rumor , as of things unknown much greater , taking armes , and of thir own accord begining warr by the assault of sundry castles , sent back some of thir fear to the romans themselves : and there were of the commanders , who cloaking thir fear under shew of sage advice , counsel'd the general to retreat back on this side bodotria . he in the mean while having intelligence , that the enemie would fall on in many bodies , devided also his armie into three parts . which advantage the britans quickly spying , and on a sudden uniting what before they had disjoyn'd , assaile by night with all thir forces that part of the roman armie , which they knew to be the weakest ; and breaking in upon the camp surpris'd between sleep and fear , had begun some execution . when agricola , who had learnt what way the enemies took , and follow'd them with all speed , sending before him the lightest of his horse and foot to charge them behind , the rest as they came on to affright them with clamour , so ply'd them without respite , that by approach of day the roman ensigns glittering all about , had encompass'd the britans : who now after a sharp fight in the very ports of the camp , betook them to thir wonted refuge , the woods and fens , poursu'd a while by the romans , that day else in all appearance had ended the warr. the legions reincourag'd by this event , they also now boasting , who but lately trembl'd , cry all to be led on as farr as there was british ground . the britans also not acknowledging the loss of that day to roman valour , but to the policy of their captaine , abated nothing of their stoutness ; but arming thir youth , conveying thir wives and children to places of safty , in frequent assemblies , and by solemn covnants bound themselves to mutual assistance against the common enemy . about the same time a cohort of germans having slain thir centurion with other roman officers in a mutiny , and for fear of punishment fled a shipboard , launch'd forth in three light gallies without pilot : and by tide or weather carried round about the coast , using piracy where they landed , while their ships held out , and as thir skill serv'd them , with various fortune , were the first discoverers to the romans that britain was an iland . an. dom. the following summer , agricola having before sent his navie to hover on the coast , and with sundrie and uncertaine landings to divert and disunite the britans , himself with a power best appointed for expedition , wherein also were many britans , whom he had long try'd both valiant and faithful , marches onward to the mountaine grampius , where the british , above thousand , were now lodg'd , and still encreasing : for neither would thir old men , so many as were yet vigorous and lusty , be left at home , long practis'd in warr , and every one adorn'd with some badge , or cognisance of his warlike deeds long agoe . of whom galgacus , both by birth and merit the prime leader , to thir courage , though of it self hot and violent , is by his rough oratory , in detestation of servitude and the roman yoke , said to have added much more eagerness of fight ; testifi'd by thir shouts and barbarous applauses . as much did on the others side agricola exhort his souldiers to victorie and glorie ; as much the souldiers by his firm and well grounded exhortations were all on a fire to the onset . but first he orders them in this sort . of auxiliar foot he makes his middle ward , on the wings horse , the legions as a reserve , stood in array before the camp ; either to seise the victorie won without their own hazard , or to keep up the battaile if it should need . the british powers on the hill side , as might best serve for shew and terrour , stood in thir battalions ; the first on eeven ground , the next rising behind , as the hill ascended . the field between rung with the noise of horse-men and chariots ranging up and down . agricola doubting to be over wing'd , stretches out his front , though somwhat with the thinest , insomuch that many advis'd to bring up the legions : yet he not altering , alights from his horse , and stands on foot before the ensignes . the fight began aloof , and the britans had a certain skill with their broad swashing swords and short bucklers either to strike aside , or to bear off the darts of thir enemies ; and withall to send back showers of thir own . until agricola discerning that those little targets and unweildie glaves ill pointed , would soon become ridiculous against the thrust and close , commanded three batavian cohorts , and two of the tungrians exercis'd and arm'd for close fight , to draw up , and come to handy-strokes . the batavians , as they were commanded , running in upon them , now with their long tucks thrusting at the face , now with their piked targets bearing them down , had made good riddance of them that stood below ; and for hast omitting furder execution , began apace to advance up hill , seconded now by all the other cohorts . mean while the horse-men fly , the charioters mixe themselves to fight among the foot ; where many of thir horse also fall'n in disorderly , were now more a mischief to thir own , then before a terrour to thir enemies . the battaile was a confus'd heap ; the ground unequal ; men , horses , chariots crowded pelmel ; sometimes in little roome , by and by in large , fighting , rushing , felling , over-bearing , over-turning . they on the hill , which were not yet come to blows , perceaving the fewness of thir enemies , came down amain ; and had enclos'd the romans unawares behind , but that agricola with a strong body of horse , which he reserv'd for such a purpose , repell'd them back as fast : and others drawn off the front , were commanded to wheel about and charge them on the backs . then were the romans clearly maisters ; they follow , they wound , they take , and to take more , kill whom they take : the britans in whole troops with weapons in thir hands , one while flying the pursuer , anon without weapons desperately running upon the slayer . but all of them , when once they got the woods to thir shelter , with fresh boldness made head again , and the forwardest on a sudden they turn'd and slew , the rest so hamper'd , as had not agricola , who was every where at hand , sent out his readiest cohorts , with part of his horse to alight and scowr the woods , they had receiv'd a foyle in the midst of victorie ; but following with a close and orderly poursuit , the britans fled again , and were totally scatter'd ; till night and weariness ended the chase . and of them that day thousand fell ; of the romans , among whom aulus atti●us the leader of a cohort ; carried with heat of youth and the firceness of his horse too far on . the romans jocond of this victorie , and the spoile they got , spent the night ; the vanquished wandring about the field , both men and women , some lamenting , some calling thir lost friends , or carrying off their wounded ; others forsaking , some burning thir own houses ; and it was certain enough , that there were who with a stern compassion laid violent hands on thir wives and children to prevent the more violent hands of hostile injurie . next day appearing manifested more plainly the greatness of thir loss receav'd ; every where silence , desolation , houses burning afar off , not a man seen , all fled , and doubtful whether : such word the scouts bringing in from all parts , and the summer now spent , no fit season to disperse a warr , the roman general leads his armie among the horestians ; by whom hostages being giv'n , he commands his admiral with a sufficient navie to saile round the coast of britain : himself with slow marches , that his delay in passing might serve to awe those new conquer'd nations , bestowes his armie in their winter-quarters . the fleet also having fetch 't a prosperous and speedy compass about the i le , put in at the haven trutulensis , now richborrow neer sandwich , from whence it first set out : and now likeliest , if not two years before , as was mention'd , the romans might discover and subdue the iles of of orkney ; which others with less reason following eusebius and orosius , attribute to the deeds of claudius . these perpetual exploits abroad won him wide fame ; with domitian , under whom great virtue was as punishable as op'n crime , won him hatred . for he maligning the renown of these his acts , in shew decreed him honours , in secret devis'd his ruin . an. dom. agricola therefore commanded home for doeing too much , of what he was sent to doe , left the province to his successor quiet and secure . whether he , as is conjectured , were salustius lucullus , or before him some other , for suetonius only names him legat of britain under domitian ; but furder of him , or ought else done here until the time of hadrian , is no where plainly to be found . some gather by a preface in tacitus to the book of his histories , that what agricola won here , was soon after by domitian either through want of valour lost , or through envy neglected . and juvenal the poet speaks of arviragus in these days , and not before , king of britain : who stood so well in his resistance , as not only to be talk'd of at rome , but to be held matter of a glorious triumph , if domitian could take him captive , or overcome him . then also claudia rufina the daughter of a britain , and wife of pudence a roman senator , liv'd at rome ; famous by the verse of martial for beauty , wit , and learning . the next we hear of britain , is that when trajan was emperor , it revolted , and was subdued . under adrian , julius severus , saith dion , govern'd the iland , a prime souldier of that age , but he being call'd away to suppress the jews then in tumult , left things at such pass , as caus'd the emperor in person to take a journey hither ; an. dom. where many things he reform'd , and , as augustus , and tiberius counsel'd to gird the empire within moderate bounds ; he rais'd a wall with great stakes driv'n in deep , and fastn'd together , in manner of a strong mound , fourscore mile in length , to devide what was roman from barbarian : no antient author names the place , but old inscriptions , and ruin it self yet testifies where it went along between solway frith by carlile , and the mouth of tine . hadrian having quieted the iland , took it for honour to be titl'd on his coine , the restorer of britain . in his time also prisous licinius , as appears by an old inscription , was lieutenant heer . antoninus pius reigning , the brigantes ever least patient of foren servitude , breaking in upon genounia ( which camden guesses to be guinethia or north-wales ) part of the roman province , were with the loss of much territory driv'n back by lollius vrbious , who drew another wall of turves ; in likelihood much beyond the former , an. dom. and as camden proves , between the frith of dunbritton , and of edinborrow ; to hedge out incursions from the north. and seius saturninus , as is collected from the digests , an. dom. had charge heer of the roman navie . with like success did marcus aurelius next emperor by his legate calphurnius agricola finish heer a new warr : commodus after him obteining the empire . in his time , as among so many different accounts may seem most probable , lucius a suppos'd king in some part of britain , the first of any king in europe , that we read of , receav'd the christian faith , and this nation the first by publick authority profess'd it : a high and singular grace from above , if sinceritie and perseverance went along , otherwise an empty boast , and to be fear'd the verifying of that true sentence , the first shall be last . and indeed the praise of this action is more proper to king lucius than common to the nation ; whose first professing by publick authority was no real commendation of their true faith ; which had appear'd more sincere and praise-worthy , whether in this or other nation , first profess'd without publick authority or against it , might else have bin but outward conformity . lucius in our monmouth storie is made the second by descent from marius , marius the son of arviragus is there said to have overthrown the picts then first coming out of scythia , slain roderic their king ; and in sign of victorie to have set up a monument of stone in the country since call'd westmaria ; but these things have no foundation . coilus the son of marius , all his reign , which was just and peaceable , holding great amity with the romans , left it hereditary to lucius . he ( if beda err not , living neer years after , yet our antientest author of this report ) sent to eleutherius then bishop of rome , an improbable letter , as some of the contents discover , an. dom. desiring that by his appointment he and his people might receave christianitie . from whome two religious doctors , nam'd in our chronicles faganus and deruvianus , forthwith sent , are said to have converted and baptiz'd well nigh the whole nation : thence lucius to have had the sirname of levermaur , that is to say , great light . nor yet then first was the christian faith heer known , but eev'n from the later daies of tiberius , as gildas confidently affirms , taught and propagated , and that as some say by simon zelotes , as others by joseph of arimathaea , barnabas , paul , peter , and thir prime disciples . but of these matters , variously written and believ'd , ecclesiastic historians can best determin : as the best of them do , with little credit giv'n to the particulars of such uncertain relations . as for lucius , they write , that after a long reigne he was buried at gloster ; but dying without issue left the kingdom in great commotion . by truer testimony we find that the greatest warr which in those days busy'd commodus , was in this iland . for the nations northward , notwithstanding the wall rais'd to keep them out , breaking in upon the roman province , wasted wide ; and both the army and the leader that came against them wholly routed , and destroy'd ; which put the emperor in such a fear , as to dispatch hither one of his best commanders , vlpius marcellus . he a man endu'd with all nobleness of mind , frugal , temperate , mild , and magnanimous , an. dom. in warr bold and watchful , invincible against lucre , and the assault of bribes , what with his valour , and these his other virtues , quickly ended this warr that look'd so dangerous , and had himself like to have been ended by the peace which he brought home , for presuming to be so worthy and so good under the envy of so worthless and so bad an emperor . after whose departure the roman legions fell to sedition among themselves ; hundred of them went to rome in name of the rest , an. dom. and were so terrible to commodus himself , as that to please them he put to death perennis the captain of his guard. notwithstanding which compliance they endeavour'd heer to set up another emperor against him ; and helvius pertinax who succeeded governour , found it a work so difficult to appease them , that once in a mutiny he was left for dead among many slain ; and was fain at length to seek a dismission from his charge . after him clodius albinus took the government ; but he , for having to the souldiers made an oration against monarchie , by the appointment of commodus was bid resign to junius severus . an. dom. but albinus in those troublesome times ensuing under the short reign of pertinax and didius julianus , found means to keep in his hands the government of britain ; although septimius severus who next held the empire , sent hither heraclitus to displace him ; but in vain , for albinus with all the british powers and those of gallia met severus about lyons in france , and fought a bloody battail with him for the empire , though at last vanquish'd and slain . the government of britain , severus divided between two deputies ; till then one legat was thought sufficient ; the north he committed to virius lupus . where the meatae rising in arms , and the caledonians , though they had promis'd the contrary to lupus , preparing to defend them , so hard beset , he was compell'd to buy his peace , and a few of pris'ners with great sums of money . but hearing that severus had now brought to an end his other warrs , he writes him plainly the state of things heer , that the britans of the north made warr upon him , broke into the province , and harrass'd all the countries nigh them , that there needed suddenly either more aid , or himself in person . severus though now much weak'nd with age and the gout , yet desirous to leav som memorial of his warlike acheevements heer , as he had don in other places , and besides to withdraw by this means his two sons from the pleasures of rome , and his souldiers from idleness , with a mighty power far sooner than could be expected , arrives in britain . an. dom. the northern people much daunted with the report of so great forces brought over with him , and yet more preparing , send embassadors to treat of peace , and to excuse thir former doings . the emperor now loath to returne home without some memorable thing don , whereby he might assume to his other titles the addition of britannicus , delays his answer and quick'ns his preparations ; till in the end , when all things were in readiness to follow them , they are dismiss't without effect . his principal care was to have many bridges laid over bogs and rott'n moars , that his souldiers might have to fight on sure footing . for it seems through lack of tillage , the northern parts were then , as ireland is at this day ; and the inhabitants in like manner wonted to retire , and defend themselves in such watrie places half naked . an. dom. he also being past adrians wall , cut down woods , made way through hills , fast'nd and fill'd up unsound and plashy fens . notwithstanding all this industrie us'd , the enemie kept himself so cunningly within his best advantages , and seldom appearing , so opportunely found his times to make irruption upon the romans , when they were most in straits and difficulties , sometimes training them on with a few cattel turn'dout , and drawn within ambush cruelly handling them , that many a time enclos'd in the midst of sloughs and quagmires , they chose rather themselves to kill such as were faint and could not shift away , than leave them there a prey to the caledonians . thus lost severus , and by sickness in those noisome places , no less than thousand men : and yet desisted not , though for weakness carried in a litter , till he had march't through with his armie to the utmost northern verge of the i le : and the britans offring peace were compell'd to lose much of thir country not before subject to the romans . an. dom. severus on the frontiers of what he had firmly conquer'd builds a wall cross the iland from sea to sea ; which one author judges the most magnificent of all his other deeds ; and that he thence receav'd the stile of britannicus ; in length miles . orosius adds it fortify'd with a deep trench , and between certain spaces many towers , or battlements . the place whereof som will have to be in scotland , the same which lollius vrbicus had wall'd before . others affirm it only hadrians work re-edifi'd ; both plead authorities and the ancient tract yet visible : but this i leave among the studious of these antiquities to be discuss't more at large . while peace held , the empress julia meeting on a time certain british ladies , and discoursing with the wife of argentocoxus a caledonian , cast out a scoff against the looseness of our iland women ; whose manner then was to use promiscuously the company of divers men . whom straight the british woman boldly thus answer'd : much better do we britans fulfill the work of nature than you romans ; we with the best men accustom op'nly ; you with the basest commit private adulteries . whether she thought this answer might serve to justifie the practice of her countrie , as when vices are compar'd , the greater seems to justifie the less , or whether the law and custom wherein she was bred , had wip't out of her conscience the better dictate of nature , and not convinc't her of the shame ; certain it is that whereas other nations us'd a liberty not unnatural for one man to have many wives , the britans altogether as licentious , but more absurd and preposterous in thir licence , had one or many wives in common among ten or twelve husbands ; and those for the most part incestuously . but no sooner was severus return'd into the province , then the britans take arms again . against whom severus worn out with labours and infirmity , sends antoninus his eldest son ; expresly commanding him to spare neither sex nor age. but antoninus who had his wicked thoughts tak'n up with the contriving of his fathers death , a safer enemie then a son , did the britans not much detriment . whereat severus more overcom with grief than any other maladie , ended his life at york . an. dom. after whose decease antoninus caracalla his impious son concluding peace with the britans , took hostages and departed to rome . the conductor of all this northern warr scottish writers name donaldus , he of monmouth fulgenius , in the rest of his relation nothing worth . from hence the roman empire declining apace , good historians growing scarce , or lost , have left us little else but fragments for many years ensuing . an. dom. under gordian the emperour we find by the inscription of an altar stone , that nonius philippus govern'd heer . under galienus we read there was a strong and general revolt from the roman legat. an. dom. of the tyrants which not long after took upon them the style of emperor , an. dom. by many coins found among us , lollianus , victorinus , posthumus , the tetrici and marius are conjectured to have ris'n or born great sway in this iland . whence porphyrius a philosopher then living , said that britain was a soil fruitful of tyrants ; and is noted to be the first author that makes mention of the scottish nation . an. dom. while frobus was emperor , bonosus the son of a rhetorician , bred up a spanyard , though by descent a britan , and a matchless drinker , nor much to be blamed , if , as they write , he were still wisest in his cups , having attained in warfare to high honours , and lastly in his charge over the german shipping , willingly , as was thought , miscarried , trusting on his power with the western armies , and join'd with proculus , bore himself a while for emperor ; but after a long and bloodie fight at cullen , vanquish't by probus he hang'd himself , and gave occasion of a ready jest made on him for his much drinking ; heer hangs a tankard , not a man. after this , probus with much wisdom prevented a new rising heer in britain by the severe loyaltie of victorinus a moor , at whose entreatie he had plac't heer that governour which rebell'd . for the emperor upbraiding him with the disloyaltie of whom he had commended , victorinus undertaking to set all right again , hastes hither , and finding indeed the governour to intend sedition , by som contrivance not mention'd in the storie , shew him , whose name som imagin to be cornelius lelianus . they write also that probus gave leave to the spanyards , gauls , and britans to plant vines , and to make wine ; and having subdu'd the vandals , and burgundians in a great battail , sent over many of them hither to inhabit , where they did good service to the romans when any insurrection happen'd in the i le . an. dom. after whom carus emperor going against the persians , left carinus one of his sons to govern among other western provinces this iland with imperial authority ; but him dioclesian saluted emperor by the eastern armies overcame and slew . an. dom. about which time carausius a man of low parentage , born in menapia , about the parts of cleves and juliers , who through all militarie degrees was made at length admiral of the belgi● ▪ and armoric seas , then much infested by the franks and saxons , an. dom. what he took from the pyrats , neither restoring to the owners , nor accounting to the publick , but enriching himself , and yet not scowring the seas , but conniving rather at those sea robbers , was grown at length too great a delinquent to be less than an emperor : for fear and guiltiness in those days made emperors ofter than merit : and understanding that maximianus herculius , dioclesians adopted son , was com against him into gallia , pass'd over with the navie which he had made his own , into britain , and possess'd the iland . an. dom. where he built a new fleet after the roman fashion , got into his power the legion that was left heer in garrison , other outlandish cohorts detain'd , listed the very merchants and factors of gallia , and with the allurement of spoile invited great numbers of other barbarous nations to his part , and train'd them to sea service , wherein the romans at that time were grown so out of skill , that carausius with his navie did at sea what he listed , robbing on every coast ; whereby maximian , able to come no neerer than the shoar of boloigne , was forc't to conclude a peace with carausius , and yeild him britain ; as one fittest to guard the province there against inroads from the north. an. dom. but not long after having assum'd constantius chlorus to the dignity of caesar , sent him against carausius ; who in the mean while had made himself strong both within the land and without . galfred of monmouth writes that he made the ticts his confederates ; to whom lately com out of scythia he gave albany to dwell in : and it is observ'd that before his time the picts are not known to have bin any where mentioned , and then first by eumenius a rhetorician . he repair'd and fortifi'd the wall of severus with castles , and a round house of smooth stone on the bank of carron , which river , saith ninnius , was of his name so call'd ; he built also a triumphal arch in remembrance of some victory there obtain'd . in france he held gessoriacum , or boloigne ; and all the franks which had by his permission seated themselves in belgia , were at his devotion . but constantius hasting into gallia , besieges boloigne , and with stones and timber obstructing the port , keeps out all relief that could be sent in by carausius . who ere constantius with the great fleet which he had prepar'd , could arrive hither , was slain treacherously by alectus one of his friends , who long'd to step into his place ; an. dom. when he years , and worthily , as som say , as others , tyrannically , had rul'd the iland . so much the more did constantius prosecute that opportunity , before alectus could well strengthen his affairs : and though in ill weather , putting to sea with all urgency from several hav'ns to spread the terror of his landing , and the doubt where to expect him , in a mist passing the british fleet unseen , that lay scouting neer the i le of wight , no sooner got a shoar , but fires his own ships , to leave no hope of refuge but in victory . alectus also , though now much dismaid , transfers his fortune to a battel on the shoar ; but encountred by asclepiodotus captain of the praetorian bands , and desperately rushing on , unmindful both of ordering his men , or bringing them all to fight , save the accessories of his treason , and his outlandish hirelings , is overthrown , and slain with little or no loss to the romans , but great execution on the franks . his body was found almost naked in the field , for his purple robe he had thrown aside , lest it should descry him , unwilling to be found . the rest taking flight to london , and purposing with the pillage of that city to escape by sea , are met by another part of the roman armie , whom the mist at sea disjoining had by chance brought thither , and with a new slaughter chas'd through all the streets . the britans , thir wives also and children , with great joy go out to meet constantius , as one whom they acknowledge their deliverer from bondage and insolence . all this seems by eumenius , who then liv'd , and was of constantius houshold , to have bin don in the course of one continu'd action ; so also thinks sigonius a learned writer : though all others allow three years to the tyranny of alectus . in these days were great store of workmen , and excellent builders in this iland , whom after the alteration of things heer , the aeduans in burgundie entertain'd to build thir temples and publick edifices . dioclesian having hitherto successfully us'd his valour against the enemies of his empire , uses now his rage in a bloodie persecution against his obedient and harmless christian subjects : from the feeling whereof neither was this iland , though most remote , far anough remov'd . among them heer who suffer'd gloriously , aron , and julius of caer leon upon vsk , but chiefly alban of verulam , were most renown'd : the story of whose martyrdom soil'd , and worse martyr'd with the fabling zeal of some idle fancies , more fond of miracles , than apprehensive of truth , deserves not longer digression . constantius after dioclesian , dividing the empire with galerius , had britain among his other provinces ; where either preparing or returning with victorie from an expedition against the caledonians , he di'd at york . his son constantine , who happily came post from rome to boloigne just about the time , an. dom. saith eumenius , that his father was setting sail his last time hither , and not long before his death , was by him on his death-bed nam'd , and after his funeral , by the whole army saluted emperor . there goes a fame , and that seconded by most of our own historians , though not those the ancientest , that constantine was born in this iland , his mother helena the daughter of coilus a british prince , not sure the father of king lucius , whose sister she must then be , for that would detect her too old by an hunderd years to be the mother of constantine . but to salve this incoherence , another coilus is feign'd to be then earl of colchester . to this therefore the roman authors give no testimony , except a passage or two in the panegyrics , about the sense whereof much is argu'd : others neerest to those times clear the doubt , and write him certainly born of helena , a mean woman at naisus in dardania . howbeit , ere his departure hence he seems to have had some bickerings in the north , which by reason of more urgent affairs compos'd , he passes into gallia ; an. dom. and after years returns either to settle or to alter the state of things heer ; an. dom. until a new warr against maxentius call'd him back , leaving pacatianus his vicegerent . he deceasing , constantine his eldest son enjoy'd for his part of the empire , with all the provinces that lay on this side the alpes , this iland also . but falling to civil warr with constans his brother , was by him slain ; who with his third brother constantius coming into britain , seis'd it as victor . an. dom. against him rose magnentius , one of his chief commanders , by som affirm'd the son of a britan , an. dom. he having gain'd on his side great forces , contested with constantius in many battels for the sole empire ; but vanquish't , in the end slew himself . somwhat before this time gratianus funarius , an. dom. the father of valentinian , afterwards emperor , an. dom. had chief command of those armies which the romans kept heer . and the arrian doctrine which then divided christendom , wrought also in this iland no small disturbance : a land , saith gildas , greedy of every thing new , stedfast in nothing . an. dom. at last constantius appointeda synod of more than bishops to assemble at ariminum on the emperors charges , which the rest all refusing , three only of the british , poverty constreining them , accepted ; though the other bishops among them offer'd to have born thir charges : esteeming it more honourable to live on the publick , than to be obnoxious to any private purse . doubtless an ingenuous mind , and far above the presbyters of our age ; who like well to sit in assembly on the publick stipend , but lik'd not the poverty that caus'd these to do so . after this martinus was deputy of the province ; who being offended with the cruelty which paulus , an inquisitor sent from constantius , exercis'd in his enquiry after those military officers who had conspir'd with magnentius , was himself laid hold on as an accessory ; at which enrag'd he runs at paulus with his drawnsword ; but failing to kill him , turns it on himself . next to whom , as may be guess'd , alipius was made deputy . in the mean time julian , whom constantius had made caesar , having recover'd much territory about rhine , where the german inrodes before had long insulted , to releeve those countries almost ruin'd , causes pinaces to be built ; and with them by frequent voyages , plenty of corn to be fetch'd in from britain ; which eev'n then was the usual bounty of this soil to those parts , as oft as french and saxon pirats hinderd not the transportation . an. dom. while constantius yet reign'd , the scots and picts breaking in upon the northern confines , julian , being at paris , sends over lupicinus , a well try'd souldier , but a proud and covetous man ; who with a power of light arm'd herulians , batavians , and maesians , in the midst of winter sailing from boloigne , arrives at rutupiae seated on the opposite shoar , and comes to london , to consult there about the warr ; but soon after was recall'd by julian then chosen emperor . under whom we read not of ought happing heer ; only that palladius one of his great officers was hither banish'd . this year valentinian being emperor , an. dom. the attacots , picts , and scots roaving up and down , and last the saxons with perpetual landings and invasions harryed the south coast of britain ; slew nectaridius who govern'd the sea borders , and bulchobaudes with his forces by an ambush . with which news valentinian not a little perplext , sends first severus high steward of his house , and soon recalls him , then jovinus , who intimating the necessity of greater supplies , he sends at length theodosius , a man of try'd valour , and experience , father to the first emperor of that name . he with selected numbers out of the legions , and cohorts , an. dom. crosses the sea from boloigne to rutupiae ; from whence with the batavians , herulians , and other legions that arriv'd soon after , he marches to london ; and dividing his forces into several bodies , sets upon the dispers'd and plundring enemie , lad'n with spoile ; from whom recovering the booty which they led away , and were forc'd to leave there with thir lives , herestores all to the right owners , save a small portion to his wearied souldiers , and enters london victoriously ; which before in many straits and difficulties , was now reviv'd as with a great deliverance . the numerous enemy with whom he had to deal , was of different nations , and the warr scatter'd : which theodosius , getting daily som intelligence from fugitives and prisoners , resolves to carry on by sudden parties and surprisals rather than set battels ; nor omits he to proclaim indemnity to such as would lay down arms , and accept of peace , which brought in many . yet all this not ending the work , he requires that civilis , a man of much uprightness , might be sent him , to be as deputy of the iland , and dulcitius a famous captain . thus was theodosius busy'd , besetting with ambushes the roaving enemy , repressing his rodes , restoring cities and castles to thir former safety and defence , laying every where the firm foundation of a long peace , an. dom. when valentinus a pannonian for some great offence banish'd into britain , conspiring with certain exiles and souldiers against theodosius , whose worth he dreaded as the only obstacle to his greater design of gaining the i le into his power , is discover'd , and with his chief accomplices deliver'd over to condign punishment : against the rest , theodosius with a wise lenity suffer'd not inquisition to proceed too rigorously , lest the fear thereof appertaining to so many , occasion might arise of new trouble in a time so unsettl'd . this don , he applies himself to reform things out of order , raises on the confines many strong holds ; and in them appoints due and diligent watches ; and so reduc'd all things out of danger , that the province which but lately was under command of the enemy , became now wholly roman , new nam'd valentia of valentinian , and the city of london augusta . thus theodosius nobly acquitting himself in all affairs , with general applause of the whole province , accompanied to the sea-side , returns to valentinian . who about years after sent hither fraomarius , an. dom. a king of the almans , with authority of a tribune over his own country forces , which then both for number and good service were in high esteem . against gratian who succeeded in the western empire , maximus a spanyard , and one who had serv'd in the british warrs with younger theodosius ( for hee also , either with his father , or not long after him , seems to have done somthing in this iland ) and now general of the roman armies heer , either discontented that theodosius was preferr'd before him to the empire , or constrain'd by the souldiers who hated gratian , assumes the imperial purple , and having attain'd victorie against the scots and picts , with the flowr and strength of britain , passes into france ; there slays gratian , an. dom. and without much difficultie , the space of years , obtains his part of the empire , overthrown at length and slain by theodosius . an. dom. with whom perishing most of his followers , or not returning out of armorioa , which maximus had giv'n them to possess , the south of britain by this means exhausted of her youth , and what there was of roman souldiers on the confines drawn off , became a prey to savage invasions ; an. dom. of scots from the irish seas , of saxons from the german , of picts from the north. against them , first chrysanthus the son of marcian a bishop , made deputy of britain by theodosius , demean'd himself worthily : then stilicho a man of great power , whom theodosius , dying , left protector of his son honorius , either came in person , or sending over sufficient aid , repress'd them , and as it seems new fortifi'd the wall against them . but that legion being call'd away , when the roman armies from all parts hasted to releive honorius then besieg'd in asta of piemont , an. dom. by alaric the goth , britain was left expos'd as before , to those barbarous robbers . lest any wonder how the scots came to infest britain from the irish sea , it must be understood , that the scots not many years before had been driv'n all out of britain by maximus ; and thir king eugenius slain in fight ; as thir own annals report : whereby , it seems , wandring up and down , without certain seat , they liv'd by scumming those seas and shoars as pyrats . but more authentic writers confirm us , that the scots , whoever they be originally , came first into ireland , and dwelt there , and nam'd it scotia long before the north of britain took that name . about this time , though troublesom , pelagius a britan found the leasure to bring new and dangerous opinions into the church , an. dom. and is largely writ against by st. austin . but the roman powers which were call'd into italy , when once the fear of alaric was over , made return into several provinces : and perhaps victorinus of tolosa , whom rutilius the poet much commends , might be then prefect of the iland : if it were not he whom stilicho sent hither . buchanan writes , that endeavouring to reduce the picts into a province , he gave the occasion of thir calling back fergusins and the scots , whom maximus with thir help had quite driv'n out of the iland : and indeed the verses of that poet speak him to have bin active in those parts . but the time which is assign'd him later by buchanan after gratianus municeps , by camden , after constantine the tyrant , accords not with that which follows in the plain course of historie . an. dom. for the vandals having broke in and wasted all belgia , eev'n to those places from whence easiest passage is into britain , the roman forces heer , doubting to be suddenly invaded , were all in uproar , and in tumultuous manner set up marcus , who it may seem was then deputy . but him not found agreeable to thir heady courses , they as hastily kill : for the giddy favour of a mutining rout is as dangerous as thir furie . the like they do by gratian a british roman , in four months advanc't , ador'd , and destroy'd . there was among them a common souldier whose name was constantine , with him on a sudden so taken they are , upon the conceit put in them of a luckiness in his name , as without other visible merit to create him emperor . it fortun'd that the man had not his name for nought ; so well he knew to lay hold , and make good use of an unexpected offer . he therefore with a wak'n'd spirit , to the extent of his fortune dilating his mind , which in his mean condition before lay contracted and shrunk up , orders with good advice his military affairs : and with the whole force of the province , and what of british was able to bear arms , he passes into france , aspiring at least to an equal share with honorius in the empire . where by the valour of edobecus a frank , and gerontius a britan , and partly by perswasion gaining all in his way , he comes to arles . an. dom. with like felicity by his son constans , whom of a monk he had made a caesar , and by the conduct of gerontius he reduces all spain to his obedience . but constans after this displacing gerontius , the affairs of constantine soon went to wrack : for he by this means alienated , an. dom. set up miximus one of his friends against him in spain ; and passing into france , took vienna by assault , and having slain constans in that city , calls on the vandals against constantine ; who by him incited , as by him before they had bin repress't , breaking forward , over-run most part of france . but when constantius comes , the emperors general , with a strong power came out of italy , gerontius deserted by his own forces , retires into spain ; where also growing into contempt with the souldiers , after his flight out of france , by whom his house in the night was beset , having first with a few of his servants defended himself valiantly , and slain above , though when his darts and other weapons were spent , he might have scap'd at a private dore , as all his servants did , not enduring to leave his wife nonnichia , whom he lov'd , to the violence of an enraged crew , he first cuts off the head of his friend alanus , as was agreed ; next his wife , though loth and delaying , yet by her entreated and importun'd , refusing to outlive her husband , he dispatches : for which her resolution sozomenus an ecclesiastic writer gives her high praise , both as a wife , and as a christian . last of all against himself he turns his sword ; but missing the mortal place , with his poinard finishes the work . thus farr is poursu'd the story of a famous britan , related negligently by our other historians . as for constantinc , his ending was not answerable to his setting out : for he with his other son julian beseig'd by constantius in arles , and mistrusting the change of his wonted success , to save his head , poorly turns priest ; but that not availing him , is carried into italy , and there put to death ; having years acted the emperor . while these things were doing , the britans at home destitute of roman aid , and the cheif strength of their own youth , that went first with maximus , then with constantine , not returning home , vext , and harras'd by thir wonted enemies , had sent messages to honorius ; but he at that time not being able to defend rome it self , which the same year was taken by alaric , advises them by his letter to consult how best they might for their own safety , and acquits them of the roman jurisdiction . they therefore thus relinquish't , and by all right the government relapsing into thir own hands , thenceforth betook themselves to live after thir own laws , defending thir bounds as well as they were able , and the armoricans , who not long after were call'd the britans of france , follow'd thir example . thus expir'd this great empire of the romans ; first in britain , soon after in italy it self : having born chief sway in this iland , though never throughly subdu'd , or all at once in subjection , if we reck'n from the coming in of julius to the taking of rome by alaric , in which year honorius wrote those letters of discharge into britain , the space of years . and with the empire fell also what before in this western world was cheifly roman ; learning , valour , eloquence , history , civility , and eev'n language it self , all these together , as it were , with equal pace diminishing , and decaying . henceforth we are to stear by another sort of authors ; neer anough to the things they write , as in thir own countrie , if that would serve ; in time not much belated , some of equal age ; in expression barbarous ; and to say how judicious , i suspend a while : this we must expect ; in civil matters to find them dubious relaters , and still to the best advantage of what they term holy church , meaning indeed themselves : in most other matters of religion , blind , astonish'd , and strook with superstition as with a planet ; in one word , monks . yet these guides , where can be had no better , must be follow'd ; in gross , it may be true anough ; in circumstance each man as his judgment gives him , may reserve his faith , or bestow it . but so different a state of things requires a several relation . the history of britain . the third book . this third book having to tell of accidents as various and exemplary , as the intermission or change of government hath any where brought forth , may deserve attention more than common , and repay it with like benefit to them who can judiciously read : considering especially that the late civil broils had cast us into a condition not much unlike to what the britans then were in , when the imperial jurisdiction departing hence left them to the sway of thir own councils ; which times by comparing seriously with these later , and that confused anarchy with this intereign , we may be able from two such remarkable turns of state , producing like events among us , to raise a knowledg of our selves both great and weighty , by judging hence what kind of men the britans generally are in matters of so high enterprise , how by nature , industry , or custom fitted to attempt or undergoe matters of so main consequence : for if it be a high point of wisdom in every private man , much more is it in a nation to know it self ; rather than puft up with vulgar flatteries , and encomiums , for want of self knowledge , to enterprise rashly and come off miserably in great undertakings . the britans thus as we heard being left without protection from the empire , and the land in a manner emptied of all her youth , consumed in warrs abroad , or not caring to return home , themselves through long subjection , servile in mind , sloathful of body , and with the use of arms unacquainted , sustain'd but ill for many years the violence of those barbarous invaders , who now daily grew upon them . for although at first greedy of change , and to be thought the leading nation to freedom from the empire , they seem'd a while to bestirr them with a shew of diligence in thir new affairs , som secretly aspiring to rule , others adoring the name of liberty , yet so soon as they felt by proof the weight of what it was to govern well themselves , and what was wanting within them , not stomach or the love of licence , but the wisdom , the virtue , the labour , to use and maintain true libertie , they soon remitted thir heat , and shrunk more wretchedly under the burden of thir own libertie , than before under a foren yoke . insomuch that the residue of those romans which had planted themselves heer , despairing of thir ill deportment at home , and weak resistance in the field by those few who had the courage , or the strength to bear arms , nine years after the sacking of rome remov'd out of britain into france , an. dom. hiding for haste great part of thir treasure , which was never after found . and now again the britans , no longer able to support themselves against the prevailing enemy , sollicit honorius to thir aid , with mournful letters , embassages and vows of perpetual subjection to rome if the northern foe were but repuls't . an. dom. he at thir request spares them one legion , which with great slaughter of the scots and picts drove them beyond the borders , rescu'd the britans , and advis'd them to build a wall cross the iland , between sea and sea , from the place where edinburg now stands to the frith of dunbritton , by the city alcluith . but the material being only turf , and by the rude multitude unartificially built up without better direction , avail'd them little . for no sooner was the legion departed , but the greedy spoilers returning , land in great numbers from thir boats and pinaces , wasting , slaying , and treading down all before them . then are messengers again posted to rome in lamentable sort , beseeching that they would not suffer a whole province to be destroy'd , and the roman name , so honourable yet among them , to become the subject of barbarian scorn and insolence . an. dom. the emperor , at thir sad complaint , with what speed was possible sends to thir succour . who coming suddenly on those ravenous multitudes that minded only spoil , surprise them with a terrible slaughter . they who escap'd , fled back to those seas , from whence yearly they were wont to arrive , and return lad'n with booties . but the romans who came not now to rule , but charitably to aid , declaring that it stood not longer with the ease of thir affairs to make such labourious voyages in pursuit of so base and vagabond robbers , of whom neither glory was to be got , nor gain , exhorted them to manage thir own warfare ; and to defend like men thir country , thir wives , thir children , and what was to be dearer than life , thir liberty , against an enemy not stronger than themselves , if thir own sloth and cowardise had not made them so ; if they would but only find hands to grasp defensive arms , rather than basely stretch them out to receave bonds . they gave them also thir help to build a new wall , not of earth as the former , but of stone ( both at the public cost , and by particular contributions ) traversing the i le in direct line from east to west between certain cities plac'd there as frontiers to bear off the enemy , where severus had wall'd once before . they rais'd it foot high , broad . along the south shoar , because from thence also like hostility was fear'd , they place towers by the sea side at certain distances , for safety of the coast . withall they instruct them in the art of warr , leaving patterns of thir arms and weapons behind them ; and with animating words , and many lessons of valour to a faint-hearted audience , bid them finally farewell , without purpose to return . and these two friendly expeditions , the last of any hither by the romans , were perform'd , as may be gather'd out of beda , and diaconus , the two last years of honorius . thir leader , as som modernly write , was gallio of ravenna ; buchanan , who departs not much from the fables of his predecessor boethius , names him maximianus , and brings against him to this battel fergus first king of scots after thir second suppos'd coming into scotland , dursius king of picts , both there slain , and dioneth an imaginary king of britain , or duke of cornwall , who improbablie sided . with them against his own countrie , hardlie escaping . with no less exactness of particular circumstances , he takes upon him to relate all those tumultuarie inrodes of the scots and picts into britain , as if they had but yesterday happen'd , thir order of battel , manner of fight , number of slain , articles of peace , things whereof gildas and beda are utterly silent , authors to whom the scotch writers have none to cite comparable in antiquity ; no more therefore to be believ'd for bare assertions , however quaintlie drest , than our geofry of monmouth when he varies most from authentick storie . but either the inbred vanity of some , in that respect unworthily call'd historians , or the fond zeal of praising thir nations above truth hath so far transported them , that where they find nothing faithfully to relate , they fall confidently to invent what they think may either best set off thir historie , or magnifie thir countrie . the scots and picts in manners differing somwhat from each other , but still unanimous to rob and spoile , hearing that the romans intended not to return , from thir gorroghs , or leathern frigats pour out themselves in swarms upon the land , more confident than ever : and from the north end of the i le to the very wall side , then first took possession as inhabitants ; while the britans with idle weapons in thir hands stand trembling on the battlements , till the half-naked barbarians with thir long and formidable iron hooks pull them down headlong . the rest not only quitting the wall but towns and cities , leave them to the bloodie pursuer , who follows killing , wasting , and destroying all in his way . from these confusions arose a famin , and from thence discord and civil commotion among the britans : each man living by what he rob'd or took violently from his neighbour . when all stores were consum'd and spent where men inhabited , they betook them to the woods , and liv'd by hunting , which was thir only sustainment . to the heaps of these evils from without , were added new divisions within the church . for agricola the son of severianus a pelagian bishop had spread his doctrine wide among the britans not uninfected before . the sounder part neither willing to embrace his opinion to the overthrow of divine grace , nor able to refute him , crave assistance from the churches of france : who send them germanus bishop of auxerre , an. dom. and lupus of troyes . they by continual preaching in churches , in streets , in fields , and not without miracles , as is writt'n , confirm'd som , regain'd others , and at verulam in a public disputation put to silence thir chief adversaries . this reformation in the church was beleev'd to be the cause of thir success a while after in the field . an. dom. for the saxons and picts with joint force , which was no new thing before the saxons at least had any dwelling in this iland , during the abode of germanus heer , had made a strong impression from the north. the britans marching out against them , and mistrusting thir own power , send to germanus and his collegue , reposing more in the spiritual strength of those two men , than in thir own thousands arm'd . they came , and thir presence in the camp was not less than if a whole army had com to second them . it was then the time of lent , and the people instructed by the daily sermons of these two pastors , came flocking to receave baptism . there was a place in the camp set apart as a church , and trick'd up with boughs upon easter-day . the enemy understanding this , and that the britans were tak'n up with religions more than with feats of arms , advances , after the paschal feast , as to a certain victorie . german who also had intelligence of thir approach , undertakes to be captain that day ; and riding out with selected troops to discover what advantages the place might offer , lights on a valley compass't about with hills , by which the enemy was to pass . and placing there his ambush , warns them that what word they heard him pronounce aloud , the same they should repeat with universal shout . the enemy passes on securely , and german thrice aloud cries halleluia ; which answered by the souldiers with a sudd'n burst of clamour , is from the hills and valleys redoubled . the saxons and picts on a sudden supposing it the noise of a huge hoast , throw themselves into flight , casting down thir arms , and great numbers of them are drown'd in the river which they had newly pass'd . this victory , thus won without hands , left to the britans plenty of spoile , and to the person and the preaching of german greater authority and reverence than before . and the exploit might pass for current , if constantius , the writer of his life in the next age , had resolv'd us how the british army came to want baptizing ; for of any paganism at that time , or long before , in the land we read not , or that pelagianism was re-baptiz'd . the place of this victory , as is reported , was in flintshire by a town call'd guid-cruc , and the river allen , where a field retains the name of maes german to this day . an. dom. but so soon as german was return'd home , the scots and picts , though now so many of them christians , that palladius a deacon was ordain'd and sent by celestine the pope to be a bishop over them , were not so well reclaim'd , or not so many of them as to cease from doing mischief to thir neighbours , where they found no impeachment to fall in yearly as they were wont . they therefore of the britans who perhaps were not yet wholly ruin'd , in the strongest and south-west parts of the i le , send letters to aetius , then third time consul of rome , with this superscription ; to aetius thrice consul , the groanes of the britans . and after a few words thus : an. dom. the barbarians drive us to the sea , the sea drives us back to the barbarians ; thus bandied up and down between two deaths we perish , either by the sword or by the sea. but the empire at that time overspread with hunns and vandals , was not in condition to lend them aid . thus rejected and wearied out with continual flying from place to place , but more afflicted with famine , which then grew outrageous among them , many for hunger yielded to the enemy , others either more resolute , or less expos'd to wants , keeping within woods , and mountainous places , not only defended themselves , but sallying out at length gave a stop to the insulting foe with many seasonable defeats ; led by some eminent person , as may be thought , who exhorted them not to trust in thir own strength , but in divine assistance . and perhaps no other heer is meant than the foresaid deliverance by german , if computation would permit , which gildas either not much regarded , or might mistake ; but that he tarried so long heer , the writers of his life assent not . finding therefore such opposition , the scots or irish robbers , for so they are indifferently term'd , without delay get them home . the picts , as before was mentioned , then first began to settle in the utmost parts of the iland , using now and then to make inrodes upon the britans . but they in the mean while thus ridd of thir enemies , begin afresh to till the ground ; which after cessation yields her fruit in such abundance , as had not formerly bin known for many ages . but wantonness and luxury , the wonted companions of plenty , grow up as fast , and with them , if gildas deserve belief , all other vices incident to human corruption . that which he notes especially to be the chief perverting of all good in the land , and so continued in his days , was the hatred of truth , and all such as durst appear to vindicate and maintain it . against them , as against the only disturbers , all the malice of the land was bent . lies and falsities , and such as could best invent them , were only in request . evil was embrac'd for good , wickedness honour'd and esteem'd as virtue . and this quality thir valour had , against a foren enemy to be ever backward and heartless ; to civil broils eager and prompt . in matters of government , and the search of truth , weak and shallow , in falshood and wicked deeds pregnant and industrious . pleasing to god , or not pleasing , with them weighed alike ; and the worse most an end was the weightier . all things were done contrary to public welfare and safety ; nor only by secular men , for the clergy also , whose example should have guided others , were as vitious and corrupt . many of them besotted with continual drunkenness ; or swoln with pride and willfulness , full of contention , full of envy , indiscreet , incompetent judges to determine what in the practice of life is good or evil , what lawful or unlawful . thus furnish'd with judgment , and for manners thus qualifi'd both priest and lay , they agree to chuse them several kings of thir own ; as neer as might be , likest themselves ; and the words of my author import as much . kings were anointed , saith he , not of gods anointing , but such as were cruellest , and soon after as inconsiderately , without examining the truth , put to death by thir anointers , to set up others more fierce and proud . as for the election of thir kings ( and that they had not all one monarch , appears both in ages past and by the sequel ) it began , as nigh as may be guess'd , either this year or the following , an. dom. when they saw the romans had quite deserted thir claim . about which time also pelagianism again prevailing by means of some few , the british clergie too weak , it seems , at dispute , entreat the second time german to thir assistance . who coming with severus a disciple of lupus that was his former associate , stands not now to argue , for the people generally continu'd right ; but enquiring those authors of new disturbance , adjudges them to banishment . they therefore by consent of all were deliver'd to german ; an. dom. who carrying them over with him , dispos'd of them in such place where neither they could infect others , and were themselves under cure of better instruction . but germanus the same year dy'd in italy ; and the britans not long after found themselves again in much perplexity , with no slight rumour that thir old troublers the scots and picts had prepar'd a strong invasion , purposing to kill all and dwell themselves in the land from end to end . but ere thir coming in , as if the instruments of divine justice had bin at strife , which of them first should destroy a wicked nation , the pestilence forestalling the sword left scarce alive whom to bury the dead ; and for that time , as one extremity keeps off another , preserv'd the land from a worse incumbrance of those barbarous dispossessors , whom the contagion gave not leave now to enter farr . and yet the britans nothing better'd by these heavy judgments , the one threatn'd , the other felt , instead of acknowledging the hand of heaven , run to the palace of thir king vortigern with complaints and cries of what they suddenly fear'd , from the pictish invasion . vortigern , who at that time was chief rather than sole king , unless the rest had perhaps left thir dominions to the common enemy , is said by him of monmouth to have procur'd the death first of constantine , then of constance his son , who of a monk was made king , and by that means to have usurp'd the crown . but they who can remember how constantine with his son constance the monk , the one made emperor , the other caesar , perish'd in france , may discern the simple fraud of this fable . but vortigern however coming to reign , is decipher'd by truer stories a proud unfortunate tyrant , and yet of the people much belov'd , because his vices sorted so well with theirs . for neither was he skill'd in warr , nor wise in counsel , but covetous , lustful , luxurious , and prone to all vice ; wasting the public treasure in gluttony and riot , careless of the common danger , and through a haughty ignorance , unapprehensive of his own . nevertheless importun'd and awak'd at length by unusual clamours of the people , he summons a general council , to provide some better means than heertofore had been us'd against these continual annoyances from the north. wherein by advice of all it was determin'd , that the saxons be invited into britain against the scots and picts ; whose breaking in they either shortly expected , or already found they had not strength anough to oppose . the saxons were a barbarous and heathen nation , famous for nothing else but robberies and cruelties done to all thir neighbours both by sea and land ; in particular to this iland , witness that military force which the roman emperors maintain'd heer purposely against them , under a special commander , whose title , as is found , on good record , was count of the saxon shoar in britain ; and the many mischiefs done by thir landing heer , both alone and with the picts , as above hath bin related , witness as much . they were a people thought by good writers , to be descended of the sacae , a kind of scythian in the north of asia , thence call'd sacasons , or sons of sacae , who with a flood of other northern nations came into europe , toward the declining of the roman empire ; and using pyracy from denmark all along these seas , possess'd at length by intrusion all that coast of germany and the nether-lands , which took thence the name of old saxony , lying between the rhene and flve , and from thence north as far as eidora , the river bounding holsatia , though not so firmly , or so largely , but that thir multitude wander'd yet uncertain of habitation . such guests as these the britans resolve now to send for , and entreat into thir houses and possessions , at whose very name heertofore they trembl'd afar off . so much do men through impatience count ever that the heaviest which they bear at present , and to remove the evil which they suffer , care not to pull on a greater : as if variety and change in evil also were acceptable . or whether it be that men in the despair of better , imagine fondly a kind of refuge from one misery to another . the britans therefore , with vortigern , who was then accounted king over them all , resolve in full council to send embassadors of thir choicest men with great gifts , and saith a saxon writer in these words , desiring thir aid . worthy saxons , hearing the fame of your prowess , the distressed britans wearied out , and overprest by a continual invading enemy , have sent us to beseech your aid . they have a land fertile and spatious , which to your commands they bid us surrender . heertofore we have liv'd with freedom , under the obedience and protection of the roman empire . next to them we know none worthier than your selves ; and therefore become suppliants to your valour . leave us not below our present enemies , and to ought by you impos'd , willingly we shall submit . yet ethelwerd writes not that they promis'd subjection , but only amity and league . they therefore who had chief rule among them , hearing themselves entreated by the britans , to that which gladly they would have wish't to obtain of them by entreating , to the british embassy return this answer . be assur'd henceforth of the saxons , as of faithful friends to the britans , no less ready to stand by them in thir need , than in thir best of fortune . the embassadors return joyful , and with news as welcome to thir countrie , whose sinister fate had now blinded them for destruction . the saxons , consulting first thir gods ( for they had answer , that the land whereto they went , they should hold years , half that time conquering , and half quietly possessing ) furnish out three long gallies , or kyules , with a chos'n company of warlike youth , under the conduct of two brothers , hengist and horsa , descended in the fourth degree from woden ; of whom , deify'd for the fame of his acts , most kings of those nations derive thir pedigree . these , and either mixt with these , or soon after by themselves , two other tribes , or neighbouring people , jutes and angles , the one from jutland , the other from anglen by the city of sleswich , both provinces of denmark , an. dom. arrive in the first year of martian the greek emperor , from the birth of christ , receav'd with much good will of the people first , then of the king , who after some assurances giv'n and tak'n , bestows on them the i le of tanet , where they first landed , hoping they might be made heerby more eager against the picts , when they fought as for thir own countrie , and more loyal to the britans , from whom they had receav'd a place to dwell in , which before they wanted . the british nennius writes that these brethren were driv'n into exile out of germany , and to vortigern who reigned in much fear , one while of the picts , then of the romans , and ambrosius , came opportunely into the hav'n . for it was the custom in old saxony , when thir numerous off-spring overflow'd the narrowness of thir bounds , to send them out by lot into new dwellings , wherever they found room , either vacant or to be forc't . but whether sought , or unsought , they dwelt not heer long without employment . for the scots and picts , were now come down , som say , as far as stamsord in lincoln-shire , whom , perhaps not imagining to meet new opposition , the saxons , though not till after a sharp encounter , put to flight ; and that more than once : slaying in fight , as some scotch writers affirm , thir king eugenius the son of fergus . hengist percaeving the iland to be rich and fruitful , but her princes and other inhabitants giv'n to vicious ease , sends word home , inviting others to a share of his good success . who returning with ships , were grown up now to a sufficient army , and entertain'd without suspicion on these terms , that they should bear the brunt of war against the picts , receaving stipend and some place to inhabit . with these was brought over the daughter of hengist , a virgin wondrous fair , as is reported , rowen the british call her : she by commandment of her father , who had invited the king to a banquet , coming in presence with a bowle of wine to welcome him , and to attend on his cup till the feast ended , won so much upon his fancy , though already wiv'd , as to demand her in mariage upon any conditions . hengist at first , though it fell out perhaps according to his drift , held off , excusiing his meanness ; then obscurely intimating a desire and almost a necessity , by reason of his augmented numbers , to have his narrow bounds of tanet enlarg'd to the circuit of kent , had it streit by donation : though guorangonus till then was king of that place : and so , as it were overcome by the great munificence of vortiger , gave his daughter . and still encroaching on the kings favour , got furder leave to call over octa and ebissa , his own and his brothers son ; pretending that they , if the north were giv'n them , would sit there as a continual defence against the scots , while himself guarded the east . they therfore sayling with forty ships eev'n to the orcades , and every way curbing the scots and picts , possess'd that part of the ile which is now northumberland . notwithstanding this they complain that thir monthly pay was grown much into arrear ; which when the britans found means to satisfie , though alleging withall that they to whom promise was made of wages , were nothing so many in number , quieted with this a while , but still seeking occasion to fall off , they find fault next , that thir pay is too small for the danger they undergo , threatning op'n warr unless it be augmented . guortimer the kings son perceaving his father and the kingdom thus betray'd , from that time bends his utmost endeavour to drive them out . they on the other side making league with the picts and scots , and issuing out of kent , wasted without resistance almost the whole land eev'n to the western sea , with such a horrid devastation , that towns and colonies overturn'd , preists and people slain ; temples , and palaces , what with fire and sword lay alltogether heap'd in one mixt ruin . of all which multitude , so great was the sinfullness that brought this upon them , gildas adds that few or none were likely to be other then lew'd and wicked persons . the residue of these , part overtak'n in the mountains were slain ; others subdu'd with hunger preferr'd slavery before instant death ; som getting to rocks , hills , and woods inaccessible , preferr'd the fear and danger of any death before the shame of a secure slavery ; many fled over sea into other countries ; some into holland , where yet remain the ruins of brittenburgh , an old castle on the sea , to be seen at low water not far from leiden ; either built , as writers of thir own affirm , or seis'd on by those britans in thir escape from hengist : others into armorica , peopl'd , as som think , with britans long before ; either by guift of constantine the great , or else of maximus to those british forces which had serv'd them in forein wars ; to whom those also that miscarried not with the latter constantine at arles ; and lastly , these exiles driv'n out by saxons , fled for refuge . but the antient chronicles of those provinces attest thir coming thether to be then first when they fled the saxons , and indeed the name of britain in france is not read till after that time . yet how a sort of fugitives who had quitted without stroke thir own country , should so soon win another , appears not ; unless joyn'd to som party of thir own settl'd there before . vortiger nothing better'd by these calamities , grew at last so obdurat as to commit incest with his daughter , tempted or tempting him out of an ambition to the crown . for which beeing censur'd and condemn'd in a great synod of clercs , and laics , and partly for fear of the saxons , according to the counsel of his peers he retir'd into wales , and built him there a strong castle in radnorshire by the advice of ambrosius a young prophet , whom others call merlin . nevertheless faustus , who was the son thus incestuously begott'n under the instructions of german , or some of his disciples , for german was dead before , prov'd a religious man , and liv'd in devotion by the river remnis in clamorganshire . but the saxons , though finding it so easy to subdue the ile , with most of thir forces , uncertain for what cause , return'd home : when as the easiness of thir conquest might seem rather likely to have call'd in more . which makes more probable that which the british write of guortemir . for he coming to reigne , instead of his father depos'd for incest , is said to have thrice driv'n and beseig'd the saxons in the i le of taneth ; and when they issu'd out with powerful supplies sent from saxony , to have fought with them fowr other battells , wherof three are nam'd ; the first on the river darwent , the second at episford , wherin horsa the brother of hengist fell , and on the british part catigern the other son of vortiger . the third in a feild by stonar then call'd lapis tituli in tanct , where he beat them into thir ships that bore them home , glad to have so scap'd and not venturing to land again for years after . in the space wherof guortemir dying , commanded they should bury him in the port of stonar ; perswaded that his bones lying there would be terror enough to keep the saxons from ever landing in that place : they , saith ninnius , neglecting his command , buried him in lincoln . but concerning these times , antientest annals of the saxons relate in this manner . an. dom. in the year . hengist and horsa fought against vortigern , in a place called eglesthrip , now ailsford in kent ; where horsa lost his life , of whom horsted , the place of his burial , took name . after this first battel and the death of his brother , hengist with his son esca took on him kingly title , and peopl'd kent with jutes ; who also then or not long after possess'd the i le of wight , and part of hamshire lying opposite . an. dom. two years after in a fight at creganford , or craford , hengist and his son slew of the britans four cheif commanders , and as many thousand men : the rest in great disorder flying to london , with the total loss of kent . an. dom. and years passing between , he made new warr on the britans ; of whom in a battel at wippeds-fleot , princes were slain , and wipped the saxon earl , who left his name to that place , though not sufficient to direct us where it now stands . an. dom. his last encounter was at a place not mention'd , where he gave them such an overthrow , that flying in great fear they left the spoil of all to thir enemies . and these perhaps are the battells , according to nennius , fought by guortemir , though by these writers far differently related ; and happ'ning besides many other bickerings , in the space of years , as malmsbury reck'ns . nevertheless it plainly appears that the saxons , by whomsoever , were put to hard shifts , being all this while fought withall in kent , thir own allotted dwelling , and somtimes on the very edge of the sea , which the word wippeds-fleot seems to intimat . but guortemir now dead , and none of courage left to defend the land , vortigern either by the power of his faction , or by consent of all , reassumes the government : and hengist thus rid of his grand opposer , hearing gladly the restorement of his old favourer , returns again with great forces ; but to vortigern whom he well knew how to handle without warring , as to his son in law , now that the only author of dissention between them was remov'd by death , offers nothing but all terms of new league and amity . the king both for his wives sake and his own sottishness , consulting also with his peers not unlike himself , readily yeilds ; and the place of parly is agree'd on ; to which either side was to repair without weapons . hengist , whose meaning was not peace , but treachery , appointed his men to be secretly arm'd , and acquainted them to what intent . the watch-word was nemet eour saxes , that is , draw your daggers ; which they observing , when the britans were throughly heated with wine ( for the treaty it seems was not without cups ) and provok'd , as was plotted , by som affront , dispatch'd with those poniards every one his next man , to the number of . the cheif of those that could do ought against him either in counsel or in field . vortigern they only bound and kept in custody , untill he granted them for his ransome three provinces , which were called afterward essex , sussex , and middlesex . who thus dismist , retiring again to his solitary abode in the country of guorthigirniaun , so call'd by his name , from thence to the castle of his own building in north-wales , by the river tiebi ; and living there obscurely among his wives , was at length burnt in his towre by fire from heav'n at the praier , as some say , of german , but that coheres not ; as others , by ambrosius aurelian ; of whom as we have heard at first , he stood in great fear , and partly for that cause invited in the saxons . who whether by constraint or of thir own accord after much mischeif don , most of them returning back into thir own country , left a fair opportunity to the britans of avenging themselves the easier on those that staid behinde . repenting therefore , and with earnest supplication imploring divine help to prevent thir final rooting out , they gather from all parts , and under the leading of ambrosius aurelianus , a vertuous and modest man , the last heer of roman stock , advancing now onward against the late victors , defeat them in a memorable battell . common opinion , but grounded cheifly on the british fables , makes this ambrosius to be a younger son of that constantine , whose eldest , as we heard , was constance the monk : who both lost thir lives abroad usurping the empire . but the express words both of gildas and bede , assures us that the parents of this ambrosius having heer born regal dignity , were slain in these pictish wars and commotions in the iland . and if the fear of ambrose induc'd vortigern to call in the saxons , it seems vortigern usurp'd his right . i perceave not that nennius makes any difference between him and merlin : for that child without father that propheci'd to vortigern , he names not merlin but ambrose , makes him the son of a roman consul ; but conceal'd by his mother , as fearing that the king therfore sought his life ; yet the youth no sooner had confess'd his parentage , but vortigern either in reward of his predictions , or as his right , bestow'd upon him all the west of britain ; himself retiring to a solitary life . whose ever son he was , he was the first , according to surest authors , that led against the saxons , and overthrew them ; but whether before this time or after , none have writt'n . this is certain , that in a time when most of the saxon forces were departed home , the britans gather'd strength ; and either against those who were left remaining , or against thir whole powers , the second time returning obtain'd this victory . thus ambrose as cheif monarch of the i le succeeded vortigern ; to whose third son pascentius he permitted the rule of two regions in wales , buelth , and guorthigirniaun . in his daies , saith nennius , the saxons prevail'd not much : against whom arthur , as beeing then cheif general for the british kings , made great war ; but more renown'd in songs and romances , then in true stories . and the sequel it self declares as much . an. dom. for in the year . ella the saxon , with his three sons , cymen , pleting , and cissa , at a place in suffex call'd cymenshore , arrive in three ships , kill many of the britans , chasing them that remain'd into the wood andreds league . an. dom. another battell was fought at mercreds-burnamsted , wherin ella had by far the victory ; but huntingdon makes it so doubtful , that the saxons were constrain'd to send home for supplies . an. dom. four year after dy'd hengist the first saxon king of kent ; noted to have attain'd that dignity by craft , as much as valour , and giving scope to his own cruel nature , rather then proceeding by mildness or civility . his son oeric surnam'd oisc , of whom the kentish kings were call'd oiscings , succeeded him , and sate content with his fathers winnings ; more desirous to settle and defend , then to enlarge his bounds : he reign'd years . by this time ella and his son cissa , beseiging andredchester , an. dom. suppos'd now to be newenden in kent , take it by force , and all within it put to the sword. thus ella years after the death of hengist , began his kingdome of the south-saxons ; peopling it with new inhabitants , from the country which was then old saxony , at this day holstein in denmark , and had besides at his command all those provinces which the saxons had won on this side humber . animated with these good successes , as if britain were become now the field of fortune , kerdic another saxon prince , the tenth by linage from woden an old and practis'd souldier , who in many prosperous conflicts against the enemy in those parts , an. dom. had nurs'd up a spirit too big to live at home with equals , coming to a certain place which from thence took the name of kerdic-shoar , with ships , and kenric his son , the very same day overthrew the britans that oppos'd him ; and so effectually , that smaller skirmishes after that day were sufficient to drive them still furder off , leaving him a large territory . an. dom. after him porta another saxon with his two sons bida and megla , in two ships arrive at portsmouth thence call'd ; and at thir landing slew a young british nobleman , with many others who unadvisedly set upon them . an. dom. the britans to recover what they had lost , draw together all thir forces led by natanleod , or nazaleod , a certain king in britain , and the greatest saith one ; but him with of his men kerdic puts to rout and slaies . from whence the place in hantshire , as far as kerdicsford , now chardford , was call'd of old nazaleod . who this king should be , hath bred much question ; som think it to be the british name of ambrose ; others to be the right name of his brother , who for the terror of his eagerness in fight , became more known by the sirname of vther , which in the welch tongue signifies dreadful . and if ever such a king in britain there were as vther pendragon , for so also the monmouth book surnames him , this in all likelyhood must be he . kerdic by so great a blow giv'n to the britans had made large room about him ; not only for the men he brought with him , but for such also of his friends , as he desir'd to make great ; for which cause , and withall the more to strengthen himself , an. dom. his two nefews stuf , and withgar , in vessels bring him new levies to kerdic shoar . who that they might not come sluggishly to possess what others had won for them , either by thir own seeking , or by appointment , are set in place where they could not but at thir first coming give a proof of themselves upon the enemy : and so well they did it , that the britans after a hard encounter left them maisters of the field . and about the same time , ella the first south-saxon king dy'd ; whom cissa his youngest succeeded ; the other two failing before him . nor can it be much more or less then about this time , for it was before the west-saxon kingdome , that vffa the th . from woden made himself king of the east-angles ; who by thir name testifie the country above mention'd ; from whence they came in such multitudes , that thir native soil is said to have remain'd in the daies of beda uninhabited . huntingdon deferrs the time of thir coming in , to the ninth year of kerdic's reigne : for saith he , at first many of them strove for principality , seising every one his province , and for som while so continu'd making petty warrs among themselves ; till in the end vffa , of whom those kings were call'd vffings , overtop'd them all in the year , then titilus his son , the father of redwald , who became potent . and not much after the east-angles , began also the east-saxons to erect a kingdom under sleda the tenth from woden . but huntingdon , as before , will have it later by years , and erchenwin to be the first king. an. dom. kerdic the same in power , though not so fond of title , forbore the name years after his arrival ; but then founded so firmly the kingdome of west-saxons , that it subjected all the rest at length , and became the sole monarchie of england . the same year he had a victory against the britans at kerdics-ford ford , by the river aven : an. dom. and after years , another great fight at kerdics leage , but which won the day is not by any set down . hitherto hath bin collected what there is of certainty with circumstance of time and place to be found register'd , and no more then barely register'd in annals of best note ; without describing after huntingdon the manner of those battels and encounters , which they who compare , and can judge of books , may be confident he never found in any current author whom he had to follow . but this disease hath bin incident to many more historians : and the age wherof we now write , hath had the ill hap , more then any since the first fabulous times , to be surcharg'd with all the idle fancies of posterity . yet that we may not rely altogether on saxon relaters , gildas , in antiquity far before these , and every way more credible , speaks of these wars in such a manner , though nothing conceited of the british valour , as declares the saxons in his time and before to have bin foyl'd not seldomer then the britans . for besides that first victory of ambrose , and the interchangeable success long after , he tells that the last overthrow which they receav'd at badon hill , was not the least ; which they in thir oldest annals mention not at all . and because the time of this battell , by any who could do more then guess , is not set down , or any foundation giv'n from whence to draw a solid compute , it cannot be much wide to insert it in this place . for such authors as we have to follow , give the conduct and praise of this exploit to arthur ; and that this was the last of great battells which he fought victoriously against the saxons . the several places writt'n by nennius in thir welch names , were many hunder'd years ago unknown , and so heer omitted . but who arthur was , and whether every any such reign'd in britain , hath bin doubted heertofore , and may again with good reason . for the monk of malmsbury , and others whose credit hath sway'd most with the learneder sort , we may well perceave to have known no more of this arthur years past , nor of his doeings , then we now living ; and what they had to say , transcrib'd out of nennius , a very trivial writer yet extant , which hath already bin related . or out of a british book , the same which he of monmouth set forth , utterly unknown to the world , till more then years after the dayes of arthur , of whom ( as sigebert in his chronicle confesses ) all other histories were silent , both foren and domestic , except only that fabulous book . others of later time have sought to assert him by old legends and cathedrall regests . but he who can accept of legends for good story , may quickly swell a volume with trash , and had need be furnish'd with two only necessaries , leasure , and beleif , whether it be the writer , or he that shall read . as to artur , no less is in doubt who was his father ; for if it be true as nennius or his notist avers , that artur was call'd mab-vther , that is to say , a cruel son , for the fierseness that men saw in him of a child , and the intent of his name arturus imports as much , it might well be that som in after ages who sought to turn him into a fable , wrested the word vther into a proper name , and so fain'd him the son of vther ; since we read not in any certain story , that ever such person liv'd , till geffry of monmouth set him off with the sirname of pendragon . and as we doubted of his parentage , so may we also of his puissance ; for whether that victory at badon hill were his or no , is uncertain ; gildas not naming him , as he did ambrose in the former . next , if it be true as caradoc relates , that melvas king of that country which is now summerset , kept from him gueniver his wife a whole year in the town of glaston , and restor'd her at the entreaty of gildas , rather then for any enforcement , that artur with all his chivalry could make against a small town defended only by a moory situation ; had either his knowledge in war , or the force he had to make , bin answerable to the fame they bear , that petty king had neither dar'd such an affront , nor he bin so long , and at last without effect , in revenging it . considering lastly how the saxons gain'd upon him every where all the time of his suppos'd reign , which began , as som write , in the tenth year of kerdic , who wrung from him by long warr the countries of summerset , and hamshire ; there will remain neither place nor circumstance in story , an. dom. which may administer any likelyhood of those great acts that are ascrib'd him . this only is alleg'd by nennius in arturs behalf , that the saxons , though vanquish't never so oft , grew still more numerous upon him by continual supplies out of germany . and the truth is , that valour may be over-toil'd , and overcom at last with endless overcoming . but as for this battell of mount badon where the saxons were hemm'd in , or beseig'd , whether by artur won , or whensoever , it seems indeed to have giv'n a most undoubted and important blow to the saxons , and to have stop'd thir proceedings for a good while after . gildas himself witnessing that the britans having thus compel'd them to sit down with peace , fell thereupon to civil discord among themselves . which words may seem to let in som light toward the searching out when this battell was fought . and we shall find no time since the first saxon war , from whence a longer peace ensu'd , then from the fight at kerdics leage in the year . which all the chronicles mention , without victory to kerdic ; and give us argument from the custome they have of magnifying thir own deeds upon all occasions , to presume heer his ill speeding . and if we look still onward , eev'n to the th year after , wherin gildas wrote , if his obscureutterance be understood , we shall meet with very little war between the britans and saxons . this only remains difficult , that the victory first won by ambrose , was not so long before this at badon seige , but that the same men living might be eye-witnesses of both ; and by this rate hardly can the latter be thought won by artur , unless we reck'n him a grown youth at least in the daies of ambrose , and much more then a youth , if malmsbury be heard , who affirms all the exploits of ambrose , to have bin don cheifly by artur as his general , which will add much unbeleif to the common assertion of his reigning after ambrose and vther , especially the fight at badon , being the last of his twelve battels . but to prove by that which follows , that the fight at kerdics leage , though it differ in name from that of badon , may be thought the same by all effects ; kerdic years after , an. dom. not proceeding onward , as his manner was , on the continent , turns back his forces on the i le of wight ; which with the slaying of a few only in withgarburgh , he soon maisters ; and not long surviving , left it to his nefews by the mothers side , stuff and withgar ; an. dom. the rest of what he had subdu'd , kenric his son held ; an. dom. and reign'd years , in whose tenth year withgar was buried in the town of that iland which bore his name . notwithstanding all these unlikelyhoods of artur's reign and great acheivments , in a narration crept in i know not how among the laws of edward the confessor , artur the famous king of britans , is said not only to have expell'd hence the saracens , who were not then known in europe , but to have conquer'd freesland , and all the north east iles as far as russia , to have made lapland the eastern bound of his empire , and norway the chamber of britain . when should this be done ? from the saxons , till after twelve battells , he had no rest at home ; after those , the britans contented with the quiet they had from thir saxon enemies , were so far from seeking conquests abroad , that , by report of gildas above cited , they fell to civil wars at home . surely artur much better had made war in old saxony , to repress thir flowing hither , then to have won kingdoms as far as russia , scarce able heer to defend his own . buchanan our neighbour historian reprehends him of monmouth and others for fabling in the deeds of arms , yet what he writes thereof himself , as of better credit , shews not whence he had but from those fables ; which he seems content to believe in part , on condition that the scots and picts may be thought to have assisted arthur in all his wars , and atchievments ; whereof appears as little grownd by any credible story , as of that which he most counts fabulous . but not furder to contest about such uncertainties . an. dom. in the year . ida the saxon , sprung also from woden in the tenth degree , began the kingdome of bernicia in northumberland ; built the town bebbanburg , which was after wall'd ; and had sons , half by wives , and half by concubines . hengist by leave of vortigern , we may remember , had sent octa and ebissa to seek them seats in the north , and there by warring on the picts , to secure the southern parts . which they so prudently effected , that what by force and fair proceeding , they well quioted those countries ; and though so far distant from kent , nor without power in thir hands , yet kept themselves nigh years within moderation ; and as inferiour governors , they and their off-spring gave obedience to the kings of kent , as to the elder family . till at length following the example of that age ; when no less then kingdoms were the prize of every fortunat commander , they thought it but reason , as well as others of thir nation , to assume royalty . of whom ida was the first , a man in the prime of his years , and of parentage as we heard ; but how he came to wear the crown , aspiring or by free choise , is not said . certain enough it is , that his vertues , made him not less noble then his birth , in war undaunted , and unfoil'd ; in peace tempring the aw of magistracy , with a naturall mildness he raign'd about years . an. dom. in the mean while kenric in a fight at searesbirig , now salsbury , kil'd and put to flight many of the britans ; an. dom. and the fourth year after at beranvirig , now banbury , as some think , with keaulin his son put them again to flight . keaulin shortly after succeeded his father in the west-saxons . and alla descended also of woden , an. dom. but by another line , set up a second kingdom in deira the south part of northumberland , and held it years ; while adda the son of ida , and five more after him reign'd without other memory in bernicia : and in kent , ethelbert the next year began . an. dom. for esca the son of hengist had left otha , and he emeric to rule after him ; both which without adding to their bounds , kept what they had in peace years . but ethelbert in length of reign equal'd both his progenitors , and as beda counts , years exceeded . young at his first entrance , and unexperienc'd , he was the first raiser of civill war among the saxons ; claiming from the priority of time wherin hengist took possession here , a kind of right over the later kingdomes ; and thereupon was troublesome to thir confines : but by them twise defeated , he who but now thought to seem dreadfull , became almost contemptible . for keaulin and cutha his son , an. dom. persuing him into his own territory , slew there in battel , at wibbandun of his earls , oslac , and cnebban . by this means the britans , but cheifly by this victory at badon , for the space of years ending in , receav'd no great annoyance from the saxons : but the peace they enjoy'd , by ill using it , prov'd more destructive to them then war. for being rais'd on a sudden by two such eminent successes , from the lowest condition of thraldome , they whose eyes had beheld both those deliverances , that by ambrose , and this at badon , were taught by the experience of either fortune , both kings , magistrates , priests , and privat men , to live orderly . but when the next age , unacquainted with past evils , and only sensible of thir present ease and quiet , succeeded , strait follow'd the apparent subversion of all truth , and justice , in the minds of most men : scarse the lest footstep , or impression of goodness left remaining through all ranks and degrees in the land ; except in some so very few , as to be hardly visible in a general corruption : which grew in short space not only manifest , but odious to all the neighbour nations . and first thir kings , among whom also , the sons or grand-children of ambrose , were fouly degenerated to all tyranny and vitious life . wherof to hear som particulars out of gildas will not be impertinent . they avenge , saith he , and they protect ; not the innocent , but the guilty : they swear oft , but perjure ; they wage war , but civil and unjust war. they punish rigorously them that rob by the high way ; but those grand robbers that sit with them at table , they honour and reward . they give alms largly , but in the face of thir alms-deeds , pile up wickedness to a far higher heap . they sit in the seat of judgment , but goe seldome by the rule of right ; neglecting and proudly overlooking the modest and harmless ; but countenancing the audacious , though guilty of abominablest crimes ; they stuff thir prisons , but with men committed rather by circumvention , then any just cause . nothing better were the clergy , but at the same pass or rather worse , then when the saxons came first in ; unlerned , unapprehensive , yet impudent ; suttle prowlers , pastors in name , but indeed wolves ; intent upon all occasions , not to feed the flock , but to pamper and well line themselves : not call'd , but seising on the ministry as a trade , not as a spiritual charge : teaching the people , not by sound doctrin , but by evil example : usurping the chair of peter , but through the blindness of thir own worldly lusts , they stumble upon the seat of judas : deadly haters of truth , broachers of lies : looking on the poor christian with eyes of pride and contempt ; but fawning on the wickedest rich men without shame : great promoters of other mens alms with thir set exhortations ; but themselves contributing ever least ; slightly touching the many vices of the age , but preaching without end thir own greivances , as don to christ ; seeking after preferments and degrees in the church more then after heav'n ; and so gain'd , make it thir whole study how to keep them by any tyranny . yet lest they should be thought things of no use in thir eminent places , they have thir niceties and trivial points to keep in aw the superstitious multitude ; but in true saving knowledge leave them still as gross and stupid as themselves ; bunglers at the scripture , nay forbidding and silencing them that know ; but in worldly matters , practis'd and cunning shifters ; in that only art and symony , great clercs and maisters , bearing thir heads high , but thir thoughts abject and low . he taxes them also as gluttonous , incontinent , and daily drunkards . and what shouldst thou expect from these , poor laity , so he goes on , these beasts , all belly ? shall these amend thee , who are themselves laborious in evil doings ? shalt thou see with their eyes , who see right forward nothing but gain ? leave them rather , as bids our saviour , lest ye fall both blind-fold into the same perdition . are all thus ? perhaps not all , or not so grosly . but what avail'd it eli to be himself blameless , while he conniv'd at others that were abominable ? who of them hath bin envi'd for his better life ? who of them hath hated to consort with these , or withstood thir entring the ministry , or endeavour'd zealously thir casting out ? yet som of these perhaps by others are legended for great saints . this was the state of goverment , this of religion among the britans , in that long calm of peace , which the fight at badon hill had brought forth . wherby it came to pass , that so fair a victory came to nothing . towns and citties were not reinhabited , but lay ruin'd and wast ; nor was it long ere domestic war breaking out , wasted them more . for britain , as at other times , had then also several kings . five of whom gildas living then in armorica , at a safe distance , boldly reproves by name ; first constantine ( fabl'd the son of cador , duke of cornwall , arturs half brother by the mothers side ) who then reign'd in cornwall and devon , a tyrannical and bloody king , polluted also with many adulteries : he got into his power , two young princes of the blood royal , uncertain whether before him in right , or otherwise suspected : and after solemn oath giv'n of thir safety the year that gildas wrote , slew them with thir two governours in the church , and in thir mothers arms , through the abbots coap , which he had thrown over them , thinking by the revernce of his vesture to have withheld the murderer . these are commonly suppos'd to be the sons of mordred , arturs nefew , said to have revolted from his uncle , giv'n him in a battel his deaths wound , and by him after to have bin slain . which things were they true , would much diminish the blame of cruelty in constantine , revenging artur on the sons of so false a mordred . in another part , but not express'd where , aurelius conanus was king : him he charges also with adulteries , and parricide ; cruelties worse then the former ; to be a hater of his countries peace , thirsting after civil war and prey . his condition it seems was not very prosperous ; for gildas wishes him , being now left alone , like a tree withering in the midst of a barren field , to remember the vanity , and arrogance of his father , and elder brethren , who came all to untimely death in thir youth . the third reigning in demetia , or south wales , was vortipor , the son of a good father ; he was when gildas wrote , grown old , not in years only , but in adulteries , and in governing full of falshood , and cruel actions . in his latter dales , putting away his wife , who dy'd in divorce , he became , if we mistake not gildas , incestuous with his daughter . the fourth was cuneglas , imbru'd in civil war ; he also had divorc'd his wife , and tak'n her sister , who had vow'd widdowhood : he was a great enemy to the clergy , high-minded , and trusting to his wealth . the last , but greatest of all in power , was maglocune , and greatest also in wickedness ; he had driv'n out or slain many other kings , or tyrants ; and was called the island dragon , perhaps having his seat in anglesey ; a profuse giver , a great warrior , and of a goodly stature . while he was yet young , he over-threw his uncle , though in the head of a compleat army , and took from him the kingdom : then touch't with remorse of his doings , not without deliberation took upon him the profession of a monk ; but soon forsook his vow , and his wife also , which for that vow he had left , making love to the wife of his brothers son then living . who not refusing the offer , if she were not rather the first that entic'd , found means both to dispatch her own husband , and the former wife of maglocune , to make her marriage with him the more unquestionable . neither did he this for want of better instructions , having had the learnedest and wisest man reputed of all britain , the instituter of his youth . thus much , the utmost that can be learnt by truer story , of what past among the britans from the time of their useless victory at badon , to the time that gildas wrote , that is to say , as may be guess't , from to , is here set down altogether ; not to be reduc't under any certainty of years . but now the saxons , who for the most part all this while had bin still , unless among themselves , began afresh to assault them , and ere long to drive them out of all which they yet maintain'd on this side wales . an. dom. for cuthulf the brother of reaulin , by a victory obtain'd at bedanford , now bedford , took from them good towns , liganburgh , eglesburh , besington , now benson in oxfordshire , and ignesham ; but outliv'd not many months his good success . and after years more , keaulin , and cuthwin his son , an. dom. gave them a great overthrow at deorrham in glostershire , slew three of thir kings , comail , condidan , and farinmaile , and took three of thir cheif citties ; glocester , cirencester , and badencester . an. dom. the britans notwithstanding , after some space of time , judging to have out-grown thir losses , gather to a head , and encounter keaulin with cutha his son , at fethanleage ; whom valiantly fighting , they slew among the thickest , and as is said , forc'd the saxons to retire . but keaulin reinforcing the fight , put them to a main rout , and following his advantage , took many towns , and return'd lad'n with rich booty . the last of those saxons who rais'd thir own acheivments to a monarchy , was crida , much about this time , first founder of the mercian kingdom , drawing also his pedigree from woden . of whom all to write the several genealogies , though it might be done without long search , were , in my opinion , to encumber the story with a sort of barbarous names , to little purpose . this may suffice , that of wodens sons , from the eldest issu'd hengist , and his succession ; from the second , the kings of mercia ; from the third , all that reign'd in west-saxon , and most of the northumbers , of whom alla was one , the first king of deira ; which , after his death , the race of ida seis'd , and made it one kingdom , with bernicia , usurping on the childhood of edwin , alla's son. whom ethelric the son of ida expel'd . an. dom. notwithstanding others write of him ; that from a poor life , and beyond hope in his old age , coming to the crown , he could hardly by the access of a kingdom , have overcome his former obscurity , had not the fame of his son preserv'd him . an. dom. once more the britans , ere they quitted all on this side the mountains , forgot not to shew some manhood ; for meeting keaulin at wodens beorth , an. dom. that is to say , wodens mount in wiltshire , whether it were by thir own forces , or assisted by the angles , whose hatred keaulin had incurr'd , they ruin'd his whole army , and chas'd him out of his kingdom , from whence flying , he dy'd the next year in poverty ; who a little before , was the most potent and indeed sole king of all the saxons on this side humber . but who was cheif among the britans in this exploit , had bin worth remembring , whether it were maglocune , of whose prowess hath bin spok'n , or tendric king of glamorgan , whom the regest of landaff recounts to have bin alwaies victorious in fight ; to have reign'd about this time , and at length to have exchang'd his crown for a hermitage ; till in the aid of his son mouric , whom the saxons had reduc'd to extremes , taking armes again , he defeated them at tinterne by the river wye ; but himself receav'd a mortal wound . the same year with keaulin , whom keola the son of cuthulf , keaulins brother succeeded , an. dom. crida also the mercian king deceas'd , in whose room wibba succeeded ; and in northumberland , ethelfrid , in the room of ethelric ; reigning years . thus omitting fables , we have the veiw of what with reason can be rely'd on for truth , don in britain , since the romans forsook it . wherin we have heard the many miseries and desolations , brought by divine hand on a perverse nation ; driv'n , when nothing else would reform them , out of a fair country , into a mountanous and barren corner , by strangers and pagans . so much more tolerable in the eye of heav'n is infidelity profess't , then christian faith and religion dishonoured by unchristian works . yet they also at length renounc'd thir heathenism ; which how it came to pass , will be the matter next related . the end of the third book . the history of britain . the fourth book . the saxons grown up now to absolute kingdoms , and the latest of them establish'd by succession , finding thir power arrive well nigh at the utmost of what was to be gain'd upon the britans , and as little fearing to be displanted by them , had time now to survey at leasure one anothers greatness . which quickly bred among them , either envy , or mutual jealousies ; till the west kingdom at length grown over powerful , put an end to all the rest . mean while , above others , ethelbert of kent , who by this time had well rip'nd his young ambition , with more ability of years and experience in war , what before he attempted to his loss , now successfully attains ; and by degrees brought all the other monarchies between kent and humber , to be at his devotion . to which design the kingdom of west-saxons , being the firmest of them all , at that time sore shak'n by thir over-throw at wodens-beorth , and the death of keaulin , gave him no doubt a main advantage ; the rest yeilded not subjection , but as he earn'd it by continual victories . and to win him the more regard abroad , he marries bertha the french kings daughter , though a christian , and with this condition , to have the free exercise of her faith , under the care and instruction of letardus a bishop , sent by her parents along with her ; the king notwithstanding and his people retaining thir own religion . beda out of gildas laies it sadly to the britans charge , that they never would voutsafe thir saxon neighbours the means of conversion : but how far to blame they were , and what hope there was of converting in the midst of so much hostility , at least falshood from thir first arrival , is not now easie to determin . howbeit not long after , they had the christian faith preach't to them by a nation more remote , and ( as a report went , accounted old in bedas time ) upon this occasion . the northumbrians had a custom at that time , and many hunder'd yeares after not abolish't , to sell thir childern for a small value into any foren land. of which number , two comly youths were brought to rome , whose fair and honest countnances invited gregory arch-deacon of that citty , among others that beheld them , pittying thir condition , to demand whence they were ; it was answer'd by som who stood by , that they were angli of the province deira , subjects to alla king of northumberland , and by religion pagans . which last gregory deploring , fram'd on a sudden this allusion to the three names he heard ; that the angli so like to angels should be snatch't de ira , that is , from the wrath of god , to sing haleluia : and forthwith obtaining licence of benedic the pope , had come and preach't heer among them , had not the roman people , whose love endur'd not the absence of so vigilant a pastor over them , recall'd him then on his journey , though but deferr'd his pious intention . an. dom. for a while after , succeeding in the papal seat , and now in his fourth year , admonisht , saith beda , by divine instinct , he sent augustine whom he had design'd for bishop of the english nation , and other zealous monks with him , to preach to them the gospel . who being now on thir way , discouraged by some reports , or thir own carnal fear , sent back austin , in the name of all , to beseech gregory they might return home , and not be sent a journey so full of hazard , to a fierce and infidel nation , whose tongue they understood not . gregory with pious and apostolic perswasions exhorts them not to shrink back frō so good a work , but cheerfully to go on in the strength of divine assistance . the letter it self yet extant among our writers of ecclesiastic story , i omit heer , as not professing to relate of those matters more then what mixes aptly with civil affairs . the abbot austin , for so he was ordain'd over the rest , reincourag'd by the exhortations of gregory , and his fellows by the letter which he brought them , came safe to the i le of tanet , an. dom. in number about , besides some of the french nation whom they took along as interpreters . ethelbert the king , to whom austin at his landing had sent a new and wondrous message , that he came from rome to proffer heav'n and eternal happiness in the knowledge of another god then the saxons knew , appoints them to remain where they landed , and necessaries to be provided them , consulting in the mean time what was to be done . and after certain days coming into the iland , chose a place to meet them under the open sky , possest with an old perswasion , that all spells , if they should use any to deceive him , so it were not within doors , would be unavailable . they on the other side call'd to his presence , advancing for thir standard , a silver cross , and the painted image of our saviour , came slowly forward singing the solemn litanies : which wrought in ethelbert more suspition perhaps that they us'd enchantments ; till sitting down as the king will'd them , they there preach'd to him , and all in that assembly , the tidings of salvation . whom having heard attentively , the king thus answer'd . fair indeed and ample are the promises which ye bring , and such things as have the appearance in them of much good ; yet such as being new and uncertain , i cannot hastily assent to , quitting the religion which from my ancestors , with all the english nation , so many years i have retain'd . nevertheless because ye are strangers , and have endur'd so long a journey , to impart us the knowledge of things , which i perswade me you believe to be the truest and the best , ye may be sure we shall not recompence you with any molestation , but shall provide rather how we may friendliest entertain ye ; nor do we forbid whom ye can by preaching gain to your belief . and accordingly thir residence he allotted them in doroverne or canturbury his chief citty , and made provision for thir maintenance , with free leave to preach their doctrine where they pleased . by which , and by the example of thir holy life , spent in prayer , fasting , and continual labour in the conversion of souls , they won many ; on whose bounty and the kings , receiving only what was necessary , they subsisted . there stood without the citty , on the east-side , an ancient church built in honour of st. martin , while yet the romans remain'd heer : in which bertha the queen went out usually to pray : heer they also began first to preach , baptize , and openly to exercise divine worship . an. dom. but when the king himself convinc't by thir good life & miracles , became christian , and was baptized , which came to pass in the very first year of thir arrival , then multitudes daily , conforming to thir prince , thought it honour to be reckon'd among those of his faith . to whom ethelbert indeed principally shewed his favour , but compell'd none . for so he had bin taught by them who were both the instructors and the authors of his faith , that christian religion ought to be voluntary , not compell'd . about this time kelwulf the son of cutha keaulins brother reign'd over the west-saxons , after his brother keola or kelric , and had continual war either with english , welch , picts , or scots . an. dom. but austin , whom with his fellows , ethelbert now had endow'd with a better place for thir abode in the citty , and other possessions necessary to livelihood , crossing into france , was by the archbishop of arles , at the appointment of pope gregory , ordain'd archbishop of the english : and returning , sent to rome laurence and peter , two of his associates , to acquaint the pope of his good success in england , and to be resolv'd of certain theological , or rather levitical questions : with answers to which , not proper in this place , gregory sends also to the great work of converting , that went on so happily , a supply of labourers , mellitus , justus , paulinus , rufinian , and many others ; who what they were , may be guess't by the stuff which they brought with them , vessels and vestments for the altar , coaps , reliques , and for the archbishop austin a pall to say mass in : to such a rank superstition that age was grown , though some of them yet retaining an emulation of apostolic zeal : lastly , to ethelbert they brought a letter with many presents . austin thus exalted to archiepiscopal authority , recover'd from the ruins and other profane uses , a christian church in canturbury built of old by the romans ; which he dedicated by the name of christs church , and joyning to it built a seat for himself and his successors ; a monastery also neer the citty eastward , where ethelbert at his motion built st. peters , and enrich't it with great endowments , to be a place of burial for the archbishops and kings of kent : so quickly they step't up into fellowship of pomp with kings . while thus ethelbert and his people had thir minds intent , ethelfrid the northumbrian king , was not less bufied in far different affairs : for being altogether warlike , and covetous of fame , he more wasted the britans then any saxon king before him ; winning from them large territories , which either he made tributary , or planted with his own subjects . an. dom. whence edan king of those scots that dwelt in britain , jealous of his successes , came against him with a mighty army , to a place call'd degsastan ; but in the fight loosing most of his men , himself with a few escap'd : only theobald the kings brother , and the whole wing which he commanded , unfortunately cut off , made the victory to ethelfrid less intire . yet from that time no king of scots in hostile manner durst pass into britain for a hunderd and more years after : and what some years before , kelwulf the west-saxon is annal'd to have done against the scots and picts , passing through the land of ethelfrid a king so potent , unless in his aid and alliance , is not likely . buchanan writes as if ethelfrid , assisted by keaulin whom he mis-titles king of east-saxons , had before this time a battel with aidan , wherein cutha keaulins son was slain . but cutha , as is above written from better authority , was slain in fight against the welch years before . an. dom. the number of christians began now to increase so fast , that augustine ordaining bishops under him , two of his assistants mellitus and justus , sent them out both to the work of thir ministry . and mellitus by preaching converted the east-saxons , over whom sebert the son of sleda , by permission of ethelbert , being born of his sister ricula , then reign'd . whose conversion ethelbert to gratulate , built them the great church of st. paul in london to be their bishops cathedral ; as justus also had his built at rochester , and both gifted by the same king with fair possessions . hitherto austin laboured well among infidels , but not with like commendation soon after among christians . for by means of ethelbert summoning the britan bishops to a place on the edge of worcestershire , call'd from that time augustines oke , he requires them to conform with him in the same day of celebrating easter , and many other points wherein they differ'd from the rites of rome : which when they refus'd to do , not prevailing by dispute , he appeals to a miracle , restoring to sight a blind man whom the britans could not cure . at this something mov'd , though not minded to recede from thir own opinions without furder consultation , they request a second meeting : to which came seven britan bishops , with many other lerned men , especially from the famous monastery of bangor , in which were said to be so many monks , living all by thir own labour , that being divided under seven rectors , none had fewer then . one man there was who staid behind , a hermit by the life he led , who by his wisdom effected more then all the rest who went : being demanded , for they held him as an oracle , how they might know austin to be a man from god , that they might follow him , he answer'd , that if they found him meek and humble , they should be taught by him , for it was likeliest to be the yoke of christ , both what he bore himself , and would have them bear ; but if he bore himself proudly , that they should not regard him , for he was then certainly not of god. they took his advice , and hasted to the place of meeting . whom austin being already there before them , neither arose to meet , nor receiv'd in any brotherly sort , but sat all the while pontifically in his chair . whereat the britans , as they were counsel'd by the holy man , neglected him , and neither hark'n'd to his proposals of conformity , nor would acknowledge him for an archbishop : and in name of the rest , dinothus then abbot of bangor , is said , thus sagely to have answer'd him . as to the subjection which you require , be thus perswaded of us , that in the bond of love and charity we are all subjects and servants to the church of god , yea to the pope of rome , and every good christian to help them forward , both by word and deed , to be the childern of god : other obedience then this we know not to be due to him whom you term the pope ; and this obedience we are ready to give both to him and to every christian continually . besides , we are govern'd under god by the bishop of caerleon , who is to oversee us in spiritual matters . to which austin thus presaging , some say menacing , replies , since ye refuse to accept of peace with your brethren , ye shall have war from your enemies ; and since ye will not with us preach the word of life , to whom ye ought , from their hands ye shall receive death . this , though writers agree not whether austin spake it as his prophecy , or as his plot against the britans , fell out accordingly . for many years were not past , when ethelfrid , whether of his own accord , an. dom. or at the request of ethelbert incens't by austin , with a powerful host came to westchester , then caer-legion . where being met by the british forces , and both sides in readiness to give the onset , he discernes a company of men , not habited for war , standing together in a place of some safety ; and by them a squadron arm'd . whom having lernt upon some enquiry to be priests and monks , assembl'd thither after three days fasting , to pray for the good success of thir forces against him , therefore they first , faith he , shall feel our swords ; for they who pray against us , fight heaviest against us by thir prayers , and are our dangerousest enemies . and with that turns his first charge upon the monks : brocmail the captain set to guard them , quickly turns his back , and leaves above monks to a sudden massacher , whereof scarse fifty scap'd , but not so easie work found ethelfrid against another part of britans that stood in arms , whom though at last he overthrew , yet with slaughter nigh as great to his own souldiers . to excuse austin of this bloodshed , lest some might think it his revengeful policy , beda writes that he was dead long before , although if the time of his sitting archbishop be right computed sixteen years , he must survive this action . other just ground of charging him with this imputatión appears not , save what evidently we have from geffry monmouth , whose weight we know . the same year kelwulf made war on the south-saxons , bloody , saith huntingdon , to both sides , but most to them of the south : an. dom. and four years after dying left the government of west-saxons to kinegils and cuichelm the sons of his brother keola . others , as florent of worster and mathew of westminster , will have cuichelm son of kinegils , but admitted to reign with his father , an. dom. in whose third year they are recorded with joynt forces or conduct to have fought against the britans in beandune , now bindon in dorsetshire , an. dom. and to have slain of them above two thousand . more memorable was the second year following , by the death of ethelbert the first christian king of saxons , and no less a favourer of all civility in that rude age . he gave laws and statutes after the example of roman emperors , written with the advice of his sagest counsellors , but in the english tongue , and observ'd long after . wherein his special care was to punish those who had stoln ought from church or church-man , thereby shewing how gratefully he receiv'd at thir hands the christian faith. which , he no sooner dead , but his son eadbald took the course as fast to extinguish ; not only falling back to heathenism , but that which heathenism was wont to abhor , marrying his fathers second wife . then soon was perceiv'd what multitudes for fear or countenance of the king had profess't christianity , returning now as eagerly to thir old religion . nor staid the apostacy within one province , but quickly spread over to the east-saxons ; occasion'd there likewise , or set forward by the death of thir christian king sebert : whose three sons , of whom two are nam'd sexted and seward , neither in his life time would be brought to baptism , and after his decease re-establish'd the free exercise of idolatry ; nor so content , they set themselves in despight to do some op'n profanation against the other sacrament . coming therfore into the church , where mellitus the bishop was ministring , they requir'd him in abuse and scorn to deliver to them unbaptiz'd the consecrated bread ; and him refuseing , drove disgracefully out of their dominion . who cross'd forthwith into kent , where things were in the same plight , and thence into france , with justus bishop of rochester . but divine vengeance deferr'd not long the punishment of men so impious ; for eadbald , vext with an evil spirit , fell oft'n into foul fits of distraction ; and the sons of sebert , in a fight against the west-saxons perish'd , with their whole army . but eadbald , within the year , by an extraordinary means became penitent . for when laurence the archbishop and successor of austin was preparing to ship for france , after justus and mellitus , the story goes , if it be worth beleeving , that st. peter , in whose church he spent the night before in watching and praying , appear'd to him , and to make the vision more sensible , gave him many stripes for offering to desert his flock ; at sight whereof the king ( to whom next morning he shew'd the marks of what he had suffer'd , by whom and for what cause ) relenting and in great fear dissolv'd his incestuous marriage , and appli'd himself to the christian faith more sincerely then before , with all his people . but the londoners addicted still to paganism , would not be perswaded to receave again mellitus thir bishop , and to compell them was not in his power . an. dom. thus much through all the south was troubl'd in religion , as much were the north parts disquieted through ambition . for ethelfrid of bernicia , as was touch't before , having thrown edwin out of deira , and join'd that kingdome to his own , not content to have bereav'd him of his right , whose known vertues and high parts gave cause of suspition to his enemies , sends messengers to demand him of redwald king of east-angles ; under whose protection , after many years wandring obscurely through all the iland , he had plac'd his safety . redwald , though having promis'd all defence to edwin as to his suppliant , yet tempted with continual and large offers of gold , and not contemning the puissance of ethelfrid , yeilded at length , either to dispatch him , or to give him into thir hands : but earnestly exhorted by his wife , not to betray the faith and inviolable law of hospitality and refuge giv'n , preferrs his first promise as the more religious , nor only resuses to deliver him ; but since war was thereupon denounc't , determins to be beforehand with the danger ; and with a sudden army rais'd , surprises ethelfrid , little dreaming an invasion , and in a fight near to the east-side of the river idle , on the mercian border , now nottinghamshire , slaies him , dissipating easily those few forces which he had got to march out over-hastily with him ; who yet as a testimony of his fortune , not his valour to be blam'd , slew first with his own hands , reiner the kings son. his two sons oswald , and oswi , by acca , edwins sister , escap'd into scotland . by this victory , redwald became so far superior to the other saxon kings , that beda reck'ns him the next after ella and ethelbert ; who besides this conquest of the north , had likewise all on the hitherside humber at his obedience . he had formerly in kent receav'd baptism , but coming home and perswaded by his wife , who still it seems , was his chief counseller to good or bad alike , relaps'd into his old religion ; yet not willing to forgoe his new , thought it not the worst way , lest perhaps he might err in either , for more assurance to keep them both ; and in the same temple erected one altar to christ , another to his idols . but edwin , as with more deliberation he undertook , and with more sincerity retain'd the christian profession , so also in power and extent of dominion far exceeded all before him ; subdueing all , saith beda , english or british , eev'n to the iles , then call'd mevanian , anglesey , and man ; setl'd in his kingdome by redwald , he sought in mariage edelburga , whom others call tate , the daughter of ethelbert . to whose embassadors , eadbald her brother made answer , that to wed thir daughter to a pagan , was not the christian law. edwin repli'd , that to her religion he would be no hindrance , which with her whole houshold she might freely exercise . and moreover , that if examin'd it were found the better , he would imbrace it . an. dom. these ingenuous offers , op'ning so fair a way to the advancement of truth , are accepted , and paulinus as a spiritual guardian sent along with the virgin. he being to that purpose made bishop by justus , omitted no occasion to plant the gospel in those parts , an. dom. but with small success , till the next year , cuichelm , at that time one of the two west-saxon kings , envious of the greatness which he saw edwin growing up to , sent privily eumerus a hir'd sword-man to assassin him ; who under pretence of doing a message from his master , with a poison'd weapon , stabs at edwin , conferring with him in his house , by the river derwent in yorkeshire , on an easter-day ; which lilla one of the kings attendants , at the instant perceaving , with a loyalty that stood not then to deliberate , abandon'd his whole body to the blow ; which notwithstanding made passage through to the kings person , with a wound not to be slighted . the murderer encompass'd now with swords , and desperate , fore-revenges his own fall with the death of another , whom his poinard reach'd home . paulinus omitting no opportunity to win the king from misbeleef , obtain'd at length this promise from him ; that if christ , whom he so magnifi'd , would give him to recover of his wound , and victory of his enemies who had thus assaulted him , he would then become christian , in pledge whereof he gave his young daughter eanfled to be bred up in religion ; who with others of his family , on the day of pentecost was baptiz'd . and by that time well recover'd of his wound ; to punish the authors of so foul a fact , he went with an army against the west-saxons : whom having quell'd by war , and of such as had conspir'd against him , put some to death , others pardon'd , he return'd home victorious , and from that time worship'd no more his idols , yet ventur'd not rashly into baptism , but first took care to be instructed rightly , what he learnt , examining and still considering with himself and others , whom he held wisest ; though boniface the pope , by large letters of exhortation , both to him and his queen , was not wanting to quicken his beleef . but while he still deferr'd , and his deferring might seem now to have past the maturity of wisedome to a faulty lingring , paulinus by revelation , as was beleev'd , coming to the knowledge of a secret , which befell him strangly in the time of his troubles , on a certain day went in boldly to him , and laying his right hand on the head of the king , ask'd him if he rememberd what that sign meant ; the king trembling , and in a maze riseing up , strait fell at his feet . behold , saith paulinus , raising him from the ground ; god hath deliver'd you from your enemies , and giv'n you the kingdome , as you desir'd : perform now what long since you promis'd him , to receave his doctrine which i now bring you , and the faith , which if you accept , shall to your temporal felicity , add eternal . the promise claim'd of him by paulinus , how and wherefore made , though savouring much of legend , is thus related . redwald , as we heard before , dazl'd with the gold of ethelfrid , or by his threatning over-aw'd , having promis'd to yeild up edwin , one of his faithfull companions , of which he had some few with him in the court of redwald , that never shrunk from his adversity , about the first howr of night comes in hast to his chamber , and calling him forth for better secrecy , reveles to him his danger , offers him his aid to make escape ; but that course not approv'd , and seeming dishonourable without more manifest cause to begin , distrust towards one who had so long bin his only refuge , the friend departs . edwin left alone without the palace gate , full of sadness and perplext thoughts , discerns about the dead of night , a man neither by countnance nor by habit to him known , approaching towards him . who after salutation , ask'd him why at this howr , when all others were at rest , he alone so sadly sat waking on a cold stone ? edwin not a little misdoubting who he might be , ask'd him again , what his sitting within dores , or without , concern'd him to know ? to whom he again , think not that who thou art , or why sitting heer , or what danger hangs over thee , is to me unknown : but what would you promise to that man , who ever would befriend you out of all these troubles , and perswade redwald to the like ? all that i am able answer'd edwin . and he , what if the same man should promise to make you greater then any english king hath bin before you ? i should not doubt , quoth edwin , to be answerably gratefull . and what if to all this he would inform you , said the other , in a way to happiness , beyond what any of your ancestors hath known ? would you hark'n to his counsel ? edwin without stopping promis'd he would . and the other laying his right hand on edwins head , when this sign , saith he , shall next befall yee , remember this time of night , and this discourse , to perform what thou hast promis'd , and with these words disappeering , left edwin much reviv'd , but not less fill'd with wonder , who this unknown should be . when suddenly the friend who had bin gon all this while to list'n furder what was like to be decree'd of edwin , comes back and joyfully bids him rise to his repose , for that the kings mind , though for a while drawn aside , was now fully resolv'd not only not to betray him , but to defend him against all enemies , as he had promis'd . this was said to be the cause why edwin admonish't by the bishop of a sign which had befaln him so strangely , and as he thought so secretly , arose to him with that reverence and amazement , as to one sent from heav'n , to claim that promise of him which he perceav'd well was due to a divinepower , that had assisted him in his troubles . to paulinus therefore he makes answer , that the christian beleef he himself ought by promise , and intended to receave ; but would conferr first with his cheif peers and counsellers , that if they likewise could be won , all at once might be baptiz'd . they therfore being ask'd in counsel what thir opinion was concerning this new doctrine , and well perceaving which way the king enclin'd , every one thereafter shap'd his reply . the cheif-preist speaking first , discover'd an old grudge he had against his gods , for advancing others in the kings favour above him thir cheif preist : another hiding his court-compliance with a grave sentence , commended the choise of certain before uncertain , upon due examination ; to like purpose answer'd all the rest of his sages , none op'nly dissenting from what was likely to be the kings creed : wheras the preaching of paulinus could work no such effect upon them , toiling till that time without success . whereupon edwin renouncing heathenism , became christian : and the pagan preist , offring himself freely to demolish the altars of his former gods , made some amends for his teaching to adore them . an. dom. with edwin , his two sons osfrid and eanfrid , born to him by quenburga , daughter , as saith beda , of kearle king of mercia , in the time of his banishment , and with them most of the people , both nobles and commons , easily converted , were baptiz'd ; he with his whole family at york , in a church hastily built up of wood , the multitude most part in rivers . northumberland thus christ'nd , paulinus crossing humber , converted also the province of lindsey , and blecca the governour of lincoln , with his houshold and most of that city ; wherin he built a church of stone , curiously wrought , but of small continuance ; for the roof in bedas time , uncertain whether by neglect or enemies , was down ; the walls only standing . mean while in mercia , kearle a kinsman of wibba , saith huntingdon , not a son , having long withheld the kingdome from penda wibba's son , left it now at length to the fiftieth year of his age : with whom kinegils and cuichelm , the west-saxon kings , an. dom. two year after , having by that time it seems recover'd strength , since the inrode made upon them by edwin , fought at cirencester , then made truce . but edwin seeking every way to propagate the faith , which with so much deliberation he had receav'd , persuaded eorpwald the son of redwald , king of east-angles , to imbrace the same beleef ; an. dom. willingly or in aw , is not known , retaining under edwin the name only of a king. but eorpwald not long surviv'd his conversion , slain in fight by ricbert a pagan : wherby the people having lightly follow'd the religion of thir king , as lightly fell back to thir old superstitions for above years after : edwin in the mean while , to his faith adding vertue , by the due administration of justice wrought such peace over all his territories , that from sea to sea , man or woman might have travail'd in safety . his care also was of fountains by the way side , to make them fittest for the use of travellers . and not unmindful of regal state , whether in war or peace , he had a royal banner carried before him . but having reign'd with much honour years , he was at length by kedwalla , or cadwallon , king of the britans , who with aid of the mercian penda , had rebell'd against him , slain in a battel with his son osfrid , at a place call'd hethseild , and his whole army overthrown or disperst in the year . and the th of his age , an. dom. in the eye of man worthy a more peacefull end . his head brought to york , was there buried in the church by him begun . sad was this overthrow , both to church and state of the northumbrians : for penda being a heathen , and the british king , though in name a christian , yet in deeds more bloody then the pagan , nothing was omitted of barbarous cruelty in the slaughter of sex or age ; kedwalla threatning to root out the whole nation , though then newly christian . for the britans , and , as beda saith , eev'n to his dayes , accounted saxon christianity no better then paganism , and with them held as little communion . from these calamities no refuge being left but flight , paulinus taking with him ethilburga the queen and her children , aided by bassus , one of edwins captains , made escape by sea to eadbald king of kent : who receaving his sister with all kindness , made paulinus bishop of rochester , where he ended his days . after edwin , the kingdom of northumberland became divided as before , each rightfull heir seising his part ; in deira osric , the son of elfric , edwins uncle , by profession a christian , and baptiz'd by paulinus ; in bernicia , eanfrid , the son of ethelfrid ; who all the time of edwin , with his brother oswald , and many of the young nobility , liv'd in scotland exil'd , and had bin there taught and baptiz'd . no sooner had they gott'n each a kingdom , but both turn'd recreant , sliding back into their old religion ; and both were the same year slain ; osric by a sudden eruption of kedwalla , whom he in a strong town had unadvisedly beseig'd ; eanfrid seeking peace , and inconsideratly with a few surrendring himself . kedwalla now rang'd at will through both those provinces , useing cruelly his conquest ; when oswald the brother of eanfrid with a small but christian army , an. dom. unexpectedly coming on , defeated and destroy'd both him and his huge forces , which he boasted to be invincible , by a little river running into tine , neer the antient roman wall then call'd denisburn , the place afterwards heav'n field , from the cross reported miraculous for cures , which oswald there erected before the battail , in tok'n of his faith against the great number of his enemies . obtaining the kingdom , he took care to instruct again the people in christianity . sending therfore to the scotish elders , beda so terms them , among whom he had receav'd baptism , requested of them som faithfull teacher , who might again settle religion in his realm , which the late troubles had impar'd ; they as readily hearkning to his request , send aidan a scotch monk and bishop , but of singular zeal and meekness , with others to assist him , whom at thir own desire he seated in lindisfarne , as the episcopal seat , now holy iland : and being the son of ethelfrid , by the sister of edwin , as right heir , others failing , easily reduc'd both kingdoms of northumberland as before into one ; nor of edwins dominion lost any part , but enlarg'd it rather ; over all the fowr british nations , angles , britans , picts and scots , exerciseing regall authority . of his devotion , humility , and almes-deeds , much is spok'n ; that he disdain'd not to be the interpreter of aidan , preaching in scotch or bad english , to his nobles and houshold servants ; and had the poor continually serv'd at his gate , after the promiscuous manner of those times : his meaning might be upright , but the manner more antient of privat or of church contribution , is doubtless more evangelical . about this time , the west-saxons , an. dom. antiently call'd gevissi , by the preaching of berinus , a bishop , whom pope honorius had sent , were converted to the faith with kinegils thir king : him oswald receav'd out of the font , an. dom. and his daughter in mariage . the next year cuichelm was baptiz'd in dorchester , but liv'd not to the years end . the east-angles also this year were reclaim'd to the faith of christ , which for som years past they had thrown off . but sigbert the brother of eorpwald now succeeded in that kingdom , prais'd for a most christian and learned man : who while his brother yet reign'd , living in france an exile , for some displeasure conceav'd against him by redwald his father , lern'd there the christian faith ; and reigning soon after , in the same instructed his people , by the preaching of felix a burgundian bishop . an. dom. in the year . eadbald deceasing , left to ercombert his son by emma the french kings daughter , the kingdom of kent ; recorded the first of english kings , who commanded through his limits the destroying of idols ; laudably , if all idols without exception , and the first to have establisht lent among us , under strict penalty , not worth remembring , but only to inform us , that no lent was observ'd heer till his time by compulsion : especially being noted by some to have fraudulently usurp'd upon his elder brother ermenred , whose right was precedent to the crown . an. dom. oswald having reign'd years , worthy also as might seem of longer life , fell into the same fate with edwin , and from the same hand , in a great battel overcom and slain by penda , at a place call'd maserfeild , now oswestre , in shropshire , miraculous , as saith beda , after his death . his brother oswi succeeded him ; reigning , though in much trouble , years ; oppos'd either by penda , or his own son alfred , or his brothers son ethilwald . an. dom. next year kinegils the west-saxon dying , left his son kenwalk in his stead , though as yet unconverted . about this time sigebert , king of east-angles , having lernt in france , ere his coming to reign , the manner of thir schools , with the assistance of some teachers out of kent , instituted a school heer after the same discipline , thought to be the university of cambridge then first founded : and at length weary of his kingly office , betook him to a monastical life ; commending the care of government to his kinsman egric , who had sustain'd with him part of that burden before . it happen'd some years after , that penda made war on the east-angles : they expecting a sharp encounter , besought sigebert , whom they esteem'd an expert leader , with his presence to confirm the souldiery : and him refuseing carried by force out of the monastery into the camp ; where acting the monk rather then the captain , with a single wand in his hand , he was slain with egric , and his whole army put to flight . anna of the royal stock , as next in right , succeeded ; and hath the praise of a vertuous and most christian prince . an. dom. but kenwalk the west-saxon having maried the daughter of penda , and divorc't her , was by him with more appearance of a just cause vanquisht in fight , and depriv'd of his crown : whence retiring to anna king of the east-angles , after three years abode in his court , he there became christian , an. dom. and afterwards regain'd his kingdom . oswi in the former years of his reign , had sharer with him , oswin nephew of edwin , who rul'd in deira years , commended much for his zeal in religion , and for comliness of person , with other princely qualities , belov'd of all . notwithstanding which , dissentions growing between them , it came to armes . oswin seeing himself much exceeded in numbers , thought it more prudence , dismissing his army , to reserve himself for some better occasion . but committing his person with one faithfull attendant to the loyalty of hunwald an earl , his imagin'd friend , he was by him treacherously discoverd , and by command of oswi slain . an. dom. after whom within days , and for greif of him whose death he foretold , dy'd bishop aidan , famous for his charity , meekness , and labour in the gospel . the fact of oswi was detestable to all ; which therfore to expiate , a monastery was built in the place where it was don , and prayers there daily offerd up for the souls of both kings , the slain and the slayer . kenwalk by this time reinstall'd in his kingdom , kept it long , but with various fortune ; for beda relates him oft-times afflicted by his enemies with great losses : an. dom. and in . by the annals , fought a battel ( civil war ethelwerd calls it ) at bradanford by the river afene ; against whom , and for what cause , or who had the victory , they write not . camden names the place bradford in wiltshire , by the river avon , and cuthred his neer kinsman , against whom he fought , but cites no autority ; certain it is , that kenwalk fowr years before had giv'n large possessions to his nephew cuthred , the more unlikely therefore now to have rebell'd . an. dom. the next year peada , whom his father penda , though a heathen , had for his princely vertues made prince of middle-angles , belonging to the mercians , was with that people converted to the faith. for coming to oswi with request to have in mariage alf●eda his daughter , he was deni'd her but on condition , that he with all his people should receave christianity . heering therefore not unwillingly what was preach't to him of resurrection and eternal life , much persuaded also by alfrid the kings son , who had his sister kyniburg to wife , he easily assented , for the truths sake only as he profess'd , whether he obtain'd the virgin or no , and was baptiz'd with all his followers . returning , he took with him fowr presbyters to teach the people of his province ; who by thir daily preaching won many . neither did penda , though himself no beleever , prohibit any in his kingdome to heer to beleeve the gospel , but rather hated and despis'd those , who professing to beleeve , atested not thir faith by good works ; condemning them for miserable and justly to be despis'd , who obey not that god in whom they choose to beleeve . how well might penda this heathen rise up in judgment against many pretending christians , both of his own and these daies ! yet being a man bred up to war ( as no less were others then reigning , and oft-times one against another , though both christians ) he warr'd on anna , an. dom. king of the east-angles , perhaps without cause , for anna was esteem'd a just man , and at length slew him . about this time the east-saxons , who as above hath bin said , had expell'd thir bishop mellitus , and renounc'd the faith , were by the means of oswi thus reconverted . sigebert surnam'd the small , being the son of seward , without other memory of his reign , left his son king of that province , after him sigebert the second , who coming oft'n to visit oswi his great friend , was by him at several times fervently disuaded from idolatry , and convinc't at length to forsake it , was there baptiz'd ; on his return home taking with him kedda a laborious preacher , afterwards made bishop ; by whose teaching with some help of others , the people were again recoverd from misbeleef . but sigebert some years after , though standing fast in religion , was by the conspiracy of two brethren in place neer about him , wickedly murder'd ; who being ask'd what mov'd them to do a deed so hainous , gave no other then this barbarous answer ; that they were angry with him for being so gentle to his enemies , as to forgive them thir injuries whenever they besought him . yet his death seems to have happ'nd not without some cause by him giv'n of divine displeasure . for one of those earls who slew him , living in unlawfull wedlock , and therfore excommunicated so severely by the bishop , that no man might presume to enter into his house , much less to sit at meat with him , the king not regarding this church censure , went to feast with him at his invitation . whom the bishop meeting in his return , though penitent for what he had don , and faln at his feet , touch'd with the rod in his hand , and angerly thus foretold : because thou hast neglected to abstain from the house of that excommunicate , in that house thou shalt die ; and so it fell out , perhaps from that prediction , god bearing witness to his minister in the power of church discipline , spiritually executed , not juridically on the contemner therof . an. dom. this year . prov'd fortunate to oswi , and fatal to penda , for oswi by the continual inrodes of penda , having long endur'd much devastation , to the endangering once by assault and fire bebbanburg , his strongest city , now bamborrow castle , unable to resist him , with many rich presents offerd to buy his peace . which not accepted by the pagan , who intended nothing but destruction to that king , though more then once in affinity with him , turning guifts into vows , he implores divine assistance , devoting , if he were deliverd from his enemy , a child of one year old , his daughter to be a nun , and portions of land wheron to build monasteries . his vows , as may be thought , found better success then his profferd guifts ; for heerupon with his son alfrid , gathering a small power , he encounterd and discomfited the mercians , times exceeding his in number , and led on by expert captains : at a place call'd loyden , now leeds in yorkeshire . besides this ethelwald , the son of oswald , who rul'd in deira , took part with the mercians , but in the fight withdrew his forces , and in a safe place expected the event : with which unseasonable retreat , the mercians perhaps terrifi'd and misdoubting more danger , fled ; thir commanders , with penda himself , most being slain , among whom edilhere the brother of anna , who rul'd after him the east-angles , and was the author of this war ; many more flying were drown'd in the river , which beda calls winwed , then swoln above her banks . the death of penda , who had bin the death of so many good kings , made generall rejoicing , as the song witness'd . at the river winwed , anna was aveng'd . to edelhere succeeded ethelwald his brother , in the east-angles ; to sigebert in the east-saxons , suidhelm the son of sexbald , saith bede , the brother of sigebert , saith malmsbury ; he was baptiz'd by kedda , then residing in the east-angles , and by ethelwald the king , receav'd out of the font. but oswi in the strength of his late victory , an. dom. within three years after subdu'd all mercia , and of the pictish nation greatest part , at which time he gave to peada his son in law the kingdome of south-mercia , divided from the northern by trent . an. dom. but peada the spring following , as was said , by the treason of his wife the daughter of oswi , married by him for a special christian , on the feast of faster , not protected by the holy time , was slain . the mercian nobles , immin , eaba , and eadbert , throwing off the government of oswi , set up wulser the other son of penda to be thir king , whom till then they had kept hid , and with him adherd to the christian faith. kenwalk the west-saxon , now settl'd at home , and desirous to enlarge his dominion , prepares against the britans , joins battel with them at pen in somerset-shire , and over coming persues them to pedridan . another fight he had with them before , at a place call'd witgeornesburg , barely mention'd by the monk of malmsbury . an. dom. nor was it long ere he fell at variance with wulser the son of penda , his old enemy , scarce yet warm in his throne , fought with him at possentesburg , on the easter holy-days , and as ethelwerd saith , took him prisner ; but the saxon annals , quite otherwise , that wulfer winning the field , wasted the west-saxon country as far as eskesdun ; nor staying there , took and wasted the i le of wight , but causing the inhabitants to be baptiz'd , till then unbeleevers , gave the iland to ethelwald king of south-saxons , whom he had receav'd out of the font. an. dom. the year . a synod of scotish and english bishops , in the presence of oswi and alfred his son , was held at a monastery in those parts , to debate on what day easter should be kept ; a controverfie which long before had disturb'd the greek and latin churches : wherin the scots not agreeing with the way of rome , nor yeilding to the disputants on that side , to whom the king most enclin'd , such as were bishops heer , resign'd , and return'd home with thir disciples . another clerical question was there also much controverted , not so superstitious in my opinion as ridiculous , about the right shaving of crowns . the same year was seen an eclips of the sun in may , followed by a sore pestilence beginning in the south , but spreading to the north , and over all ireland with great mortality . in which time the east-saxons after swithelms decease , being govern'd by siger the son of sigebert the small , and sebbi of seward , though both subject to the mercians . siger and his people unstedie of faith , supposing that this plague was come upon them for renouncing thir old religion , fell off the second time to infidelity . which the mercian king wulfer understanding , sent jarumannus a faithfull bishop , who with other his fellow labourers , by sound doctrin and gentle dealing , soon recur'd them of thir second relaps . in kent , ercombert expiring , was succeeded by his son ecbert . an. dom. in whose fowrth year , by means of theodore , a learned greekish monk of tarsus , whom pope vitalian had ordain'd archbishop of canterbury , the greek and latin tongue , with other liberal arts , arithmetic , music , astronomie , and the like ; began first to flourish among the saxons ; as did also the whole land , under potent and religious kings , more then ever before , as bede affirms , till his own days . an. dom. two years after , in northumberland dy'd oswi , much addicted to romish rites , and resolv'd , had his disease releas'd him , to have ended his days at rome : ecfrid the eldest of his sons begot in wedlock , succeeded him . an. dom. after other three years , ecbert in kent deceasing , left nothing memorable behind him , but the general suspition to have slain or conniv'd at the slaughter of his uncles two sons , elbert , and egelbright . in recompence wherof , he gave to the mother of them part of tanet , wherein to build an abbey ; the kingdom fell to his brother lothair . and much about this time , by best account it should be , however plac'd in beda , that ecfrid of northumberland , having war with the mercian wulfer , won from him lindsey , and the country thereabout . sebbi having reign'd over the east-saxons years , not long before his death , though long before desireing , took on him the habit of a monk ; and drew his wife at length , though unwilling , to the same devotion . kenwalk also dying , left the government to sexburga his wife , who out-liv'd him in it but one year , driv'n out , saith mat. west . by the nobles , disdaining female government . an. dom. after whom several petty kings , as beda calls them , for ten years space divided the west-saxons ; others name two , escwin the nephew of kinigils , and kentwin the son , not petty by thir deeds : for escwin fought a battell with wulfer , at bedanhafde , and about year a afboth deceas'd ; an. dom. but wulfer not without a stain left behind him , of selling the bishoprick of london , to wini the first simonist we read of in this story ; kenwalk had before expell'd him from his chair at winchester ; ethelred the brother of wulfer obtaining next the kingdom of mercia , not only recoverd lindsey , and what besides in those parts wulfer had lost to ecfrid some years before , but found himself strong enough to extend his armes another way , as far as kent , wasting that country without respect to church or monastery , much also endamaging the city of rochester : notwithstanding what resistance lothair could make against him . an. dom. in august . was seen a morning comet for months following , in manner of a fiery pillar . and the south-saxons about this time were converted to the christian faith , upon this occasion . wilsrid bishop of the northumbrians entring into contention with ecfrid the king , was by him depriv'd of his bishoprick , and long wandring up and down as far as rome , an. dom. return'd at length into england , but not dareing to approach the north , whence he was banish'd , bethought him where he might to best purpose elsewhere exercise his ministery . the south of all other saxons remain'd yet heathen ; but edilwalk thir king not long before had bin baptiz'd in mercia , persuaded by wulfer , and by him , as hath bin said , receav'd out of the font. for which relations sake he had the i le of wight , and a province of the meannari adjoining , giv'n him on the continent about meanesborow in hantshir , which wulfer had a little before gott'n from kenwalk . thether wilfrid takes his journey , and with the help of other spiritual labourers about him , in short time planted there the gospel . it had not rain'd , as is said , of three years before in that country , whence many of the people daily perish'd by famin ; till on the first day of thir public baptism , soft and plentifull showers descending , restor'd all abundance to the summer following . an. dom. two years after this , kentwin the other west-saxon king above-nam'd , chac'd the welch-britans , as is chronicl'd without circumstance , to the very sea shoar . an. dom. but in the year , by beda's reck'ning , , kedwalla a west-saxon of the royal line ( whom the welch will have to be cadwallader , last king of the britans ) thrown out by faction , return'd from banishment , and invaded both kentwin , if then living , or whoever else had divided the succession of kenwalk , slaying in fight edelwalk the south-saxon , who oppos'd him in their aid ; but soon after was repuls'd by two of his captains , bertune , and andune , who for a while held the province in thir power . but kedwalla gathering new force , with the slaughter of ber●une , an. dom. and also of edric the successor of edelwalk , won the kingdome . but reduc'd the people to heavy thraldome . then addressing to conquer the i le of wight , till that time pagan , saith beda ( others otherwise , as above hath bin related ) made a vow , though himself yet unbaptiz'd , to devote the fowrth part of that iland , and the spoils therof , to holy uses . conquest obtain'd , paying his vow as then was the beleef , he gave hi● fowrth to bishop wilsrid , by chance there present ; and he to bertwin a priest , his sisters son , with commission to baptise all the vanquisht , who meant to save thir lives . but the two young sons of arwald , king of that iland , met with much more hostility ; for they at the enemies approach flying out of the i le , and betray'd where they were hid not far from thence , were led to kedwalla , who lay then under cure of some wounds receav'd , and by his appointment , after instruction and baptism first giv'n them , harshly put to death , which the youths are said above thir age to have christianly sufferd . in kent , lothair dy'd this year of his wounds receav'd in fight against the south-saxons , led on by edric , who descending from ermenred , it seems challeng'd the crown ; and wore it , though not commendably , one year and a half : an. dom. but coming to a violent death , left the land expos'd a prey either to home-bred usurpers , or neighbouring invaders . among whom kedwalla , taking advantage from thir civil distempers , and marching easily through the south-saxons , whom he had subdu'd , sorely harrass'd the country , untouch'd of a long time by any hostile incursion . but the kentish men , all parties uniteing against a common enemy , with joint power so oppos'd him , that he was constrain'd to retire back ; his brother mollo in the flight with men of his company , seeking shelter in a house , was beset and therin burnt by the persuers : kedwalla much troubl'd at so great a loss , recalling and soon rallying his disorderd forces , return'd fiercely upon the chaseing enemy ; an. dom. nor could be got out of the province , till both by fire and sword , he had aveng'd the death of his brother . an. dom. at length victred the son of ecbert , attaining the kingdome , both settl'd at home all things in peace , and secur'd his borders from all outward hostility . while thus kedwalla disquieted both west and east , after his winning the crown , ecfrid the northumbrian , and ethelred the mercian , fought a sore battel by the river trent ; wherin elswin brother to ecfrid , a youth of years , much belov'd , was slain ; and the accident likely to occasion much more sheding of blood , peace was happily made by the grave exhortation of archbishop theodore , a pecuniary fine only paid to ecfrid , as some satisfaction for the loss of his brothers life . another adversity befell ecfrid in his family , by means of ethildrith his wife , king anna's daughter , who having tak'n him for hir husband , and professing to love him above all other men , persisted twelve years in the obstinat refusal of his bed , therby thinking to live the purer life . so perversly then was chastity instructed against the apostles rule . at length obtaining of him with much importunity her departure , she veild her self a nun , then made abbess of ely , dy'd years after the pestilence ; and might with better warrant have kept faithfully her undertak'n wedlock , though now canoniz'd st. audrey of ely. in the mean while ecfrid had sent bertus with a power to subdue ireland , a harmless nation , saith beda , and ever friendly to the english ; in both which they seem to have left a posterity much unlike them at this day : miserably wasted , without regard had to places hallow'd or profane , they betook them partly to thir weapons , partly to implore divine aid ; and , as was thought , obtain'd it in thir full avengement upon ecfrid . for he the next year , against the mind and persuasion of his sagest friends , and especially of cudbert a famous bishop of that age , marching unadvisedly against the picts , who long before had bin subject to northumberland , was by them feigning flight , drawn unawares into narrow streights overtopt with hills , and cut off with most of his army . from which time , saith bede , military valour began among the saxons to decay , nor only the picts till then peaceable , but some part of the britans also recover'd by armes thir liberty for many years after . yet aldfrid elder , but base brother to ecfrid , a man said to be learned in the scriptures , recall'd from ireland , to which place in his brothers reign he had retir'd , and now succeeding , upheld with much honour , though in narrower bounds , the residue of his kingdome . kedwalla having now with great disturbance of his neighbours reign'd over the west-saxons two years , besides what time he spent in gaining it , wearied perhaps with his own turbulence , went to rome , desirous there to receave baptism , which till then his worldly affairs had deferr'd , and accordingly , on easter day , . he was baptiz'd by sergius an. dom. the pope , and his name chang'd to peter . all which notwithstanding , surpris'd with a disease , he out-liv'd not the ceremony so far sought , much above the space of weeks , in the thirtieth year of his age , and in the church of st. peter was there buried , with a large epitaph upon his tomb. him succeeded ina of the royal family , and from the time of his coming in , for many years oppress'd the land with like greevances , as kedwalla had done before him , insomuch that in those times there was no bishop among them . his first expedition was into kent , to demand satisfaction for the burning of mollo : victred loth to hazard all for the rash act of a few , deliver'd up of those that could be found accessory , or as others say , pacifi'd ina with a great sum of money . mean while , at the incitement of ecbert , a devout monk , wilbrod a priest eminent for learning , past over sea , having others in company , with intent to preach the gospel in germany . and coming to ●epin cheif regent of the franks , who an. dom. a little before had conquer'd the hither frisia , by his countnance and protection , promise also of many benefits to them who should beleeve , they found the work of conversion much the easier , and wilbrod the first bishoprick in that nation . but two priests , each of them hewald by name , and for distinction surnam'd from the colour of thir hair , the black and the white , by his example , piously affected to the souls of thir country-men the old saxons , at thir coming thether to convert them met with much worse entertainment . for in the house of a farmer who had promis'd to convey them , as they desir'd , to the governour of that country , discoverd by thir daily ceremonies to be christian priests , and the cause of thir coming suspected , they were by him and his heathen neighbours cruelly butcherd ; yet not unaveng'd , for the governour enrag'd at such violence offerd to his strangers , sending armed men , slew all those inhabitants , and burnt thir village . an. dom. after three years in mercia , ostrid the queen , wife to ethelred , was kill'd by her own nobles , as beda's epitomy records ; florence calls them southimbrians , negligently omitting the cause of so strange a fact . an. dom. and the year following , bertred a northumbrian general was slain by the picts . an. dom. ethelred years after the violent death of his queen , put on the monk , and resign'd his kingdome to kenred the son of wulfer his brother . an. dom. the next year , aldfrid in northumberland dy'd , leaving osred a child of years to succeed him . an. dom. fowr years after which , kenred having a while with praise govern'd the mercian kingdome , went to rome in the time of pope constantine , and shorn a monk spent there the residue of his daies . kelred succeeded him , the son of ethelred , who had reign'd the next before . with kenred went offa the son of siger , king of east-saxons , and betook him to the same habit , leaving his wife and native country ; a comely person in the prime of his youth , much desir'd of the people ; and such his vertue by report , as might have otherwise bin worthy to have reign'd . an. dom. ina the west-saxon one year after fought a battell , at first doubtfull , at last successfull , against gerent king of wales . an. dom. the next year bertfrid , another northumbrian captain , fought with the picts , and slaughterd them , saith huntingdon , to the full avengment of ecfrids death . an. dom. the fowrth year after , ina had another doubtfull and cruell battel at wodnesburg in wiltshire , with kelred the mercian , who dy'd the year following a lamentable death : for as he sat one day feasting with his nobles , an. dom. suddenly possess'd with an evill spirit , he expir'd in despair , as boniface archbishop of ments , an english man , who taxes him for a defiler of nuns , writes by way of caution to ethelbald , his next of kin , who succeeded him . osred also the young northumbrian king , slain by his kindred in the . of his reign , for his vitious life and incest committed with nuns ; was by kenred fucceeded and aveng'd , he reigning two years left osric in his room . an. dom. in whose th year , if beda calculate right , victred king of kent deceas'd , having reign'd years , and some part of them with suebhard , as beda testifies , he left behind him three sons , ethelbert , eadbert , and alric his heirs . an. dom. three years after which , an. dom. appear'd two comets about the sun , terrible to behold , the one before him in the morning , the other after him in the evening , for the space of two weeks in january , bending thir blaze toward the north , at which time the saracens furiously invaded france , but were expell'd soon after with great overthrow . the same year in northumberland , osric dying or slain , adopted kelwulf the brother of kenred his successor , to whom beda dedicates his story ; but writes this only of him , that the beginning , and the process of his reign met with many adverse commotions , wherof the event was then doubtfully expected . mean while ina years before , having slain kenwuls , to whom florent gives the addition of clito , giv'n usually to none but of the blood royal , and the th . year after overthrown and slain albright another clito , driv'n from taunton to the south-saxons for aid , vanquish't also the east-angles in more then one battel , as malmsbury writes , but not the year , whether to expiate so much blood , or infected with the contagious humour of those times , malmsbury saith , at the persuasion of ethelburga his wife , went to rome , and there ended his dayes ; yet this praise left behind him , to have made good laws , the first of saxon that remain extant to this day , and to his kinsman edelard , bequeath'd the crown ; no less then the whole monarchy of england and wales . for ina , if we beleeve a digression in the laws of edward confessor , was the first king crown'd of english and british , since the saxons entrance ; of the british by means of his second wife , some way related to cadwallader last king of wales , which i had not noted being unlikely , but for the place where i found it . after ina , by a surer author , an. dom. ethelbald king of mercia commanded all the provinces on this side humber , with thir kings : the picts were in league with the english , the scots peaceable within thir bounds , and the britans part were in thir own goverment , part subject to the english . in which peacefull state of the land , many in northumberland , both nobles and commons , laying aside the exercise of armes , betook them to the cloister : and not content so to do at home , many in the days of ina , clerks and laics , men and woemen , hasting to rome in herds , thought themselves no where sure of eternal life , till they were cloisterd there . thus representing the state of things in this iland , beda surceas'd to write . out of whom cheifly hath bin gatherd , since the saxons arrival , such as hath bin deliverd , a scatterd story pickt out heer and there , with some trouble and tedious work from among his many legends of visions and miracles ; toward the latter end so bare of civill matters , as what can be thence collected may seem a calendar rather then a history , tak'n up for the most part with succession of kings , and computation of years , yet those hard to be reconcil'd with the saxon annals . thir actions we read of , were most commonly wars , but for what cause wag'd , or by what councells carried on , no care was had to let us know : wherby thir strength and violence we understand , of thir wisedom , reason , or justice , little or nothing , the rest superstition and monastical affectation ; kings one after another leaving thir kingly charge , to run thir heads fondly into a monks cowle : which leaves us uncertain , whether beda was wanting to his matter , or his matter to him . yet from hence to the danish invasion it will be worse with us , destitute of beda . left only to obscure and blockish chronicles ; whom malmsbury , and huntingdon , ( for neither they then we had better authors of those times ) ambitious to adorn the history , make no scruple oft-times , i doubt to interline with conjectures and surmises of thir own : them rather then imitate , i shall choose to represent the truth naked , though as lean as a plain journal . yet william of malmsbury must be acknowledg'd , both for stile and judgment , to be far the best writer of them all : but what labour is to be endur'd , turning over volumes of rubbish in the rest , florence of worster , huntingdon , simeon of durham , hoveden , mathew of westminster , and many others of obscurer note , with all thir monachisms , is a penance to think . yet these are our only registers , transcribers one after another for the most part , and somtimes worthy enough for the things they register . this travail rather then not know at once what may be known of our antient story , sifted from fables and impertinences , i voluntarily undergo ; and to save others , if they please the like unpleasing labour ; except those who take pleasure to be all thir life time , rakeing in the foundations of old abbies and cathedrals ; but to my task now as it befalls . an. dom. in the year . on the th . kalends of september , was an eclipse of the sun about the third howr of day , obscureing almost his whole orb as with a black sheild . ethelbald of mercia , beseig'd and took the castle or town of somerton : an. dom. and two years after , beda our historian dy'd , some say the year before . an. dom. kelwulf in northumberland three years after became monk in lindisfarne , yet none of the severest , for he brought those monks from milk and water , to wine and ale ; in which doctrin no doubt but they were soon docil , and well might , for kelwulf brought with him good provision , great treasure and revenues of land , recited by simeon , yet all under pretense of following ( i use the authors words ) poor christ , by voluntary poverty : no marvel then if such applause were giv'n by monkish writers to kings turning monks , and much cunning perhaps us'd to allure them . to eadbert his uncle , he left the kingdom , whose brother ecbert , archbishop of york built a library there . an. dom. but two years after , while eadbert was busied in war against the picts , ethelbald the mercian , by foul fraud , assaulted part of northumberland in his absence , as the supplement of beda's epitomy records . in the west-saxons , edelard who succeeded ina , having bin much molested in the beginning of his reign , with the rebellion of oswald his kinsman , who contended with him for the right of succession , overcoming at last those troubles , dy'd in peace , an. dom. leaving cuthred one of the same linage to succeed him : who at first had much war with ethelbald the mercian , and various success , but joyning with him in league two years after , an. dom. made war on the welch : huntingdon doubts not to give them a great victory . an. dom. and simeon reports , another battel fought between britans and picts the year ensueing . now was the kingdome of east-saxons drawing to a period , for sigeard and senfred the sons of sebbi having reign'd a while , and after them young offa , who soon quitted his kingdome to go to rome with kenred , as hath been said , the goverment was conferr'd on selred son of sigebert the good , who having rul'd years , came to a violent death ; an. dom. how or wherefore , is not set down . after whom swithred was the last king , driv'n out by ecbert the west-saxon : but london , with the countries adjacent , obey'd the mercians till they also were dissolv'd . cuthred had now reign'd about nine years , an. dom. when kuiric his son a valiant young prince , was in a military tumult slain by his own souldiers . the same year eadbert dying in kent , his brother edilbert reign'd in his stead . an. dom. but after two years , the other eadbert in northumberland , whose war with the picts hath bin above-mention'd , made now such progress there , as to subdue kyle , so saith the auctarie of bede , and other countries thereabout , to his dominion ; while cuthred the west-saxon had a fight with ethelhun , one of his nobles , a stout warrier , envi'd by him in some matter of the common-wealth , as far as by the latin of ethelward can be understood ( others interpret it sedition ) and with much ado overcoming , an. dom. took ethelhun for his valour into favour , by whom faithfully serv'd in the twelf or thirteenth of his reign , he encounter'd in a set battell with ethelbald the mercian at beorford , now burford in oxfordshire ; an. dom. one year after against the welch , which was the last but one of his life . huntingdon , as his manner is to comment upon the annal text , makes a terrible description of that fight between cuthred and ethelbald , and the prowess of ethelhun , at beorford , but so affectedly , and therfore suspiciously , that i hold it not worth rehersal ; and both in that and the latter conflict , gives victory to cuthred ; after whom sigebert , uncertain by what right , an. dom. his kinsman , saith florent , step'd into the throne , whom hated for his cruelty and other evil doings , kimwulf joining with most of the nobility , dispossess'd of all but hamshir , that province he lost also within a year , an. dom. together with the love of all those who till then remain'd his adherents , by slaying cumbran , one of his cheif captains , who for a long time had faithfully serv'd , and now disuaded him from incensing the people by such tyrannical practices . thence flying for safety into andreds wood , forsak'n of all , he was at length slain by the swine-heard of cumbran in revenge of his maister , and kinwulf who had undoubted right to the crown , joyfully saluted king. an. dom. the next year eadbert the northumbrian joining forces with vnust king of the picts , as simeon writes , beseig'd and took by surrender the city alcluith , now dunbritton in lennox , from the britans of cumberland ; and ten days after , the whole army perishd about niwanbirig , but to tell us how , he forgetts . in mercia , ethelbald was slain , at a place call'd secandune , an. dom. now seckinton in warwickshire , the year following , in a bloody fight against cuthred , as huntingdon surmises , but cuthred was dead two years before ; others write him murder'd in the night by his own guard , and the treason , as some say , of beornred , who succeeded him ; but ere many months , was defeated and slain by offa. yet ethelbald seems not without cause , after a long and prosperous reign , to have fall'n by a violent death ; not shameing on the vain confidence of his many alms , to commit uncleaness with consecrated nuns , besides laic adulteries , as the arch-bishop of ments in a letter taxes him and his predecessor , and that by his example most of his peers did the like ; which adulterous doings he foretold him were likely to produce a slothfull off-spring , good for nothing but to be the ruin of that kingdome , as it fell out not long after . an. dom. the next year osmund , according to florence , ruleing the south-saxons , and swithred the east , eadbert in northumberland , following the steps of his predecessor , got him into a monks hood ; the more to be wonder'd , that having reign'd worthily years , with the love and high estimation of all , both at home and abroad , able still to govern , and much entreated by the kings his neighbours , not to lay down his charge ; with offer on that condition to yeild up to him part of thir own dominion , he could not be mov'd from his resolution , but relinquish'd his royal office to oswulf his son ; an. dom. who at the years end , though without just cause , was slain by his own servants . and the year after dy'd ethelbert , son of victred , the second of that name in kent . an. dom. after oswulf , ethelwald , otherwise call'd mollo , was set up king ; who in his third year had a great battel at eldune , by melros , slew oswin a great lord , rebelling , and gain'd the victory . an. dom. but the third year after , fell by the treachery of alcred , who assum'd his place . an. dom. the fowrth year after which , cataracta an antient and fair city in yorkeshire , was burnt by arnred a certain tyrant , who the same year came to like end . an. dom. and after five years more , alfred the king depos'd and forsak'n of all his people , fled with a few , first to bebba , a strong city of those parts , thence to kinot king of the picts . ethelred the son of mollo , was crown'd in his stead . mean while offa the mercian , growing powerfull , had subdu'd a neighbouring people by simeon , call'd hestings ; and fought successfully this year with alric king of kent , at a place call'd occanford : the annals also speak of wondrous serpents then seen in sussex . nor had kinwulf the west-saxon giv'n small proof of his valour in several battels against the welch heretofore ; an. dom. but this year . meeting with offa , at a place call'd besington , was put to the worse , and offa won the town for which they contended . an. dom. in northumberland , ethelred having caus'd three of his nobles , aldwulf , kinwulf , and ecca , treacherously to be slain by two other peers , was himself the next year driv'n into banishment , elfwald the son of oswulf succeeding in his place , yet not without civil broils ; an. dom. for in his second year osbald and ethelheard , two noblemen , raising forces against him , routed bearne his general , and persueing , burnt him at a place call'd seletune . i am sensible how wearisom it may likely be to read of so many bare and reasonless actions , so many names of kings one after another , acting little more then mute persons in a scene : what would it be to have inserted the long bead-roll of archbishops , bishops , abbots , abbesses , and thir doeings , neither to religion profitable , nor to morality , swelling my authors each to a voluminous body , by me studiously omitted ; and left as their propriety , who have a mind to write the ecclesiastical matters of those ages ; neither do i care to wrincle the smoothness of history with rugged names of places unknown , better harp'd at in camden , and other chorographers . an. dom. six years therfore pass'd over in silence , as wholely of such argument , bring us to relate next the unfortunate end of kinwulf the west-saxon ; who having laudably reign'd about years , yet suspecting that kineard brother of sigebert the former king , intended to usurp the crown after his decease , or revenge his brothers expulsion , had commanded him into banishment ; but he lurking heer and there on the borders with a small company , having had intelligence that kenwulf was in the country thereabout , at merantun , or merton in surrey , at the house of a woeman whom he lov'd , went by night and beset the place . kenwulf over-confident either of his royal presence , or personal valour , issuing forth with the few about him , runs feirsly at kineard , and wounds him sore , but by his followers hem'd in , is kill'd among them . the report of so great an accident soon running to a place not far off , where many more attendants awaited the kings return , osric and wivert , two earles hasted with a great number to the house , where kineard and his fellows yet remain'd . he seeing himself surrounded , with fair words and promise of great guifts , attempted to appease them ; but those rejected with disdain , fights it out to the last , and is slain with all but one or two of his retinue , which were nigh a hunderd . kinwulf was succeeded by birthric , being both descended of kerdic the the founder of that kingdome . an. dom. not better was the end of elswald in northumberland , two years after slain miserably by the conspiracy of siggan , one of his nobles , others say of the whole people at scilcester by the roman wall ; yet undeservedly , as his sepulchre at hagustald , now hexham upon tine , and some miracles there said to be done , are alleg'd to witness ; and siggan years after laid violent hands on himself . osred son of alcred advanc't into the room of elfwald , and within one year driv'n out , left his seat vacant to ethelred son of mollo , who after ten years of banishment ( impris'nment , saith alcuin ) had the scepter put again into his hand : an. dom. the third year of birthric king of west-saxons , gave beginning from abroad to a new and fatal revolution of calamity on this land. for three danish ships , the first that had bin seen heer of that nation arriving in the west , to visit these , as was suppos'd , foren merchants , the kings gatherer of customes taking horse from dorchester , found them spies and enemies . for being commanded to come and give account of thir ladeing at the kings custome house , they slew him and all who came with him ; as an earnest of the many slaughters , rapines , and hostilities , which they return'd not long after to commit over all the iland . of this danish first arrival , and on a sudden worse then hostile aggression , the danish history far otherwise relates , as if thir landing had bin at the mouth of humber , and thir spoilfull march far into the country ; though soon repelld by the inhabitants , they hasted back as fast to thir ships : but from what cause , what reason of state , what authority or publick counsell the invasion proceeded , makes not mention , and our wonder yet the more , by telling us that sigefrid then king in denmarke , and long after , was a man studious more of peace and quiet then of warlike matters . these therefore seem rather to have bin some wanderers at sea , who with publick commission , or without , through love of spoil , or hatred of christianity , seeking booties on any land of christians , came by chance or weather on this shore . an. dom. the next year osred in northumberland , who driv'n out by his nobles had giv'n place to ethelred , was tak'n and forcibly shav'n a monk at yorke . an. dom. and the year after , oels , and oelswin , sons of elfwald , formerly king , were drawn by fair promises from the principal church of yorke , and after by command of ethelred , cruelly put to death at wonwaldremere , a village by the great pool in lancashire , now call'd winandermere . nor was the third year less bloody ; an. dom. for osred , who not likeing a shav'n crown , had desir'd banishment and obtain'd it , returning from the i le of man with small forces , at the secret but deceitfull call of certain nobles , who by oath had promis'd to assist him , was also tak'n , and by ethelred dealt with in the same manner ; who the better to avouch his cruelties , therupon married elfled the daughter of offa : for in offa was found as little faith or mercy . he the same year having drawn to his palace ethelbrite king of east-angles , with fair invitations to marry his daughter , caus'd him to be there inhospitably beheaded , and his kingdome wrongfully seis'd , by the wicked counsel of his wife , saith mat. west . annexing thereto a long unlikely tale. for which violence and bloodshed to make attonement , with fryers at lest , he bestows the reliques of st. alban , in a shrine of pearl and gold. an. dom. far worse it far'd the next year with the reliques in lindisfarne ; where the danes landing , pillag'd that monastery , and of fryers kill'd some , carried away others captive , sparing neither preist nor lay : which many strange thunders and fiery dragons , with other impressions in the air seen frequently before , were judg'd to foresignifie . this year alric third son of victred ended in kent his long reign of years : with him ended the race of hengist : thenceforth whomsoever wealth or faction advanc'd , took on him the name and state of a king. the saxon annals of . name ealmund then reigning in kent ; but that consists not with the time of alric , and i find him no where else mentiond . an. dom. the year following was remarkable for the death of offa the mercian , a strenuous and suttle king ; he had much intercourse with charles the great , at first enmity , to the interdicting of commerce on either side , at length much amity and firm league , as appears by the letter of charles himself yet extant , procur'd by alcuin a learned and prudent man , though a monk , whom the kings of england in those days had sent orator into france , to maintain good correspondence between them and charles the great . he granted , saith huntingdon , a perpetual tribute to the pope out of every house in his kingdome ; for yeilding perhaps to translate the primacy of canterbury to lichfeild in his own dominion . he drew a trench of wondrous length between mercia and the british confines , from sea to sea. ecferth the son of offa , a prince of great hope , who also had bin crown'd years before his fathers decease , restoring to the church what his father had seis'd on : yet within fowr months by a sickness ended his reign . and to kenulf next in right of the same progeny bequeath'd his kingdome . mean while the danish pirats who still wasted northumberland , ventring on shoar to spoil another monastery at the mouth of the river don , were assail'd by the english , thir cheif captain slain on the place ; then returning to sea , were most of them ship-wrack'd ; others driv'n again on shoar , were put all to the sword. simeon attributes this thir punishment to the power of st. cudbert , offended with them for the rifling of his covent . an. dom. two years after this , dy'd ethelred twice king , but not exempted at last from the fate of many his predecessors , miserably slain by his people , some say deservedly as not inconscious with them who train'd osred to his ruin . osbald a nobleman exalted to the throne , and in less then a month , deserted and expell'd , was forc'd to fly at last from lindisfarne by sea to the pictish king , and dy'd an abbot . eardulf whom ethelred six years before had commanded to be put to death at ripun , before the abbey-gate , dead as was suppos'd , and with solemn dirge carried into the church , after midnight found there alive , i read not how , then banish'd , now recall'd , was in yorke created king. in kent , ethelbert or pren , whom the annals call eadbright ( so different they often are one from another , both in timeing and in nameing ) by some means having usurp'd regal power , after two years reign contending with kenulf the mercian , was by him tak'n pris'ner , and soon after , out of pious commiseration let go : but not receav'd of his own , what became of him , malmsbury leaves in doubt . simeon writes , that kenulf commanded to put out his eyes , and lop off his hands ; but whether the sentence were executed or not , is left as much in doubt by his want of expression . an. dom. the second year after this , they in northumberland who had conspir'd against ethelred , now also raising war against eardulf , under wada thir cheif captain , after much havock on either side at langho , by whaley in lancashire , the conspirators at last flying , eardulf return'd with victory . the same year london , with a great multitude of her inhabitants , by a sudden fire was consum'd . an. dom. the year . made way for great alteration in england , uniting her seaven kingdoms into one , by echert the famous west-saxon ; him birthric dying childless left next to reign , the only surviver of that linage , descended from inegild the brother of king ina. and according to his birth liberally bred , he began early from his youth to give signal hopes of more then ordinary worth growing up in him ; which birthric fearing , and with all his juster title to the crown , secretly sought his life , and ecbert perceaving , fled to offa the mercian ▪ but he having married eadburg his daughter to birthric , easily gave ear to his embassadors ; coming to require ecbert , he again put to his shifts , escap'd thence into france ; but after three years banishment there , which perhaps contributed much to his education , charles the great then reigning , he was call'd over by the publick voice ( for birthric was newly dead ) and with general applause created king of west-saxons . the same day ethelmund at kinneresford , passing over with the worcestershire men , was met by weolstan another nobleman with those of wiltshire , between whom happ'nd a great fray , wherin the wiltshire men overcame , but both dukes were slain , no reason of thir quarrel writ'n ; such bickerings to recount , met oft'n in these our writers , what more worth is it then to chronicle the wars of kites , or crows , flocking and fighting in the air ? an. dom. the year following , eardulf the northumbrian , leading forth an army against kenulf the mercian , for harboring certain of his enemies , by the diligent mediation of other princes and prelats , armes were laid aside , and amity soon sworn between them . but eadburga the wife of birthric , a woeman every way wicked , in malice especially cruel , an. dom. could not or car'd not to appease the general hatred justly conceiv'd against her ; accustom'd in her husbands days to accuse any whom she spighted ; and not prevailing to his ruin , her practice was by poison secretly to contrive his death . it fortun'd that the king her husband , lighting on a cup which she had temperd , not for him , but for one of his great favourites , whom she could not harm by accuseing , sip'd therof only , and in a while after still pineing away , ended his days ; the favourite drinking deeper found speedier the operation . she fearing to be questiond for these facts , with what treasure she had , pass'd over-sea to charles the great , whom with rich guifts coming to his presence , the emperour courtly receav'd with this pleasant proposal : choose eadburga , which of us two thou wilt , me or my son ( for his son stood by him ) to be thy husband . she no dissembler of what she lik'd best , made easie answer . were it in my choise , i should choose of the two your son rather , as the younger man. to whom the emperour between jest and earnest , hadst thou chosen me , i had bestow'd on thee my son ; but since thou hast chos'n him , thou shalt have neither him nor me . nevertheless he assign'd her a rich monastery to dwell in as abbess ; for that life it may seem , she chose next to profess ; but being a while after detected of unchastity , with one of her followers , she was commanded to depart thence ; from that time wandring poorly up and down with one servant , in pavia a city of italy , she finish'd at last in beggery her shamefull life . an. dom. in the year . cuthred , whom kenuls the mercian had , instead of pren , made king in kent , having obscurely reign'd years , deceas'd . an. dom. in northumberland , eardulf the year following was driv'n out of his realm by alfwold , who reign'd two years in his room ; after whom eandred son of eardulf years ; an. dom. but i see not how this can stand with the sequel of story out of better authors : an. dom. much less that which buchanan relates , the year following , of acaius king of scots , who having reign'd years , and dying in , had formerly aided ( but in what year of his reign tells not ) hungus king of picts with scots , against athelstan a saxon or english-man , then wasting the pictish borders ; that hungus by the aid of those scots and the help of st. andrew thir patron , in a vision by night , and the appearance of his cross by day , routed the astonisht english , and slew athelstan in fight . who this athelstan was , i believe no man knows ; buchanan supposes him to have been some danish commander , on whom king alured , or alfred , had bestow'd northumberland ; but of this i find no footsteps in our antient writers ; and if any such thing were done in the time of alfred , it must be little less then . years after ; this athelstan therefore , and this great overthrow , seems rather to have bin the fancy of some legend then any warrantable record . mean while ecbert , having with much prudence , justice , and clemency , an. dom. a work of more then one year , establisht his kingdome and himself in the affections of his people , turns his first enterprise against the britans , both them of cornwal and those beyond seavern , subdueing both . in mercia , kenulf the th . year after , having reign'd with great praise of his religious mind and vertues both in peace and war , deceas'd . an. dom. his son kenelm , a child of seaven years , was committed to the care of his elder sister quendrid ; who with a female ambition aspiring to the crown , hir'd one who had the charge of his nurture , to murder him , led into a woody place upon pretence of hunting . the murder , as is reported , was miraculously reveal'd ; but to tell how , by a dove droping a writt'n note on the altar at rome , is a long story , told , though out of order , by malmsbury ; and under the year . by mat. west . where i leave it to be sought by such as are more credulous then i wish my readers . only the note was to this purpose . low in a mead of kine under a thorn , of head bereft li'th poor kenelm king-born . an. dom. keolwulf the brother of kenulf , after one years reign was driv'n out by one bernulf an usurper : who in his third year , an. dom. uncertain whether invading or invaded , was by ecbert , though with great loss on both sides , overthrown and put to flight at ellandune or wilton : yet malmsbury accounts this battel fought in , a wide difference , but frequently found in thir computations . bernulf thence retireing to the east-angles , as part of his dominion by the late seisure of offa , was by them met in the field and slain : but they doubting what the mercians might do in revenge hereof , forthwith yielded themselves both king and people to the sovrantie of ecbert . as for the kings of east-angles , our annals mention them not since ethelwald ; him succeeded his brothers sons , as we find in malmsbury , aldulf ( a good king , well acquainted with bede ) and elwold who left the kingdome to beorn , he to ethelred the father of ethelbrite , whom offa perfidiously put to death . simeon and hoveden , in the year . write that elfwald king of east-angles dying , humbeanna and albert shar'd the kingdom between them ; but where to insert this among the former successions is not easie , nor much material : after ethelbrite , none is nam'd of that kingdom till thir submitting now to ecbert : he from this victory against bernulf sent part of his army under ethelwulf his son , with alstan bishop of shirburn , and wulferd a chief commander , into kent . who finding baldred there reigning in his th . year , overcame and drove him over the thames ; whereupon all kent , surrey , sussex , and lastly essex , with her king swithred , became subject to the dominion of ecbert . neither were these all his exploits of this year , the first in order set down in saxon annals , being his fight against the devonshire welch , at a place call'd gasulford , now camelford in cornwal . an. dom. ludiken the mercian , after two years preparing to avenge bernulf his kinsman on the east-angles , was by them with his five consuls , as the annals call them , surpris'd and put to the sword : and withlaf his successor first vanquisht , then upon submission with all mercia , made tributary to ecbert . mean while the northumbrian kingdom of it self was fall'n to shivers ; thir kings one after another so oft'n slain by the people , no man dareing , though never so ambitious , to take up the scepter which many had found so hot , ( the only effectual cure of ambition that i have read ) for the space of years , after the death of ethelred son of mollo , as malmsbury writes , there was no king : many noblemen and prelats were fled the country . which mis-rule among them , the danes having understood , oft-times from thir ships entring far into the land , infested those parts with wide depopulations , wasting towns , churches , and monasteries , for they were yet heathen : the lent before whose coming , on the north-side of st. peters church in yorke , was seen from the roof to rain blood . the causes of these calamities , and the ruin of that kingdom , alcuin , a learned monk living in those days , attributes in several epistles , and well may , to the general ignorance and decay of lerning , which crept in among them after the death of beda , and of ecbert the archbishop ; thir neglect of breeding up youth in the scriptures , the spruce and gay apparel of thir preists and nuns , discovering thir vain and wanton minds , examples are also read , eev'n in beda's days , of thir wanton deeds : thence altars defil'd with perjuries , cloisters violated with adulteries , the land polluted with blood of thir princes , civil dissentions among the people , and finally all the same vices which gildas alledg'd of old to have ruin'd the britans . in this estate ecbert , who had now conquerd all the south , finding them in the year . an. dom. ( for he was march'd thether with an army to compleat his conquest of the whole iland ) no wonder if they submitted themselves to the yoke without resistance , eandred thir king becoming tributary . an. dom. thence turning his forces the year following , he subdu'd more throughly what remain'd of north-wales . the end of the fourth book . the history of britain . the fifth book . the sum of things in this iland , or the best part therof , reduc't now under the power of one man ; and him one of the worthiest , which , as far as can be found in good authors , was by none attain'd at any time heer before unless in fables ; men might with some reason have expected from such union , peace and plenty , greatness , and the flourishing of all estates and degrees : but far the contrary fell out soon after , invasion , spoil , desolation , slaughter of many , slavery of the rest , by the forcible landing of a fierce nation ; danes commonly call'd , and somtimes dacians , by others , the same with normans ; as barbarous as the saxons themselves were at first reputed , and much more ; for the saxons first invited came hither to dwell ; these unsent for , unprovok'd , came only to destroy . but if the saxons , as is above related , came most of them from jutland and anglen , a part of denmarke , as danish writers affirm , and that danes and normans are the same ; then in this invasion , danes drove out danes , thir own posterity . and normans afterwards , none but antienter normans . which invasion perhaps , had the heptarchie stood divided as it was , had either not bin attempted , or not uneasily resisted ; while each prince and people , excited by thir neerest concernments , had more industriously defended thir own bounds , then depending on the neglect of a deputed governour , sent oft-times from the remote residence of a secure monarch . though as it fell out in those troubles , the lesser kingdoms revolting from the west-saxon yoke , and not aiding each other , too much concern'd with thir own safety , it came to no better pass ; while severally they sought to repell the danger nigh at hand , rather then jointly to prevent it farre off . but when god hath decreed servitude on a sinful nation , fitted by thir own vices for no condition but servile , all estates of government are alike unable to avoid it . god had purpos'd to punish our instrumental punishers , though now christians , by other heathen , according to his divine retaliation ; invasion for invasion , spoil for spoil , destruction for destruction . the saxons were now full as wicked as the britans were at their arrival , brok'n with luxurie and sloth , either secular or superstitious ; for laying aside the exercise of arms , and the study of all vertuous knowledge , some betook them to over-worldly or vitious practice , others to religious idleness and solitude , which brought forth nothing but vain and delusive visions ; easily perceav'd such , by thir commanding of things , either not belonging to the gospel , or utterly forbidden , ceremonies , reliques , monasteries , masses , idols , add to these ostentation of alms , got oft-times by rapine and oppression , or intermixt with violent and lustfull deeds , sometimes prodigally bestow'd as the expiation of cruelty and bloodshed . what longer suffering could there be , when religion it self grew so void of sincerity , and the greatest shews of purity were impur'd ? ecbert . ecbert in full highth of glory , having now enjoy'd his conquest seaven peacefull years , his victorious army long since disbanded , and the exercise of armes perhaps laid aside , the more was found unprovided against a sudden storm of danes from the sea , who landing in the . of his reign , an. dom. wasted shepey in kent . ecbert the next year , gathering an army , an. dom. for he had heard of thir arrival in ships , gave them battail by the river carr in dorsetshire ; the event wherof was , that the danes kept thir ground , and encampt where the field was fought ; two saxon leaders , dudda and osmund , and two bishops , as some say , were there slain . this was the only check of fortune we read of , that ecbert in all his time receav'd . for the danes returning two years after with a great navy , an. dom. and joining forces with the cornish , who had enterd league with them , were overthrown and put to flight . of these invasions against ecbert , the danish history is not silent ; whether out of thir own records or ours , may be justly doubted ; for of these times at home , i find them in much uncertainty , and beholding rather to out-landish chronicles then any records of thir own . the victor ecbert , as one who had done enough , seasonably now , after prosperous success , an. dom. the next year with glory ended his days , and was buried at winchester . ethelwolf . ethelwolf the son of ecbert succeeded , by malmsbury describ'd a man of mild nature , not inclin'd to war , or delighted with much dominion ; that therfore contented with the antient west-saxon bounds , he gave to ethelstan his brother , or son , as some write , the kingdome of kent and essex . but the saxon annalist , whose autority is elder , saith plainly , that both these countries and sussex , were bequeath'd to ethelstan by ecbert his father . the unwarlike disposition of ethelwolf , gave encouragement no doubt , and easier entrance to the danes , who came again the next year with ships ; an. dom. but wulfheard , one of the kings chief captains , drove them back at southamton with great slaughter ; himself dying the same year , of age , as i suppose , for he seems to have bin one of ecberts old commanders , who was sent with ethelwolf to subdue kent . ethelhelam another of the kings captains with the dorsetshire men , had at first like success against the danes at portsmouth ; but they reinforcing stood thir ground , and put the english to rout . worse was the success of earl herebert at a place call'd mereswar , slain with the most part of his army . an. dom. the year following in lindsey also , east-angles , and kent , much mischief was don by thir landing ; an. dom. where the next year , embold'nd by success , they came on as far as canterbury , rochester , and london it self , with no less cruel hostility : and giving no respit to the peaceable mind of ethelwolf , they yet return'd with the next year in ships , fought with him , an. dom. as before with his father , at the river carr , and made good thir ground . in northumberland , eandred the tributary king deceasing , left the same tenure to his son ethelred driv'n out in his fowrth year , an. dom. and succeeded by readwulf , who soon after his coronation hasting forth to battel against the danes at alvetheli , fell with the most part of his army ; and ethelred like in fortune to the former ethelred , was re-exalted to his seat. and to be yet further like him in fate , was slain the fowrth year after . osbert succeeded in his room . an. dom. but more southerly , the danes next year after met with some stop in the full course of thir outragious insolences . for earnulf with the men of somerset , alstan the bishop , and osric with those of dorsetshire , setting upon them at the rivers mouth of pedridan , slaughterd them in great numbers , and obtain'd a just victory . this repulse queld them , for ought we hear , the space of six years ; an. dom. then also renewing thir , invasion with little better success . for keorle an earl , aided with the forces of devonshire , assaulted and over-threw them at wigganbearch with great destruction ; as prosperously were they fought with the same year at sandwich , by king ethelstan , and ealker his general , thir great army defeated , and nine of thir ships tak'n , the rest driv'n off , however to ride out the winter on that shoar , asser saith , they then first winter'd in shepey i le . hard it is , through the bad expression of these writers , to define this fight , whether by sea or land ; hoveden terms it a sea fight . nevertheless with ships ( asser and others add ) they enterd the mouth of thames , and made excursions as far as canterbury and london , and as ethelwerd writes , destroy'd both ; of london , asser signifies only that they pillag'd it . bertulf also the mercian , successor of withlaf , with all his army they forc'd to fly , and him beyond the sea. then passing over thames with thir powers into surrey , and the west-saxons , and meeting there with king ethelwolf and ethelbald his son , at a place call'd ak-lea , or oak-lea , they receav'd a total defeat with memorable slaughter . this was counted a lucky year to england , and brought to ethelwolf great reputation . an. dom. burhed therfore , who after bertulf held of him the mercian kingdom , two years after this , imploring his aid against the north-welch , as then troublesome to his confines , obtain'd it of him in person , and therby reduc'd them to obedience . this done , ethelwolf sent his son alfrid a child of five years , well accompanied to rome , whom leo the pope both consecrated to be king afterward , and adopted to be his son ; at home ealker with the forces of kent , and huda with those of surrey , fell on the danes at thir landing in tanet , and at first put them back ; but the slain and drown'd were at length so many on either side , as left the loss equal on both : which yet hinderd not the solemnity of a marriage at the feast of easter , between burhed the mercian , and ethelswida king ethelwolf's daughter . an. dom. howbeit the danes next year winterd again in shepey . whom ethelwolf not finding human health sufficient to resist , growing daily upon him , in hope of divine aid , registerd in a book , and dedicated to god the tenth part of his own lands , and of his whole kingdome , eas'd of all impositions , but converted to the maintenance of masses and psalms weekly to be sung for the prospering of ethelwolf and his captains , as appears at large by the patent it self , in william of malmsbury . asser saith , de did it for the redemtion of his soul and the soul of his ancestors . after which , as having done some great matter to shew himself at rome , and be applauded of the pope ; he takes a long and cumbersome journey thether with young alfrid again , and there staies a year , an. dom. when his place requir'd him rather heer in the field against pagan enemies left wintring in his land . yet so much manhood he had , as to return thence no monk ; and in his way home took to wife judith daughter of charles the bald , king of france . but ere his return , ethelbald his eldest son , alstan his trusty bishop , and enulf earl of somerset conspir'd against him ; thir complaints were , that he had tak'n with him alfrid his youngest son to be there inaugurated king , and brought home with him an out-landish wife ; for which they endeavourd to deprive him of his kingdom . the disturbance was expected to bring forth nothing less then war : but the king abhorring civil discord , after many conferences tending to peace , condescended to divide the kingdom with his son ; division was made , but the matter so carried , that the eastern and worst part was malignly afforded to the father : the western and best giv'n to the son , at which many of the nobles had great indignation , offring to the king thir utmost assistance for the recovery of all ; whom he peacefully dissuading , sat down contented with his portion assign'd . in the east-angles , edmund lineal from the antient stock of those kings , a youth of years only , but of great hopes , was with consent of all but his own crown'd at burie . an. dom. about this time , as buchanan relates , the picts , who not long before had by the scots bin driv'n out of thir countrey , part of them coming to osbert and ella , then kings of northumberland , obtain'd aid against donaldus the scotish king , to recover thir antient possession . osbert who in person undertook the expedition , marching into scotland , was at first put to a retreat ; but returning soon after on the scots , over-secure of thir suppos'd victory , put them to flight with great slaughter , took pris'ner thir king , and persu'd his victory beyond sterlinbridge . the scots unable to resist longer , and by embassadors entreating peace , had it granted them on these conditions : the scots were to quit all they had possess'd within the wall of severus : the limits of scotland were beneath sterlin-bridge to be the river forth , and on the other side , dunbritton frith ; from that time so call'd of the brittish then seated in cumberland , who had joind with osbert in this action , and so far extended on that side the brittish limits . if this be true , as the scotch writers themselv's witness ( and who would think them fabulous to the disparagement of thir own country ? ) how much wanting have bin our historians to thir countries honour , in leting pass unmention'd an exploit so memorable , by them rememberd and attested , who are wont ofter to extenuate then to amplifie aught done in scotland by the english ? donaldus on these conditions releas't , soon after dyes ; according to buchanan , in . ethelwolf chief king in england , had the year before ended his life , and was buried as his father at winchester . he was from his youth much addicted to devotion ; so that in his fathers time he was ordain'd bishop of winchester ; and unwillingly , for want of other legitimate issue , succeeded him in the throne ; mannaging therfore his greatest affairs by the activity of two bishops , alstan of sherburne , and swithine of winchester . but alstan is noted of covetousness and oppression , by william of malmsbury ; the more vehemently no doubt for doing some notable damage to that monastery . the same author writes , that ethelwolf at rome , paid a tribute to the pope , continu'd to his dayes . however he were facil to his son , and seditious nobles , in yeilding up part of his kingdome , yet his queen he treated not the less honourably , for whomsoever it displeas'd . the west-saxon had decreed ever since the time of eadburga , the infamous wife of birthric , that no queen should sit in state with the king , or be dignifi'd with the title of queen . but ethelwolf permitted not that judith his queen should loose any point of regal state by that law. at his death , he divided the kingdom between his two sons , ethelbald , and ethelbert ; to the younger kent , essex , surrey , sussex , to the elder all the rest ; to peter and paul certain revenues yearly , for what uses let others relate , who write also his pedigree , from son to father , up to adam . ethelbald , and ethelbert . ethelbald , unnatural and disloyal to his father , fell justly into another , though contrary sin , of too much love to his fathers wife ; and whom at first he oppos'd coming into the land , her now unlawfully marrying , he takes into his bed ; but not long enjoying , dy'd at three years end , without doing aught more worthy to be rememberd ; having reign'd two years with his father , impiously usurping , an. dom. and three after him , as unworthily inheriting . and his hap was all that while to be unmolested by the danes ; not of divine favour doubtless , but to his greater condemnation , living the more securely his incestuous life . huntingdon on the other side much praises ethelbald , and writes him buried at sherburn , with great sorrow of the people , who miss'd him long after . mat. west . saith , that he repented of his incest with judith , and dismiss'd her : but asser an eye witness of those times , mentions no such thing . ethelbert alone . ethelbald by death remov'd , the whole kingdom came rightfully to ethelbert his next brother . who though a prince of great vertue and no blame , had as short a reign allotted him as his faulty brother , nor that so peacefull ; once or twice invaded by the danes . but they having landed in the west with a great army , and sackt winchester , were met by osric earl of southampton , and ethelwolf of bark-shire , beat'n to thir ships , and forc't to leave thir booty . five years after , about the time of his an. dom. death , they set foot again in tanet ; the kentish men wearied out with so frequent alarms , came to agreement with them for a certain sum of money ; but ere the peace could be ratifi'd , and the money gatherd , the danes impatient of delay by a sudden eruption in the night , soon wasted all the east of kent . mean while or something before , ethelbert deceasing was buried as his brother at sherburne . ethelred . ethelred the third , son of ethelwolf , at his first an. dom. coming to the crown was entertain'd with a fresh invasion of danes , led by hinguar and hubba , two brothers , who now had got footing among the east-angles ; there they winterd , and coming to terms of peace with the inhabitants , furnish'd themselves of horses , forming by that means many troops with riders of thir own : these pagans , asser saith , came from the river danubius . fitted an. dom. thus for a long expedition , they ventur'd the next year to make thir way over land and over humber , as far as yorke , them they found to thir hands imbroil'd in civil dissentions ; thir king osbert they had thrown out , and ella leader of another faction chosen in his room ; who both , though late , admonish'd by thir common danger , towards the years end with united powers made head against the danes and prevail'd ; but persueing them over-eagerly into yorke , then but slenderly wall'd , the northumbrians were every where slaughter'd , both within and without ; thir kings also both slain , thir city burnt , saith malmsbury , the rest as they could , made thir peace , over-run and vanquisht as far as the river tine , and egbert of english race appointed king over them . bromton no antient author ( for he wrote since mat. west . ) nor of much credit , writes a particular cause of the danes coming to yorke : that bruern a nobleman , whose wife king osbert had ravisht , call'd in hinguar and hubba to revenge him . the example is remarkable if the truth were as evident . thence victorious , the danes next year enterd into mercia towards an. dom. nottingham , where they spent the winter . burhed then king of that country , unable to resist , implores the aid of ethelred and young alfred his brother , they assembling thir forces and joining with the mercians about nottingham , offer battel : the danes not daring to come forth , kept themselves within that town and castle , so that no great fight was hazarded there ; at length the mercians weary of long suspence , enterd into conditions of peace with thir enemies . after which the danes returning back to yorke , made thir abode there the space of one year , committing , some say , many cruelties . an. dom. an. dom. thence imbarking to lindsey , and all the summer destroying that country , about september they came with like fury into kesteven , another part of lincolnshire , where algar the earl of howland now holland , with his forces , and two hunderd stout souldiers belonging to the abbey of croiland , three hunderd from about boston , morcard lord of brunne , with his numerous family , well train'd and arm'd : osgot governour of lincoln with . of that city , all joyning together , gave battel to the danes , slew of them a great multitude , with three of thir kings , and persu'd the rest to thir tents ; but the night following , gothrun , baseg , osketil , halfden , and hamond , five kings , and as many earls , frena , hinguar , hubba , sidroc the elder and younger , coming in from several parts with great forces and spoils , great part of the english began to slink home . nevertheless algar with such as forsook him not , all next day in order of battel facing the danes , and sustaining unmov'd the brunt of thir assaults , could not withhold his men at last from persueing thir counterfitted flight ; wherby op'nd and disorder'd , they fell into the snare of thir enemies , rushing back upon them . algar and those captains fore-nam'd with him , all resolute men , retreating to a hill side , and slaying of such as follow'd them , manifold thir own number , dy'd at length upon heaps of dead which they had made round about them . the danes thence passing on into the country of east-angles , rifl'd and burnt the monastery of elie , overthrew earl wulketul with his whole army , and lodg'd out the winter at thetford ; where king edmund assailing them , was with his whole army put to flight , himself tak'n , bound to a stake , and shot to death with arrows , his whole country subdu'd . the next year an. dom. with great supplies , saith huntingdon , bending thir march toward the west-saxons , the only people now left , in whom might seem yet to remain strength or courage likely to oppose them , they came to reading , fortifi'd there between the two rivers of thames , and kenet , and about three dayes after , sent out wings of horse under two earls to forage the country ; but ethelwulf earl of barkshire , at englefeild a village nigh , encounterd them , slew one of thir earls , and obtain'd a great victory . four dayes after came the king himself and his brother alfred with the main battail ; and the danes issuing forth , a bloody fight began , on either side great slaughter , in which earl ethelwulf lost his life ; but the danes loosing no ground , kept thir place of standing to the end . neither did the english for this make less hast to another conflict at escesdunc , or ashdown , four dayes after , where both armies with thir whole force on either side met . the danes were imbattail'd in two great bodies , the one led by bascai and halfden , thir two kings , the other by such earls as were appointed ; in like manner the english divided thir powers , ethelred the king stood against their kings ; and though on the lower ground , and coming later into the battail from his orisons , gave a fierce onset , wherin bascai ( the danish history names him erazus the son of regicerus ) was slain . alfred was plac'd against the earls , and beginning the battail ere his brother came into the field , with such resolution charg'd them , that in the shock most of them were slain ; they are nam'd sidroc elder and younger , osbern , frean , harald ; at length in both divisions , the danes turn thir backs ; many thousands of them cut off , the rest persu'd till night . so much the more it may be wonderd to hear next in the annals , that the danes days after such an over-throw , fighting again with ethelred and his brother alfred at basing , under conduct , saith the danish history , of agnerus and hubbo , brothers of the slain evacus , should obtain the victory ; especially since the new supply of danes mention'd by asser , arriv'd after this action . but after two months , the king and his brother fought with them again at mertun , in two squadrons as before , in which fight hard it is to understand who had the better ; so darkly do the saxon annals deliver thir meaning with more then wonted infancy . yet these i take ( for asser is heer silent ) to be the chief fountain of our story , the ground and basis upon which the monks later in time gloss and comment at thir pleasure . nevertheless it appears , that on the saxon part , not heamund the bishop only , but many valiant men lost thir lives . this fight was follow'd by a heavy summer plague ; wherof , as is thought , king ethelred dy'd in the fifth of his reign , and was buried at winburne , where his epitaph inscribes that he had his deaths wound by the danes , according to the danish history . of all these terrible landings and devastations by the danes , from the days of ethelwolf till thir two last battels with ethelred , or of thir leaders , whether kings , dukes , or earls , the danish history of best credit saith nothing ; so little wit or conscience it seems they had to leave any memory of thir brutish , rather then manly actions ; unless we shall suppose them to have come , as above was cited out of asser , from danubius , rather then from denmarke , more probable some barbarous nations of prussia , or livonia , not long before seated more northward on the baltic sea. alfred . alfred the fourth son of ethelwols , had scarse perform'd his brothers obsequies , and the solemnity of his own crowning , when at the months end in hast with a small power he encounterd the whole army of danes at wilton , and most part of the day foyl'd them ; but unwarily following the chase , gave others of them the advantage to rally ; who returning upon him now weary , remain'd masters of the field . this year , as is affirm'd in the annals , nine battels had bin fought against the danes on the south-side of thames , besides innumerable excursions made by alfred and other leaders ; one king , nine earls were fall'n in fight , so that weary on both sides at the years end , league or truce was concluded . yet next year the danes took thir march to an. dom. london , now expos'd thir prey , there they winterd , and thether came the mercians to renue peace with them . the year following they rov'd back to the parts beyond humber , but winter'd at torksey in lincolnshire , where the mercians now the third time made peace with them . notwithstanding which , an. dom. an. dom. removing thir camp to rependune in mercia , now repton upon trent in darbishire , and there wintring , they constrein'd burhed the king to fly into forein parts , makeing seisure of his kingdome , he running the direct way to rome ; with better reason then his ancestors , dy'd there , and was buried in a church by the english school . his kingdom the danes farm'd out to kelwulf , one of his houshold servants or officers , with condition to be resign'd them when they commanded . from rependune they an. dom. dislodg'd , hafden thir king leading part of his army northward , winterd by the river tine , and subjecting all those quarters , wasted also the picts and british beyond : but guthrun , oskitell , and anwynd , other three of thir kings moving from rependune , came with a great army to grantbrig , and remain'd there a whole year . alfred that summer purposing to try his fortune with a fleet at sea ( for he had found that the want of shipping and neglect of navigation , had expos'd the land to these piracies ) met with danish rovers , took one , the rest escaping ; an acceptable success from so small a begining : for the english at that time were but little experienc't in sea affairs . the next years first motion an. dom. of the danes was towards warham castle : where alfred meeting them , either by policy , or their doubt of his power ; ethelwerd saith , by money brought them to such terms of peace , as that they swore to him upon a hallow'd bracelet , others say upon certain reliques ( a solemn oath it seems which they never voutsal'd before to any other nation ) forthwith to depart the land : but falsifying that oath , by night with all the horse they had ( asser saith , slaying all the horseman he had ) stole to exeter , and there winterd . in northumberland , hafden thir king began to settle , to divide the land , to till , and to inhabit . mean while they in the west who were march'd to exeter , enterd the city , coursing now and then to warham ; but thir fleet the next an. dom. year sailing or rowing about the west , met with such a tempest neer to swanswich , or gnavewic , as wrack'd of thir ships , and left the rest easie to be maisterd by those gallies which alfred had set there to guard the seas , and streit'n exeter of provision . he the while beleagering them in the city ; now humbl'd with the loss of thir navy ( two navies , saith asser , the one at gnavewic , the other at swanwine ) distress'd them so , as that they gave him as many hostages as he requir'd , and as many oaths , to keep thir covnanted peace , and kept it . for the summer coming on , they departed into mercia , wherof part they divided amongst themselves , part left to kelwulf thir substituted king. the twelftide an. dom. following , all oaths forgott'n , they came to chippenham in wiltshire , dispeopleing the countries round , dispossessing some , driving others beyond the sea ; alfred himself with a small company was forc'd to keep within woods and fenny places , and for some time all alone , as florent saith , sojourn'd with dunwulf a swine-heard , made afterwards for his devotion , and aptness to learning , bishop of winchester . hafden and the brother of hinguar , coming with ships from north-wales , where they had made great spoil , landed in devonshire , nigh to a strong castle nam'd kinwith ; where by the garrison issuing forth unexpectedly , they were slain with hunderd of thir men . mean while the king about easter , not despairing of his affairs , built a fortress at a place call'd athelney in somersetshire , therin valiantly defending himself and his followers , frequently sallying forth . the th . week after , he rode out to a place call'd ecbryt-stone in the east part of selwood : thether resorted to him with much gratulation the somerset and wiltshire men , with many out of hamshire , some of whom a little before had fled thir country ; with these marching to ethandune now edindon in wiltshire , he gave battel to the whole danish power , and put them to flight . then beseiging thir castle , within fourteen days took it . malmsbury writes , that in this time of his recess , to go a spy into the danish camp , he took upon him with one servant the habit of a fidler ; by this means gaining access to the kings table , and somtimes to his bed-chamber , got knowledge of thir secrets , thir careless encamping , and thereby this opportunity of assailing them on a sudden . the danes by this misfortune brok'n , gave him more hostages , and renu'd thir oaths to depart out of his kingdom . thir king gytro , or gothrun , offer'd willingly to receave baptism , and accordingly came with of his friends , to a place call'd aldra , or aulre , neer to athelney , and were baptiz'd at wedmore ; where alfred receav'd him out of the font , and nam'd him athelstan . after which , they abode with him daies , and were dismiss'd with rich presents . whereupon an. dom. the danes remov'd next year to cirencester , thence peaceably to the east-angles ; which alfred , as some write , had bestow'd on gothrun to hold of him ; the bounds wherof may be read among the laws of alfred . others of them went to fulham on the thames , and joining there with a great fleet newly come into the river , thence pass't over into france and flanders , both which they enterd so far conquering or wasting , as witness'd sufficiently , that the french and flemish were no more able then the english , by policy or prowess to keep off that danish inundation from thir land . alfred thus rid of them , and intending for the future to prevent thir landing ; three years after ( quiet the mean while ) an. dom. with more ships and better provided , puts to sea , and at first met with four of theirs , wherof two he took , throwing the men over-board , then with two others , wherin were two of thir princes , and took them also , but not without some loss of his own . after three years another fleet of them appear'd on an. dom. these seas , so huge that one part thought themselves sufficient to enter upon east-france , the other came to rochester , and beleaguerd it , they within stoutly defending themselves , till alfred with great forces , coming down upon the danes , drove them to thir ships , leaving for hast all thir horses behind them . the same year alfred sent a fleet toward the east-angles , then inhabited by the danes , which at the mouth of stour , meeting with danish ships , after some flight took them all , and slew the souldiers aboard ; but in thir way home lying careless , were overtak'n by another part of that fleet , and came off with loss , whereupon perhaps those danes who were settl'd among the east-angles , erected with new hopes , violated the peace which they had sworn to alfred , who spent the next year in repairing london , an. dom. ( be●●●ging , saith huntingdon ) much ruind and unpeopl'd by the danes ; the londoners , all but those who had bin led away captive , soon return'd to thir dwellings , and ethred duke of mercia , was by an. dom. the king appointed thir governour . but after years respite of peace , another danish fleet of sail , from the east part of france arriv'd at the mouth of a river in east kent , call'd limen , nigh to the great wood andred , famous for length and bredth ; into that wood they drew up thir ships four mile from the rivers mouth , and built a fortress . after whom haesten with another danish fleet of ships , entring the mouth of thames , built a fort at middleton , the former army remaining at a place call'd apeltre . alfred perceaving this , took of those danes who dwelt in northumberland , a new oath of fidelity , and of those in essex , hostages , lest they should joyn , as they were wont , with thir country-men newly arriv'd . and by the next year , having an. dom. got together his forces , between either army of the danes encamp'd so , as to be ready for either of them , who first should happ'n to stir forth ; troops of horse also he sent continually abroad , assisted by such as could be spar'd from strong places , wherever the countries wanted them , to encounter forageing parties of the enemy . the king also divided sometimes his whole army , marching out with one part by turns , the other keeping intrencht . in conclusion rowling up and down , both sides met at farnham in surrey ; where the danes by alfreds horse troops were put to flight , and crossing the thames to a certain iland neer coln in essex , or as camden thinks , by colebrooke , were beseig'd there by alfred till provision fail'd the the beseigers , another part staid behind with thir king wounded . mean while alfred preparing to reinforce the seige in colney , the danes of northumberland breaking faith , came by sea to the east-angles , and with a hunderd ships coasting southward , landed in devonshire , and beseig'd exeter ; thether alfred hasted with his powers , except a squadron of welch that came to london : with whom the citizens marching forth to beamflet , where haesten the dane had built a strong fort , and left a garrison , while he himself with the main of his army was enterd far into the country , luckily surprise the fort , maister the garrison , make prey of all they find there ; thir ships also they burnt or brought away with good booty , and many prisners , among whom , the wife and two sons of heasten were sent to the king , who forthwith set them at liberty . whereupon heasten gave oath of amitie and hostages to the king ; he in requital , whether freely , or by agreement , a summe of money . nevertheless without regard of faith giv'n , while alfred was busied about exeter , joining with the other danish army , he built another castle in essex at shoberie , thence marching westward by the thames , aided with northumbrian and east-anglish danes , they came at length to severn , pillaging all in thir way . but , ethred , ethelm , and ethelnoth , the kings captains , with united forces pitch'd nigh to them at buttingtun , on the severn bank in montgomery-shire , the river running between , and there many weeks attended ; the king mean while blocking up the danes who beseig'd exeter , having eat'n part of thir horses , the rest urg'd with hunger broke forth to thir fellows , who lay encamp't on the east-side of the river , and were all there discomfitted , with some loss of valiant men on the kings party ; the rest fled back to essex and thir fortress there . then laf , one of their leaders , gatherd before winter a great army of northumbrian and east-anglish danes , who leaving thir money , ships , and wives with the east-angles , and marching day and night , sat down before a city in the west call'd wirheal neer to chester , and took it ere they could be overtak'n . the english after two daies seige hopeless to dislodge them , wasted the country round to cut off from them all provision , and departed . soon after which , next year the an. dom. danes no longer able to hold wirheal , destitute of vittles , enterd north-wales ; thence lad'n with spoils , part return'd into northumberland , others to the east-angles as far as essex , where they seis'd on a small iland call'd meresig . and heer again the annals record them to beseige exeter , but without coherence of sence or story . others relate to this purpose , that returning by sea from the seige of exeter , and in thir way landing on the coast of sussex , they of cichester sallied out and slew of them many hunderds , taking also some of thir ships . the same year they who possess'd meresig , intending to winter thereabout , drew up thir ships , some into the thames , others into the river lee , and on the bank therof built a castle twenty miles from london ; to assault which the londoners aided with other forces march'd out the summer following , but were soon put to an. dom. flight , loosing fowr of the kings captains . huntingdon writes quite the contrary , that these fowr were danish captains , and the overthrow theirs : but little credit is to be plac'd in huntingdon single . for the king therupon with his forces , lay encamp't neerer the city , that the danes might not infest them in time of harvest ; in the mean time , suttlely devising to turn lee stream several waies ; wherby the danish bottoms were left on dry ground : which they soon perceaving , march'd over land to quatbrig on the severn , built a fortress and winterd there ; while thir ships left in lee , were either brok'n or brought away by the londoners ; but thir wives and children they had left in safety with the east-angles . the next year was pestilent , and besides an. dom. the common sort took away many great earls , kelmond in kent , brithulf in essex , wulfred in hampshire , with many others ; and to this evill , the danes of northumberland and east-angles ceas'd not to endamage the west-saxons , especially by stealth , robbing on the south-shoar in certain long gallies . but the king causing to be built others twice as long as usually were built , and some of or oars higher , swifter and steddier then such as were in use before either with danes or prisons , his own invention , some of these he sent out against six danish pirats , who had done much harm in the i le of wight and parts adjoining . the bickering was doubtfull and intricate , part on the water , part on the sands ; not without loss of some eminent men on the english side . the pirats at length were either slain or tak'n , two of them stranded ; the men brought to winchester , where the king then was , were executed by his command ; one of them escap'd to the east-angles , her men much wounded : the same year not fewer then twenty of thir ships perish'd on the south coast with all thir men . and rollo the dane or norman landing heer , as mat. west . writes , though not in what part of the iland , after an unsuccessful fight against those forces which first oppos'd him , sail'd into france and conquerd the country , since that time called normandy . this is the summe of what pass'd in three years against the danes , returning out of france , set down so perplexly by the saxon annalist , ill-guifted with utterance , as with much ado can be understood sometimes what is spok'n , whether meant of the danes , or of the saxons . after which troublesome time , alfred enjoying three years of peace , by him spent , as his manner was , not idlely or voluptuously , but in all vertuous emploiments both of mind and body , becoming a prince of his renown , ended his daies in the year . the . of his age , the th of his reign , and was buried regally at winchester ; he an. dom. was born at a place call'd wanading in barkshire , his mother osburga the daughter of oslac the kings cup-bearer , a goth by nation , and of noble descent . he was of person comlier then all his brethren , of pleasing tongue and gracefull behaviour , ready wit and memory ; yet through the fondness of his parents towards him , had not bin taught to read till the twelfth year of his age ; but the great desire of learning which was in him , soon appear'd , by his conning of saxon poems day and night , which with great attention he heard by others repeated . he was besides , excellent at hunting , and the new art then of hawking , but more exemplary in devotion , having collected into a book certain prayers and psalms , which he carried ever with him in his bosome to use on all occasions . he thirsted after all liberal knowledge , and oft complain'd that in his youth he had no teachers , in his middle age so little vacancy from wars and the cares of his kingdome , yet leasure he found sometimes , not only to learn much himself , but to communicate therof what he could to his people , by translating books out of latin into english , orosius , boethius , beda's history and others , permitted none unlern'd to bear office , either in court or common-wealth ; at twenty years of age not yet reigning , he took to wife egelswitha the daughter of ethelred a mercian earl. the extremities which befell him in the sixt of his reign , neothan abbot told him , were justly come upon him for neglecting in his younger days the complaints of such as injur'd and oppress'd repair'd to him , as then second person in the kingdome for redress ; which neglect were it such indeed , were yet excusable in a youth , through jollity of mind unwilling perhaps to be detain'd long with sad and sorrowfull narrations ; but from the time of his undertaking regal charge , no man more patient in hearing causes , more inquisitive in examining , more exact in doing justice , and providing good laws , which are yet extant ; more severe in punishing unjust judges or obstinate offenders . theeves especially and robbers , to the terrour of whom in cross waies were hung upon a high post certain chains of gold , as it were dareing any one to take them thence ; so that justice seem'd in his daies not to flourish only , but to tryumph : no man then hee more frugal of two pretious things in mans life , his time and his revenue ; no man wiser in the disposal of both . his time , the day , and night , he distributed by the burning of certain tapours into three equall portions : the one was for devotion , the other for publick or private affairs , the third for bodily refreshment : how each hour past , he was put in minde by one who had that office. his whole annual revenue , which his first care was should be justly his own , he divided into two equall parts ; the first he imploi'd to secular uses , and subdivided those into three , the first to pay his souldiers , houshold-servants and guard , of which divided into three bands , one attended monthly by turn ; the second was to pay his architects and workmen , whom he had got together of several nations ; for he was also an elegant builder ; above the custome and conceit of englishmen in those days : the third he had in readiness to releive or honour strangers according to thir worth , who came from all parts to see him and to live under him . the other equal part of his yearly wealth he dedicated to religious uses , those of fowr sorts ; the first to releive the poor , the second to the building and maintenance of two monasteries , the third of a school , where he had perswaded the sons of many noblemen to study sacred knowledge and liberal arts , some say at oxford ; the fourth was for the releif of foreign churches , as far as india to the shrine of st. thomas , sending thether sigelm bishop of sherburn , who both return'd safe , and brought with him many rich gems and spices ; guifts also and a letter he receav'd from the patriarch of jerusalem , sent many to rome , and for them receav'd reliques . thus far , and much more might be said of his noble minde , which renderd him the miror of princes ; his body was diseas'd in his youth with a great soreness in the seige , and that ceasing of it self , with another inward pain of unknown cause , which held him by frequent fits to his dying day ; yet not disinabl'd to sustain those many glorious labours of his life both in peace and war. edward the elder . edward the son of alfred succeeded , in learning not equal , in power and extent of dominion , surpassing his father . the beginning of his reign had much disturbance by ethelwald an ambitious young man , son of the kings uncle , or cosin german , or brother , for his genealogy is variously deliverd . he vainly avouching to have equal right an. dom. with edward of succession to the crown , posses'd himself of winburne in dorset , and another town diversly nam'd , giving out that there he would live or dye ; but encompass'd with the kings forces at badburie a place nigh , his heart failing him , he stole out by night , and fled to the danish army beyond humber . the king sent after him , but not overtaking , found his wife in the town , whom he had married out of a nunnery , and commanded her to be sent back thether . about this time the kentish an. dom. men , against a multitude of danish pirats , fought prosperously at a place call'd holme , as hoveden records . ethelwald aided by the northumbrians with shipping , three years after , sailing to the east-angles , an. dom. perswaded the danes there to fall into the kings territory , who marching with him as far as crecklad , and passing the thames , there wasted as far beyond as they durst venture , and lad'n with spoils return'd home . the king with his powers makeing speed after them , between the dike and ouse , suppos'd to be suffolk and cambridge-shire , as far as the fenns northward , laid wast all before him . thence intending to return , he commanded that all his army should follow him close without delay ; but the kentish men , though oft'n call'd upon , lagging behind , the danish army prevented them , and join'd battel with the king : where duke siguls and earl sigelm , with many other of the nobles were slain ; on the danes part , eoric thir king , and ethelwald the author of this war , with others of high note , and of them greater number , but with great ruin on both sides ; yet the danes kept in thir power the burying of thir slain . what ever follow'd upon this conflict , which we read not , the king two years after an. dom. with the danes , both of east-angles , and northumberland concluded peace , which continu'd three years , by whomsoever brok'n : for at the end thereof an. dom. king edward raising great forces out of west-sex and mercia , sent them against the danes beyond humber ; where staying five weeks , they made great spoil and slaughter . the king offer'd them terms of peace , but they rejecting all , enterd with the next year into mercia , rendring no less hostility an. dom. then they had suffer'd ; but at tetnal in staffordshire , saith florent , were by the english in a set battel overthrown . king edward then in kent , had got together of ships about a hunderd sail , others gon southward , came back and met him . the danes now supposing that his main forces were upon the sea , took liberty to rove and plunder up and down , as hope of prey led them , beyond severn . the king guessing what might imbold'n them , sent before him the lightest of his army to entertain them ; then following with the rest , set upon them in thir return over cantbrig in glostershire , and slew many thousands , among whom ecwils , hafden , and hinguar thir kings , and many other harsh names in huntingdon ; the place also of this fight is variously writt'n by ethelwerd and florent , call'd wodensfeild . the year following ethred duke of mercia , to whom an. dom. alfred had giv'n london , with his daughter in marriage ; now dying , king edward resum'd that city , and oxford , with the countries adjoining , into his own hands , and the year after , built , or much repair'd an. dom. by his souldiers , the town of hertford on either side lee , and leaving a sufficient number at the work , march'd about middle summer , with the other part of his forces into essex , and encamp'd at maldon , while his souldiers built witham ; where a good part of the country , subject formerly to the danes , yeilded themselves to his protection . fowr years an. dom. after ( florent allows but one year ) the danes from leister and northampton , falling into oxfordshire , committed much rapine , and in some towns therof great slaughter ; while another party wasting hertfordshire , met with other fortune ; for the country-people inur'd now to such kind of incursions , joining stoutly together , fell upon the spoilers , recover'd thir own goods , with some booty from thir enemies . about the same time elfled the kings sister sent her army of mercians into wales , who routed the welch , took the castle of brienam-mere by brecknock , and brought away the kings wife of that country with other prisners . not long after she took derby from the danes , and the castle by a sharp assault . but the year ensueing brought a new fleet an. dom. of danes to lidwic in devonshire , under two leaders , otter and roald ; who sailing thence westward about the lands end , came up to the mouth of severn ; there landing wasted the welch coast , and irchenfeild part of herefordshire ; where they took kuneleac a british bishop , for whose ransome king edward gave forty pound , but the men of hereford and glostershire assembling , put them to flight ; slaying roald and the brother of otter , with many more , persu'd them to a wood , and there beset , compel'd them to give hostages of present departure . the king with his army sat not far off , securing from the south of severn to avon ; so that op'nly they durst not , by night they twice ventur'd to land ; but found such welcome , that few of them came back ; the rest anchord by a small iland where many of them famish'd ; then sailing to a place call'd deomed , they cross'd into ireland . the king with his army went to buckingham , staid there a moneth , and built two castles or forts on either bank of ouse ere his departing , and turkitel a danish leader , with those of bedford and northampton , yeilded him subjection . wherupon the next year he came with an. dom. his army to the town of bedford , took possession therof , staid there a month , and gave order to build another part of the town , on the south-side of ouse . thence the year following went again to an. dom. maldon , repair'd and fortifi'd the town . turkitel the dane having small hope to thrive heer , where things with such prudence were mannag'd against his interess , got leave of the king , with as many voluntaries as would follow him , to pass into france . early the next year king edward re-edifi'd tovechester , an. dom. now torchester ; and another city in the annals call'd wigingmere . mean while the danes of leister and northampton-shire ; not likeing perhaps to be neighbour'd with strong towns , laid seige to torchester ; [ but they within repelling the assault one whole day till supplies came ] quitted the seige by night ; and persu'd close by the beseig'd , between birnwud and ailsbury were surpris'd , many of them made prisners , and much of thir bagage lost . other of the danes at huntingdon , aided from the east-angles , finding that castle not commodious , left it , and built another at temsford , judging that place more opportune from whence to make thir excursions ; and soon after went forth with design to assail bedford : but the garrison issuing out , slew a great part of them , the rest fled . after this a greater army of them gatherd out of mercia and the east-angles , came and beseig'd the city call'd wigingmere a whole day ; but finding it defended stoutly by them within , thence also departed , driving away much of thir cattel : wherupon the english from towns and citties round about joining forces , laid seige to the town and castle of temsford , and by assault took both ; slew thir king with toglea a duke , and mannan his son an earl , with all the rest there found ; who chose to die rather then yeild . encourag'd by this , the men of kent , surrey , and part of essex , enterprise the seige of colnhester , nor gave over till they won it , sacking the town and putting to sword all the danes therein , except some who escap'd over the wall. to the succour of these , a great number of danes inhabiting ports and other towns in the east-angles , united thir force ; but coming too late , as in revenge beleaguerd maldon ; but that town also timely releiv'd , they departed , not only frustrate of thir design , but so hotly persu'd , that many thousands of them lost thir lives in the flight . forthwith king edward with his west-saxons went to passham upon ouse , there to guard the passage , while others were building a stone wall about torchester ; to him there earl thurfert , and other lord danes , with thir army thereabout as far as weolud , came and submitted . wherat the kings souldiers joyfully cry'd out to be dismiss't home : therfore with another part of them he enterd huntingdon , and repair'd it , where breaches had bin made ; all the people thereabout returning to obedience . the like was done at colnchester by the next remove of his army , after which both east and west-angles , and the danish forces among them , yeilded to the king , swearing allegiance to him both by sea and land : the army also of danes at grantbrig , surrendring themselves took the same oath . the summer following he came with his army to stamford , an. dom. built a castle there on the south-side of the river , where all the people of those quarters acknowledg'd him supream . dureing his abode there , elfled his sister a martial woman , who after her husbands death would no more marry , but gave her self to public affairs , repairing and fortifying many towns , warring sometimes , dy'd at tamworth the cheif seat of mercia , wherof by guift of alfred her father , she was lady or queen ; wherby that whole nation became obedient to king edward , as did also north-wales with howel , cledaucus , and jeothwell thir kings . thence passing to nottingham , he enterd and repair'd the town , plac'd there part english , part danes , and receav'd fealty from all in mercia of either nation . the next autumn , coming an. dom. with his army into cheshire , he built and fortifi'd thelwel ; and while he staid there , call'd another army out of mercia , which he sent to repair and fortifie manchester . about midsummer following an. dom. he march'd again to nottingham , built a town over against it on the south-side of that river ; and with a bridg joyn'd them both ; thence journied to a place call'd bedecanwillan in pictland ; there also built and fenc'd a city on the borders , where the king of scots did him honour as to his sovran , together with the whole scotish nation ; the like did reginald and the son of eadulf , danish princes , with all the northumbrians , both english , and danes . the king also of a people thereabout call'd streatgledwalli ( the north welch , as camden thinks , of strat-cluid in denbigh-shire , perhaps rather the british of cumberland ) did him homage , and not undeserv'd . for buchanan himself confesses , that this king edward with a small number of men compar'd to his enemies , overthrew in a great battel , the whole united power both of scots and da●es , slew most of the scotish nobility , and forc'd malcolmb , whom constantine the scotch king had made general , and design'd heir of his crown , to save himself by flight sore wounded . of the english , he makes athelstan the son of edward chief leader ; and so far seems to confound times and actions , as to make this battel the same with that fought by athelstan , about years after at bruneford , against anlaf and constantine , wherof hereafter . but here buchanan takes occasion to inveigh against the english writers , upbraiding them with ignorance , who affirm athelstan to have bin supream king of britain , constantine the scotish king with others to have held of him : and denies that in the annals of marianus scotus , any mention is to be found therof ; which i shall not stand much to contradict , for in marianus , whether by surname or by nation scotus , will be found as little mention of any other scotish affairs , till the time of king dunchad slain by machetad , or mackbeth , in the year . which gives cause of suspition , that the affairs of scotland before that time were so obscure as to be unknown to thir own countryman , who liv'd and wrote his chronicle not long after . but king edward thus nobly doing , and thus honour'd , the year following dy'd at farendon ; an. dom. a builder and restorer eev'n in war , not a destroyer of his land. he had by several wives many childern ; his eldest daughter edgith he gave in marriage to charles king of france , grand-child of charles the bald above-mention'd ; of the rest in place convenient . his laws are yet to be seen . he was buried at winchester , in the monastery by alfred his father . and a few days after him dy'd ethelwerd his eldest son , the heir of his crown . he had the whole iland in subjection , yet so as petty kings reign'd under him . in northumberland , after ecbert whom the danes had set up , and the northumbrians yet unruly under thir yoke , at the end of years had expell'd , one ricsig was set up king , and bore the name years ; then another ecbert , and guthred ; the latter , if we beleeve legends , of a servant made king by command of st. cudbert , in a vision ; and enjoyn'd by another vision of the same saint , to pay well for his royalty many lands and privileges to his church and monastery . but now to the story . athelstan . athelstan next in age to ethelward his brother , who deceas'd untimely few days before , though born of a concubine , yet for the great appearance of many vertues in him , and his brethren being yet under age , was exalted to the throne , at kingstone an. dom. upon thames , and by his fathers last will , saith malmsbury , yet not without some opposition of one alfred and his accomplices ; who not likeing he should reign , had conspir'd to seise on him after his fathers death , and to put out his eyes . but the conspiratours discoverd , and alfred denying the plot , was sent to rome , to assert his innocence before the pope ; where taking his oath on the altar , he fell down immediatly , and carried out by his servants , three daies after dy'd . mean while beyond humber , the danes , though much aw'd were not idle . inguald one of thir kings took possession of yorke , sitric who some years before had slain niel his brother , by force took davenport in ch●shire ; and however he defended these doings ; grew so considerable , that athelstan with great solemnity gave him his sister edgith to wife : but he enjoy'd her not long , dying ere the years end , nor his sons anlaf and guthfert the kingdome , driv'n out the next an. dom. year by athelstan ; not unjustly saith huntingdon , as being first raisers of the war. simeon calls him gudsrid a british king , whom athelstan this year drove out of his kingdome ; and perhaps they were both one , the name and time not much differing , the place only mistak'n . malmsbury differs in the name also , calling him aldulf a certain rebel . them also i wish as much mistak'n , who write that athelstan , jealous of his younger brother edwin's towardly vertues , least added to the right of birth , they might some time or other call in question his illegitimate precedence , caus'd him to be drown'd in the an. dom. sea ; expos'd , some say , with one servant in a rott'n bark , without sail or oar ; where the youth far off land , and in rough weather despairing , threw himself over-board ; the servant more patient , got to land and reported the success . but this malmsbury confesses to be sung in old songs , not read in warrantable authors : and huntingdon speaks as of a sad accident to athelstan , that he lost his brother edwin by sea ; far the more credible , in that athelstan , as is writ'n by all , tenderly lov'd and bred up the rest of his brethren , of whom he had no less cause to be jealous . and the year following he prosperd better an. dom. then from so foul a fact , passing into scotland with great puissance , both by sea and land , and chaceing his enemies before him , by land as far as dunseoder , and wertermore , by sea as far as cathness . the cause of this expedition , saith malmsbury , was to demand gudfert the son of sitric , thether fled , though not deny'd at length by constantine , who with eugenius king of cumberland , at a place call'd dacor or dacre in that shire , surrenderd himself and each his kingdome to athelstan , who brought back with him for hostage the son of constantine . but gudfert escaping in the mean while out of scotland , and constantine exasperated by this invasion , perswaded anlaf the other son of sitric then fled into ireland , others write anlaf king of ireland and the iles , his an. dom. son in law , with ships , and the king of cumberland with other forces , to his aid . this within fowr years effected , they enterd england by humber , and fought with athelstan at a place call'd wendune , others term it brunanburg , others bruneford , which ingulf places beyond humber , camden in glendale of northumberland on the scotch borders ; the bloodiest fight , say authors , that ever this iland saw , to describe which , the saxon annalist wont to be sober and succinct , whether the same or another writer , now labouring under the weight of his argument , and over-charg'd , runs on a sudden into such extravagant fansies and metaphors , as bare him quite beside the scope of being understood . huntingdon , though himself peccant enough in his kind , transcribes him word for word as a pastime to his readers . i shall only summe up what of him i can attain , in usuall language . the battel was fought eagerly from morning till night ; some fell of king edwards old army , try'd in many a battel before ; but on the other side great multitudes , the rest fled to thir ships . five kings , and of anlafs chief captains were slain on the place , with froda a norman leader ; constantine escap'd home , but lost his son in the fight , if i understand my author ; anlaf by sea to dublin , with a small remainder of his great hoast . malmsbury relates this war , adding many circumstances after this manner . that anlaf joining with constantine and the whole power of scotland , besides those which he brought with him out of ireland , came on far southwards , till athelstan who had retir'd on set purpose to be the surer of his enimies , enclos'd from all succour and retreat , met him at brunesord . anlaf perceaving the valour and resolution of athelstan , and mistrusting his own forces though numerous , resolv'd first to spie in what posture his enemies lay : and imitating perhaps what he heard attempted by king alfred the age before , in the habit of a musitian , got access by his lute and voice to the kings tent , there playing both the minstrel and the spie : then towards evening dismis't , he was observ'd by one who had bin his souldier and well knew him , veiwing earnestly the kings tent , and what approaches lay about it , then in the twilight to depart . the souldier forthwith acquaints the king , and by him blam'd for letting go his enemy , answerd , that he had giv'n first his military oath to anlaf , whom if he had betrai'd , the king might suspect him of like treasonous minde towards himself ; which to disprove , he advis'd him to remove his tent a good distance off ; and so don , it happ'nd that a bishop with his retinue coming that night to the army , pich'd his tent in the same place , from whence the king had remov'd . analf coming by night as he had design'd , to assault the camp and especially the kings tent , finding there the bishop in stead , flew him with all his followers . athelstan took the allarm , and as it seems , was not found so unprovided , but that the day now appearing , he put his men in order , and maintain'd the fight till evening ; wherin constantine himself was slain with five other kings , and twelve earls , the annals were content with seav'n , in the rest not disagreeing . ingulf abbot of croyland from the autority of turketul a principal leader in this battel , relates it more at large to this effect : that athelstan above a mile distant from the place where execution was done upon the bishop and his supplies , allarm'd at the noise , came down by break of day , upon anlaf and his army , over-watch't and wearied now with the slaughter they had made , and something out of order , yet in two main battels . the king therfore in like manner dividing , led the one part consisting most of west saxons , against anlaf with his danes and irish , committing the other to his chancellor turketul , with the mercians and londoners against constantine and his scots . the showr of arrows and darts over-pass't , both battells attack'd each other with a close and terrible ingagement , for a long space neither side giving ground . till the chancellor turketul , a man of great stature and strength , taking with him a few londoners of select valour , and singin who led the worstershire men , a captain of undaunted courage , broke into the thickest , making his way first through the picts and orkeners , then through the cumbrians and scots , and came at length where constantine himself fought , unhors'd him , and us'd all means to take him alive ; but the scots valiantly defending thir king , and laying load upon turketul , which the goodness of his armour well endur'd , he had yet bin beat'n down , had not singin his faithfull second at the same time slain constantine ; which once known , analf and the whole army betook them to flight , wherof a huge multitude fell by the sword. this turketul not long after leaving worldly affairs , became abbot of croyland , which at his own cost he had repair'd , from danish ruins , and lest there this memorial of his former actions . athelstan with his brother edmund victorious , thence turning into wales , with much more ease vanquish'd ludwal the king , and possest his land . but malmsbury writes , that commiserating human chance , as he displac'd , so he restor'd both him and constantine to thir regal state ; for the surrender of king constantine hath bin above spok'n of . however the welch did him homage at the city of hereford , and covnanted yearly payment of gold pound , of silver , of oxen thousand , besides hunting dogs and hawks . he also took exeter from the cornish britans , who till that time had equal right there with the english , and bounded them with the river tamar , as the other brittish with wey . thus dreaded of his enemies , and renown'd far and neer , three years after he dy'd at gloster , and was buried with an. dom. many trophies at malmsbury , where he had caus'd to be laid his two cosin germans , elwin and ethelstan , both slain in the battel against anlaf . he was years old at his coming to the crown , mature in wisedom from his childhood , comly of person and behaviour ; so that alfred his grandfather in blessing him was wont to pray he might live to have the kingdome , and put him yet a child into souldiers habit . he had his breeding in the court of elfled his aunt , of whose vertues more then female we have related , sufficient to evince that his mother , though said to be no wedded wife , was yet such of parentage and worth , as the royal line disdain'd not , though the song went in malmsburies daies ( for it seems he refus'd not the autority of ballats for want of better ) that his mother was a farmers daughter , but of excellent feature ; who dreamt one night she brought forth a moon that should enlight'n the whole land : which the kings nurse hearing of , took her home and bred up courtly ; that the king coming one day to visit his nurse , saw there this damsel , lik'd her , and by earnest suit prevailing , had by her this famous athelstan , a bounteous , just and affable king , as malmsbury sets him forth ; nor less honour'd abroad by foren kings , who sought his friendship by great guifts or affinity ; that harold king of noricum sent him a ship , whose prow was of gold , sails purple , and other golden things , the more to be wonderd at , sent from noricum , whether meant norway or bavaria , the one place so far from such superfluity of wealth , the other from all sea : the embassadors were helgrim and offrid , who found the king at yorke . his sisters he gave in marriage to greatest princes , elgif to otho son of henry the emperour , egdith to a certain duke about the alpes , edgiv to ludwic king of aquitain , sprung of charles the great , ethilda to hugo king of france , who sent aldulf son of baldwin , earl of flanders , to obtain her . from all these great suitors , especially from the emperour and king of france , came rich presents , horses of excellent breed , gorgeous trappings and armour , reliques , jewels , odors , vessels of onyx , and other pretious things , which i leave poetically describ'd in malmsbury , tak'n , as he confesses , out of an old versifier , some of whose verses he recites . the only blemish left upon him , was the exposing of his brother edwin , who disavow'd by oath the treason wherof he was accus'd , and implor'd an equall hearing . but these were songs , as before hath bin said , which add also that athelstan , his anger over , soon repented of the fact , and put to death his cup-bearer , who had induc't him to suspect and expose his brother , put in mind by a word falling from the cup-bearers own mouth , who slipping one day as he bore the kings cup , and recovring himself on the other leg , said aloud , fatally as to him it prov'd , one brother helps the other . which words the king laying to heart , and pondring how ill he had done to make away his brother , aveng'd himself first on the adviser of that fact , took on him seav'n years penance , and as mat. west . saith , built two monasteries for the soul of his brother . his laws are extant among the laws of other saxon kings to this day . edmund . edmund not above years old succeeded his brother athelstan , in courage not inferiour . an. dom. for in the second of his reign he free'd mercia of the danes that remain'd there , and took from them the citties of lincoln , nottingham , stamsord , darby , and leister , where they were plac'd by king edward , but it seems gave not good proof of thir fidelity . simeon writes that anlaf setting forth from yorke , and having wasted southward as far as northampton , was met by edmund at leister ; but that ere the battails join'd , peace was made between them by odo and wulstan the two archbishops , with conversion of anlaf ; for the same year edmund receav'd at the font-stone this or another anlaf , as saith huntingdon , not him spok'n of before , who dy'd this year ( so uncertain they are in the story of these times also ) and held reginald another king of the northumbers , while the bishop confirm'd him : thir limits were divided north and south by watling-street . but spirituall kindred little avail'd to keep peace between them , whoever gave the cause ; for we read him two years after driving anlaf ( whom an. dom. the annals now first call the son of sitric ) and suthfrid son of reginald out of northumberland , takeing the whole country into subjection . edmund the next year harras'd cumberland , then gave an. dom. it to malcolm king of scots , thereby bound to assist him in his wars , both by sea and land ; mat. west . adds that in this action edmund had the aid of leolin prince of northwales , against dummail the cumbrian king , him depriving of his kingdome , and his two sons of thir sight . but the year after he himself an. dom. by strange accident came to an untimely death , feasting with his nobles on st. austins day at puclekerke in glostershire , to celebrat the memory of his first converting the saxons . he spi'd leof a noted theef , whom he had banish'd , sitting among his guests ; wherat transported with too much vehemence of spirit , though in a just cause , riseing from the table he ran upon the theef , and catching his hair , pull'd him to the ground . the theef who doubted from such handling no less then his death intended , thought to die not unreveng'd ; and with a short dagger strook the king , who still laid at him , and little expected such assassination , mortally into the brest . the matter was done in a moment , ere men set at table could turn them , or imagin at first what the stir meant , till perceaving the king deadly wounded , they flew upon the murderer and hew'd him to peeces ; who like a wild beast at abbay , seeing himself surrounded , desperatly laid about him , wounding some in his fall . the king was buried at glaston , wherof dunstan was then abbot , his laws yet remain to be seen among the laws of other saxon kings . edred . edred the third brother of athelstan , the sons of edmund being yet but children , next reign'd , not degenerating from his worthy predecessors , and crown'd at kingston . northumberland he throughly subdu'd , the scots without refusal swore him allegiance ; yet the northumbrians , ever of doubtfull faith , soon after chose to themselves one eric a dane . huntingdon still haunts us with this anlaf ( of whom we gladly would have bin ridd ) and will have him before eric recall'd once more and reign fowr years , then again put to his shifts . but an. dom. edred entring into northumberland , and with spoils returning , eric the king fell upon his rear . edred turning about , both shook off the enemy , and prepar'd to make a second inroad : which the northumbrians dreading rejected eric , slew amanous the son of anlaf , and with many presents appeasing edred , submitted again to his goverment ; nor from that time had kings , but were govern'd by earls , of whom osulf was the first . about this time wulstan an. dom. archbishop of york , accus'd to have slain certain men of thetford in revenge of thir abbot whom the townsmen had slain , was committed by the king to close custody ; but soon after enlarg'd , was restor'd to his place . malmsbury writes that his crime was to have conniv'd at the revolt of his countrymen : but an. dom. king edred two years after sick'ning in the flowr of his youth , dy'd much lamented , and was buried at winchester . edwi . edwi the son of edmund now come to age , after his uncle edred's death took on him the goverment , and was crown'd at kingston . his lovely person sirnam'd him the fair , his actions are diversly reported , by huntingdon not thought illaudable . but malnisbury and such as follow him write far otherwise , that he married or kept as concubine , his neer kinswoman , some say both her and her daughter ; so inordinatly giv'n to his pleasure , that on the very day of his coronation , he abruptly withdrew himself from the company of his peers , whether in banquet or consultation , to sit wantoning in the chamber with this algiva , so was her name , who had such power over him . wherat his barons offended , sent bishop dunstan , the boldest among them , to request his return : he going to the chamber , not only interrupted his dalliance and rebuk'd the lady , but takeing him by the hand , between force and persuasion brought him back to his nobles . the king highly displeas'd , and instigated perhaps an. dom. by her who was so prevalent with him , not long after sent dunstan into banishment , caus'd his monastery to be rifl'd , and became an enemy to all monks . wherupon odo archbishop of canterbury pronounc't a separation or divorce of the king from algiva . but that which most incited william of malmsbury against him , he gave that monastery to be dwelt in by secular preists , or , to use his own phrase , made it a stable of clerks ; at length these affronts done to the church were so resented by the people , that the mercians and northumbrians revolted from him , and set up edgar his brother , leaving to edwi the an. dom. an. dom. west-saxons only , bounded by the river thames ; with greif wherof , as is thought , he soon after ended his daies , and was buried at winchester . mean while elfsin bishop of that place after the death of odo , ascending by simony to the chair of canterbury , and going to rome the same year for his pall , was froz'n to death in the alps. edgar . edgar by his brothers death now king of all england at years of age , call'd home dunstan an. dom. out of flanders , where he liv'd in exile . this king had no war all his reign ; yet allways well prepar'd for war , govern'd the kingdom in great peace , honour , and prosperity , gaining thence the sirname of peaceable , much extoll'd for justice , clemency , and all kingly vertues , the more , ye may be sure , by monks , for his building so many monasteries ; as some write , every year one : for he much favour'd the monks against secular preists , who in the time of edwi had got possession in most of thir covents . his care and wisdome was great in guarding the coast round with stout ships , to the number of , mat. west . reck'ns them , divided into fowr squadrons , to sail to and fro on the fowr quarters of the land , meeting each other ; the first of sail from east to west , the second of as many from west to east , the third and fowrth between north and south , himself in the summer time with his fleet. thus he kept out wisely the force of strangers , and prevented forein war ; but by thir too frequent resort hither in time of peace , and his too much favouring them , he let in thir vices unaware . thence the people , saith malmsbury , learnt of the out-landish saxons rudeness , of the flemish daintiness and softness ; of the danes drunk'ness ; though i doubt these vices are as naturally home-bred heer as in any of those countries . yet in the winter and spring time he usually rode the circuit as a judge itinerant through all his provinces , to see justice well administerd , and the poor not oppress'd . theeves and robbers he rooted almost out of the land , and wild beasts of prey altogether ; enjoining ludwal king of wales to pay the yearly tribute of wolves , which he did for two years together , till the third year no more were to be found , nor ever after ; but his laws may be read yet extant . whatever was the cause he was not crown'd till the . of his age , but then with great an. dom. an. dom. splendor and magnificence at the city of bath , in the feast of pentecost . this year dy'd swarling a monk of croyland , the . year of his age , and another soon after him in the th . in the fenn and watrish air , the more remarkable . king edgar the next year went to chester , and summoning to his court there all the kings that held of him , took homage of them : thir names are kened king of scots , malcolm of cumberland , maccuse of the iles , five of wales , duswal , huwal , grifith , jacob , judethil , these he had in such aw , that going one day into a gally , he caus'd them to take each man his oar , and row him down the river dee , while he himself sat at the stern : which might be done in meriment and easily obei'd ; if with a serious brow , discoverd rather vain glory and insulting haughtiness , then moderation of mind . and that he did it seriously tryumphing , appears by his words then utterd , that his successors might then glory to be kings of england , when they had such honour done them . and perhaps the divine power was displeas'd with him for taking too much honour to himself ; since we read that the year following he was tak'n an. dom. out of this life by sickness in the highth of his glory and the prime of his age , buried at glaston abby . the same year , as mat. west . relates , he gave to kened the scottish king , many rich presents , and the whole country of laudian , or lothien , to hold of him on condition that he and his successors should repair to the english court at high festivals when the king sat crown'd , gave him also many lodging places by the way , which till the days of henry the second were still held by the kings of scotland . he was of stature not tall , of body slender , yet so well made , that in strength he chose to contend with such as were thought strongest , and dislik'd nothing more then that they should spare him for respect or fear to hurt him . kened king of scots then in the court of edgar , sitting one day at table was heard to say jestingly among his servants , he wonderd how so many provinces could be held in subjection by such a little dapper man : his words were brought to the kings ear ; he sends for kened as about some private business , and in talk drawing him forth to a secret place , takes from under his garment two swords which he had brought with him , gave one of them to kened ; and now saith he , it shall be try'd which ought to be the subject ; for it is shamefull for a king to boast at table , and shrink in fight . kened much abash'd fell presently at his feet , and besought him to pardon what he had simply spok'n , no way intended to his dishonour or disparagement : wherewith the king was satisfi'd . camden in his description of ireland , cites a charter of king edgar , wherin it appears , he had in subjection all the kingdomes of the iles as far as norway , and had subdu'd the greatest part of ireland with the city of dublin : but of this other writers make no mention . in his youth having heard of elfrida , daughter to ordgar duke of devonshire , much commended for her beauty , he sent earl athelwold , whose loyalty he trusted most , to see her ; intending , if she were found such as answerd report , to demand her in marriage . he at the first view tak'n with her presence , disloyally , as it oft happ'ns in such emploiments , began to sue for himself ; and with consent of her parents obtain'd her . returning therfore with scarse an ordinary commendation of her feature , he easily took off the kings mind , soon diverted another way . but the matter coming to light how athelwold had forestall'd the king , and elfrida's beauty more and more spok'n of , the king now heated not only with a relapse of love , but with a deep sence of the abuse , yet dissembling his disturbance , pleasantly told the earl , what day he meant to come and visit him and his fair wife . the earl seemingly assur'd his welcome , but in the mean while acquainting his wife , earnestly advis'd her to deform her self , what she might , either in dress or otherwise , lest the king , whose amorous inclination was not unknown , should chance to be attracted . she who by this time was not ignorant , how athelwold had stepd between her and the king , against his coming arraies her self richly , useing whatever art she could devise might render her the more amiable ; and it took effect . for the king inflam'd with her love the more for that he had bin so long defrauded and rob'd of her , resolv'd not only to recover his intercepted right , but to punish the interloper of his destind spouse , and appointing with him as was usual , a day of hunting , drawn aside in a forest , now call'd harewood , smote him through with a dart. some censure this act as cruel and tyrannical , but considerd well , it may be judg'd more favourably , and that no man of sensible spirit but in his place , without extraordinary perfection , would have done the like : for next to life what worse treason could have bin committed against him ? it chanc'd that the earls base son coming by upon the fact , the king sternly ask'd him how he lik'd this game ; he submisly answering , that whatsoever pleas'd the king , must not displease him ; the king return'd to his wonted temper , took an affection to the youth , and ever after highly favour'd him , making amends in the son for what he had done to the father . elsrida forthwith he took to wife , who to expiate her former husbands death , though therin she had no hand , coverd the place of his bloodshed with a monastery of nuns to sing over him . another fault is laid to his charge , no way excusable , that he took a virgin wilfrida by force out of the nunnery , where she was plac'd by her friends to avoid his persuit , and kept her as his concubine ; but liv'd not obstinatly in the offence ; for sharply reprov'd by dunstan he submitted to years penance , and for that time to want his coronation : but why he had it not before , is left unwritt'n . another story there goes of edgar , fitter for a novel then a history ; but as i find it in malmsbury , so i relate it . while he was yet unmarried , in his youth he abstain'd not from women , and coming on a day to andover , caus'd a dukes daughter there dwelling , reported rare of beauty , to be brought to him . the mother not dareing flatly to deny , yet abhorring that her daughter should be so deflour'd , at fit time of night sent in her attire , one of her waiting maids ; a maid it seems not unhansom nor unwitty ; who suppli'd the place of her young lady . night pass'd , the maid going to rise , but day-light scarse yet appearing , was by the king askt why she made such hast , she answer'd , to do the work which her lady had set her ; at which the kingwondring , and with much ado staying her to unfold the riddle , for he took her to be the dukes daughter , she falling at his feet besought him , that since at the command of her lady she came to his bed , and was enjoy'd by him , he would be pleas'd in recompence to set her free from the hard service of her mistress . the king a while standing in a study whether he had best be angry or not , at length turning all to a jest , took the maid away with him , advanc'd her above her lady , lov'd her and accompanied with her only , till he married elfrida . these only are his faults upon record , rather to be wonderd how they were so few , and so soon left , he coming at to the licence of a scepter ; and that his vertues were so many and so mature , he dying before the age wherin wisdome can in others attain to any ripeness : however with him dy'd all the saxon glory . from henceforth nothing is to be heard of but thir decline and ruin under a double conquest , and the causes foregoing ; which , not to blur or taint the praises of thir former actions and liberty well defended , shall stand severally related , and will be more then long enough for another book . the end of the fifth book . the history of britain . the sixth book . edward the younger . edward the eldest son of edgar by egelfieda his first wife , the daughter of duke ordmer , was according to right and his fathers will , plac'd in the throne ; elfrida his second wife , and her faction only repineing , who labour'd to have had her son ethelred a child of years , preferr'd before him ; that she under that pretence might have rul'd all . mean while comets were seen in heav'n , portending not famin only , which follow'd the next year , but the troubl'd state of the whole realm not long after to ensue . the troubles begun in edwi's daies , between monks and secular priests , now reviv'd and drew on either side many of the nobles into parties . for elfere duke of the mercians , with many other pecrs , corrupted as is said with guifts , drove the monks out of those monasteries where edgar had plac'd them , and in thir stead put secular priests with thir wives . but ethelwin duke of east-angles , with his brother elfwold , and earl britnoth oppos'd them , and gathering an army defended the abbies of east-angles from such intruders . to appease these tumults , a synod was call'd at winchester , and nothing there concluded , a general councel both of nobles and prelates , was held at caln in wiltshire , where while the dispute was hot , but chiefly against dunstan , the room wherin they sat fell upon thir heads , killing some , maiming others , dunstan only escaping upon a beam that fell not , and the king absent by reason of his tender age. this accident quieted the controversie , and brought both parts to hold with dunstan and the monks . mean while the king addicted to a religious life , and of a mild spirit , simply permitted all things to the ambitious will of his step-mother and her son ethelred : to whom she displeas'd that the name only of king was wanting , practis'd thenceforth to remove king edward out of the way ; which in this manner she brought about . edward on a day wearied with hunting , thirsty and alone , while his attendance follow'd the dogs , hearing that ethelred and his mother lodg'd at corvesgate ( corse castle , saith camden , in the i le of purbeck ) innocently went thether . she with all shew of kindness welcoming him , commanded drink to be brought forth , for it seems he lighted not from his horse ; and while he was drinking , caus'd one of her servants , privately before instructed , to stab him with a poignard . the poor youth who little expected such unkindness there , turning speedily the reins , fled bleeding ; till through loss of blood falling from his horse , and expiring , yet held with one foot in the stirrop , he was dragg'd along the way , trac'd by his blood , and buried without honour at werham , having reign'd about years : but the place of his burial an. dom. not long after grew famous for miracles . after which by duke elfer ( who , as malmsbury saith , had a hand in his death ) he was royally enterr'd at skepton or shaftsbury . the murdress elfrida at length repenting spent the residue of her daies in sorrow and great penance . ethelred . ethelred second son of edgar by elfrida ( for edmund an. dom. dy'd a child ) his brother edward wickedly remov'd , was now next in right to succeed , and accordingly crown'd at kingston : reported by some , fair of visage , comly of person , elegant of behaviour ; but the event will shew that with many sluggish and ignoble vices he quickly sham'd his outside ; born and prolong'd a fatal mischeif of the people , and the ruin of his country ; whereof he gave early signes from his first infancy , bewraying the font and water while the bishop was baptizing him . whereat dunstan much troubl'd , for he stood by and saw it , to them next him broke into these words , by god and gods mother this boy will prove a sluggard . another thing is writt'n of him in his childhood ; which argu'd no bad nature , that hearing of his brother edwards cruel death , he made loud lamentation ; but his furious mother offended therwith , and having no rod at hand , beat him so with great wax candles , that he hated the sight of them ever after . dunstan though unwilling set the crown upon his head ; but at the same time foretold op'nly , as is reported , the great evils that were to come upon him and the land , in avengment of his brothers innocent blood . and about the same time , one midnight , a cloud sometimes bloody , sometimes fiery , was seen over all england ; and within three years an. dom. the danish tempest , which had long surceast , revolv'd again upon this iland . to the more ample relating whereof , the danish history , at least thir latest and diligentest historian , as neither from the first landing of danes , in the reign of west-saxon brithric , so now again from first to last , contributes nothing ; busied more then anough to make out the bare names and successions of thir uncertain kings , and thir small actions at home : unless out of him i should transcribe what hee takes , and i better may , from our own annals ; the surer , and the sadder witnesses of thir doings here , not glorious , as they vainly boast , but most inhumanly barbarous . for the danes well understanding , that england had now a slothfull king to thir wish , first landing at southampton from great ships , took the town , spoil'd the country , and carried away with them great pillage ; nor was devonshire and cornwall uninfested on the shore ; pirats of norway also harried the coast of west-chester : and to add a worse calamity , the city of london was burnt , casually or not , is not writt'n . an. dom. it chanc'd fowr years after , that ethelred beseig'd rochester , some way or other offended by the bishop therof . dunstan not approving the cause , sent to warn him that he provoke not st. andrew the patron of that city , nor wast his lands ; an old craft of the clergy to secure thir church lands , by entailing them on some saint ; the king not hark'ning , dunstan on this condition that the seige might be rais'd , sent him a hundred pound , the money was accepted and the seige dissolv'd . dunstan reprehending his avarice , sent him again this word , because thou hast respected money more then religion , the evils which i foretold shall the sooner come upon thee ; but not in my days ; for so god hath spok'n . the next year an. dom. an. dom. was calamitous , bringing strange fluxes upon men , and murren upon cattel . dunstan the year following dy'd , a strenuous bishop , zealous without dread of person , and for ought appeers , the best of many ages , if he busied not himself too much in secular affairs . he was chaplain at first to king athelstan , and edmund who succeeded , much imploi'd in court affairs , till envi'd by some who laid many things to his charge , he was by edmund forbidd'n the court , but by the earnest mediation , saith ingulf , of turkitul the chancellour , receav'd at length to favour , and made abbot of glaston , lastly by edgar and the generall vote , archbishop of canterbury . not long after his death , the danes arriving in devonshire were met by goda lieutenant of that country , and strenwold a valiant leader , who put back the danes , but with loss of thir own lives . the third year following , under the conduct of justin an. dom. and guthmund the son of steytan , they landed and spoil'd ipswich , fought with britnoth duke of the east-angles about maldon , where they slew him ; the slaughter else had bin equal on both sides . these and the like depredations on every side the english not able to resist , by counsel of siric then arch-bishop of canterbury , and two dukes , ethelward and alfric ; it was thought best for the present to buy that with silver which they could not gain with thir iron ; and ten thousand pound was paid to the danes for peace . which for a while contented ; but taught them the ready way how easiest to come by more . the next year but one they took by storm and rifl'd bebbanburg an antient city nigh durham : an. dom. sailing thence into the mouth of humber , they wasted both sides therof , yorkeshire and lindsey , burning and destroying all before them . against these went out three noblemen , frena , frithegist , and godwin , but being all danes by the fathers side , willingly began flight , and forsook thir own forces betray'd to the enemy . no less treachery was at sea ; for alfric the son of elfer duke of mercia , whom the king for some offence had banish'd but now recall'd , sent from london with a fleet to surprise the danes , in some place of disadvantage , gave them over night intelligence therof , then fled to them himself ; which his fleet , saith florent , perceaveing , persu'd , took the ship , but miss'd of his person ; the londoners by chance grapling with the east-angles made them fewer , saith my authour , by many thousands . others say , that by this notice of alfric , the danes not only escap'd , but with a greater fleet an. dom. set upon the english , took many of thir ships , and in tryumph brought them up the thames , intending to beseige london : for anlaf king of norway , and swane of denmarke , at the head of these , came with gallies . the king for this treason of alfric , put out his sons eyes ; but the londoners both by land and water , so valiantly resisted thir beseigers , that they were forc't in one day with great loss to give over . but what they could not on the city , they wreck'd themselves on the countries round about , wasting with sword and fire all essex , kent , and sussex . thence horsing thir foot , diffus'd far wider thir outragious incursions , without mercy either to sex or age. the slothfull king instead of warlike opposition in the field , sends embassadors to treat about another payment ; the sum promisd was now thousand pound ; till which paid , the danes winterd at southampton ; ethelred inviteing anlaf to come and visit him at andover : where he was royally entertain'd , some say baptiz'd , or confirm'd , adopted son by the king , and dismis't with great presents , promising by oath to depart and molest the kingdome no more ; which he perform'd , but the calamity ended not so , for after some intermission of thir rage for three years , the other navy an. dom. of danes sailing about to the west , enterd severn , and wasted one while south wales , then cornwall and devonshire , till at length they winterd about tavistoc . for it were an endless work to relate how they wallow'd up and down to every particular place , and to repeat as oft what devastations they wrought , what desolations left behinde them , easie to be imagin'd . in summ , the next year they afflicted an. dom. dorsetshire , hamshire , and the i le of wight ; by the english many resolutions were tak'n , many armies rais'd , but either betray'd by the falshood , or discourag'd by the weakness of thir leaders , they were put to rout , or disbanded themselves . for souldiers most commonly are as thir commanders , without much odds of valour in one nation or other , only as they are more or less wisely disciplin'd and conducted . the following year brought them back an. dom. upon kent , where they enterd medway , and beseig'd rochester ; but the kentish men assembling , gave them a sharp encounter , yet that suffic'd not to hinder them from doing as they had done in other places . against these depopulations , the king levied an army ; but the unskillfull leaders not knowing what to do with it when they had it , did but drive out time , burd'ning and impoverishing the people , consuming the publick treasure , and more imboldning the enemy , then if they had sat quiet at home . what cause mov'd the danes next year to pass into normandy , is not recorded ; but that an. dom. they return'd thence more outragious then before . mean while the king , to make some diversion , undertak's an expedition both by land and sea into cumberland , where the danes were most planted ; there and in the i le of man , or as camden saith , anglesey , imitating his enemies in spoiling and unpeopleing ; the danes from normandy arriving in the river ex , laid seige to exeter ; but the cittizens , as those of london , valorously defending themselves , an. dom. they wreck'd thir anger , as before , on the villages round about . the country people of somerset and devonshire assembling themselves at penho , shew'd thir readiness , but wanted a head ; and besides , being then but few in number , were easily put to flight ; the enemy plundring all at will , with loaded spoils pass'd into the i le of wight ; from whence all dorsetshire , and hamshire , felt again thir fury . the saxon annals write , that before thir coming to exeter , the hamshire men had a bickering with them , wherin ethelward the kings general was slain , adding other things hardly to be understood , an. dom. and in one antient copy ; so end . ethelred , whom no adversity could awake from his soft and sluggish life , still coming by the worse at fighting , by the advice of his peers not unlike himself , sends one of his gay courtiers , though looking loftily , to stoop basely and propose a third tribute to the danes : they willingly hark'n , but the summ is enhaunc't now to thousand pound , and paid ; the danes therupon abstaining from hostility . but the king to strengthen his house by some potent affinity , marries emma , whom the saxons call elgiva , daughter of richard duke of normandy . with him ethelred formerly had war or no good correspondence , as appears by a letter of pope john the th . who made peace between them about eleaven years before ; puft up now with his suppos'd access of strength by this affinity , he caus'd the danes all over england , though now living peaceably , in one day perfidiously to be massacherd , both men , women , and childern ; sending privat letters to every town and citty , wherby they might be ready all at the same hower ; which till the appointed time ( being the th of july ) was conceal'd with great silence , and perform'd with much unanimity ; so generally hated were the danes . mat. west . writes , that this execution upon the danes was ten years after ; that huna one of ethelreds chief captains , complaining of the danish insolencies in time of peace , thir pride , thir ravishing of matrons and virgins , incited the king to this massacher , which in the madness of rage made no difference of innocent or nocent . among these , gunhildis the sister of swane was not spar'd , though much deserving not pitty only , but all protection : she with her husband earl palingus , coming to live in england , and receaving christianity , had her husband and young son slain before her face , her self then beheaded , foretelling and denouncing that her blood would cost england dear . some say this was done by the traitor edric , to whose custody she was committed ; but the massacher was some years before edric's advancement ; and if it were done by him afterward , it seems to contradict the privat correspondence which he was thought to hold with the danes . for swane breathing revenge , an. dom. hasted the next year into england , and by the treason or negligence of count hugh , whom emma had recommended to the government of devonshire , sack'd the city of exeter , her wall from east to west-gate brok'n down : after this wasting wiltshire , the people of that county , and of hamshire , came together in great numbers with resolution stoutly to oppose him , but alfric thir general , whose sons eyes the king had lately put out , madly thinking to revenge himself on the king , by ruining his own country , when he should have orderd his battel , the enemy being at hand , fain'd himself tak'n with a vomiting ; wherby his army in great discontent , destitute of a commander , turn'd from the enemy ; who streight took wilton and salsbury , carrying the pillage therof to his ships . an. dom. thence the next year landing on the coast of norfolk , he wasted the country , and set norwich on fire ; ulfketel duke of the east-angles , a man of great valour , not having space to gather his forces , after consultation had , thought it best to make peace with the dane , which he breaking within three weeks , issu'd silently out of his ships , came to thetford , staid there a night , and in the morning left it flameing . vlsketel hearing this , commanded some to go and break , or burn his ships ; but they not dareing or neglecting , he in the mean while with what secresie and speed was possible , drawing together his forces , went out against the enemy , and gave them a feirce onset retreating to thir ships ; but much inferiour in number , many of the cheif east-angles , there lost thir lives . nor did the danes come off without great slaughter of thir own ; confessing that they never met in england with so rough a charge . the next year , whom war could an. dom. not , a great famin drove swane out of the land. but the summer following , another great fleet of danes enterd the port of sandwich , thence powrd an. dom. out over all kent and sussex , made prey of what they found . the king levying an army out of mercia , and the west-saxons , took on him for once the manhood to go out and face them ; but they who held it safer to live by rapine , then to hazard a battel , shifting lightly from place to place , frustrated the slow motions of a heavy camp , following thir wonted course of robbery , then running to thir ships . thus all autumn they wearied out the kings army , which gone home to winter , they carried all thir pillage to the i le of wight , and there staid till christmas ; at which time the king being in shropshire , and but ill imploi'd ( for by the procurement of edric , he caus'd , as is thought , alfhelm a noble duke , treacherously to be slain , and the eyes of his two sons to be put out ) they came forth again , over-running hamshire , and barkeshire , as far as reading and wallingford : thence to ashdune , and other places thereabout , neither known nor of tolerable pronuntiation ; and returning by another way , found many of the people in armes by the river kenet ; but making thir way through , they got safe with vast booty to thir ships . the an. dom. king and his courtiers wearied out with thir last summers jaunt after the nimble danes to no purpose , which by proof they found too toilsome for thir soft bones , more us'd to beds and couches , had recourse to thir last and only remedy , thir cofers ; and send now the fourth time to buy a dishonorable peace , every time still dearer , not to be had now under thousand pound ( for the danes knew how to milk such easie kine ) in name of tribute and expences : which out of the people over all england , already half beggerd , was extorted and paid . about the same time ethelred advanc'd edric , surnam'd streon , from obscure condition to be duke of mercia , and marry edgitha the kings daughter . the cause of his advancement , florent of worster , and mat. west . attribute to his great wealth , gott'n by fine polices and a plausible tongue : he prov'd a main accessory to the ruin of england , as his actions will soon declare . ethelred the next year somewhat an. dom. rowsing himself , ordain'd that every hides ( a hide is so much land as one plow can sufficiently till ) should set out a ship or gally , and every nine hides find a corslet and head-peice : new ships in every port were builded , vittl'd , fraught with stout mariners and souldiers , and appointed to meet all at sandwich . a man might now think that all would go well ; when suddenly a new mischief sprung up , dissention among the great ones ; which brought all this diligence to as little success as at other times before . bithric the brother of edric , falsly accus'd wulnoth a great officer set over the south-saxons , who fearing the potency of his enemies , with ships got to sea , and practis'd piracy on the coast . against whom , reported to be in a place where he might be easily surpris'd , bithrie sets forth with ships ; all which driv'n back by a tempest and wrackt upon the shoar , were burnt soon after by wulnoth . disheart'nd with this misfortune , the king returns to london ; the rest of his navy after him ; and all this great preparation to nothing . wherupon turkill , a danish earl , came with a navy an. dom. to the i le of tanet , and in august a far greater , led by heming and ilaf joyn'd with him . thence coasting to sandwich , and landed , they went onward and began to assault canterbury , but the citizens and east kentish men , coming to composition with them for three thousand pound , they departed thence to the i le of wight , robbing and burning by the way . against these the king levies an army through all the land , and in several quarters places them nigh the sea , but so unskillfully or unsuccessfully , that the danes were not therby hinderd from exerciseing thir wonted robberies . it happ'nd that the danes one day were gone up into the country , far from thir ships , the king having notice therof , thought to intercept them in thir return ; his men were resolute to overcome or die , time and place advantagious ; but where courage and fortune was not wanting , there wanted loyalty among them . edric with suttle arguments that had a shew of deep policy , disputed and perswaded the simplicity of his fellow counsellers , that it would be best consulted at that time to let the danes pass without ambush or interception . the danes where they expected danger , finding none , pass'd on with great joy and booty to thir ships . after this , sailing about kent , they lay that winter in the thames , forcing kent and essex to contribution , oft-times attempting the city of london , but repuls't as oft to thir great loss . spring begun , leaving thir ships , they pass'd an. dom. through chiltern wood into oxfordshire , burnt the city , and thence returning with divided forces wasted on both sides the thames ; but hearing , that an army from london was marcht out against them , they on the north-side , passing the river at stanes , join'd with them on the south into one body , and enrich't with great spoils , came back through surrey to thir ships ; which all the lent-time they repair'd . after easter , sailing to the east-angles they arriv'd at ipswich , and came to a place call'd ringmere , where they heard that vlfketell with his forces lay , who with a sharp encounter soon entertain'd them ; but his men at length giving back , through the suttlety of a danish servant among them who began the flight , lost the field ; though the men of cambridgeshire stood to it valiantly . in this battel ethelstan the kings son in law , with many other noblemen , was slain ; wherby the danes without more resistance , three months together had the spoiling of those countries and all the fenns , burnt thetsord and grantbrig , or cambridge ; thence to a hilly place not far off , call'd by huntingdon balesham , by camden gogmagog hills , and the villages therabout they turn'd thir fury , slaying all they met save one man , who getting up into a steeple , is said to have defended himself against the whole danish army . they therefore so leaving him , thir foot by sea , thir horse by land through fssex , return'd back lad'n to thir ships left in the thames . but many daies pass'd not between , when salying again out of thir ships as out of savage denns , they plunderd over again all oxfordshire , and added to thir prey buckingham , bedford , and hertfordshire ; then like wild beasts glutted , returning to thir caves . a third excursion they made into northamptonshire , burnt northampton , ransacking the country round ; then as to fresh pasture betook them to the west-saxons , and in like sort harrasing all wiltshire , return'd , as i said before , like wild beasts or rather sea-monsters to thir water-stables , accomplishing by christmas the circuit of thir whole years good deeds ; an unjust and inhuman nation , who receaving or not receaving tribute where none was owing them , made such destruction of mankind , and rapine of their lively-hood , as is a misery to read . yet here they ceas'd not , for the next year an. dom. repeating the same cruelties on both sides the thames , one way as far as huntingdon , the other as far as wiltshire and southampton , sollicited again by the king for peace , and receaving thir demands both of tribute and contribution , they slighted thir faith ; and in the beginning of september laid seige to canterbury . on the twentieth day , by the treachery of almere the archdeacon , they took part of it and burnt it , committing all sorts of massacher as a sport ; some they threw over the wall , others into the fire , hung some by the privy members , infants pull'd from thir mothers breasts , were either tost on spears , or carts drawn over them ; matrons and virgins by the hair dragd and ravish't . alfage the grave arch-bishop , above others hated of the danes , as in all counsells and actions to his might thir known opposer , tak'n , wounded , imprison'd in a noisom ship ; the multitude are tith'd , and every tenth only spar'd . an. dom. early the next year before easter , while ethelred and his peers were assembl'd at london , to raise now the fifth tribute amounting to thousand pound , the danes at canterbury propose to the archbishop , who had bin now seav'n months thir prisoner , life and liberty , if he pay them three thousand pound ; which he refuseing as not able of himself , and not willing to extort it from his tennants , is permitted till the next sunday to consider ; then hal'd before thir counsel , of whom turkill was cheif , and still refuseing , they rise most of them being drunk , and beat him with the blunt side of thir axes , then thrust forth deliver him to be pelted with stones ; till one thrum a converted dane , pittying him half dead , to put him out of pain ; with a pious impiety , at one stroak of his ax on the head dispatch'd him . his body was carried to london , and there buried , thence afterward remov'd to canterbury . by this time the tribute paid , and peace so oft'n violated sworn again by the danes , they dispers'd thir fleet ; forty five of them , and turkill thir cheif staid at london with the king , swore him allegeance to defend his land against all strangers , on condition only to be fed and cloth'd by him . but this voluntary friendship of turkill was thought to be deceitfull , that staying under this pretence he gave intelligence to swane , when most it would be seasonable to come . in july therfore of the next year , king swane an. dom. arriving at sandwich , made no stay there , but sailing first to humber , thence into trent , landed and encamp'd at gainsburrow : whither without delay repair'd to him the northumbrians , with vthred thir earl ; those of lindsey also , then those of fisburg , and lastly all on the north of watling-street ( which is a high way from east to west sea ) gave oath and hostages to obey him . from whom he commanded horses and provision for his army , taking with him besides bands and companies of thir choicest men ; and committing to his son canute the care of his fleet and hostages ; he marches towards the south mercians , commanding his souldiers to exercise all acts of hostility ; with the terror wherof fully executed , he took in few daies the city of oxford , then winchester ; thence tending to london , in his hasty passage over the thames , without seeking bridge or ford , lost many of his men . nor was his expedition against london prosperous ; for assaying all means by force or wile to take the city , wherin the king then was , & turkill with his danes , he was stoutly beat'n off as at other times . thence back to wallingford and bath , directing his course , after usual havock made , he sate a while and refresh'd his army . there ethelm an earl of devonshire , and other great officers in the west yeilded him subjection . these things flowing to his wish , he betook him to his navy , from that time still'd and accounted king of england , if a tyrant , saith simeon , may be call'd a king. the londoners also sent him hostages and made thir peace , for they fear'd his fury . ethelred thus reduc't to narrow compass , sent emma his queen , with his two sons had by her , and all his treasure to richard the d . her brother , duke of normandy ; himself with his danish fleet abode some while at greenwich , then sailing to the i le of wight , pass'd after christmas into normandy ; where he was honourably receav'd at roan by the duke , though known to have born himself churlishly and proudly towards emma his sister , besides his dissolute company with other women . mean while swane ceas'd not to exact almost insupportable tribute of the people , spoiling them when he listed , besides , the like did turkill at greenwich . the next an. dom. year beginning , swane sickens and dyes ; some say terrifi'd and smitt'n by an appearing shape of st. edmund arm'd , whose church at bury he had threat'nd to demolish ; but the authority hereof relies only upon the legend of st. edmund . after his death the danish army and fleet made his son canute thir king ; but the nobility and states of england sent messengers to ethelred , declareing that they preferr'd none before thir native sovran , if he would promise to govern them better then he had done , and with more clemency . wherat the king rejoicing , sends over his son edward with embassadors to court , both high and low , and win thir love , promising largly to be thir mild and devoted lord , to consent in all things to thir will , follow thir counsel , and whatever had been done or spok'n by any man against him , freely to pardon ; if they would loyally restore him to be thir king. to this the people cheerfully answer'd , and amity was both promisd and confirm'd on both sides . an embassey of lords is sent to bring back the king honourably ; he returns in lent and is joyfully receav'd of the people , marches with a strong army against canute ; who having got horses and joyn'd with the men of lindsey , was preparing to make spoil in the countries adjoining ; but by ethelred unexpectedly coming upon him , was soon driv'n to his ships , and his confederats of lindsey left to the anger of thir country-men , executed without mercy both by fire and sword. canute in all hast sailing back to sandwich , took the hostages giv'n to his father from all parts of england , and with slit noses , ears cropt , and hands chop 't off , setting them ashore , departed into denmarke . yet the people were not disburd'nd , for the king rais'd out of them thousand pound to pay his fleet of danes at greenwich . to these evills the sea in october pass'd his bounds , overwhelming many towns in england , and of thir inhabitants many thousands . the year following an an. dom. assembly being at oxford , edric of streon , having invited two noblemen , sigeferth , and morcar , the sons of earngrun of seav'nburg to his lodging , secretly murderd them : the king , for what cause is unknown , seis'd thir estates , and caus'd algith the wife of sigeferth to be kept at maidulfsburg , now malmsbury ; whom edmund the prince there married against his fathers minde , then went and possesd thir lands , making the people there subject to him . mat. west . saith , that these two were of the danes who had seated themselves in northumberland , slain by edric under colour of treason laid to thir charge . they who attended them without , tumulting at the death of thir maisters , were beat'n back ; and driv'n into a church , and defending themselves were burnt there in the steeple . mean while canute returning from denmarke with a great navy , ships richly gilded and adorn'd , well fraught with arms and all provision ; and , which encomium emmae mentions not , two other kings , lachman of sweden , olav of norway , arriv'd at sandwich ; and , as the same authour then living writes , sent out spies to discover what resistance on land was to be expected ; who return'd with certain report , that a great army of english was in readiness to oppose them . turkill , who upon the arrival of these danish powers , kept faith no longer with the english , but joining now with canute , as it were to reingratiate himself after his revolt , whether real or complotted , councell'd him ( being yet young ) not to land , but leave to him the management of this first battel ; the king assented , and he with the forces which he had brought , and part of those which arriv'd with canute , landing to thir wish encounterd the english , though double in number , at a place call'd scorastan , and was at first beaten back with much loss . but at length animating his men with rage only and despair , obtain'd a clear victory , which won him great reward and possessions from canute . but of this action no other writer makes mention : from sandwich therefore sailing about to the river frome , and there landing , over all dorset , sommerset , and wiltshire , spread wastfull hostility . the king lay then sick at cosham in this county ; though it may seem strange how he could lie sick there in the midst of his enemies . howbeit edmund in one part , and edric of streon in another , rais'd forces by themselves ; but so soon as both armies were united , the traytor edric being found to practice against the life of edmund , he remov'd with his army from him ; whereof the enemy took great advantage . edric easily enticeing the ships of danes to side with him , revolted to canute , the west-saxons also gave pledges and furnished him with horses . by which means the year ensueing , an. dom. he with edric the traytor , passing the thames at cre●lad , about twelftide , enterd into mercia , and especially warwickshire , depopulating all places in thir way . against these , prince edmund , for his hardiness call'd ironside , gather'd an army ; but the mercians refus'd to fight unless ethelred with the londoners came to aid them ; and so every man return'd home . after the festival , edmund gathering another army besought his father to come with the londoners , and what force besides he was able ; they came with great strength gott'n together , but being come , and in a hopefull way of good success , it was told the king , that unless he took the better heed , some of his own forces would fall off and betray him . the king daunted with this perhaps cunning whisper of the enemy , disbanding his army , returns to london . edmund betook him into northumberland , as some thought to raise fresh forces ; but he with earl vthred on the one side , and canute with edric on the other , did little else but wast the provinces ; canute to conquer them , edmund to punish them , who stood neuter ; for which cause stafford , shropshire , and lestershire , felt heavily his hand ; while canute , who was ruining the more southern shires , at length march'd into northumberland ; which edmund hearing dismiss'd his forces and came to london . vthred the earl hasted back to northumberland , and finding no other remedy , submitted himself with all the northumbrians , giving hostages to canute . nevertheless by his command or connivence , and the hand of one turebrand a danish lord ; vthred was slain , and tric another dane made earl in his stead . this vthred son of walteof , as simeon writes , in his treatise of the seige of durham , in his youth obtain'd a great victory against malcolm son of kened king of scots , who with the whole power of his kingdome was fall'n into northumberland , and laid seige to durham . walteof the old earl unable to resist , had secur'd himself in bebbanburg , a strong town , but vthred gathering an army rais'd the seige , slew most of the scots , thir king narrowly escaping , and with the heads of thir slain fixt upon poles beset round the walls of durham . the year of this exploit simeon cleers not , for in . and in the reign of ethelred as he affirms , it could not bee . canute by another way returning southward , joyfull of his success , before easter came back with all the army to his fleet. about the end of april ensueing , ethelred after a long , troublesome and ill govern'd reign , ended his daies at london , and was buried in the church of st. paul. edmund ironside . after the decease of ethelred , they of the nobility who were then at london together with the citizens , chose edmund his son ( not by emma , but a former wife the daughter of earl thored ) in his fathers room ; but the archbishops , abbots , and many of the nobles assembling together elected canute ; and coming to southamton where he then remain'd , renounc'd before him all the race of ethelred , and swore him fidelity : he also swore to them , in matters both religious and secular , to be thir faithfull lord. but edmund with all speed going to the west-saxons , was joyfully receav'd of them as thir king , and of many other provinces by their example . mean while canute about mid may came with his whole fleet up the river to london ; then causing a great dike to be made on surrey side , turn'd the stream and drew his ships thether west of the bridge ; then begirting the city with a broad and deep trench , assail'd it on every side ; but repulst as before by the valorous defendants , and in despair of success at that time , leaving part of his army for the defence of his ships , with the rest sped him to the west-saxons , ere edmund could have time to assemble all his powers : who yet with such as were at hand invoking divine aid , encounterd the danes at pen by gillingham in dorsetshire , and put him to flight . after mid-summer , encreast with new forces , he met with him again at a place call'd sherastan , now sharstan ; but edric , almar , and algar , with the hamshire and wiltshire men , then sideing with the danes , he only maintain'd the fight , obstinatly fought on both sides , till night and weariness parted them . day light returning renu'd the conflict ; wherein the danes appearing inferiour , edric to dishart'n the english cuts off the head of one osmer , in countnance and hair somewhat resembling the king , and holding it up , cries aloud to the english , that edmund being slain and this his head , it was time for them to flie ; which falacy edmund perceaving , and op'nly shewing himself to his souldiers , by a spear thrown at edric , that missing him yet slew one next him , and through him another behinde , they recoverd heart , and lay sore upon the danes till night parted them as before : for ere the third morn , canute sensible of his loss , march'd away by stealth to his ships at london , renuing there his leagre . some would have this battell at sherastan the same with that at scorastan before mention'd , but the circumstance of time permits not that , having bin before the landing of canute , this a good while after , as by the process of things appears : from sherastan or sharstan , edmund return'd to the west-saxons , whose valour edric fearing , least it might prevail against the danes , sought pardon of his revolt , and obtaining it swore loyalty to the king , who now the third time coming with an army from the west-saxons to london , rais'd the seige , chaseing canute and his danes to thir ships . then after two daies passing the thames at branford , and so coming on thir backs , kept them so turn'd , and obtain'd the victory : then returns again to his west saxons , and canute to his seige , but still in vain ; riseing therfore thence , he enterd with his ships a river then call'd arenne ; and from the banks therof wasted mercia ; thence thir horse by land , thir foot by ship came to medway . edmund in the mean while with multipli'd forces out of many shires , crossing again at branford , came into kent , seeking canute ; encounterd him at ocford , and so defeated , that of his horse , they who escap'd fled to the i le of sheppey ; and a full victory he had gain'd , had not edric still the traytor by some wile or other detain'd his persuit : and edmund who never wanted courage , heer wanted prudence to be so misled , ever after forsak'n of his wonted fortune . canute crossing with his army into essex , thence wasted mercia worse then before , and with heavy prey return'd to his ships : them edmund with a collected army persueing , overtook at a place call'd assandune , or asseshill , now ashdown in essex ; the battel on either side was fought with great vehemence ; but perfidious edric perceaving the victory to incline towards edmund , with that part of the army which was under him , fled , as he had promis'd canute , and left the king over-match't with numbers : by which desertion the english were overthrown , duke alfric , duke godwin , and vlfketel the valiant duke of east-angles , with a great part of the nobility slain , so as the english of a long time had not receav'd a greater blow . yet after a while edmund not absurdly call'd ironside , preparing to try again his fortune in another feild , was hinderd by edric and others of his faction , adviseing him to make peace and divide the kingdome with canute . to which edmund over-rul'd , a treaty appointed , and pledges mutually giv'n , both kings met together at a place call'd deorhirst in glostershire ; edmund on the west side of severn , canute on the east with thir armies , then both in person wafted into an iland , at that time call'd olanege , now alney in the midst of the river ; swearing amity and brotherhood , they parted the kingdome between them . then interchanging armes and the habit they wore , assessing also what pay should be allotted to the navy ; they departed each his way . concerning this interveiw and the cause therof , others write otherwise ; malmsbury , that edmund greiving at the loss of so much blood spilt for the ambition only of two men striveing who should reign , of his own accord sent to canute , offering him single combate , to prevent in thir own cause the effusion of more blood then thir own ; that canute though of courage anough , yet not unwisely doubting to adventure his body of small timber , against a man of iron sides , refus'd the combate , offring to divide the kingdome ; this offer pleasing both armies , edmund was not difficult to consent ; and the decision was , that he as his hereditary kingdome should rule the west-saxons , and all the south , canute the mercians , and the north. huntingdon follow'd by mat. west . relates , that the peers on every side wearied out with continuall warfare , and not refraining to affirm op'nly , that they two who expected to reign singly , had most reason to fight singly , the kings were content ; the iland was thir lists , the combate knightly ; till knute finding himself too weak , began to parle , which ended as is said before . after which the londoners bought thir peace of the danes , and permitted them to winter in the city . but king edmund about the feast of st. andrew , unexpectedly deceas'd at london , and was buried neer to edgar his grandfather at glaston . the cause of his so sudden death is uncertain ; common fame , saith malmsbury , laies the guilt therof upon edric , who to please canute , allur'd with promise of reward two of the kings privy chamber , though at first abhorring the fact , to assassinate him at the stool , by thrusting a sharp iron into his hinder parts . huntingdon , and mat. west . relate it done at oxford by the son of edric , and something vary in the manner , not worth recital . edmund dead , canute meaning to reign sole king of england , calls to him all the dukes , barons , and bishops of the land , cunningly demanding of them who were witnesses what agreement was made between him and edmund dividing the kingdome , whether the sons and brothers of edmund were to govern the west-saxons after him , canute living ? they who understood his meaning , and fear'd to undergo his anger , timorously answerd , that edmund they knew had left no part therof to his sons or brethren , living or dying ; but that he intended canute should be thir guardian , till they came to age of reigning . simeon affirms , that for fear or hope of reward they attested what was not true : notwithstanding which he put many of them to death not long after . canute , or knute . canute having thus sounded the nobility , and an. dom. by them understood , receav'd thir oath of fealty , they the pledge of his bare hand , and oath from the danish nobles ; wherupon the house of edmund was renounc't , and canute crown'd . then they enacted , that edwi brother of edmund , a prince of great hope , should be banish't the realm . but canute not thinking himself secure while edwi liv'd , consulted with edric how to make him away ; who told him of one ethelward a decay'd nobleman , likeliest to do the work . ethelward sent for , and tempted by the king in privat , with largest rewards , but abhorring in his mind the deed , promisd to do it when he saw his opportunity ; and so still deferr'd it . but edwi afterwards receav'd into favour as a snare , was by him or some other of his false freinds , canute contriving it , the same year slain . edric also counsel'd him to dispatch edward and edmund , the sons of ironside ; but the king doubting that the fact would seem too foul done in england , sent them to the king of sweden , with like intent ; but he disdaining the office , sent them for better safety to solomon king of hungary ; where edmund at length dy'd , but edward married agatha daughter to henry the german emperour . a digression in the laws of edward confessor under the title of lex noricorum saith , that this edward for fear of canute , fled of his own accord to malesclot king of the rugians , who receav'd him honourably , and of that country gave him a wife . canute settl'd in his throne , divided the government of his kingdom into fowr parts ; the west-saxons to himself , the east-angles to earl turkill , the mercians to edric , the northumbrians to eric ; then made peace with all princes round about him , and his former wife being dead , in july married emma the widow of king ethelred . the christmas following was an ill feast to edric , of whose treason , the king having now made use as much as serv'd his turn , and fearing himself to be the next betray'd , caus'd him to be slain at london in the palace , thrown over the city wall , and there to lie unburied ; the head of edric fixt on a pole , he commanded to be set on the highest tower of london , as in a double sence he had promis'd him , for the murder of king edmund to exalt him above all the peers of england . huntingdon , malmsbury , and mat. west . write , that suspecting the kings intention to degrade him from his mercian dukedome , and upbraiding him with his merits , the king enrag'd , caus'd him to be strangl'd in the room , and out at a window thrown into the thames . another writes , that eric at the kings command struck off his head . other great men though without fault , as duke norman the son of leofwin , ethelward son of duke agelmar , he put to death at the same time , jealous of thir power or familiarity with edric : and notwithstanding peace , kept still his army ; to maintain which , the next an. dom. year he squees'd out of the english , though now his subjects , not his enemies , , some say , thousand pound , besides thousand out of london . mean while great war arose at carr , between vthred son of waldef , earl of northumberland , and malcolm son of kened king of scots , with whom held eugenius king of lothian . but heer simeon the relater seems to have committed some mistake , having slain vthred by canute two years before , and set eric in his place : eric therfore it must needs be , not vthred , who manag'd this war against the scots . about which time in a convention of danes at oxford , it was agreed on both parties to keep the laws of edgar ; mat. west . saith , of edward the elder . the an. dom. next year canute sail'd into denmarke , and there abode all winter . huntingdon and mat. west . say , he went thether to repress the swedes , and that the night before a battel to be fought with them , godwin stealing out of the camp with his english , assaulted the swedes , and had got the victory ere canute in the morning knew of any fight . for which bold enterprise , though against discipline , he had the english in more esteem ever after . in the spring an. dom. at his return into england , he held in the time of easter a great assembly at chirchester , and the same year was with turkill the dane at the dedication of a church by them built at assendune , in the place of that great victory which won him the crown . but suspecting his greatness , the year following banish'd an. dom. an. dom. him the realm , and found occasion to do the like by eric the northumbrian earl upon the same jealousie . nor yet content with his conquest of england , though now above ten years enjoy'd , he pass'd with ships into norway , dispossess'd olave thir king , and subdu'd the land , first with great summes of money sent the year before to gain him a party , then coming with an army to compell the rest . thence an. dom. returning king of england , denmarke , and norway , yet not secure in his mind , under colour of an embassey he sent into banishment hacun a powerfull dane , who had married the daughter of his sister gunildis , having conceav'd some suspition of his practices against him : but such course was tak'n , that he never came back ; either perishing at sea , or slain by contrivance the next year in orkney . canute an. dom. therefore having thus establish't himself by bloodshed and oppression , to wash away , as he an. dom. thought , the guilt therof , sailing again into denmark , went thence to rome , and offerd there to st. peter great guifts of gold and silver , and other pretious things ; besides the usuall tribute of romscot , giving great alms by the way , both thether and back again , freeing many places of custom and toll with great expence , where strangers were wont to pay , having vow'd great amendment of life at the sepulchre of peter and paul , and to his whole people in a large letter writt'n from rome yet extant . at his return therfore he built and dedicated an. dom. a church to st. edmund at bury , whom his ancestors had slain , threw out the secular priests who had intruded there , and plac'd monks in thir stead ; then going into scotland , subdu'd and receav'd homage of malcolm , and two other kings an. dom. there , melbeath , and jermare . three years after having made swane his suppos'd son by algiva of northamton , duke alshelms daughter ( for others say the son of a preist whom algiva barren had got ready at the time of her feign'd labour ) king of norway , and hardecnute his son by emma king of denmark , and design'd harold his son by algiva of northamton king of england , dy'd at shaftsbury , and was buried at winchester in the old monastery . this king , as appears , ended better then he began , for though he seems to have had no hand in the death of ironside , but detested the fact , and bringing the murderers , who came to him in hope of great reward , forth among his courtiers , as it were to receave thanks , after they had op'nly related the manner of thir killing him , deliver'd them to deserved punishment , yet he spar'd edric whom he knew to be the prime authour of that detestable fact ; till willing to be rid of him , grown importune upon the confidence of his merits , and upbraided by him that he had first relinquisht , then extinguisht edmund for his sake ; angry to be so upbraided , therfore said he with a chang'd countnance , traytor to god and to me , thou shalt die ; thine own mouth accuses thee to have slain thy master my confederate brother , and the lords anointed . whereupon although present and privat execution was in rage done upon edric , yet he himself in cool blood scrupl'd not to make away the brother and children of edmund , who had better right to be the lords anointed heer then himself . when he had obtain'd in england what he desir'd , no wonder if he sought the love of his conquerd subjects for the love of his own quiet , the maintainers of his wealth and state , for his own profit . for the like reason he is thought to have married emma , and that richard duke of normandy her brother might the less care what became of elfred and edward , her sons by king ethelred . he commanded to be observ'd the antient saxon laws ●all'd afterwards the laws of edward the confe●●●r , not that hee made them , but strictly observ'd them . his letter from rome professes , if he had done aught amiss in his youth , through negligence or want of due temper , full resolution with the help of god to make amends , by governing justly and piously for the future ; charges and adjures all his officers and vicounts , that neither for fear of him , or favour of any person , or to enrich the king , they suffer injustice to be done in the land ; commands his treasurers to pay all his debts ere his return home , which was by denmarke , to compose matters there ; and what his letter profess'd , he perform'd all his life after . but it is a fond conceit in many great ones , and pernicious in the end , to cease from no violence till they have attain'd the utmost of thir ambitions and desires ; then to think god appeas'd by thir seeking to bribe him with a share however large of thir ill-gott'n spoils , and then lastly to grow zealous of doing right , when they have no longer need to do wrong . howbeit canute was famous through europe , and much honour'd of conrade the emperour , then at rome , with rich guifts and many grants of what he there demanded for the freeing of passages from toll and custome . i must not omit one remarkable action done by him , as huntingdon reports it , with great scene of circumstance , and emphatical expression , to shew the small power of kings in respect of god ; which , unless to court-parasites , needed no such laborious demonstration . he caus'd his royal seat to be set on the shoar , while the tide was coming in ; and with all the state that royalty could put into his countnance , said thus to the sea : thou sea belongst to me , and the land wheron i sit is mine ; nor hath any one unpunish'd resisted my commands : i charge thee come no furder upon my land , neither presume to wet the feet of thy sovran lord. but the sea , as before , came rowling on , and without reverence both wet and dash'd him . wherat the king quickly riseing , wish'd all about him to behold and consider the weak and frivolous power of a king , and that none indeed deserv'd the name of a king , but he whose eternal laws both heav'n , earth , and sea obey . a truth so evident of it self , as i said before , that unless to shame his court flatterers who would not else be convinc't , canute needed not to have gone wet-shod home : the best is , from that time forth he never would wear a crown , esteeming earthly royalty contemptible and vain . harold . harold for his swiftness surnam'd harefoot , the son of canute by algiva of northampton ( though some speak doubtfully as if she bore him not , but had him of a shoo-makers wife , as swane before of a priest ; others of a maid-servant , to conceal her barrenness ) in a great assembly at oxford , was by duke leofric and the mercians , with the londoners , according to his fathers testament , elected king ; but without the regal habiliments , which aelnot the archbishop having in his custody , refus'd to deliver up , but to the sons of emma , for which harold ever after hated the clergy ; and ( as the clergy are wont thence to inferr ) all religion . godwin earl of kent , and the west-saxons with him , stood for hardecnute . malmsbury saith , that the contest was between dane and english ; that the danes and londoners grown now in a manner danish , were all for hardecnute ; but he being then in denmarke , harold prevail'd , yet so as that the kingdom should be divided between them ; the west and southpart reserv'd by emma for hardecnute , till his return . but harold once advanc't into the throne , banish'd emma his mother-in-law , seis'd on his fathers treasure at winchester , and there remain'd . emma not holding it safe to abide an. dom. in normandy while duke william the bastard was yet under age , retir'd to baldwin earl of flanders . in the mean while alfred and edward sons of ethelred , accompanied with a small number of norman souldiers in a few ships , coming to visit thir mother emma not yet departed the land , and perhaps to see how the people were inclin'd to restore them thir right ; elfred was sent for by the king then at london ; but in his way met at guilford by earl godwin , who with all seeming friendship entertain'd him , was in the night surpris'd and made prisner , most of his company put to various sorts of cruel death , decimated twice over , then brought to london , was by the king sent bound to eely , had his eyes put out by the way , and deliverd to the monks there , dy'd soon after in thir custody . malmsbury gives little credit to this story of elfred , as not chronicl'd in his time , but rumour'd only . which emma however hearing , sent away her son edward , who by good hap accompanied not his brother , with all speed into normandy . but the authour of encomium emmae , who seems plainly ( though nameless ) to have been some monk , yet liv'd , and perhaps wrote within the same year when these things were done ; by his relation differing from all others , much aggravates the cruelty of harold , that he not content to have practis'd in secret ( for op'nly he durst not ) against the life of emma , sought many treacherous ways to get her son within his power ; and resolv'd at length to forge a letter in the name of thir mother , inviting them into england , the copy of which letter he produces writt'n to this purpose . emma in name only queen , to her sons edward and alfrid imparts motherly salutation . while we severally bewail the death of our lord the king , most dear sons , and while daily yee are depriv'd more and more of the kingdom your inheritance ; i admire what counsel yee take , knowing that your intermitted delay , is a daily strengthning to the reign of your vsurper , who incessantly goes about from town to city , gaining the chief nobles to his party , either by gifts , prayers , or threats . but they had much rather one of you should reign over them , then to be held under the power of him who now over-rules them . i entreat therefore that one of you come to me speedily , and privatly ; to receive from me wholsom counsel , and to know how the business which i intend shall be accomplisht . by this messenger present , send back what you determine . farewell , as dear both as my own heart . these letters were sent to the princes then in normandy , by express messengers , with presents also as from thir mother ; which they joyfully receiving , return word by the same messengers , that one of them will be with her shortly ; naming both the time and place . alfrid therefore the younger ( for so it was thought best ) at the appointed time , with a few ships and small numbers about him appearing on the coast , no sooner came ashore but fell into the snare of earl godwin , sent on purpose to betray him ; as above was related . emma greatly sorrowing for the loss of her son , thus cruelly made away , fled immediatly with some of the nobles her faithfullest adherents into flanders , had her dwelling assign'd at bruges by the earl ; where having remain'd about two years , she was visited out of an. dom. denmarke by hardecnute her son ; and he not long had remain'd with her there , when harold in england , having done nothing the while worth memory , save the taxing of every port at marks of silver an. dom. to ships , dy'd at london , some say at oxford , and was buried at winchester . after which , most of the nobility , both danes and english now agreeing , send embassadors to hardecnute still at bruges with his mother , entreating him to come and receave as his right the scepter , who before midsomer came with ships , and many souldiers out of denmarke . hardecnute . hardecnute receav'd with acclamation , and seated in the throne , first call'd to mind the injuries done to him or his mother emma in the time of harold ; sent alfric bishop of yorke , godwin and others , with troud his executioner to london , commanding them to dig up the body of king harold , and throw it into a ditch ; but by a second order , into the thames . whence tak'n up by a fisherman , and convei'd to a church-yard in london , belonging to the danes , it was enterr'd again with honour . this done he levied a sore tax , that marks to every rower , and twelve to every officer in his fleet should be paid throughout england ; by which time they who were so forward to call him over , had anough of him ; for he , as they thought , had too much of theirs . after this he call'd to account godwin earl of kent , and leving bishop of worster , about the death of elfred his brother , which alfric the archbishop laid to thir charge ; the king depriv'd leving of his bishoprick , and gave it to his accuser : but the year following , pacifi'd with a round summe restor'd it to leving . godwin made his peace by a sumptuous present , a gally with a guilded stem bravely rigg'd , and souldiers in her , every one with bracelets of gold on each arm , weighing ounces , helmet , corslet , and hilts of his sword guilded ; a danish curtax listed with gold or silver , hung on his left shoulder , a sheild with boss and nales guilded in his left hand , in his right a launce : besides this , he took his cath before the king , that neither of his own councel or will , but by the command of harold he had done what he did , to the putting out of elfreds eyes . the like oath took most of the nobility for themselves , or in his behalf . the next year , hardecnute sending an. dom. his house earls , so they call'd his officers , to gather the tribute impos'd ; two of them rigorous in thir office , were slain at worster by the people ; wherat the king enrag'd , sent leofric duke of mercia , and seward of northumberland , with great forces and commission to slay the cittizens , rifle and burn the city , wast the whole province . affrighted with such news , all the people fled ; the country-men whither they could , the cittizens to a small iland in severn , call'd beverege , which they fortifi'd and defended stoutly , till peace was granted them , and freely to return home . but thir city they found sack't and burnt ; wherwith the king was appeas'd . this was commendable in him , however cruel to others , that toward his half brethren , though rivals of his crown , he shew'd himself alwayes tenderly affectiond ; as now towards edward , who without fear came to him out of normandy , and with unfeigned kindness receav'd , remain'd safely and honorably in his court. but hardecnute an. dom. the year following , at a feast wherin osgod a great danish lord gave his daughter in marriage at lambeth , to prudon another potent dane ; in the midst of his mirth , sound and healthfull to sight , while he was drinking fell down speechless , and so dying , was buried at winchester beside his father . he was it seems a great lover of good chere ; sitting at table fowr times a day , with great variety of dishes and superfluity to all commers . wheras , saith huntingdon , in our time princes in thir houses made but one meal a day . he gave his sister gunildis , a virgin of rare beauty , in marriage to henry the alman emperour ; and to send her forth pompously , all the nobility contributed thir jewels and richest ornaments . but it may seem a wonder that our historians , if they deserve that name , should in a matter so remarkable , and so neer thir own time , so much differ . huntingdon relates against the credit of all other records , that hardecnute thus dead , the english rejoycing at this unexpected riddance of the danish yoke , sent over to elfred the elder son of emma by king ethelred , of whom we heard but now , that he dy'd prisner at eely , sent thether by harold six year before ; that he came now out of normandy , with a great number of men to receave the crown ; that earl codwin aiming to have his daughter queen of england by marrying her to edward a simple youth , for he thought elfred of a higher spirit then to accept her , persuaded the nobles that elfred had brought over too many normans , had promis'd them lands heer , that it was not safe to suffer a warlike and suttle nation to take root in the land , that these were to be so handl'd as none of them might dare for the future to flock hither , upon pretence of relation to the king ; therupon by common consent of the nobles , both elfred and his company were dealt with as was above related ; that they then sent for edward out of normandy , with hostages to be left there of thir faithfull intentions to make him king , and thir desires not to bring over with him many normans ; that edward at thir call came then first out of normandy ; wheras all others agree that he came voluntarily over to visit hardecnute , as is before said , and was remaining in the court at the time of his death . for hardecnute dead , saith malmsbury , edward doubting greatly his own safety , determin'd to rely wholly on the advice and favour of earl godwin , desiring therfore by messengers to have privat speech with him , the earl a while deliberated : at last assenting , prince edward came , and would have fall'n at his feet ; but that not permitted , told him the danger wherin he thought himself at present , and in great perplexity besought her help to convey him some whether out of the land. godwin soon apprehending the fair occasion that prompted him how to advance himself and his family , cherfully exhorted him to remember himself the son of ethelred , the grandchild of edgar , right heir to the crown , at full age ; not to think of flying but of reigning , which might easily be brought about if he would follow his counsel ; then setting forth the power and authority which he had in england , promis'd it should be all his to set him on the throne , if he on his part would promise and swear to be for ever his friend , to preserve the honour of his house , and to marry his daughter . edward , as his necessity then was , consented easily , and swore to whatever godwin requir'd . an assembly of states therupon met at gillingham , where edward pleaded his right ; and by the powerfull influence of godwin was accepted . others , as bromton , with no probability write , that godwin at this time was fled into denmarke , for what he had done to elfred , return'd and submitted himself to edward then king , was by him charg'd op'nly with the death of elfred , and not without much ado , by the intercession of leofric and other peers , receav'd at length into favour . edward the confessor . glad were the english deliverd so unexpectedly from thir danish maisters , and little thought how neer another conquest was hanging over them . edward , the easter following , crown'd at winchester , an. dom. the same year accompanied with earl godwin , leofric , and siward , came again thether on a sudden , and by thir counsel seis'd on the treasure of his mother emma . the cause alleg'd is , that she was hard to him in the time of his banishment ; and indeed she is said not much to have lov'd ethelred her former husband , and thereafter the childern by him ; she was moreover noted to be very covetous , hard to the poor , and profuse to monasteries . about this time also king edward , according to promise , took to wife edith or egith earl godwins daughter , commended much for beauty , modesty , and , beyond what is requisite in a woman , learning . inguls a youth lodging in the court with his father , saw her oft , and coming from the school , was sometimes met by her and pos'd , not in grammar only , but in logic. edward the next year but one , made an. dom. ready a strong navy at sandwich against magnus king of norway , who threat'nd an invasion ; had not swane king of denmarke diverted him by a war at home to defend his own land , not out of good will to edward , as may be suppos'd , who at the an. dom. same time express'd none to the danes , banishing gunildis the neece of canute with her two sons , and osgod by sirname clapa , out of the realm . swane an. dom. over-powred by magnus , sent the next year to entreat aid of king edward ; godwin gave counsel to send him ships fraught with souldiers ; but leofric and the general voice gain-saying , none were sent . the next year harold harvager king of an. dom. norway sending embassadors , made peace with king edward ; but an earthquake at worster and darby , pestilence and famin in many places , much lesse'nd the enjoyment therof . the next year henry the an. dom. emperour displeas'd with baldwin earl of flanders , had streit'nd him with a great army by land ; and sending to king edward , desir'd him with his ships to hinder what he might , his escape by sea . the king therfore with a great navy coming to sandwich , there staid till the emperour came to an agreement with earl baldwin . mean while swane son of earl godwin , who not permitted to marry edgiva the abbess of chester by him deflour'd , had left the land , came out of denmarke with ships , feigning a desire to return into the kings favour ; and beorn his cousin german , who commanded part of the kings navy , promis'd to intercede that his earldome might be restor'd him . godwin therfore and beorn with a few ships , the rest of the fleet gone home , coming to pevensey ( but godwin soon departing thence in persuit of danish ships who had got much booty on the coast of essex , and perish'd by tempest in thir return ) swane with his ships comes to beorn at pevensey , guilefully requests him to sail with him to sandwich , and reconcile him to the king , as he had promis'd . beorn mistrusting no evill where he intended good , went with him in his ship attended by three only of his servants : but swane set upon barbarous cruelty , not reconciliation with the king , took beorn now in his power and bound him ; then coming to dertmouth , slew and buried him in a deep ditch . after which , the men of hastings took six of his ships and brought them to the king at sandwich ; with the other two he escap'd into flanders , there remaining till aldred bishop of worster by earnest mediation wrought his peace with the king. about this time king edward sent to pope leo , desiring absolution from a vow , which he had made in his younger years , to take a journey to rome , if god voutsaf'd him to reign in england ; the pope dispenc'd with his vow , but not without the expence of his journey giv'n to the poor , and a monastery built or re-edifi'd to st. peter : who in a vision to a monk , as is said , chose westminster , which king edward thereupon rebuilding endow'd with large privileges and revennues . the same year , saith florent of worster , certain irish pirats with ships enterd the mouth of severn , and with the aid of griffin prince of south-wales , did some hurt in those parts : then passing the river wey , burnt dunedham , and slew all the inhabitants they found . against whom aldred bishop of worster , with a few out of gloster and herefordshire , went out in hast : but griffin to whom the welch and irish had privily sent messengers , came down upon the english with his whole power by night , and early in the morning suddenly assaulting them , slew many , and put the rest to flight . the next an. dom. year but one , king edward remitted the danish tax , which had continu'd years heavy upon the land since ethelred first paid it to the danes , and what remain'd therof in his treasury he sent back to the owners : but through imprudence laid the foundation of a far worse mischeif to the english ; while studying gratitude to those normans , who to him in exile had bin helpfull ; he call'd them over to public offices heer , whom better he might have repaid out of his privat purse ; by this means exasperating either nation one against the other , and making way by degrees to the norman conquest . robert a monk of that country , who had bin serviceable to him there in time of need , he made bishop , first of london , then of canterbury ; william his chaplain bishop of dorchester . then began the english to lay aside thir own antient customes , and in many things to imitate french manners , the great peers to speak french in thir houses , in french to write thir bills and letters , as a great peece of gentility , asham'd of thir own : a presage of thir subjection shortly to that people , whose fashions and language they affected so slavishly : but that which gave begining to many troubles ensueing , happ'nd this year , and upon this occasion . eustace earl of boloign , father of the famous godfrey who won jerusalem from the saracens , and husband to goda the kings sister , having bin to visit king edward , and returning by canterbury to take ship at dover , one of his harbingers insolently seeking to lodge by force in a house there , provok'd so the master therof , as by chance or heat of anger to kill him . the count with his whole train going to the house where his servant had bin kill'd , slew both the slayer and more who defended him . but the townsmen running to arms , requited him with the slaughter of more of his servants , wounded most of the rest ; hee himself with one or two hardly escapeing ; ran back with clamour to the king ; whom seconded by other norman courtiers , he stirr'd up to great anger against the citizens of canterbury . earl godwin in hast is sent for , the cause related and much aggravated by the king against that city , the earl commanded to raise forces , and use the cittizens therof as enemies . godwin , sorry to see strangers more favour'd of the king then his native people , answerd , that it were better to summon first the cheif men of the town into the kings court , to charge them with sedition , where both parties might be heard , that not found in fault they might be acquitted , if otherwise , by fine or loss of life might satisfie the king whose peace they had brok'n , and the count whom they had injur'd ; till this were done refuseing to prosecute with hostile punishment them of his own county unheard , whom his office was rather to defend . the king displeas'd with his refusal , and not knowing how to compell him , appointed an assembly of all the peers to be held at gloster , where the matter might be fully try'd ; the assembly was full and frequent according to summons ; but godwin mistrusting his own cause , or the violence of his adversaries ; with his two sons , swane and harold , and a great power gatherd out of his own and his sons earldomes , which contein'd most of the south-east and west parts of england , came no furder then beverstan , giving out that thir forces were to go against the welch , who intended an irruption into hereford-shire ; and swane under that pretence lay with part of his army thereabout . the welch understanding this device , and with all diligence clearing themselves before the king , left godwin detected of false accusation in great hatred to all the assembly . leofric therfore and siward dukes of great power , the former in mercia , the other in all parts beyond humber , both ever faithfull to the king , send privily with speed to raise the forces of thir provinces . which godwin not knowing , sent boldly to king edward , demanding count eustace and his followers together with those boloignians , who as simeon writes , held a castle in the jurisdiction of canterbury . the king as then having but little force at hand , entertain'd him a while with treaties and delays , till his summond army drew nigh , then rejected his demands . godwin thus match'd , commanded his sons not to begin fight against the king ; begun with , not to give ground . the kings forces were the flower of those counties whence they came , and eager to fall on : but leofric and the wiser sort detesting civil war , brought the matter to this accord , that hostages giv'n on either side , the whole cause should be again debated at london . thether the king and lords coming with thir army , sent to godwin and his sons ( who with thir powers were come as far as southwarke ) commanding thir appearance unarm'd with only attendants , and that the rest of thir souldiers they should deliver over to the king. they to appear without pledges before an adverse faction deny'd ; but to dismiss thir souldiers refus'd not , nor in ought else to obey the king as far as might stand with honour and the just regard of thir safety . this answer not pleasing the king , an edict was presently issu'd forth , that godwin and his sons within five days depart the land. he who perceav'd now his numbers to diminish , readily obey'd , and with his wife and three sons , tosti , swane , and gyrtha , with as much treasure as thir ship could carry , embarking at thorney , sail'd into flanders to earl baldwin , whose daughter judith tosti had married : for wulnod his fourth son was then hostage to the king in normandy ; his other two , harold and leoswin , taking ship at bristow , in a vessel that lay ready there belonging to swane , pass'd into ireland . king edward persueing his displeasure , divorc'd his wife edith earl godwins daughter , sending her despoil'd of all her ornaments to warewel with one waiting maid , to be kept in custody by his sister the abbess there . his reason of so doing was as harsh as his act , that she only , while her neerest relations were in banishment , might not , though innocent , enjoy ease at home . after this , william duke of normandy with a great number of followers coming into england , was by king edward honorably entertain'd and led about the cities , and castles , as it were to shew him what ere long was to be his own ( though at that time , saith ingulf , no mention thereof pass'd between them ) then after some time of his abode heer , presented richly and dismiss'd , he return'd home . the next year queen emma dy'd , and was buried at winchester . the chronicle attributed an. dom. to john bromton a yorkshire abbot , but rather of some nameless author living under edward the d. or later , reports that the year before , by robert the archbishop she was accus'd both of consenting to the death of her son alfred , and of prepareing poyson for edward also ; lastly of too much familiarity with alwin bishop of winchester ; that to approve her innocence , praying over-night to st. swithun , she offerd to pass blindfold between certain plow-shares red hot , according to the ordalian law , which without harm she perform'd ; that the king therupon receav'd her to honour , and from her and the bishop , penance for his credulity ; that the archbishop asham'd of his accusation fled out of england : which besides the silence of antienter authors ( for the bishop fled not till a year after ) brings the whole story into suspition , in this more probable , if it can be proov'd , that in memory of this deliverance from the nine burning plow-shares , queen emma gave to the abbey of st. swithune nine mannors , and bishop alwin other nine . about this time griffin prince of south-wales wasted herefordshire ; to oppose whom the people of that country with many normans , garrisond in the castle of hereford , went out in armes , but were put to the worse , many slain , and much booty driv'n away by the welch . soon after which , harold and leofwin , sons of godwin , coming into severn with many ships , in the confines of somerset and dorset-shire , spoil'd many villages , and resisted by those of somerset and devonshire , slew in fight more then of thir principal men , many of the common sort , and return'd with much booty to thir fleet. king edward on the other side made ready above ships at sandwich well stor'd with men and provision , under the conduct of odo and radulf two of his norman kindred , enjoyning them to find out godwin , whom he heard to be at sea. to quick'n them , he himself lay on ship-broad , oft-times watch'd and sail'd up and down in search of those pirats . but godwin , whether in a mist , or by other accident , passing by them , arriv'd in another part of kent , and dispersing secret messengers abroad , by fair words allur'd the cheif men of kent , sussex , surrey , and essex to his party ; which news coming to the kings fleet at sandwich , they hasted to find him out ; but missing of him again , came up without effect to london . godwin advertisd of this , forthwith sail'd to the i le of wight ; where at length his two sons harold and leofwin finding him , with thir united navy lay on the coast , forbearing other hostility then to furnish themselves with fresh victual from land as they needed . thence as one fleet they set forward to sandwich , using all fair means by the way to encrease thir numbers both of mariners and souldiers . the king then at london , startl'd at these tydings , gave speedy order to raise forces in all parts which had not revolted from him ; but now too late , for godwin within a few days after with his ships or gallies came up the river thames to southwark , and till the tide return'd had conference with the londoners ; whom by fair speeches , for he was held a good speaker in those times , he brought to his bent . the tide returning , and none upon the bridge hindring , he row'd up in his gallies along the south bank ; where his land-army , now come to him , in array of battel stood on the shore , then turning toward the north side of the river , where the kings gallies lay in some readiness , and land-forces also not far off , he made shew as offring to fight ; but they understood one another , and the souldiers on either side soon declar'd thir resolution not to fight english against english . thence coming to treaty , the king and the earl reconcil'd , both armies were dissolv'd , godwin and his sons restor'd to their former dignities , except swane , who touch't in conscience for the slaughter of beorn his kinsman , was gone bare-foot to jerusalem , and returning home , dy'd by sickness or saracens in lycia ; his wife edith , godwins daughter , king edward took to him again , dignify'd as before . then were the normans , who had done many unjust things under the kings authority , and giv'n him ill counsel against his people , banish't the realm , some of them not blameable permitted to stay . robert archbishop of canterbury , william of london , vlf of lincoln , all normans , hardly escaping with thir followers , got to sea. the archbishop went with his complaint to rome ; but returning , dy'd in normandy at the same monastery from whence he came . osbern and hugh surrender'd thir castles , and by permission of leofric pass'd through his counties with thir normans to macbeth king of scotland . the year following rhese an. dom. brother to griffin , prince of south wales , who by inrodes had done much damage to the english tak'n at bulendun , was put to death by the kings appointment , and his head brought to him at gloster . the same year at winchester on the second holy-day of easter , earl godwin sitting with the king at table , sunk down suddenly in his seat as dead : his three sons harold , tosti , and gyrtha , forthwith carried him into the kings chamber , hoping he might revive : but the malady had so seis'd him , that the fifth day after he expir'd . the normans who hated godwin give out , saith malmsbury , that mention happ'ning to be made of elfred , and the king thereat looking sowerly upon godwin , he to vindicate himself , utter'd these words , thou , o king , at every mention made of thy brother elsred , look'st frowningly upon me : but let god not suffer me to swallow this morsel , if i be guilty of ought done against his life or thy advantage ; that after these words , choak't with the morsel tak'n , he sunk down and recover'd not . his first wife was the sister of cannute , a woman of much infamy for the trade she drove of buying up english youths and maids to sell in denmarke , whereof she made great gain ; but ere long was struck with thunder , and dy'd . the year ensuing , siward earl of an. dom. northumberland , with a great number of horse and foot , attended also by a strong fleet at the kings appointment , made an expedition into scotland , vanquish't the tyrant macbeth , slaying many thousands of scots with those normans that went thether , and plac'd malcolm son of the cumbrian king in his stead ; yet not without loss of his own son , and many other both english and danes . told of his sons death , he ask'd whether he receav'd his deaths wound before or behind ? when it was answerd before , i am glad , saith hee ; and should not else have thought him , though my son , worthy of burial . in the mean while king edward being without issue to succeed him , sent aldred bishop of winchester with great presents to the emperour , entreating him to prevail with the king of hungary , that edward the remaining son of his brother edmund ironside , might be sent into england . siward but one year surviving an. dom. his great victory , dy'd at yorke ; reported by huntingdon a man of giant-like stature , & by his own demeanour at point of death manifested , of a rough and meer souldierly mind . for much disdaining to die in bed by a disease , not in the field fighting with his enemies , he caus'd himself compleatly arm'd , and weapon'd with battel-ax and shield to be set in a chair , whether to fight with death , if he could be so vain , or to meet him ( when far other weapons and preparations were needful ) in a martial bravery ; but true fortitude glories not in the feats of war , as they are such , but as they serve to end war soonest by a victorious peace . his earldom the king bestow'd on tosti the son of earl godwin : and soon after in a convention held at london , banish't without visible cause , huntigdon saith for treason , algar the son of leofric ; who passing into ireland , soon return'd with eighteen ships to griffin prince of south wales , requesting his aid against king edward . he assembling his powers , enter'd with him into hereford-shire ; whom radulf a timorous captain , son to the kings sister , not by eustace , but a former husband , met two miles distant from hereford ; and having hors'd the english who knew better to fight on foot , without stroke he with his french and normans beginning to flie , taught the english by his example . griffin and algar following the chase , slew many , wounded more , enter'd hereford , slew seven canons defending the minster , burnt the monasterie and reliques , then the city ; killing some , leading captive others of the citizens , return'd with great spoils ; whereof king edward having notice , gather'd a great army at gloster under the conduct of harold now earl of kent ; who strenuously pursuing griffin , enter'd wales , and encamp'd beyond straddale . but the enemy flying before him farther into the country , leaving there the greater part of his army with such as had charge to fight , if occasion were offer'd , with the rest he return'd , and fortifi'd hereford with a wall and gates . mean while griffin and algar dreading the diligence of harold , after many messages to and fro , concluded a peace with him . algar discharging his fleet with pay at west chester , came to the king , and was restor'd to his earldom . but griffin with breach of faith , the next year set upon an. dom. leofgar the bishop of hereford and his clerks then at a place call'd glastbrig with agelnoth vicount of the shire , and slew them ; but leofric , harold , and king edward by force , as is likeliest , though it be not said how , reduc'd him to peace . the next year an. dom. edward son of edmund ironside , for whom his uncle king edward had sent to the emperour , came out of hungary , design'd successor to the crown ; but within a few days after his coming dy'd at london , leaving behind him edgar atheling his son , margaret and christina his daughters . about the same time also dy'd earl leofric in a good old age , a man of no less vertue then power in his time , religious , prudent , and faithful to his country , happily wedded to godiva a woman of great praise . his son algar found less favour with king edward , again banish't the year after an. dom. his fathers death ; but he again by the aid of griffin and a fleet from norway , maugre the king , soon recover'd his earldom . the next year malcolm an. dom. king of scots coming to visit king edward , was brought on his way by tosti the northumbrian earl , to whom he swore brotherhood : yet the next year an. dom. but one , while tosti was gone to rome with aldred archbishop of york for his pall , this sworn brother taking advantage of his absence , roughly harrass'd northumberland . the year passing to an end without other matter of moment , save the frequent inrodes and robberies of griffin , whom no bonds of faith could restrain , king edward sent against him after christmas harold now duke of west-saxons an. dom. with no great body of horse from gloster , where he then kept his court , whose coming heard of , griffin not daring to abide , nor in any part of his land holding himself secure , escap't hardly by sea , ere harold coming to rudeland , burnt his palace and ships there , returning to gloster the same day : but by the middle an. dom. of may setting out with a fleet from bristow , he sail'd about the most part of wales , and met by his brother tosti with many troops of horse , as the king had appointed , began to waste the country ; but the welch giving pledges , yeilded themselves , promis'd to become tributary , and banish griffin thir prince ; who lurking somewhere , was the next year tak'n and an. dom. slain by griffin prince of north wales ; his head with the head and tackle of his ship sent to harold , by him to the king , who of his gentleness made blechgent and rithwallon or rivallon his two brothers princes in his stead ; they to harold in behalf of the king swore fealty and tribute . yet the next year an. dom. harold having built a fair house at a place call'd portascith in monmouth-shire , and stor'd it with provision , that the king might lodge there in time of hunting , caradoc the son of griffin slain the year before , came with a number of men , slew all he found there , and took away the provision . soon after which the northumbrians in a tumult at york , beset the palace of tosti their earl , slew more then of his souldiers and servants , pillag'd his treasure , and put him to flie for his life . the cause of this insurrection they alledg'd to be , for that the queen edith had commanded in her brother tosti's behalf , gospatric a noble man of that country to be treacherously slain in the kings court ; and that tosti himself the year before with like treachery had caus'd to be slain in his chamber gamel and vls two other of thir noble men , besides his intolerable exactions and oppressions . then in a manner the whole country coming up to complain of their grievances , met with harold at northampton , whom the king at tosti's request had sent to pacifie the northumbrians ; but they laying op'n the cruelty of his government , and thir own birth-right of freedom not to endure the tyranny of any governour whatsoever , with absolute refusal to admit him again , and harold hearing reason , all the complices of tosti were expell'd the earldom . he himself banish't the realm , went in flanders ; morcar the son of algar made earl in his stead . huntingdon tells another cause of tosti's banishment , that one day at windsor , while harold reach'd the cup to king edward , tosti envying to see his younger brother in greater favour then himself , could not forbear to run furiously upon him , and catching hold of his hair , the scuflle was soon parted by other attendants rushing between , and tosti forbidd'n the court. he with continu'd fury rideing to hereford , where harold had many servants , preparing an entertainment for the king , came to the house and set upon them with his followers ; then lopping off hands , armes , legs of some , heads of others , threw them into butts of wine , meath , or ale , which were laid in for the kings drinking : and at his going away charg'd them to send him this word , that of other fresh meats he might bring with him to his farm what he pleas'd , but of sowce he should find plenty provided ready for him : that for this barbarous act the king pronounc't him banish'd ; that the northumbrians taking advantage at the kings displeasure and sentence against him , rose also to be reveng'd of his cruelties done to themselves ; but this no way agrees , for why then should harold or the king so much labour with the northumbrians to re-admit him , if he were a banish'd man for his crimes done before ? about this time it happ'nd that harold putting to sea one day for his pleasure , in a fisher boat , from his mannor at boseham in sussex , caught with a tempest too far off land , was carried into normandy ; and by the earl of pontiew , on whose coast he was driv'n , at his own request brought to duke william , who entertaining him with great courtesie , so far won him , as to promise the duke by oath of his own accord , not only the castle of dover then in his tenure , but the kingdome also after king edwards death to his utmost endeavour , therupon betrothing the dukes daughter then too young for marriage , and departing richly presented . others say , that king edward himself after the death of edward his nephew , sent harold thether , on purpose to acquaint duke william with his intention to bequeath him his kingdom : but malmsbury accounts the former story to be the truer . ingulf writes , that king edward now grown old , and perceaving edgar his nephew both in body and mind unfit to govern , especially against the pride and insolence of godwins sons , who would never obey him ; duke william on the other side of high merit , and his kinsman by the mother , had sent robert archbishop of canterbury , to acquaint the duke of his purpose , not long before harold came thether . the former part may be true , that king edward upon such considerations had sent one or other ; but arch-bishop robert was fled the land , and dead many years before . eadmer and simeon write , that harold went of his own accord into normandy , by the kings permission or connivence , to get free his brother wulnod and nephew hacun the son of swane , whom the king had tak'n hostages of godwin and sent into normandy ; that king edward foretold harold , his journey thether would be to the detriment of all england and his own reproach ; that duke william then acquainted harold , how edward ere his coming to the crown had promisd , if ever he attain'd it , to leave duke william successor after him . last of these mathew paris writes , that harold to get free of duke william , affirm'd his coming thether not to have been by accident or force of tempest , but on set purpose , in that privat manner to enter with him into secret confederacie ; so variously are these things reported . after this king edward an. dom. grew sickly , yet as he was able kept his christmas at london , and was at the dedication of st. peters church in westminster , which he had rebuilt ; but on the eve of epiphanie , or twelftide , deceas'd much lamented , and in the church was entoomb'd . that he was harmless and simple , is conjecturd by his words in anger to a peasant who had cross'd his game ( for with hunting and hawking he was much delighted ) by god and gods mother , said hee , i shall do you as shrew'd a turn if i can ; observing that law-maxim , the best of all his successors , that the king of england can do no wrong . the softness of his nature gave growth to factions of those about him , normans especially and english ; these complaining that robert the archbishop was a sower of dissention between the king and his people , a traducer of the english ; the other side , that godwin and his sons bore themselves arrogantly and proudly towards the king , usurping to themselves equall share in the government ; oft-times making sport with his simplicity , that through thir power in the land , they made no scruple to kill men of whose inheritance they took a likeing , and so to take possession . the truth is , that godwin and his sons did many things boistrously and violently , much against the kings minde ; which not able to resist , he had , as some say , his wife edith godwins daughter in such aversation , as in bed never to have touch'd her ; whether for this cause or mistak'n chastitie , not commendable ; to enquire further is not material . his laws held good and just , and long after desir'd by the english of thir norman kings , are yet extant . he is said to be at table not excessive , at festivals nothing puft up with the costly robes he wore , which his queen with curious art had woven for him in gold. he was full of alms-deeds , and exhorted the monks to like charitie . he is said to be the first of english kings that cur'd the disease call'd thence the kings evil ; yet malmsbury blames them who attribute that cure to his royaltie , not to his sanctitie ; said also to have cur'd certain blinde men with the water wherin he had wash'd his hands . a little before his death , lying speechless two days , the third day after a deep sleep , he was heard to pray , that if it were a true vision , not an illusion which he had seen , god would give him strength to utter it , otherwise not . then he related how he had seen two devout monks , whom he knew in normandy , to have liv'd and dy'd well , who appearing told him they were sent messengers from god to foretell , that because the great ones of england , dukes , lords , bishops , and abbots , were not ministers of god but of the devil , god had deliverd the land to thir enemies ; and when he desir'd that he might reveal this vision , to the end they might repent , it was answerd ; they neither will repent , neither will god pardon them ; at this relation others trembling , stigand the simonious archbishop , whom edward much to blame had sufferd many years to sit primate in the church , is said to have laugh't , as at the feavourish dream of a doteing old man ; but the event prov'd it true . harold son of earl godwin . harold , whether by king edward a little before hoved. florent . his death ordain'd successor to the crown , as simeon of durham , and others affirm ; or by the prevalence of his faction , excluding edgar the right heir , grandchild to edmund ironside , as malmsbury and huntingdon agree , no sooner was the funeral of king edward ended , but on the same day was elected and crown'd king : and no sooner plac't in the throne , but began to frame himself by all manner of compliances to gain affection , endeavour'd to make good laws , repeal'd bad , became a great patron to church and church-men , courteous and affable to all reputed good , a hater of evill doers , charg'd all his officers to punish theeves , robbers , and all disturbers of the peace , while he himself by sea and land labourd in the defence of his country : so good an actor is ambition . in the mean while a blazing star , mornings together , about the end of april , was seen to stream terribly , not only over england , but other parts of the world ; foretelling heer , as was thought , the great changes approaching : plainliest prognosticated by elmer a monk of malmsbury , who could not foresee , when time was , the breaking of his own leggs for soaring too high , he in his youth strangely aspiring , had made and fitted wings to his hands and feet ; with these on the top of a tower , spread out to gather air , he flew more then a furlong ; but the wind being too high , came fluttering down , to the maiming of all his limbs ; yet so conceited of his art , that he attributed the cause of his fall to the want of a tail , as birds have , which he forgot to make to his hinder parts . this story , though seeming otherwise too light in the midst of a sad narration , yet for the strangness therof , i thought worthy anough the placeing as i found it plac't in my authour . but to digress no farder , tosti the kings brother coming from flanders , full of envy at his younger brothers advancement to the crown , resolv'd what he might to trouble his reign ; forcing therfore them of wight i le to contribution , he sail'd thence to sandwich , committing piracies on the coast between . harold then residing at london , with a great number of ships drawn together , and of horse troops by land , prepares in person for sandwich : wherof tosti having notice , directs his course with ships towards lindsey , taking with him all the sea-men he found , willing or unwilling : where he burnt many villages , and slew many of the inhabitants ; but edwin the mercian duke , and morcar his brother , the northumbrian earl , with thir forces on either side , soon drove him out of the country . who thence betook him to malcolm the scottish king , and with him abode the whole summer . about the same time duke william sending embassadors to admonish harold of his promise and oath , to assist him in his plea to the kingdom , he made answer , that by the death of his daughter betroth'd to him on that condition , he was absolv'd of his oath , or not dead , he could not take her now an out-landish woman , without consent of the realm ; that it was presumptuously done and not to be persisted in , if without consent or knowledge of the states , he had sworn away the right of the kingdome ; that what he swore was to gain his liberty , being in a manner then his prisner ; that it was unreasonable in the duke to require or expect of him the foregoing of a kingdome , conferr'd upon him with universal favour and acclamation of the people : to this flat deniall he added contempt , sending the messengers back , saith mathew paris , on maim'd horses . the duke thus contemptuously put off , addresses himself to the pope , setting forth the justice of his cause , which harold , whether through haughtiness of mind , or distrust , or that the ways to rome were stop'd , sought not to do . duke william , besides the promise and oath of harold , alleg'd that king edward by the advice of seward , godwin himself , and stigand the archbishop , had giv'n him the right of succession , and had sent him the son and nephew of godwin , pledges of the guift ; the pope sent to duke william , after this demonstration of his right , a consecrated banner . wherupon he having with great care and choice got an army of tall and stout souldiers , under captains of great skill and mature age , came in august to the port of st. valerie . mean while harold from london comes to sandwich , there expecting his navy ; which also coming , he sails to the i le of wight ; and having heard of duke william's preparations and readiness to invade him , kept good watch on the coast , and foot forces every where in fit places to guard the shoar . but ere the middle of september , provision failing when it was most needed , both fleet and army return home . when on a sudden , harold harvager king of norway , with a navy of more then great ships , ( others less'n them by two hunderd , others augment them to a thousand ) appears at the mouth of tine ; to whom earl tosti with his ships came as was agreed between them ; whence both uniting , set sail with all speed and enterd the river humber . thence turning into ouse , as far as rical , landed ; and won yorke by assault . at these tideings harold with all his power hasts thetherward ; but ere his coming , edwin and morcar at fulford by yorke , on the north side of ouse , about the feast of st. mathew had giv'n them battel ; successfully at first , but over-born at length with numbers ; and forc't to turn thir backs , more of them perish'd in the river , then in the fight . the norwegians taking with them hostages out of yorke , and leaving there of thir own , retir'd to thir ships . but the fift day after , king harold with a great and well appointed army , coming to york , and at stamford-bridge , or battell-bridge on darwent , assailing the norwegians , after much bloodshed on both sides , cut off the greatest part of them with harfager thir king , and tosti his own brother . but olave the kings son , and paul earl of orkney , left with many souldiers to guard the ships , surrendring themselves with hostages and oath giv'n never to return as enemies , he sufferd freely to depart with ships and the small remnant of thir army . one man of the norwegians is not to be forgott'n , who with incredible valour keeping the bridge a long hour against the whole english army , with his single resistance delai'd thir victorie ; and scorning offerd life , till in the end no man dareing to graple with him , either dreaded as too strong , or contemn'd as one desperate , he was at length shot dead with an arrow ; and by his fall op'nd the passage of persuit to a compleat victorie . wherwith harold lifted up in minde , and forgetting now his former shews of popularitie , defrauded his souldiers thir due and well deserved share of the spoils . while these things thus past in northumberland , duke william lay still at st. valerie ; his ships were readie but the wind serv'd not for many days ; which put the souldierie into much discouragement and murmur , taking this for an unlucky sign of thir success ; at last the wind came favourable , the duke first under sail awaited the rest at anchor , till all coming forth , the whole fleet of ships with a prosperous gale arriv'd at hastings . at his going out of the boat by a slip falling on his hands , to correct the omen , a souldier standing by said aloud , that thir duke had tak'n possession of england . landed , he restrein'd his army from wast and spoil , saying , that they ought to spare what was thir own . but these are things related of alexander and caesar , and i doubt thence borrow'd by the monks to inlay thir story . the duke for days after landing kept his men quiet within the camp , having tak'n the castle of hastings , or built a fortress there . harold secure the while and proud of his new victorie , thought all his enemies now under foot : but sitting jollily at dinner , news is brought him , that duke william of normandy with a great multitude of horse and foot , slingers and archers , besides other choice auxiliaries which he had hir'd in france , was arriv'd at pevensey . harold who had expected him all the summer , but not so late in the year as now it was , for it was october ; with his forces much diminish't after two sore conflicts and the departing of many others from him discontented , in great hast marches to london . thence not tarrying for supplies which were on thir way towards him , hurries into sussex ( for he was always in hast since the day of his coronation ) and ere the third part of his army could be well put in order , findes the duke about mile from hastings , and now drawing nigh , sent spies before him to survey the strength and number of his enemies : them , discoverd such , the duke causing to be led about , and after well fill'd with meat and drink sent back . they not over-wise , brought word that the dukes army were most of them priests ; for they saw thir faces all over shav'n ; the english then useing to let grow on thir upper-lip large mustachio's , as did antiently the britans . the king laughing answerd , that they were not priests , but valiant and hardy souldiers . therefore said girtha his brother , a youth of noble courage and understanding above his age , forbear thou thy self to fight , who art obnoxious to duke william by oath , let us unsworn undergo the hazard of battel , who may justly fight in the defence of our country ; thou reserv'd to fitter time , maist either reunite us flying , or revenge us dead . the king not hark'ning to this , least it might seem to argue fear in him or a bad cause , with like resolution rejected the offers of duke william sent to him by a monk before the battel , with this only answer hastily deliverd , let god judge between us . the offers were these , that harold would either lay down the scepter , or hold it of him , or try his title with him by single combate in the sight of both armies , or referr it to the pope . these rejected , both sides prepar'd to fight the next morning , the english from singing and drinking all night , the normans from confession of thir sins and communion of the host . the english were in a streit disadvantagious place , so that many discourag'd with thir ill ordering , scarse having room where to stand , slip'd away before the onset , the rest in close order with thir battel-axes and shields , made an impenetrable squadron : the king himself with his brothers on foot stood by the royal standard , wherin the figure of a man fighting was inwov'n with gold and pretious stones . the norman foot , most bowmen , made the formost front , on either side wings of horse somewhat behind . the duke arming , and his corslet giv'n him on the wrong side , said pleasantly , the strength of my dukedom will be turn'd now into a kingdom . then the whole army singing the song of rowland , the remembrance of whose exploits might hart'n them , imploring lastly divine help , the battel began ; and was fought sorely on either side ; but the main body of english foot by no means would be brok'n , till the duke causing his men to feign flight , drew them out with desire of pursuit into op'n disorder , then turn'd suddenly upon them so routed by themselves , which wrought thir overthrow ; yet so they dy'd not unmanfully , but turning oft upon thir enemies , by the advantage of an upper ground , beat them down by heaps , and fill'd up a great ditch with thir carcasses . thus hung the victory wavering on either side , from the third hour of day to evening ; when harold having maintain'd the fight with unspeakable courage and personal valour , shot into the head with an arrow , fell at length , and left his souldiers without heart longer to withstand the unwearied enemy . with harold fell also his two brothers , leofwin , and girtha , with them greatest part of the english nobility . his body lying dead a knight or souldier wounding on the thigh , was by the duke presently turn'd out of military service . of normans and french were slain no small number ; the duke himself also that day not a little hazarded his person , having had three choice horses kill'd under him . victory obtain'd , and his dead carefully buried , the english also by permission , he sent the body of harold to his mother without ransom , though she offerd very much to redeem it , which having receav'd , she buried at waltham , in a church built there by harold . in the mean while , edwin and morcar , who had withdrawn themselves from harold , hearing of his death , came to london ; sending aldgith the queen thir sister with all speed to west-chester . aldred archbishop of york , and many of the nobles , with the londoners would have set up edgar the right heir , and prepar'd themselves to fight for him ; but morcar and edwin not likeing the choice , who each of them expected to have been chos'n before him , withdrew thir forces and return'd home . duke william contrary to his former resolution , if florent of worster , and they who follow him say true , wasting , burning , and slaying all in his way , or rather , as saith malmsbury , not in hostile but in regal manner came up to london , met at barcham by edgar , with the nobles , bishops , citizens , and at length edwin and morcar , who all submitted to him , gave hostages , and swore fidelity , he to them promis'd peace and defence ; yet permitted his men the while to burn and make prey . coming to london with all his army , he was on christmass day sollemly crown'd in the great church at westminster , by aldred archbishop of york , having first giv'n his oath at the altar in presence of all the people , to defend the church , well govern the people , maintain right law ; prohibit rapine and unjust judgment . thus the english , while they agreed not about the choice of thir native king , were constrein'd to take the yoke of an out-landish conquerer . with what minds and by what course of life they had fitted themselves for this servitude , william of malmsbury spares not to lay op'n . not a few years before the normans came , the clergy , though in edward the confessors daies , had lost all good literature and religion , scarse able to read and understand thir latin service : he was a miracle to others who knew his grammar . the monks went clad in fine stuffs , and made no difference what they eat ; which though in it self no fault , yet to their consciences was irreligious . the great men giv'n to gluttony and dissolute life , made a prey of the common people , abuseing thir daughters whom they had in service , then turning them off to the stews , the meaner sort tipling together night and day , spent all they had in drunk'ness , attended with other vices which effeminate mens minds . whence it came to pass , that carried on with fury and rashness more then any true fortitude or skill of war , they gave to william thir conquerour so easie a conquest . not but that some few of all sorts were much better among them ; but such was the generality . and as the long suffering of god permits bad men to enjoy prosperous daies with the good , so his severity oft times exempts not good men from thir share in evil times with the bad . if these were the causes of such misery and thraldom to those our ancestors , with what better close can be concluded , then here in fit season to remember this age in the midst of her security , to fear from like vices without amendment the revolutions of like calamities . finis . an index of all the chief persons and material passages contained in the foregoing history . a. adda succeeds his father ida in the kingdom of bernicia . p. . adminius the son of cunobeline banish't his country , flies to the emperour caligula , and stirs him up against it . p. . aganippus a gaulish king , marries cordelia the daughter of king leir . p. . agricola son of severianus spreads the pelagian doctrine in britain . p. . aidan a scotch bishop sent for by oswald to settle religion . p. . he hath his episcopal seat at lindisfarne . ibid. he dies for grief of the murder of oswin . p. . alaric takes rome from the emperour honorius . p. . alban of verulam with others suffers martyrdom under dioclesian . p. . albanact one of the three sons of brutus , hath albania , now scotland , for his share in the kingdom . p. . albion the ancient name of this island . p. , . whence derived . ibid. albina said to be the eldest of dioclesians daughters . p. . from her the name albion derived . ibid. alcled slaying ethelwald usurps the kingdom of the northumbrians . p. . aldfrid recall'd from ireland , succeeds his brother ecfrid in the northumbrian kingdom . p. . he leaves osred a child to succeed him . p. . aldulf the nephew of ethelwald succeeds king of the east-angles . p. . alectus treacherously slays his friend carausius to get the dominion . p. . is overthrown by asclepiodotus and slain . ibid. alemannus reported one of the four sons of histion , descended from japhet , and of whom the alemanni or germans . p. . alfage archbishop of canterbury inhumanly us'd by the danes . p. . kill'd outright by thrum a dane , in commiseration of his misery . ibid. alfred the fourth son of ethelwolf and successour of his brother ethelred , encounters the danes at wilton . p. . he gives battel to the whole danish power at edinton , and totally routing them brings them to terms . p. . . he is said to have bestow'd the east-angles upon gytro a danish king who had been lately baptis'd . p. . a long tedious war afterwards maintain'd between him and the danes , p. . . &c. he dies in the th year of his reign , and is buried at winchester . p. . his noble character . p. . . alfwold driving out eardulf usurps the kingdom of northumberland . p. . algar earl of howland , now holland , morcard lord of brunne , and osgot governour of lincoln , slaughter a great multitude of the danes in battail , with three of their kings . p. . overpowr'd with numbers and drawn into a snare , algar dies valiantly , fighting . ibid. algar the son of leofric banisht by king edward , joins with griffin prince of south-wales , p. . . unable to withstand harold earl of kent , he submits to the king and is restor'd . p. . banisht again he recovers his earldom by force . p. . alipius made deputy of the british province in the room of martinus . p. . alla begins the kingdom of deira in the south-part of northumberland . p. . . alric king of kent after ethelbert the ii. p. . with him dying , ends the race of hengist . p. . ambrosius aurelianus dreaded by vortimer . p. . defeats the saxons in a memorable battel . p. . uncertain whether the son of constantine the vsurper , or the same with merlin , and son of a roman consul . p. . he succeeds vortigern as chief monarch of the i le . ibid. anacletus the friend of king pandrasus , is taken in fight by brutus . p. . he is forc't by brutus to betray his own countrymen . ibid. andragius one in the catalogue of ancient british kings . p. . androgeus one of lud's sons hath london assign'd him and kent , p. . forsakes his claim to the kingdom , and follows caesars fortune . p. . anlaf the dane with his army of irish , and constantine king of scotland , utterly discomfited by king athelstan . p. . . &c. anna succeeds sigebert in the kingdom of the east-angles . p. . he is slain in war by penda the mercian . p. . antigonus the brother of king pandrasus , taken in fight by brutus . p. . antoninus sent against the caledonians by his father severus . p. . after whose death he takes hostages and departs to rome . ibid. archigallo depos'd for his tyranny . p. . being restor'd by his brother , he becomes a new man and reigns worthily . p. . archimailus , one in the number of ancient british kings . p. . armorica in france peopled by britans that fled from the saxons . p. . arthur , the victory at badon-hill , by some ascrib'd to him , which by others is attributed to ambrose . p. . who he was , and whether the authour of such famous acts as are related of him . p. . . &c. arviragus ingaging against claudius , keeps up the battail to a victory , by personating his slain brother guiderius . p. . athelstan the son of king edward the elder by a concubine , solemnly crown'd at kingston upon thames , p. . the conspiracy of one alfred and his accomplices against him discover'd . ibid. he gives his sister edgith to sitric the dane , but drives out anlaf and guthferd out of their kingdom . p. . the story of his dealing with his brother edwin question'd as improbable . ibid. he over-throws a vast army of scotch and irish , under anlaf and constantine king of scotland . p. . . &c. he dies at glocester and is buried at malmsbury . p. . his character . p. . assaracus a trojan prince , joins with brutus against pandrasus . p. . aulus plautins sent against this island by the emperour claudius p. . he overthrows caractacus and togodumnus , ibid. is very much put to it by the britans . p. . sends to claudius to come over , and joins with him . ibid. leaves the country quiet , and returns triumphant to rome . p. . . aurelius conanus a british king , one of the five that is said to have reign'd toward the beginning of the saxon heptarchie . p. . austin with others sent over from rome to preach the gospel to the saxons . p. . he is receiv'd by king ethelbert who hears him in a great assembly . p. . he is ordain'd archbishop of the english . p. . he hath his seat at canterbury . p. . he summons together the british bishops , requiring them to conform with him in points wherein they differ'd . p. . upon their refusal he stirs up ethelfrid against them , to the slaughter of monks . p. . b. bardus , one of the first race of kings fabled to have reign'd in this island . p. . descended from samothes . ibid. beorn precedes ethelred in the kingdom of the east-angles . p. . bericus flying to rome perswades the emperour claudius to invade this island . p. . bernulf usurping the kingdom of mercia from keolwulf , is overthrown by ecbert at ellandune . p. . flying to the east-angles is by them slain . ib. berinus a bishop sent by pope honorius converts the west-saxons and their kings to christianity . p. . birthric king of the west-saxons after kinwulf . p. . he secretly seeks the life of ecbert . p. . is poison'd by a cup which his wife had prepar'd for another . p. . bladud the son of rudhuddibras builds caerbadus or bath . p. . bleduno , one in the number of the ancient british kings . p. . blegabedus his excellency in music . p. . boadicia the wife of prasutagus , together with her daughters , abus'd by the roman souldiers . p. . commands in chief in the brittish army against the romans . p. . vanquish't by suetonius , is thought to have poison'd her self . p. . bonosus a britan by descent , indeavouring to make himself emperour , but vanquisht by probus , hangs himself . p. . . brennus and belinus the sons of dunwallo mulmutius contend about the kingdom . p. . after various conflicts they are reconcil'd by their mother conuvenna . p. . they turn their united forces into foreign parts , but belinus returns and reigns long in peace . p. . . britain the history of the affairs thereof altogether obscure and uncertain till the coming of julius caesar . p. . by whom first peopled . p. . nam'd first samothea from samothes , ibid. next albion , and from whence . p. . . britans stoutly oppose caesar at his landing in this island . p. . . they offer him terms of peace . p. . their manner of fighting . p. . . they are defeated by caesar and brought anew to terms of peace . p. . a sharp dispute between the britans and the romans , near the stowr in kent . p. . . their nature and customs . p. . . their cruel massacre upon the romans . p. . they are acquitted of the roman jurisdiction by the emperour honorius , not able to defend them against their enemies . p. . they again supplicate honorius for aid , who spares them a roman legion . p. . and again at their renew'd request a new supply . ibid. their submissive letters to aetius the roman consul . p. . their luxury and wickedness , and the corruption of their clergy . p. . . . their embassy to the saxons for their aid against the scots and picts , with the saxons answer . p. . . miserably harrass't by the saxons whom they call'd in . p. . . routed by kerdic . p. . by kenric and keaulin . p. . . by cuthulf . p. . they totally vanquish keaulin . p. . they are put to flight by kenwalk . p. . britto , nam'd among the four sons of histion , sprung of japhet , and from him the britans said to be deriv'd . p. . brutus , said to be descended from aeneas a trojan prince . p. . retiring into greece after having unfortunately kill'd his father , he delivers his countrymen from the bondage of pandrasus . p. . . &c. marries innogen the eldest daughter of pandrasus . p. . he lands upon a desert island call'd leogicia , p. . where he consults the oracle of diana . p. . meets with corineus . p. . overcomes goffarius pictus . p. . . arrives in this island . p. . builds troja nova . p. . brutus sirnamed greenshield , succeeds ebranc and gives battel to brunchildis . p. . burhead holding of ethelwolf the mercian kingdom after bertulf , reduceth the north welch to obedience . p. . he marries ethelswida the daughter of king ethelwolf . p. . driven out of his kingdom by the danes , he flies to rome , where dying he is buried in the english school . p. . his kingdom let out by the danes to kelwulf . ibid. c. cadwallon , see kedwalla . caesar , see julius caesar . cajus sidius geta behaves himself valiantly against the britans . p. . cajus volusenus sent into britain by caesar to make discovery of the country and people . p. . caligula a roman emperour . p. . camalodunum or maldon the chief seat of kymbeline . p. . made a roman colony . p. . . . camber one of the sons of brutus hath allotted to him cambria or wales . p. . canute the son of swane , chosen king after his father's death by the danish army and fleet. p. . is driven back to his ships by ethelred . p. . returns with a great navy from denmark accompanied with lachman king of sweden , and olav of norway . p. . . after several conflicts with edmund , he at length divides the kingdom with him by agreement . p. . after edmunds death reigns sole king. p. . he endeavours the extirpation of the saxon line . p. . he settles his kingdom , and makes peace with the princes round about him . p. . he causes edric , whose treason he had made use of , to be slain , and his body to be thrown over the city wall , &c. ibid. he subdues norway . p. . takes a voyage to rome , and offring there rich gifts , vows amendment of life . ibid. he dies at shaftsbury , and is buried at winchester . p. . his censure . p. . . capis one in the catalogue of the ancient kings . p. . capoirus another of the same number . p. . caractacus the youngest son of cunobeline , succeeds in the kingdom . p. . is overthrown by aulus plautius . p. . heads the silures against the romans . p. . . is betray'd by cartismandua , to whom he fled for refuge . p. . is sent to rome . ibid. his speech to the emperour . p. . by the braveness of his carriage he obtains pardon for himself and all his company . ibid. carausius grown rich with piracy possesses himself of this island . p. . he fortifies the wall of severus . ibid. in the midst of the great preparations of constantius chlorus against him , he is slain by his friend alectus . p. . carinus sent by his father carus the emperour to govern this isle of britain is overcome and slain by dioclesian . p. . cartismandua queen of the brigantes , delivers caractacus bound to the romans . p. . deserts her husband venutius , and gives both her self and kingdom to vellocatus one of his squires . p. . carvilius a petty king in britain assaults the roman camp with three others . p. . cassibelaun one of the sons of heli , gains the kingdom by common consent . p. . his generosity to his brothers sons . ibid. he heads the britans against julius caesar and the romans . p. . he is deserted by the trinobantes , and why . p. . he yields to caesar . p. . is reported to have had war with androgeus , dies , and is buried at york . ibid. cataracta an ancient city in yorkshire , burnt by arnred a tyrant . catellus an ancient brittish king. p. . cerdic a saxon prince lands at cerdic shore , and overthrows the britans . p. . defeats their king natanleod in a memorable battel , ibid. founds the kingdom of west-saxons . p. . see kerdic . cherin an ancient brittish king. p. . christian faith receiv'd in britain by king lucius . p. . said to have been preach't by faganus and deruvianus . p. . others say long before by simon zelotes , or joseph of arimathaea . p. . upon what occasion preach't to the saxons . p. . . chrysanthus the son of marcianus a bishop , made deputy of britain by theodosius . p. . cingetorix a petty king in britain , assaults the roman camp. p. . is taken prisoner by caesar . p. . claudius the emperour is perswaded by bericus , though a britan , to invade this island . p. . he sends aulus plautius hither with an army . p. . he comes over himself and joins with plautius . p. . defeats the britans in a set battel , and takes camalodunum , p. . he returns to rome , leaving plautius behind . ibid. he hath excessive honours decreed him by the senate . ibid. cliguellius an ancient brittish king. p. . clodius albinus succeeds pertinax in the government of britain for the romans . p. . he is vanquish't and slain in a battel against septimius severus . p. . coilus the son of marius leaves the kingdom to lucius . p. . coillus an ancient british king. p. . comail and two other british kings slain by keaulin and his son. cuthwin . p. . comius of arras sent by caesar to make a party among the britans . p. . constans of a monk made a caesars reduce , all spain to his father constantius's obedience . p. . displacing gerontius is oppos'd by him , and at last slain . ibid. constantine the son of constantius chlorus , saluted emperour after his fathers death . p. . . his mother said to be helena the daughter of coilus a british prince . p. . his eldest son of the same name , enjoys among other provinces of the empire this island also . ibid. a common souldier of the same name saluted emperour . p. . by the valour of oedebecus and gerontius , he gains in france as far as arles . ibid. by the conduct of his son constans , and of gerontius , he reduces all spain , ibid. gerontius displac't by him calls in the vandals against him . ibid. beseig'd by constantius comes , he turns priest , is afterwards carried into italy , and put to death . p. . constantine the son of cador sharply inveigh'd against by gildas . p. . he is said to have murder'd two young princes of the blood royal. ibid. constantine king of scotland joining with the danes and irish under anlaf , is overthrown by athelstan . p. . . constantius chlorus sent against carausius . p. . defeats alectus , who is slain in the battel . p. . is acknowledg'd by the britans as their deliverer . p. . divides the empire with galerius . ibid. dies at york . ibid. constantius the son of constantine overcomes magnentius , who contested with him for the sole empire . p. . cordeilla's sincere answer to her father begets his displeasure . p. . she is married to aganippus a king in gaul . ibid. she receives her father , rejected by his other daughters , with most dutiful affection . p. . restores him to his crown , and reigns after him . p. . is vanquisht , depos'd , and imprison'd by her two sister's sons . ibid. corineus a trojan commander , joins forces with brutus . p. . slaies imbertus . ibid. arrives with brutus in this island . p. . cornwal from him denominated falls to his lot. p. . he overcomes the giant goemagog . p. . crida , the first of the mercian kingdom . p. . cuichelm the west-saxon sends eumerus a sword-man to assassin king edwin . p. . is baptis'd in dorchester , but dies the same year . p. . cunedagius the son of regan deposeth his aunt cordelia , p. . shares the kingdom with his cosin marganus , is invaded by him , meets him and overcomes him . p. . cuneglas a british king reigns one of five a little before the saxons were setled . p. . cunobeline , see kymbeline . cutha helps his father keaulin against ethelbert . p. . cuthred king of west-saxons joyns with ethelbald the mercian , and gains a great victory over the welsh , p. . he hath a fierce battel with ethelbald the mercian , which he not long survives , p. . a king of kent of the same name . p. . cuthulf the brother of keaulin vanquisheth the britains at bedanford , and takes several towns , p. . cuthwin , see keaulin . d. danes first appear in the west , p. . they stay the kings gatherers of custom , ibid. landing at lindisfarne in york-shire , they pillage that monastery , slay and captivate several both fryars and others , p. . attempting to spoil another monastery , they are cut off by the english , p. . they make very great waste and havock in northumberland , p. . they waste shepey in kent , and engage with ecbert , near the river carr , p. . they are overthrown and put to flight by ecbert , p. . their various success in the reign of ethelwolf , p. , , &c. many great battels between them and the english in the reign of ethelred with various fortune , p. , , &c. their whole army being defeated , they are brought to terms by king alfred , p. . in the same kings reign several vast fleets of danes arrive with fresh supplies , p. . a vast army of them over-thrown by king athelstan , p. . a massicre committed upon them by the english in all parts of the land in the reign of king ethelred , p. . danius reckon'd among the ancient british kings . p. . deruvianus , see faganus . dinothus abbot of bangor his speech to bishop austin . p. . dioclesian supposed a king of syria , and his daughters having ( all but one ) murder'd their husbands , to have been driven upon this iland . p. . dis the first peopler of this iland , as some fabulously affirm , p. . the same with samothes . ibid. donaldus said to have headed the caledonians against septimius severus . p. . donaldus king of scotland brought to hard conditions by osbert and ella kings of northumberland . p. . druids falsly alledg'd out of caesar to have forbidden the britans to write their memorable deeds . p. . druis the third from samothes fabulously written the ancientest king of this iland . p. . dunstane sent the nobles to reprove king edw. for his luxury , p. . banisht by the king , and his monastery rifled , p. . recall'd by king edgar , ibid. his miraculous escape when the rest of the company were kill'd by the fall of a house . p. . dunwallo mulmutius son of cloten king of cornwall , reduces the whole iland into a monarchy , p. . establisheth the molmutin laws . p. . durslus king of the picts said to be slain by the joynt forces of the britans and romans . p. . e. eadbald after the death of his father ethelbert , falls back to heathenism , p. . he runs distracted , but afterwards returns to his right mind and faith , p. . by what means it happen'd . ibid. he gives his sister edelburga in marriage to edwin , ibid. he dies and leaves his son ercombert to succeed . p. . eadbert shares with his two brothers in the kingdom of kent , after victred , p. . his death , p. . eadbert king of northumberland after kelwulf wars against the picts , p. . joyns with unust king of the picts against the britans in cumberland , p. , . forsakes his crown for a monks hood . p. . eatbright , otherwise call'd ethelbert , usurping the kingdom of kent , and contending with kenulph the mercian , is taken prisoner . p. . eadburga by chance poysons her husband birthric with a cup which she had prepar'd for another , p. . the choice propos'd to her by charles the great to whom she fled , ibid. he assigns her a rich monastery to dwell in as abbess , ibid. detected of unchastity , she is expelled , and dies in beggery at pavia . p. . eandred son of eardulf reigns years king of northumberland after alfwold the vsurper , p. . becomes tributary to ecbert . p. . eanfrid the son of ethelfrid succeeds in the kingdom of bernicia . p. . eardulf supposed to have been slain by ethelred is made king of the northumbrians in york after osbald , p. . in a war rais'd against him by his people he gets the victory , p. . is driven out of his kingdom by alswold . p. . east-angle kingdom by whom erected . p. . east-saxon kingdom by whom hegun , p. . the people converted by mellitus , p. . they expel their bishop and renounce their faith , p. . are reconverted by means of edwi . p. . ebranc succeeds his father mempricius in the kingdom of britain , p. . builds caer-ebranc now york , and other places . ibid. ecbert succeeds his father ercombert in the kingdom of kent , p. . dying , leaves a suspition of having slain his vncle's sons elbert and egelbright . p. . ecbert of the west-saxon linage , flies from birthric's suspition to offa , and thence into france , p. . after birthric's decease is recall'd , and with general applause made king , ibid. he subdues the britans of cornwall and beyond severn , p. . overthrows bernulf the vsurper of mercia at ellandune or wilton , ibid. the east-angles having slain bernulf , yield to his soveraignty , ibid. drives baldred king of kent out of his kingdom , and causeth both kent and other provinces to submit to his scepter , p. . withlaf of mercia becomes tributary to him , ibid. he gives the danes battel by the river carr , p. . in another battel he puts to flight a great army of them , together with the cornish men joyning with them , p. . he dies , and is buried at winchester . ibid. ecferth the son of offa the mercian within four months ends his reign . p. , . ecfrid oswi's eldest son succeeds him in the kingdom of northumberland , p. . wins lindsey from wulfer the mercian , ibid. he wars against ethelred the brother of wulfer , p. . he sends bertus with an army to subdue ireland , p. . marching against the picts is cut off with most of his army , ib. his death reveng'd by bertfrid a northumbrian captain . p. . edan a king of the scots in britain put to flight by ethelfrid . p. . edelard king of the west-saxons after ina molested with the rebellion of his kinsman oswald , p. . overcoming those troubles , dies in peace . ibid. edgar the brother and successor of edwi in the english monarchy , calls home dunstan from banishment , p. . his peaceable and prosperous reign , and his favour towards the monks , ibid. his strict observance of justice , and his care to secure the nation with a strong fleet , p. . he is homag'd and row'd down the river dee by eight kings , p. . his expostulation with kened king of scotland , p. . he is cheated by the treacherous duke athelwold of elflida , whom , avenging himself upon the said duke , he marries , p. , . attempting on the chastity of a young lady at andover , he is pleasantly deceiv'd by the mother , p. . dying in the height of his glory , he is buried at glaston-abby . p. . edgar sirnamed atheling , his right and title to the crown of england from his grandfather edmund ironside , p. . excluded by harold son of earl godwin . p. . edilhere the brother and successor of anna in the kingdom of the east-angles , slain in a battel against oswi . p. . edilwalk the south-saxon perswaded to christianity by wulfer . p. . edmund crown'd king of the east-angles at burie , p. . his whole army put to flight by the danes , he is taken , bound to a stake , and shot with arrows , p. . edmund the brother and successor of athelstane in the english monarchy , frees mercia , and takes several towns from the danes , p. . he drives anlaf and suthfrid out of northumberland , and dummail out of cumberland , p. . the strange manner of his death . p. , . edmund sirnamed ironside , the son of ethelred , set up by divers of the nobles against canute , p. . in several battels against the danes , he comes off for the most part victorious , p. , . at length consents to divide the kingdom with him , p. . his death thought to have been violent , and not without canute's consent . p. . edred the third brother and successor of athelstane , with much ado reduceth the northumbrians , and puts an end to that kingdom , p. . dies in the flower of his age , and is buried at winchester . p. . edric the son of edelwalk king of south-saxons slain by kedwalla the west-saxon . p. . edric sirnamed streon advanc't by king ethelred , marries his daughter elgiva , p. . he secretly murthers two noblemen whom he had invited to his lodging , p. . he practises against the life of prince edmund , and revolts to the danes , p. . his cunning devices to hinder edmund in the prosecution of his victories against canute , p. , . is thought by some to have been the contriver of king edmunds murther , p. . the government of the mercians conferr'd upon him , p. . he is put to death by canutus , and his head stuck upon a pole , and set upon the highest tower in london . p. . edward the elder son and successor of king alfred , hath war with ethelwald his kinsman , who aspiring to the crown , stirs up the danes against him , p. , . he proves successful and potent , divers princes and great commanders of the danes submitting to him , p. , , &c. the king and whole nation of scotland , with divers other frinces and people , do him homage as their soveraign , p. . he dies at farendon , and is buried at winchester . p. . edward sirnamed the younger , edgar's son by his first wife egelfleda , is advanc't to the throne , p. . the contest in his reign between the monks and secular priests , each abetted by their several parties , p. . great mischief done by the falling of a house where a general council for deciding the controversie was held , ibid. edward inhumanely murder'd by the treachery of his step-mother elfrida . p. . edward son of edmund ironside , heir apparent to the crown , dies at london . p. . edward sirnamed the confessor , the son of king ethelred by emma , after hardecnute's death is crown'd at winchester , p. . he seizeth on the treasures of his mother queen emma , p. . he marries edith earl godwin's daughter , ibid. he makes preparation against magnus king of norway , but next year makes peace with harold harvager , ibid. he advances the normans in england , which proves of ill consequence , p. . he is oppos'd by earl godwin in the cause of eustace of boloign , banishes the earl , and divorces his daughter whom he had married , p. , . entertains duke william of normandy , p. . he sends odo and radulf with a fleet against godwin , and his sons exercising piracy , p. . reconciliation at length made , he restores the earl , his sons and daughter , all to their former dignities , p. . he is said to have design'd duke william of normandy his successor to the crown , p. . dies and is buried at westminster , p. . his character . p. , . edwi the son and successor of edmund is crown'd at kingston , p. . he banisheth bishop dunstan for reproving his wantonness with algiva , and proves an enemy to all monks , p. , . the mercians and northumbrians revolt from him , and set up his brother edgar , p. . with grief thereof he ends his days , and is buried at winchester . ibid. edwin thrown out of the kingdom of deira by ethelfrid , p. . . flying to redwall the east-angle for refuge , he is defended against ethelfrid , p. . he exceeds in power and extent of dominion all before him , p. . marries edelburga the sister of eadbald , ibid. he is wounded by an assassin from cuichelm , ibid. the strange relation of his conversion to christianity , p. . . he perswades eorpald the son of redwald to embrace the christian faith , p. . he is slain in a battel against kedwalla . ibid. edwin duke of the mercians , see morcar . elanius reckon'd in the number of ancient british kings . p. . eldadus . p. . eldol . ibid. eledancus . ibid. elfled the sister of king edward the elder , takes derby from the danes , p. . her army of mercians victorious against the welsh , ibid. after several martial acts , she dies at tamworth . p. . elfred the son of king ethelred by emma , betray'd by earl godwin , and cruelly made away by harold . p. , . elfwald the son of oswulf succeeding ethelred in northumberland is rebell'd against by two of his noblemen osbald and ethelheard , p. . he is slain by the conspiracy of siggan one of his nobles . p. . elfwin slain in a battel between his brother ecfrid and ethelred . p. . elidure's noble demeanor towards his deposed brother , p. . after archigallo's death he resumes the government , but is driven out again and imprison'd by his two other brethren . p. . elind reckon'd in the number of ancient british kings . p. . ella the saxon lands with his three sons , and beats the britans in two battels , p. . he and his son cissa take andredschester in kent by force , ibid. begins his kingdom of the south-saxons . ibid. elwold nephew of ethelwald reigns king of the east-angles after aldulf . p. . emeric succeeds otha in the kingdom of kent . p. . emma the daughter of richard duke of normandy married first to k. p. . afterwards to canute , p. . banisht by her son-in-law harold , she retires to flanders , and is entertained by earl baldwin , p. . her treasures seized on by her son king edward , p. . she dies , and is buried at winchester , p. . a tradition concerning her question'd . ib. eorpwald the son of redwald king of the east-angles perswaded to christianity by edwin , p. . he is slain in fight by ricbert a pagan . ibid. erchenwin said by huntingdon to be the erector of the kingdom of the east-saxons . p. . ercombert succeeds eadbald in the kingdom of kent . p. . eric , see iric . ermenred thought to have had more right to the kingdom than ercombert . p. . escwin and kenswin the nephew and son of kinegil , said to have succeeded kenwalk in the government of the west-saxons , p. . escwin joyns battel with wulfer at bedanhafer , and not long after deceaseth . ibid. estrildis belov'd by locrine , p. . is with her daughter sabra thrown into a river . p. . ethelbald king of mercia , after ina commands all the provinces on this side humber , p. . he takes the town of somerton , p. . fraudulently assaults part of northumberland in eadberts absence , p. . his encounter at beorford with cuthred the west-saxon , p. . in another bloody fight at secandune he is slain . p. . ethelbald and ethelbert share the english-saxon kingdom between them after their father ethelwolf , ethelbald marries judith his father's widow , p. . is buried at shirburn . ibid. ethelbert succeeds emeric in the kingdom of kent , p. . he is defeated at wibbandun by keaulin and his son cutha , p. . inlarges his dominions from kent to humber , p. . civilly receives austin and his fellow-preachers of the gospel , p. . is himself baptiz'd , p. . mov'd by austin , he builds s. peters church in canterbury , and endows it , p. . he builds and endows s. paul's church in london , and the cathedral at rochester , p. . his death , p. . ethelbert , eadbert , and alric succeed their father victred in the kingdom of kent , p. . see eadbright . ethelbert the son of ethelwolf after the death of his brother ethelbald enjoys the whole kingdom to himself , p. . during his reign the danes waste kent , p. . he is buried with his brother at shirburn , ibid. ethelfrid succeeds ethelric in the kingdom of northumberland , p. . he wasts the britans , p. . overthrows edan king of scots , ibid. in a battel at westchester against the british forces he slays above monks . p. . ethelmund and weolstan the opposite leaders of each party in a fight between the worster-shire men and wilt-shire men slain . p. . ethelred succeeding his brother wulfer in the kingdom of mercia , recovers lindsey and other parts , p. . invades the kingdom of kent , ibid. a sore battel between him and ecfrid the northumbrian , p. . after the violent death of his queen he exchanges his crown for a monks cowl . p. . ethelred the so● of mollo , the vsurper alcled being forsaken b● the northumbrians , and depos'd , is crown'd in his stead , p. . having caused three of his noblemen to be treacherously slain , he is driven into banishment , ibid. after year's banishment restor'd again , p. . he cruelly and treacherously puts to death oelf and oelfwin , the sons of elfwald formerly king , p. . and afterwards osred , who though shaven a monk , attempted again upon the kingdom , ibid. he marries elfled the daughter of offa , p. . is miserably slain by his people . p. . ethelred the son of eandred driven out in his . year , p. . is re-exalted to his seat , but slain the . year after . ibid. ethelred the third son of ethelwolf the third monarch of the english-saxons infested with fresh invasions of the danes , p. . he fights several great battels with the danes with various success , p. , , he dies in the . year of his reign , and is buried at winburn . p. . ethelred the son of edgar by elfrida crown'd at kingston , p. . dunstan at his baptism presages ill of his future slothful reign , ibid. new invasions of the danes , and great spoils committed by them in his reign , p. , , &c. being reduc't to streights by the danes , he retires into normandy , p. . is recall'd by his people , and joyfully received , ibid. drives canute the dane back to his ships , p. . he dies at london . p. . ethelric ida's son expels edwin the son of alla out of the kingdom of deira . p. . ethelwald the son of oswald king of deira , taking part with the mercians , withdraws his forces , p. . ethelwald the brother of edelhere succeeds him in the kingdom of the east-angles . p. . ethelwald sirnamed mollo set up king of the northumbrians in the room of oswulf , p. . he slays in battel oswin a lord that rebell'd against him , ib. is set upon by alcled who assumes his place . ibid. ethelwolf the second monarch of the english-saxons , of a mild nature , not warlike , or ambitious . p. . he with his son ethelbald gives the danes a total defeat at ak-lea or oak-lea , p. . he dedicatea the tenth of his whole kingdom toward the maintenance of masses and psalms for the prospering of him and his captains against the danes , p. . takes a journey to rome with his son alfrid , and marries judith the daughter of charles the bald of france , ibid. he is driven by a conspiracy to consign half his kingdom to his son ethelbald , p. . dies and is buried at winchester , p. . ethelwolf earl of bark-shire obtains a victory against the danes at englefield , p. , . in another battel is slain himself . p. . ethildrith refusing for years her husband ecfrids bed , at length veils her self a nun , and is made abbess of ely. p. . eustace count of boloign revenging the death of one of his servants , is set upon by the citizens of canterbury , p. . he complains to king edward who takes his part against the canterburians , and commands earl godwin against them , but in vain . p. , . f. faganus and deruvianus said to have preach't the gospel here , and to have converted almost the whole island . p. . faustus incestuously born of vortimer and his daughter , lives a devout life in glamorgan-shire . p. . fergus king of scots said to be slain by the joynt forces of the britans and romans . p. . ferrex the son of gorbogudo , slays in fight his brother porrex , though assisted with forces out of france , p. . is in revenge slain himself in bed by his mother videna . ibid. flattery odious and contemptible to a generous spirit . p. . francus , nam'd among the four sons of istion , sprung of japhet , and from him the francs said to be deriv'd . p. . fulgenius reckon'd among the ancient british kings , p. . the commander in chief of the caledonians against septimius severus , so call'd by geoffry of monmouth . p. . g. galgacus heads the britans against julius agricola . p. . germanus in a publick disputation at verulam , puts to silence the chief of the pelagians , p. . he is intreated by the britans to head them against the picts and saxons , p. . he gains the victory by a religious stratagem , p. . his death . p. . gerontius a britan by his valour advances the success of constantine the vsurper in france and spain , p. . displac't by him , he calls in the van●●●● against him , ibid. deserted by his souldiers , he depands himself valiantly with the slaughter of of his enemies , p. . he kills his wife nonnichia refusing to out-live him . ibid. geruntius the son of elidure not his immediate successor . p. . godwin earl of kent , and the west-saxons stand for hardecnute , p. . he betrays prince elfred to harold , p. . . being called to account by hardecnute , he appeaseth him with a very rich present , p. . he earnestly exhorts edward to take upon him the crown of england , p. . marries his daughter to king edward , p. . he raises forces in opposition of the french whom the king favour'd , p. . is banisht , p. . he and his sons uniting in a great fleet , grow formidable , p. . coming up to london with his ships , and preparing for battel , a reconciliation is suddenly made between him and the king , p. . sitting with the king at table , he suddenly sinks down dead in his seat . p. . gomer the eldest son of japhet believ'd the first that peopled these west and northern climes . p. . gonorill gains upon the affection of her father king lier by her dissimulation , p. . she is married with maglaunus duke of albania , p. . her ingratitude to her father after she had gain'd from him what she could . p. . gorbogudo , or gorbodego succeeds kinmarcus in the kingdom . p. . gorbonian succeeds morindus in the kingdom , p. . his justice and piety . p. , . gratianus funarius the father of valentinian , commander in chief of the roman armies in britain . p. . gregory archdeacon of rome , and afterward pope , procures the sending over of abbot austin and others to preach the gospel to the saxons in this island . p. . griffin prince of south-wales joyning with algar , and committing great spoil in hereford , is pursued by harold earl of kent , p. . after a peace concluded , he breaks his faith , and returns to hostility , ibid. is again reduc't , ibid. harold sent against him , brings the welsh to submission , p. . lurking about the country , he is taken and slain by griffin prince of north-wales . ibid. guendolen the daughter of corineus is married to locrine the son of brutus , p. . being divorc't by him , gives him battel , wherein he is slain , p. . causeth estrildis whom locrine had married , to be thrown into a river with her daughter sabra , p. . governs years in behalf of her son madan . ibid. gueniver the wife of melval a british king kept from king arthur in the town of glaston . p. . guiderius said to have been the son of cunobeline , and slain in a battel against claudius . p. . guitheline succeeds his father gurguntius barbirus in the kingdom . gunhildis the sister of swane with her husband earl palingus , and her young son cruelly murther'd . p. . guorangonus a king of kent before it was given to the saxons . p. . guortigner the son of vortiger bends his endeavours to drive out the saxons , p. . his success against them in several battels , p. . dying , he commands his bones to be buried in the port of stonar . ibid. gurguntius barbirus succeeds belinus in the kingdom , overcomes the dane , and gives incouragement to bartholinus a spaniard to settle a plantation in ireland , p. . another ancient british king nam'd gurguntius . p. . gurgustius succeeds rivallo in the kingdom . p. . gyrtha son of earl godwin accompanies his father into flanders , together with his brothers tosti and swane , p. . his noble advice to his brother harold as he was ready to give battel to duke william of normandy , p. . he is slain in the said battel with his brothers harold and leofwin . p. . gythro or gothrun a danish king baptiz'd and receiv'd out of the font by king alfred , p. . the kingdom of the east-angles said to be bestow'd on him to hold of the said alfred . ibid. h. hardecnute the son of canute by emma , call'd over from bruges , and receiv'd king with general acclamation , p. . he calls godwin and others to account about the death of elfred , p. . enrag'd at the citizens of worcester for killing his tax-gatherers , he sends an army against them , and burns the city , p. , . he kindly receives and entertains his half brother edward , p. . eating and drinking hard at a great feast , he falls down speechless , and soon after expiring , is buried at winchester . ibid. harold sirnamed harefoot , the son of canute elected king by duke leofric and the mercians , p. . he banishes his mother-in-law emma , p. . his perfidiousness and cruelty towards elfred the son of ethelred , p. . . he dies and is buried at winchester . p. . harold son of godwin , made earl of kent , and sent against prince griffin of wales , p. . he reduces him at last to utmost extremity , p. . being cast upon the coast of normandy , and brought to duke william , he promises his endeavours to make him king of england , p. , . he takes the crown himself , p. . puts off duke william demanding it with a slighting answer , p. , . is invaded by his brother tosti , p. . by harold harvager king of norwey , whom he utterly overthrows and slays , together with tosti , p. , . is invaded by duke william of normandy , p. . is over-thrown at the battel of hastings , and slain together with his two brothers leofwin and gyrtha . p. . helvius pertinax succeeds ulpius marcellus in the government of britain . p. . hengist and horsa with an army of saxons , jutes and angles , lands in the isle of thanet , p. , . hengist invites over more of his country-men , p. . he gains advantages of vortimer by marrying his daughter to him , p. . he takes on him kingly title , p. . his several battels against the britans , ibid. his treacherous slaughter of british grandees under pretence of treaty , p. . his death , p. . henninus duke of cornwall hath regan the daughter of king leir given him in marriage . p. . herebert a saxon earl slain with most part of his army by the danes at a place call'd mereswar . p. . hinguar and hubba two danish brethren , how they got footing by degrees in england . p. , . histion said to be descended of japhet , and to have had four sons who peopled the greatest part of europe . p. . honorius the emperour sends aid twice to the britans against their northern invaders . p. . horsa the brother of hengist slain in the saxons war against the britans , p. , . his burial-place gave name to horsted a town in kent . p. . humbeanna and albert said by some to have shar'd the kingdom of east-angles after one elfwald . p. . i. jago or lago succeeds his vncle gurgustius in the kingdom . p. . icenians , and by their example the trinobantes rise up in arms against the romans . p. . ida the saxon begins the kingdom of bernicia in northumberland . p. , . idwallo learns by his brother 's ill success to rule well . p. . immanuentius slain by cassibelan . p. . immin , eaba , and eadbert noblemen of mercia throw off oswi , and set up wulfer . p. . ina succeeds kedwalla in the kingdom of the west-saxons , p. . he marches into kent to demand satisfaction for the burning of mollo , ibid. is pacified by victred with a sum of money , and the delivering up of the accessories , ibid. vanquishes gerent king of wales , p. . stays kenwulf and albright , and vanquishes the east-angles , p. . ends his days at rome . ibid. inniaunus depos'd for his ill courses . p. . joseph of arimathaea said to have first preacht the christian faith in this island . p. . jovinus sent deputy into this island by the emperour valentinian . p. . iric a dane made earl of northumberland by canute in place of uthred slain , p. . . he is said by some to have made war against malcolm king of scots , p. . his greatness suspected by canute , he is banisht the realm . ibid. julius agricola the emperours lieutenant in britain , almost extirpates the ordovices , p. . finishes the conquest of the isle of mona , p. . his justice and prudence in government , p. . he brings the britans to civility , arts , and an imitation of the roman fashions , p. . he receives triumphal honours from titus , p. , . he extends his conquests to scotland , subdues the orcades and other scotch islands , p. . he is hard put to it in several conflicts , but comes off victorious , p. , , &c. he is commanded home by domitian . p. . julius caesar hath intelligence that the britans are aiding to his enemies the gauls , p. . he sends caius volusenus to make discovery of the nature of the people , and strength of the country , p. . after him comius of arras to make a party among the britans , p. . the stout resistance he meets with from them at his landing , p. , . he receives terms of peace from them , p. . he loses a great part of his fleet , ibid. defeats the britans , and brings them anew to terms of peace , and sets sail for belgia , p. . the year following he lands his army again , p. . he hath a very sharp dispute with the britans near the stowr in kent , p. , . he receives terms of peace from the trinobantes , p. . he brings cassibelan to terms , p. . he leaves the island , ibid. offers to venus the patroness of his family a corselet of british pearl . ibid. julius frontinus the emperours lieutenant in britain , tames the silures a warlike people . p. . julius severus governs britain under adrian the emperour . p. . k. kearl surrenders the kingdom of mercia to his kinsman penda . p. . keaulin succeeds his father kenric in the kingdom of the west-saxons , p. . he and his son cuthin slay three british kings at deorham , p. . gives the britans a very great rout at fethanleage , ibid. is totally routed by the britans at wodensbeorth , and chac't out of his kingdom , dies in poverty , p. . kendwalla or kadwallon a british king joyning with penda the mercian , slays edwin in battel . p. . kedwalla a west-saxon prince returned from banishment , slays in fight edelwalk the south-saxon , and after that edric his successor , p. . going to the isle of wight , he devotes the fourth part thereof to holy uses , ibid. the sons of arwald king of that isle slain by his order , p. . he harrasses the country of the south-saxons , ibid. is repell'd by the kentish men , ibid. yet revenges the death of his brother mollo , ibid. going to rome to be baptiz'd , he dies there about five weeks after his baptism . p. . kelred the son of ethelred succeeds kenred in the mercian kingdom , p. . possest with an evil spirit , he dies in despair . p. . kelwulf reigns king of the west-saxons after keola , p. . he makes war upon the south-saxons , p. . dying , leaves the kingdom to his brothers sons . ibid. kenwulf adopted by osric the northumbrian to be his successor in the kingdom , p. . he becomes a monk in lindisfarn . p. . kened king of the scots does high honour to king edgar , p. . receives great favours from him , ibid. is challeng'd by him upon some words let fall , but soon pacifies him . p. . kenelm succeeding a child in the kingdom of mercia after kenulf , is murther'd by order of his sister quendrid . p. . kenred the son of wulfer succeeds ethelred in the mercian kingdom , p. . having reign'd a while , he goes to rome , and is there shorn a monk , ibid. another kenred succeeds in the kingdom of northumberland . p. . kenric the son of kerdic overthrows the britans that oppose him , p. . kills and puts to flight many of the britans at searesbirig now salisbury , p. . afterwards at beranvirig now banbury . ibid. kentwin a west-saxon king chaces the welsh-britans to the sea-shore . p. . kenulf hath the kingdom of mercia bequeath'd him by ecferth , p. . he leaves behind him the praise of a vertuous reign . p. . kenwalk succeeds his father kinegils in the kingdom of the west-saxons , p. . his successes variously deliver'd , p. . he is said to have discomfited the britans at pen in somerset-shire , p. . and giving battel to wulfer to have taken him prisoner , p. . dying , leaves the government to sexburga his wife . p. . kenwulf entituled clito slain by ina the west-saxon , p. . kenwulf king of the west-saxons , see kinwulf . keola the son of cuthulf succeeds his vncle keaulin in the west-saxon kingdom . p. . keolwulf the brother of kenulf the mercian , after two years reign driven out by bernulf a vsurper . p. . keorle with the forces of devonshire overthrows the danes at wigganbeorch . p. . kerdic a saxon prince lands at kerdicshore , and over-throws the britans , p. . defeats their king natanled in a memorable battel , ibid. founds the kingdom of the west-saxons , p. . he overthrows the britans again twice at kerdic's ford , and at kerdic's league . p. , . kimarus reckon'd among the ancient british kings . p. . kinegils and cuichelm succeed kelwulf in the kingdom of the west-saxons , p. . they make truce with penda the mercian , p. , . they are converted to the christian faith , p. . kinegils dying leaves his son kenwalk to succeed . p. . kinmarcus succeeds sisillius in the kingdom . p. . kinwulf , or kenwulf ( sigebert being thrown out , and slain by a swineherd ) is saluted king of the west-saxons , p. . behaves himself valorously in several battels against the welsh , p. . put to the worst at besington by offa the mercian , ibid. is routed and slain in battels by kineard whom he had commanded into banishment . p. . kymbeline or cunobeline the successor of tenuantius said to be brought up in the court of augustus , p. . his chief seat camalodunum or maldon . ibid. l. learning and arts when began to flourish among the saxons . p. . leil succeeds brute greensheild , and builds caerleil . p. . leofric duke of mercia and siward of northumberland sent by hardecnute against the people of worcester , p. , . by their counsel king edward seizeth on the treasures of his mother queen emma , p. . they raise forces for the king against earl godwin , p. . leofric's death . p. . leofwin son of earl godwin , after his father banishment goes over with his brother harold into ireland , p. . he and harold assist their father with a fleet against king edward , p. . be is slain with his brothers harold and gyrtha in the battel against william duke of normandy . p. . linceus deliver'd in fabulous story to be the husband of one of the feign'd daughters of dioclesian king of syria , p. . the only man sav'd by his wife , when all the rest of the slew their husbands . ib. locrin the eldest son of brutus hath the middle part of this island call'd leogria for his share in the kingdom . p. . lollius urbicus draws a wall of turfs between the frith of dunbritton and edinborough . p. . london with a great multitude of her inhabitants by a sudden fire consumed . p. . lothair succeeds his brother ecbert in the kingdom of kent . p. . lucius a king in some part of britain thought the first of any king in europe who receiv'd the christian faith , p. . is made the second by descent from marius , ibid. after a long reign buried at glocester . p. . lud walls about trinovant , and calls it caer lud or luds town . p. . ludiken the mercian going to avenge bernulf , is surpris'd by the east-angles , and put to the sword . p. . lupicinus sent over deputy into this island by julian the emperour , but soon recall'd . p. . lupus bishop of troyes assistant to germanus of auxerre in the reformation of the british church . p. . m. madan succeeds his father locrin in the kingdom . p. . maglaunus duke of albania marries gonorill eldest daughter of king leir . p. . magoclune sirnamed the island dragon , one of the five that reign'd toward the beginning of the saxon heptarchy . p. . magus the son and successor of samothes , whom some fable to have been the first peopler of this island . p. . malcolm son of kened king of scots , falling into northumberland with his whole power utterly overthrown by uthred , p. . some say by eric . p. . malcolm son of the cumbrian king made king of scotland by siward in the room of macbeth . p. , . malcolm king of scotland coming to visit king edward , swears brotherhood with tosti the northumbrian , p. . afterwards in his absence harrasses northumberland . ibid. mandubratius son of immanuentius favour'd by the trinobantes against cassibelan . p. . marganus the son of gonorill deposeth his aunt cordelia , p. . shares the kingdom with his cousin cunedagius , invades him , but is met and overcome by him . p. . marganus the son of archigallo a good king. p. . marius the son of arviragus is said to have overcome the picts , and slain their king roderic . p. . martia the wife of king guitheline said to have instituted the law call'd marchen leage . p. , . martinus made deputy of the british province failing to kill paulus , falls upon his own sword. p. . maximianus herculeus forc't to conclude a peace with caransius , and yield him britain . p. . maximus a spaniard usurping part of the empire , is overcome at length and slain by theodosius , p. . maximus a friend of gerontius is by him set up in spain against constantine the vsurper . p. . mempricius one of brutus his council perswades him to hasten out of greece . p. . mempricius and malim succeed their father madan in the kingdom , p. . mempricius treacherously slaying his brother , gets sole possession of the kingdom , reigns tyrannically , and is at last devour'd by wolves . p. . mellitus , justus , and others sent with austin to the conversion of the saxons , p. . he converts the east-saxons , p. . s. paul's church in london built for his cathedral by ethelred , as that of rochester for justus . ibid. mollo , the brother of kedwalla , pursu'd , beset , and burnt in a house whither he had fled for shelter , p. . his death reveng'd by his brother . ibid. morcar the son of algar made earl of northumberland in the room of tosti , p. . he and edwin duke of the mercians put tosti to flight , p. . they give battel to harold harfager , king of norwey : but are put to the worst , p. . they refuse to set up edgar , and at length are brought to swear fidelity to duke william of normandy . p. . mordred arthur's nephew said to have given him in a battel his deaths wound . p. . morindus , the son of elanius by tanguestela , a valiant man , but infinitely cruel . p. . mulmutius , see dunwallo . o. octa and ebissa call'd over by hengist their vncle , p. . they possess themselves of that part of the isle which is now northumberland . ibid. oenus , one in the catalogue of ancient british kings . p. . oeric or oisc succeeds his father hengist in the kingdom of kent , and from him the kentish kings call'd oiscings , p. . he is otherwise call'd esca . p. . offa the son of siger quits his kingdom of the east-saxons to go to rome and turn monk with kenred . p. , . . offa defeating and slaying beornred the vsurper , becomes king of mercia after ethelbald , p. . he subdues a neighbouring people call'd hestings , p. . gets the victory of alric king of kent at occanford , ibid. inviting ethelbright king of the east-angles to his palace , he there treacherously causeth him to be beheaded , and seizeth his kingdom , p. . his at first enmity afterwards league with charles the great , p. . he grants a perpetual tribute to the pope out of every house in his kingdom , ibid. he draws a trench of wondrous length between mercia and the british confines , his death . ibid. osbald a nobleman exalted to the throne of the northumbrians after ethelred . p. . osbert reigns in northumberland after the last of the ethelreds in the time of the danish invasion . p. . osbert and ella helping the picts against donaldus king of scotland , put the scots to flight at sterlin-bridge with great slaughter , and take the king prisoner . p. . osfrid and eanfrid the sons of edwin converted and baptized , p. . osfrid slain together with his father in a battel against kedwalla . p. . oslac and cnebban two saxon earls slain by keaulin at wibbandun . p. . osmund king of the south-saxons . p. . osred a child succeeds aldfrid in the northumbrian kingdom , p. . he is slain by his kindred for his vicious life . p. . osred son of alcled advanc't to the kingdom of northumberland after elfwald , is soon driven out again , p. . is taken and forcibly shaven a monk at york . p. . osric the son of elfric baptiz'd by paulinus , succeeds in the kingdom of bernicia , p. . turns apostate , and is slain by an eruption of kedwalla out of a besieg'd town , ibid. another osric succeeds kenred the second . p. . osric earl of southampton and ethelwolf of bark-shire beat the danes back to their ships . p. . ostorius sent vice-praetor into britain in the room of plautius the praetor , p. . routs the britans , and improves his victory to the best advantage , p. , . gives the government of several cities to cogidunus a british king his allie , p. . defeats the silures under the leading of caractacus . p. . ostrid the wife of ethelred kill'd by her own nobles . p. . oswald brother of eanfrid living exil'd in scotland , is there baptiz'd , p. . with a small army utterly overthrows kedwalla , ibid. settles religion , and very much enlarges his dominions , p. . overcome , and slain in battel by penda at maserfeild , now oswestre , p. . oswi succeeds his brother oswald in the kingdom , p. . he perswades sigebert to receive the christian faith , p. . he discomfits penda's vast army , p. . he subdues all mercia , and the greatest part of the pictish nation , p. . shaken off by the persian nobles , and wulfer set up in his stead , ibid. his death . p. . oswin the nephew of edwin shares with oswi in the kingdom of northumberland , p. . coming to arms with him , he is over-match't , and slain by his command . ibid. oswulf hath the crown of northumberland relinquisht to him by eadbert , p. . slain by his own servants . p. . otha succeeds esca in the kingdom of kent . p. . otter and roald two danish leaders landing in devonshire , their whole forces are scatter'd , and roald slain . p. . p. pandrasus a grecian king keeps the trojans in servitude , p. . is set upon and beaten by brutus . p. , . paulinus sent spiritual guardian with edelburga , endeavours to convert northumberland to christianity , p. . the manner of his winning king edwin to embrace the christian religion , p. , . he converts the province of lindsey and blecca the governour of lincoln , and builds a church in that city . p. . peada the son of penda and prince of the middle-angles , is baptized with all his followers , p. . he hath south-mercia conferr'd on him by oswi , p. . is slain by the treachery of his wife on easter-day . ibid. pelagius a britan brings new opinions into the church , p. . the pelagian doctrine refuted by germanus , p. . the pelagians are judg'd to banishment by germanus . p. . penda the son of wibba king of mercia hath the kingdom surrender'd him by kearle , p. . he joyns with kedwalla against edwin , p. . he slays oswald in battel , p. . in another battel sigebert , p . in another anna king of the east-angles , p. . he is slain in a battel against oswi . p. . penissel reckon'd in the number of ancientest british kings . p. . peredure and vigenius expel their brother elidure , and share the kingdom between them . p. . perjury an example of divine vengeance in alfred who conspir'd against king athelstane . p. . petilius cerealis utterly defeated by the britans , p. . he commands the roman army in britain . p. , . petronius turpilianus commands in chief in britain after suetonius paulinus . p. . pir one of the ancientest race of british kings . p. . picts and scots harrass the south coasts of britain . p. . &c. see scots . picts and saxons beaten by the britans , through the pious conduct of germanus . p. , . porrex the son of gorbogudo , though assisted from france , is slain by his brother ferrex , p. . his death reveng'd by his mother videna , ibid. another of that name reckon'd in the catalogue of british kings . p. . portsmouth denominated from the landing of porta a saxon prince with his two sons bida and megla , p. . prafutagus king of the icenians , leaving caesar coheir with his daughters , causeth the britans to revolt . p. , . priscus licinius lieutenant in this isle under adrian . p. . probus subdues the vsurper bonosus , who falls in the battel , p. . prevents by his wisdom new risings in britain . ibid. r. readwulf succeeding ethelred in northumbria , soon after his coronation , cut off with his whole army by the danes at alvetheli . p. . rederchius reckon'd among the ancient british kings . p. . redion , another british king. ibid. redwald king of the east-angles wars against ethelfrid , in defence of edwin , and slays him in battel . p. . regin son of gorbonian , a good king. p. . rivallo succeeds his father cunedagius . p. . rollo the dane or norman having fought unsuccessfully here , turns his forces into france , and conquers the country since call'd normandy . p. . romans land in britain under the conduct of julius caesar , p. , . their sharp conflict with the britans near the stoure in kent , p. , . the cruel massacre of the britans upon them , p. . they leave the island to succour their declining affairs in other parts , p. . they come and aid the britans against the scots and picts , ibid. they help them to build a new wall , p. . instruct them in war , and take their last farewel . ibid. romanus nam'd among the four sons of histion , sprung of japhet , and from him the romans fabled to be derived . p. . rowen the daughter of hengist sent for over by her father , p. . she presents king vortigern with a bowl of wine by her fathers command , p. , . she is upon the king's demand given him in marriage . p. . rudancus king of cambria subdued in fight , and slain by dunwallo mulmutius . p. . rudhuddibras succeeds his father leil , and founds caerkeint or canterbury with several other places . p. . runno the son of peredure not immediate successor . p. . s. sabra thrown into the river ( thence call'd sabrina ) with her mother estrildis by guendolen . p. . samothes the first king that history or fable mentions to have peopled this island . p. . samulius recorded among the ancient british kings . p. . saron the second king nam'd among the successors of samothes . p. . saxons harrass the south coast of britain , slay nectaridius and bulcobandes , p. . saxons and picts , see picts . saxons invited into britain by vortigern , and the britans against the scots and picts , p. , . their original , p. . they arrive under the leading of hergist and horsa . p. . they beat the scots and picts near stamford . p. . fresh forces sent them over , and their bounds enlarged . p. . . they making league with the scots and picts , wast the land without resistance , ibid. beaten by guortimer in four battels , and driven into thanet . p. . they return most of them into their own country . p. . the rest notably defeated by ambrosius aurelianus and the britans . p. . scots , picts , and attacots harrass the south coast of britain , p. . overcome by maximus , p. . scots possest ireland first , and named it scotia , p. . scots and picts beaten by the romans , sent to the supply of the britans , p. . they make spoil and havock with little or no opposition . p. . sebbi having reign'd over the east-saxons years , takes on him the habit of a monk. p. . sebert the son of sleda , reigns over the east-saxons by permission of ethelbert . p. . segonax , one of the four petty kings in britain , that assaulted caesar's camp. p. . sejus saturninus commands the roman navy in britain . p. . selred the son of sigebert the good , succeeds ossa in the east-saxon kingdom , and comes to a violent end . p. . septimius severus the roman emperour , arrives in person with an army in this island , p. . . his ill success against the caledonians , p. . nevertheless goes on and brings them to terms of peace , p. . builds a wall across the island , from sea to sea , ibid. they taking arms again , he sends his son antoninus against them , p. . he dies at york , 't is thought of grief . ibid. severus sent over deputy into this island by the emperour valentinian . p. . sexburga the wife of kenwalk driven out by the nobles , disdaining female government . p. . sexted and seward re-establish heathenism in east-saxony , after the death of their father sebert , p. . in a fight against the britans they perish with their whole army . p. . sigeard and senfred succeed their father sebbi in the east-saxon kingdom . p. . sigebert succeeds his brother eorpwald in the kingdom of the east-angles , p. . he founds a school or colledge , and betakes himself to a monastical life , p. . being forc't into the field against penda , he is slain with his kinsman egric . p. . sigebert sirnamed the small , succeeds his father seward king of the east-saxons , p. . his successour sigebert the d . is perswaded by oswi to imbrace christianity , ibid. is murdered by the conspiracy of two brethren , ibid. his death denounc't by the bishop for eating with an excommunicate person , p. . sigebert the kinsman of cuthred succeeds him in the west-saxon kingdom . p. . siger the son of sigebert the small , and sebbi the son of seward succeed in the government of the east-saxons after swithelms decease . p. . silures a people of britain chuse caractacus for their leader against the romans , p. . they continue the war after caractacus was taken , against ostorius and others . p. . . . simon zelotes , by some said to have preacht the christian faith in this island . p. . sisillius succeeds jago . p. . sisilius the son of guitheline succeeds his mother martia , p. . another of that name reckon'd in the number of the ancient brittish kings . p. . siward earl of northumberland sent by hardecnute together with leofric against the people of worcester , p. . . he and leofric raise forces for king edward against earl godwin , p. . he makes an expedition into scotland , vanquishes macbeth , and placeth in his stead malcolm son of the cumbrian king , p. . . he dies at york in an armed posture . p. . sleda erects the kingdom of the east-saxons , p. . south-saxon kingdom by whom erected , p. . south-saxons upon what occasion converted to the christian faith. p. . staterius king of albany , is defeated and slain in fight by dunwallo mulmutius . p. . stilicho represses the invading scots and picts . p. . stuff and withgar the nephews of kerdic bring him new levies , p. . they inherit what he won in the isle of wight . p. . suetonius paulinus lieutenant in britain , attaques the isle of mona or anglesey . p. . suidhelm succeeds sigebert in the kingdom of the east-saxons , p. . he is baptiz'd by kedda . ibid. swane in revenge of his sisters death makes great devastations in the west of england , p. . he carries all before him as far as london , but is there repell'd , p. . is stil'd king of england , ibid. he sickens and dies . p. . swane the son of earl godwin treacherously murthers his kinsman beorn , p. . his peace wrought with the king by aldred bishop of worcester , ibid. toucht in conscience for the slaughter of beorn , he goes barefoot to rome , and returning home dies in lycia . p. . swithred the last king of the east-saxon kingdom , driven out by e●bert the west-saxon . p. . . t. taximagulus a petty king anciently in britain , one of the four kings that assaulted caesar's camp. p. . tenuantius one of the sons of lud hath cornwal allotted him , p. . made king after the death of cassibelan . p. . tendric a warlike king of britain , said to have exchang'd his crown for a hermitage , p. . to have taken up arms again in aid of his son mouric . ibid. theobale the brother of king ethelfrid , slain at degiastan . p. . theodore a monk of tarsus ordain'd bishop of canterbury by p. vitalian , p. . by his means the liberal arts , and the greek and latin tongues flourish among the saxons . ibid. theodosius sent over by the emperour valentinian , enters london victoriously , p. . sends for civilis and dulcitius , p. . punishes valentinus a pannonian , conspiring against him , ibid. he returns with applause to valentinian . p. . . theodosius the son of the former preferr'd to the empire , p. . overcomes and slays maximus , usurping the empire . p. . thurfert and dirers other danish lords submit to king edward the elder . p. . titulus succeeds his father uffa in the kingdom of the east-angles . p. . togodumnus the second son of cunobeline succeeds in the kingdom , p. . is overthrown by aulus plautius , p. . slain in battel . p. . tosti the son of godwin made earl of northumberland in the room of siward , p. . he swears brotherhood with malcolm king of scotland , p. . goes to rome with aldred bishop of york , ibid. the northumbrians rise against him and expel him , p. . . a story of great outrage and cruelty committed by him at hereford , p. . making war against his brother king harold , he is driven out of the country by edwin and morcar , p. . joining with harold harfager king of norway against his brother , he is slain together with harfager in the battel . p. . trebellius maximus sent into britain in the room of petronius turpilianus . p. . trinobantes fall off from cassibelan , and submit to caesar , and recommend mandubratius to his protection . p. . . turkil a danish earl assaults canterbury , but is bought off , p. . he swears allegiance to king ethelred , that under that pretence he might stay and give intelligence to swane , p. . he leaves the english again and joins with canute , p. . his greatness suspected by canute , he is banisht the realm . p. . turquetill a danish leader , submitting to king edward , obtains leave of him to go and try his fortune in france . p. . v. valentinian the emperour sends over several deputies successively into this island . p. . vectius bolanus sent into britain in the room of trebellius maximus . p. . vellocatus , see venutius and cartismandua . venutius a king of the brigantes deserted by his wife cartismandua , who marries his squire vellocatus , p. . he rights himself against her by arms , ibid. makes war successfully against those taking part with his wife . p. . . verannius succeeds a. didius in the brittish wars . p. . vertue ever highly rewarded by the ancient romans . p. . vespasian valiantly fighting under plautius against the britans is rescued from danger by his son titus . p. . for his eminent services here he receives triumphal ornaments at rome . p. . uffa erects the kingdom of the east-angles , p. . from him his successours call'd uffings . p. . victorinus a moor , appeaseth a commotion in britain , by slaying a governour of his own recommending . p. . victorinus of tolosa made prefect of this island . p. . victred the son of ecbert obtaining the kingdom of kent , settles all things in peace , p. . after years reign he deceaseth . p. . videna slays her son ferrex in revenge of her other son porrex . p. . vigenius and peredure , expelling their brother elidure , share the kingdom between them . p. . virius lupus hath the north part of the government assign'd him by severus the emperour . p. . ulfketel duke of the east-angles sets upon the danes with great valour , p. . his army defeated through the subtlety of a danish servant , p. . he is slain with several other dukes at the fatal battel of assandune . p. . ulpius marcellus sent lieutenant into britain by commodus , ends the war by his valour and prudence . p. . vortipor reigns in demetia , or south-wales . p. . vortigern's character , p. . he is advis'd by his council to invite in the saxons against the scots and picts , ibid. he bestows upon hengist and the saxons , the isle of thanet , p. . then all kent , upon a marriage with rowen hengist's daughter , p. . condemn'd in a synod for incest with his daughter , he retires to a castle in radnorshire , built for the purpose , p. . his son guortimer dead heresumes the government , p. . is drawn into a snare by hengist , p. . retiring again is burnt in his tower. p. . urianus , reckon'd in the number of ancient brittish kings . p. . utherpendragon thought to be the same with natanleod . p. . uthred submits himself with the northumbrians to swane , p. . to canute , p. . his victory over malcolm king of scots , p. . . he is slain by turebrand a danish lord at canutes either command or connivence . p. . w. west-saxon kingdom by whom erected , p. . west-saxons , and their kings converted to the christian faith by berinus . p. . wibba succeeds crida in the mercian kingdom . p. . wilbrod a priest goes over with others to preach the gospel in germany , p. . he is countenanc't by pepin chief regent of the franks , and made first bishop of that nation . p. . . wilfrid bishop of the northumbrians depriv'd by ecfrid of his bishoprick , wanders as far as rome , p. . returning plants the gospel in the isle of wight , and other places assign'd him , p. . . hath the fourth part of that island given him by kedwalla , he bestows it on bertwin a priest , his sisters son. ibid. william duke of normandy honourably entertain'd by king edward , and richly dismist , p. . he betroths his daughter to harold , and receives his oath to assist him to the crown of england , p. . . sending after king edwards death to demand performance of his promise , is put off with a slight answer , p. . . he lands with an army at hastings , p. . over throws harold , who with his two brothers is slain in battel , p. . he is crown'd at westminster by aldred archbishop of york . ibid. wipped a saxon earl slain at a place call'd wippeds fleot , which thence took denomination , p. . withgar , see stuff . withgarburgh in the isle of wight so call'd from being the burial-place of withgar . p. . withlaf the successour of ludiken , being vanquisht by ecbert , all mercia becomes tributary to him . p. . wulfer the son of penda set up by the mercian nobles in the room of his brother oswi , p. . said to have been taken prisoner by kenwalk the west-saxon , p. . he takes and wasts the isle of wight , but causeth the inhabitants to be baptized , ibid. gives the island to ethelwald king of south-saxons , ibid. sends jeruvianus to recover the east-saxons , fallen off the second time from christianity , ibid. lindsey taken from him by ecfrid of northumberland , p. . his death accompany'd with the stain of simonie . p. . wulfheard king ethelwolf's chief captain , drives back the danes at southampton with great slaughter , p. . he dies the same year , as it is thought of age. ibid. wulktul earl of ely put to flight with his whole army by the danes . p. . y. ymner king of loegria , with others slain in battel by dunwallo mulmutius . p. . finis . errata . page . l. . for britains read britans , p. . l. . for by the same remove , r. and by the &c. p. . l. . for bee 't r. be , p. . l. . for be-spoken r. bespoken , p. . l. . for germannus r. germanus , p. . l. . for brother r. his brother , ibid. l. . for allobreges r. allobroges , p. . l. . for mertian r. mercian , p. . l. . for opportunety r. opportunety , p. . l. . for unto r. to , p. . from the end of l. . to the beginning : of l. . should not have been in a different character , so also a line in the next page , p. . l. last , for bay-close inviron'd , r. bay , close inviron'd , p. . l. . before made leave out he , p. . l. . for ex'steem'd r. esteem'd , p. . l. . for durstus r. durstus , p. . l. . for andreds league r. andreds leage , p. . l. . for armes r. artur , p. . l. . for haleluja r. hallelujah , ibid. l. . for benedic r. benedict , p. . l. . for the r. thir , p. . l. . for and r. as , ibid. l. . after begin no comma , p. . l. . for yee r. thee , p. . l. . for daughter r. sister , p. . l. . for loyden r. loydes , p. . l. . for her r. his , p. . l. . for witgeornesburgh , r. witgeornesburg , p. . l. . for year a af read a year after , p. . l. . for epitomy r. epitome , p. . l. . after testifies a period , p. . l. . before far r. by , ibid. l. last , for unkle r. unkle's sson , p. . l. . for kuiric r. kinric , p. . l. . after two r. or three , ibid. l. last but one , for royal r. regal , p. . l. . for occanford r. ottanford , p. . l. . after embassadours leave out the stop , ibid. l. . after ecbert two points , p. . l. last for ethelhelin helam , r. ethelhelm , p. . l. . for de did r. he did , p. . l. . for west-saxon r. west-saxons , p. . l. . for flight r. fight , p. . l. . for thames , there nocomma after thames but after there , p. . l. . for his r. this , p . l. . for on r. about , ibid. l. last but two , for the r. that , p. l. . for frenar . frana , p. . l. . before spread r. he , p. . l. . for ocford r. oxford , p. . l. . for bishop r. archbishop , p. . l. . for brother r. half brother , p. . l. . for that prompted him r. that now as it were prompted him , ibid. after the last line leave out deed , p. . l. . for a youth r. then a youth , p. . l. . for of r. with , p. . l. . after legs no stop , after hight a period , p . the six last lines should have been in no different character from the rest of the book , and in the last line for revolutions r. revolution , besides other literal faults and wrong stops through the book , which the reader of himself may amend . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e cas . l. . holinshed . henry of hunting don . matthew of westminster . * matthew westmin . huntingd. l. . notes for div a -e suetonius vit . caes . suetonius . caesar com. l. . caesar com. l. . cic. att. l. . ep. . camden . valer. max. plutarch . in caesarib . dion . caesar com. . camden . pliny . oros . lib. . c. . & . dion . mela. caesar . herodian . dion . caesar . strabo . dion . strabo . herodian . solinus . caesar . tacitus , diodor . strabo . lucan . tacitus . mela. dion . caesar . caesar . strabo l. . dion . l. . year before the birth of christ , . dion . l. . . strabo l. . tacit. an . l. . year after the birth of christ , . dion . sueton . cal. dion . sueton. dion . l. . tacit. an . . sueton. claud. . . sueton. vesp . dio. l. . tacit. an . . tacit. vit . agric. tacit. vit . agrio . tacit. hist . . sueton. dion . dion . l. . dion . dion . tacit. vit . agric. tacit. hist . . . & vit . agric. tacit. hist . . & vit . agric. calvis . tacit. hist . . & vit . agric . dion . l. . dion . l. . camden . juvenal , sat . . eutrop. l. . dion . l. . spartianus in vit . hidrian . spartianus ibid. camden . pausan archad . capitolin . vit . anton. capitolin . marc. ant. philos . digest . l. . beda . nennius . geff. mon. dion . l. . lamprid. in comm . capitolin . in pert. capitolin . is alb. dion . did. jul. spartian . in sever. herod . l. . herod . l. . digest . l. . tit . . dion . herod . l. . dion . spartianus in sever. eutropii pean . oros . l. . cassidor . chro . buchanan . caesar . spartianus in sever. camd. cumber . eumen. paneg . const . camden . gildas . hieronym . vapisc . in bonos . zozim . l. . camd. zozimus . vopisc . in carin . aurel. victor . de caesar . eutrop. oros . eumen. paneg . . victor . eutrop . buchanan . paneg. . paneg. sigonius . camd. ex nin. eumen. pan. . eumen. gildas . author ignot-post marcellin . vales●i eutrop. eumen . idem auth. ignot . idem vit . auth. ignot . euseb . const . sigon . camd. ammian . l. . & in eum valesius . libanius in basilico . camd. ex firmico . camden . ammian . liban . orat. . zozim . l. . marcel . l. amm. l. . amm. l. . amm. l. . . amm. l. . zozim . l. . amm. l. . zozim . l. . sigon . prosper . aquitanic . chron . gildas . beda . ninn. soerat . l. . claudian . de land . stil . l. . & de bello get. ethelwerd . sax. an . bede epit. in the year and bede , l. . c. . zozim . l. . sozom. l. . oros . l. . sozom. l. . olympiodorapud photium . gildas . beda . zozim . l. . procopius vandalic . calvis . sigon . notes for div a -e gild. bede . malins . zozim . l. . ethelwerd . annal . sax. gildas . diaconus . l. . bede . l. . c. . gildas . bede ibid. gildas . blond . sabellic . buch. l. . gildas . bede . bede . constantius . prosp . aquit . math. west . ad ann . . constant . vit . german . vsser . primord p. . prosp . aquit . ethelwerd . florent . gild. bede . malmsbury l. . c. . p. . gildas . constant . bede . sigon . gildas . malms . l. . notitiae imperii . florent . wigorn. ad an . . ethelwerd . ethelwerd . malmsb. witichind . gest . sax. l. . p. . malms . witichind . gildas . bede . nennius . malms . malmsb. henry huntingd . ethelwerd . bed. nin. nenn. gildas . bed. ninn. primord . pag. . malms . l. . c. . ninn. malmsb. ninn. gildas . ninn. bede . ethelwerd . florent . annal. sax. the kingdome of kent . nennius . malms . nin. ex legend st. ger. galfrid . monmouth . gildas . bed. ninn. sax. an . ethelw . florent . florent . huntingd. malms . bed. l. . c. . camden . the kingdome of south-saxons . bed. l. . c. . & l. . c. . sax. an . omn. sax. an . omn. huntingd. annal. omn. huntingd. camden . camd. vss . primord . an. omn. huntingdon . the kingdom of east-angles . malms . l. . c. . bed. l. . c. . huntingd. l. . p. . . bede l. . c. . malms . l. . c. . the kingdom of east-saxons . the kingdom of west-saxons . sax. an . omn. ninn. caradoc . llancarvon . vit . gild. malms . antiquit . glaston . primord . p. . polychronic . l. . c. . gildas . sax. an . omn. the kingdome of northumberland . annal omn. bed. epit. malmsb. malmsb. annal omn. camden . annal. florent . malms . an. omn. gildas . primord . p. . camden . annal omn. huntingd. the kingdome of mercia . huntingd. mat. westm . malmsb. l. . c. . florent . ad ann . annal. omn. florent . bed. l. . c. . malms . florent . sax. an . notes for div a -e bed. malms . bed. l. . c. . bed. l. . c. . bed. l. . c. . malms . l. . c. . bed. l. . c. . sax. an . malms . bed. l. . c. . bed. l. . l. . bed. l. . c. spelman . concil . pag. . sax. an . huntingd. malms . gest . pont . l. . sax. an . sax. an . malms . camd. sax. an . malms . malmsb. l. . c. . camden . bed. l. . c. . sax. ann . sax. an . florent . genealog . sax. an . mat. west . camden . bed. l. . c. . sax. an . sax. an . bede . bed. l. . c. . sax. an . bed. l. . c. . camd. camden . mat west . bed. l. . c. . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . bed. malms . sax. ann . sax. an . sax. an . malms . bed. l. . c. . bed. l. . c. . sax. an . malms . bed. l. . c. . bed. l. . c. . camd. sax. an . sax. an . bed. l. . c. malms . bed. l. . c. malms . sax. an . malms . bed. malms . sax. an . ethelwerd . sax. an . huntingd. bed. epit. sax. an . sax. an . huntingd. l. . c. . bed. l. . c. . bede . sax. an . ethelwerd . malms . malms . sax. an . sim. dun. hoved. malms . sax. an . sax. an . huntingd. huntingd. camden . sax. an . malms . huntingd. huntingd. camden . camd. sax. an . epit. bed. sim. dun. sim. dun. eccles. l. . sim. dun. mat west . sim. dun. sim. dun. sax. an . sim. dun. sim. dun. ethelwerd . malms . sax. ann . camd. sim. dun. malms . camd. malms . sim. dun. pontan . l. . pontan . l. . sim. dun. sim. dun. camden . sim. dun. sim. dun. eccles. l. . sim. dun. malms . asser . men. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. malms . sax. an . sim. dun. malms . l. . asser . sim. dun. malms . sax. ann . huntingd. sim. dun. mat. west . sim. dun. sax. an . sax. an . malms . ingulf . sax. an . florent . genealog . bed. l. . c. . camd. ingulf . mat. west . notes for div a -e calvisius . pontan . hist . dan. sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . mat. west . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sim. dun. mat. west . sax. an . sax. an . asser . huntingd. mat west . sax. an . asser . malms . sax. an . asser . asser . mat. west . malms . sigon . de regn . ital. l. . asser . asser . malms . sim. dun. sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . huntingd. sax. an . asser . asser . sim. dun. ingulf . sax. an . asser . pontan . hist . dan. l. . camd. sax. an . sax. an . camden . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . florent . florent . sax. an . asser . sax. ann . sim. dun. asser . camd. camd. sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sim. dun. sax. an . sim. dun. sax. an . sax. an . camden . sax. an . sim. dun. florent . sax. an . sax. an . asser . malms . malms . huntingd. sax. an . sax. ann . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . ethelwerd . sax. an . sax. an . sax. ann . huntingd. camd. sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . buch. l. . buch. l. . sax. an . huntingd. mat west . sim. dun. malms . sim. dun. malms . mat. west . sax. an . sim. dun. sax. an . sim. dun. florent . florent . sim. dun. sax. an . malms . sax. an . malms . ingulf . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . sax. an . camden . sim. dun. hoved. sim. dun. sim. dun. ethelword . mat. west . hoved. sax. an . mat. west . malms . mat. west . sax. an . ingulf . sax. an . notes for div a -e florent . sim. dun. malms . malms . florent . sim. dun. sim. dun. malms . eadmer . florent . hoved. sim. dun. hoved. malms . ingulf . malms . malms . sim. dun. sim. dun. florent . huntingd. sim. dun. malms . malms . huntingd. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. malms . calvis . florent . huntingd. calvisius . mat. west . sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. florent . sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. florent . humingd . sim. dun. eadmer . malms . eadmer . sim. dun. eadmer . sim. dun. malms . sim. dun. mat. west . sim. dun. malms . leges ed. conf. tit. deduct . norman . encom . em. camd. sim. dun. florent . aelred in the life of ed. conf. florent . sim. dun. malms . camden . camd. camd. sim. dun. sax. an . encom . em. ingulf . sim. dun. huntingd. mat. west . sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. malms . sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. huntingd. sim. dun. huntingd. sim. dun. florent . florent . malms . florent . bromton . huntingd. mat. west . mat. west . encom . em. sim. dun. sim. dun. huntingd. sim. dun. malms . malms . sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. malms . sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. mat. west . sim. dun. ingulf . ingulf . malms . sim. dun. malms . sim. dun. malms . sim. dun. sim. dun. huntingd. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. sim. dun. camden . malms . leges ed. conf. tit. lex noricor . sim. dun. huntingd. malms . eadmer . malms . mathew paris . camd. malms . sim. dun. sim. dun. a brief history of moscovia and of other less-known countries lying eastward of russia as far as cathay, gather'd from the writings of several eye-witnesses / by john milton. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a brief history of moscovia and of other less-known countries lying eastward of russia as far as cathay, gather'd from the writings of several eye-witnesses / by john milton. milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed by m. flesher, for brabazon alymer ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. "names of the authors from whence these relations have been taken ...": p. - . created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng soviet union -- description and travel -- early works to . russia -- history -- to . russia -- history -- - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - aptara rekeyed and resubmitted - chris scherer sampled and proofread - chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief history of moscovia : and of other less-known countries lying eastward of russia as far as cathay . gather'd from the writings of several eye-witnesses . by iohn milton . london , printed by m. flesher , for brabazon aylmer at the three pigeons against the royal exchange . . the authour's preface . the study of geography is both profitable and delightfull ; but the writers thereof , though some of them exact enough in setting down longitudes and latitudes , yet in those other relations of manners , religion , government and such like , accounted geographical , have for the most part miss'd their proportions . some too brief and deficient satisfy not ; others too voluminous and impertinent cloy and weary out the reader ; while they tell long stories of absurd superstitions , ceremonies , quaint habits , and other petty circumstances little to the purpose . whereby that which is usefull , and onely worth observation , in such a wood of words , is either overslip't , or soon forgotten : which perhaps brought into the mind of some men , more learned and judicious , who had not the leisure or purpose to write an entire geography , yet at least to assay something in the description of one or two countreys , which might be as a pattern or example , to render others more cautious hereafter , who intended the whole work . and this perhaps induc'd paulus jovius to describe onely muscovy and britain . some such thoughts , many years since , led me at a vacant time to attempt the like argument ; and i began with muscovy , as being the most northern region of europe reputed civil ; and the more northern parts thereof , first discovered by english voiages . wherein i saw i had by much the advantage of jovius . what was scatter'd in many volumes , and observ'd at several times by eye-witnesses , with no cursory pains i laid together , to save the reader a far longer travaile of wandring through so many desert authours ; who yet with some delight drew me after them , from the eastern bounds of russia , to the walls of cathay , in several late iourneys made thither overland by russians , who describe the countreys in their way far otherwise than our common geographers . from proceeding further other occasions diverted me . this essay , such as it is , was thought by some , who knew of it , not amiss to be published ; that so many things remarkable , dispers'd before , now brought under one view , might not hazard to be otherwise lost , nor the labour lost of collecting them . j. m. advertisement . this book was writ by the authour 's own hand , before he lost his sight . and sometime before his death dispos'd of it to be printed . but it being small , the bookseller hop'd to have procured some other suitable piece of the same authour 's to have joyn'd with it , or else it had been publish'd ' ere now . moscovia : or , relations of moscovia , as far as hath been discover'd by english voyages ; gather'd from the writings of several eye-witnesses : and of other less-known countries lying eastward of russia as far as cathay , lately discovered at several times by russians . chap. i. a brief description . the empire of moscovia , or as others call it , russia , is bounded on the north with lapland and the ocean ; southward by the crim tartar ; on the west by lituania , livonia and poland ; on the east by the river ob , or oby , and the nagayan tartars on the volga , as far as astracan . the north parts of this country are so barren , that the inhabitants fetch their corn a miles , and so cold in winter that the very sap of their wood-fewel burning on the fire , freezes at the brands end where it drops . the mariners which were left a shipboard in the first english voyage thither , in going up onely from their cabins to the hatches , had their breath so congeal'd by the cold , that they fell down as it were stifl'd . the bay of saint nicholas , where they first put in , lyeth in degrees ; call'd so from the abby there built of wood ; wherein are monks ; unlearned , as then they found them , and great drunkards : their church is fair , full of images , and tapers . there are besides but houses , whereof one built by the english. in the bay over against the abby is rose island , full of damask and red roses , violets , and wild rosemary ; the isle is in circuit or miles : about the midst of may the snow there is clear'd , having two months been melting ; then the ground in daies is dry , and grass knee-deep within a month : after september frost returns , and snow a yard high : it hath a house built by the english near to a fresh fair spring north-east of the abby on the other side of duina is the castle of archangel ; where the english have another house . the river duina beginning about miles within the country , having first receiv'd pinega falls here into the sea , very large and swift , but shallow . it runneth pleasantly between hills on either side ; beset like a wilderness with high firre , and other trees : their boats of timber without any iron in them , are either to sail , or to be drawn up with ropes against the stream . north-east beyond archangel standeth lampas , where twice a year is kept a great fair of russes , tartars and samoeds : and to the land-ward mezen , and slobotca two towns of traffick between the river pechora , or petzora , and duina ; to seaward lies the cape of candinos , and the island of colgoieve about leagues from the bar of pechora in degrees . the river pechora or petzora holding his course through siberia , how far , the russians thereabouts know not , runneth into the sea at . mouths , full of ice : abounding with swans , ducks , geese and partridge , which they take in iuly , sell the feathers , and salt the bodies for winter provision . on this river spreading to a lake stands the town of pustozera in degrees , having some , or houses , where certain merchants of hull winter'd in the year . the town pechora small and poor hath churches . they traded there up the river daies journey to oustzilma a small town of houses . the russians that have travail'd , say that this river springs out of the mountains of iougoria and runs through permia . not far from the mouth thereof are the straits of vaigats , of which hereafter : more eastward is the point of naramzy , and next to that , the river ob. beyond which , the muscovites have extended lately their dominion . touching the riphaean mountains whence tanais was anciently thought to spring , our men could hear nothing ; but rather that the whole country is champain , and in the northmost part huge and desert woods of firre , abounding with black wolves , bears , buffs , and another beast call'd rossomakka , whose female bringeth forth by passing through some narrow place , as between two stakes ; and so presseth her womb to a disburthening . travailing southward they found the country more pleasant , fair and better inhabited , corn , pasture , meadows and huge woods . arkania ( if it be not the same with archangel ) is a place of english trade , from whence a days journey distant , but from saint nicholas a versts , colmogro stands on the duina : a great town not wall'd , but scatter'd . the english have here lands of their own , given them by the emperour , and fair houses ; not far beyond , pinega running between rocks of alabaster and great woods , meets with duina . from colmogro to vstiug are versts or little miles , an ancient city upon the confluence of iuga , and sucana into duina which there first receives his name . thence continuing by water to wologda ; a great city so nam'd of the river which passes through the midst ; it hath a castle wall'd about with brick and stone , and many wooden churches , two for every parish , the one in winter to be heated , the other us'd in summer ; this is a town of much traffick a miles from saint nicholas . all this way by water no lodging is to be had but under open sky by the river side , and other provision onely what they bring with them . from wologda by sled they go to yeraslave on the volga , whose breadth is there at least a mile over ; and thence runs versts to the caspian sea , having his head spring out of bealozera , which is a lake , amidst whereof is built a strong tower wherein the kings of moscovy reserve their treasure in time of war. from this town to rostove , then to pereslave a great town situate on a fair lake ; thence to mosco . between yeraslave and mosco which is miles , the country is so fertile , so populous and full of villages , that in a forenoon or sleds are usually seen coming with salt fish , or laden back with corn. mosco the chief city , lying in degrees , distant from saint nicholas miles , is reputed to be greater than london with the suburbs , but rudely built , their houses and churches most of timber , few of stone , their streets unpav'd ; it hath a fair castle four-square , upon a hill , two miles about , with brick walls very high , and some say foot thick , gates , and as many bulwarks ; in the castle are kept the chief markets , and in winter on the river being then firm ice . this river moscua on the south-west side encloses the castle , wherein are nine fair churches with round gilded towers , and the emperour's palace ; which neither within , nor without is equal for state to the king's houses in england but rather like our buildings of old fashion with small windows , some of glass , some with latices , or iron bars . they who travail from mosco to the caspian , go by water down the moscua to the river occa ; then by certain castles to rezan , a famous city now ruinate ; the th day to nysnovogrod where occa falls into volga , which the tartars call edel. from thence the th day to cazan a tartan city of great wealth heretofore , now under the russian ; wall'd at first with timber and earth , but since by the emperour vasiliwich with free stone . from cazan to the river cama falling into volga from the province of permia , the people dwelling on the left side are gentiles , and live in woods without houses : beyond them to astracan , tartars of mangat , and nagay ; on the right side those of crimme . from mosco to astracan is about leagues . the town is situate in an island on a hill-side wall'd with earth , but the castle with earth and timber ; the houses except that of the governour 's , and some few others , poor and simple ; the ground utterly barren , and without wood : they live there on fish , and sturgeon especially ; which hanging up to dry in the streets and houses brings whole swarms of flies , and infection to the aire , and oft great pestilence . this island in length leagues , in breadth is the russian limit toward the caspian , which he keeps with a strong garrison ; being leagues from that sea into which volga falls at mouths . from saint nicholas , or from mosco to the caspian they pass in daies and nights , most part by water . west-ward from saint nicholas miles , is the city novogrod degrees , the greatest mart-town of all this dominion , and in bigness not inferior to mosco . the way thither is through the western bottom of saint nicholas bay , and so along the shoar full of dangerous rocks to the monastery solofky , wherein are at least monks ; the people thereabout in a manner savages , yet tenants to those monks . thence to the dangerous river owiga , wherein are waterfalls as steep as from a mountain , and by the violence of their descent kept from freezing ; so that the boats are to be carried there a mile over land : which the tenants of that abby did by command , and were guides to the merchants without taking any reward . thence to the town povensa standing within a mile of the famous lake onega miles long ; and in some places , at narrowest broad , and of great depth . thence by some monasteries to the river swire ; then into the lake ladiscay much longer than onega : after which into the river volhusky which through the midst of novogrod runs into this lake , and this lake into the baltick sound by narv and revel . their other cities toward the western bound are plesco , smolensko on vobsco . the emperour exerciseth absolute power : if any man die without male issue , his land returns to the emperour . any rich man who through age , or other impotence is unable to serve the publick , being inform'd of , is turn'd out of his estate , and forc'd with his family to live on a small pension , while some other more deserving , is by the duke's authority put into possession . the manner of informing the duke is thus . your grace , saith one , hath such a subject , abounding with riches , but for service of the state unmeet , and you have others poor and in want , but well able to doe their country good service . immediately the duke sends forth to enquire , and calling the rich man before him , friend , saith he , you have too much living , and are unserviceable to your prince ; less will serve you , and the rest maintain others who deserve more . the man thus call'd to impart his wealth , repines not , but humbly answers , that all he hath is god's , and the duke's : as if he made restitution of what more justly was anothers , than parted with his own . every gentleman hath rule and justice over his own tenants : if the tenants of two gentlemen agree not , they seek to compose it , if they cannot , each brings his tenant before the high judge of that country . they have no lawyers , but every man pleads his own cause , or else by bill or answer in writing delivers it with his own hands to the duke : yet justice by corruption of inferiour officers is much perverted . where other proof is wanting , they may try the matter by personal combat , or by champion . if a debtor be poor , he becomes bondman to the duke , who lets out his labour till it pay the dept ; till then he remains in bondage : another tryal they have by lots . the revenues of the emperour are what he list , and what his subjects are able ; and he omits not the coursest means to raise them : for in every good town there is a drunken tavern , call'd a cursemay , which the emperour either lets out to farm , or bestowes on some duke , or gentleman in reward of his service ; who for that time is lord of the whole town , robbing and spoiling at his pleasure ; till being well enricht , he is sent at his own charge to the wars , and there squeez'd of his ill got wealth ; by which means the waging of war is to the emperour little or nothing chargeable . the russian armeth not less in time of war than thousand men ; half of whom he takes with him into the field , the rest bestows in garrisons on the borders . he presseth no husbandman or merchant , but the youth of the realm . he useth no foot , but such as are pioners , or gunners , of both which sort thousand . the rest being horsemen , are all archers , and ride with a short stirrup after the turkish . their armour is a coat of plate , and a skull on their heads . some of their coats are cover'd with velvet , or cloth of gold ; for they desire to be gorgeous in arms , but the duke himself above measure : his pavilion cover'd with cloth of gold , or silver , set with pretious stones . they use little drums at the saddle bow instead of spurs ; for at sound thereof the horses run more swiftly . they fight without order ; nor willingly give battail but by stealth or ambush ; of cold and hard diet marvelously patient ; for when the ground is cover'd with snow froz'n a yard thick , the common souldier will lie in the field two months together without tent , or covering over head ; onely hangs up his mantle against that part from whence the weather drives , and kindling a little fire , lies him down before it , with his back under the wind : his drink , the cold stream mingl'd with oat-meal , and the same all his food : his horse fed with green wood and bark , stands all this while in the open field , yet does his service . the emperour gives no pay at all , but to strangers ; yet repaies good deserts in war with certain lands during life ; and they who oftenest are sent to the wars , think themselves most favour'd , though serving without wages . on the th of december yearly the emperour rides into the field which is without the city , with all his nobility on jennets and turky horses in great state : before him harquebusiers , who shoot at a bank of ice till they beat it down , the ordnance , which they have very fair of all sorts , they plant against two wooden houses fill'd with earth at least foot thick , and beginning with the smallest , shoot them all off thrice over , having beat those two houses flat . above the rest great cannon they have , whose bullet is a yard high , so that a man may see it flying ; then out of morter-pieces they shoot wild-fire into the aire . thus the emperour having seen what his gunners can doe , returns home in the same order . they follow the greek church , but with excess of superstitions ; their service is in the russian tongue . they hold the ten commandments not to concern them , saying that god gave them under the law , which christ by his death on the cross hath abrogated : the eucharist they receive in both kinds ; they observe lents , have service in their churches daily , from two hours before dawn to evening ; yet for whordom , drunkenness and extortion none worse than the clergy . they have many great and rich monasteries , where they keep great hospitality . that of trojetes hath in it friers , and is wall'd about with brick very strongly , having many pieces of brass ordnance on the walls ; most of the lands , towns and villages within miles belong to those monks , who are also as great merchants as any in the land. during easter holy-daies when two friends meet they take each other by the hand ; one of them saying , the lord is risen ; the other answering , it is so of a truth ; and then they kiss , whether men or women . the emperour esteemeth the metropolitan next to god , after our lady , and saint nicholas , as being his spiritual officer , himself but his temporal . but the muscovites that border on tartaria are yet pagans . when there is love between two , the man among other trifling gifts , sends to the woman a whip , to signify , if she offend , what the must expect ; and it is a rule among them , that if the wife be not beaten once a week , she thinks her self not belov'd , and is the worse ; yet are they very obedient , and stir not forth , but at some seasons . upon utter dislike , the husband divorces ; which liberty no doubt they receiv'd first with their religion from the greek church , and the imperial laws . their dead they bury with new shooes on their feet , as to a long journey ; and put letters testimonial in their hands to saint nicholas , or saint peter , that this was a russe of russes and dy'd in the true faith ; which , as they believe , saint peter having read , forthwith admits him into heaven . they have no learning , nor will suffer to be among them ; their greatest friendship is in drinking ; they are great talkers , lyars , flatterers and dissemblers . they delight in gross meats and noysom fish ; their drink is better , being sundry sorts of meath ; the best made with juice of a sweet and crimson berry call'd maliena , growing also in france ; other sorts with black-cherry , or divers other berries : another drink they use in the spring drawn from the birch-tree root , whose sap after iune dries up . but there is no people that live so miserably as the poor of russia ; if they have straw and water they make shift to live ; for straw dry'd and stampt in winter time is their bread ; in summer grass and roots ; at all times bark of trees is good meat with them ; yet many of them die in the street for hunger , none relieving , or regarding them . when they are sent into foreign countries , or that strangers come thither , they are very sumptuous in apparel , else the duke himself goes but meanly . in winter they travail onely upon sleds , the wayes being hard , and smooth with snow , the rivers all froz'n : one horse with a sled will draw a man miles in daies ; in summer the way is deep , and travailing ill . the russe of better sort goes not out in winter , but on his sled ; in summer on his horse : in his sled he sits on a carpet , or a white bears skin ; the sled drawn with a horse well deckt , with many fox or wolve tayles about his neck , guided by a boy on his back , other servants riding on the tayle of the sled . the russian sea breeds a certain beast which they call a morse ; who seeks his food on the rocks , climing up with help of his teeth ; whereof they make as great account , as we of the elephant's tooth . chap. ii. of samoedia , siberia , and other countries north-east subject to the muscovites . north-east of russia lieth samoedia by the river ob. this country was first discover'd by oneke a russian ; who first trading privately among them in rich furrs got great wealth , and the knowledge of their country ; then reveal'd his discovery to boris protectour to pheodor , shewing how beneficial that country gain'd , would be to the empire . who sending ambassadours among them gallantly attir'd , by fair means won their subjection to the empire ; every head paying yearly two skins of richest sables . those messengers travailing also leagues beyond ob east-ward , made report of pleasant countries , abounding with woods and fountains , and people riding on elks and loshes , others drawn on sleds by rain-deer , others by dogs as swift as deer . the somoeds that came along with those messengers returning to mosco admir'd the stateliness of that city , and were as much admir'd for excellent shooters , hitting every time the breadth of a penny , as far distant as hardly could be discern'd . the river ob is reported by the russes to be in breadth the sayling of a summer's day : but full of islands and shoals , having neither woods , nor , till of late , inhabitants . out of ob they turn into the river tawze . the russians have here , since the samoeds yielded them subjection , two governours with or gunners ; have built villages and some small castles ; all which place they call mongozey , or molgomzay , further up-land they have also built other cities of wood , consisting chiefly of poles , tartars and russes , fugitive or condemned men ; as vergateria , siber , whence the whole country is nam'd , tinna , thence tobolsca on this side ob , on the rivers irtis , and tobol , chief seat of the russian governour ; above that , zergolta in an island of ob , where they have a custom house , beyond that on the other side ob , narim , and tooina now a great city . certain churches also are erected in those parts ; but no man forc'd to religion ; beyond narim eastward on the river telta is built the castle of comgoscoi , and all this plantation began since the year . with many other towns like these . and these are the countries from whence come all the sables and rich furrs . the samoeds have no towns , or certain place of abode , but up and down where they find moss for their deer ; they live in companies peaceably , and are govern'd by some of the ancientest amongst them , but are idolaters . they shoot wondrous cunningly ; their arrow heads are sharpned stones , or fish-bones , which latter serve them also for needles , their thread being the sinews of certain small beasts , wherewith they sowe the furrs which cloath them ; the furry side in summer outward , in winter inward . they have many wives , and their daughters they sell to him who bids most ; which , if they be not lik't , are turn'd back to their friends , the husband allowing onely to the father what the marriage feast stood him in . wives are brought to bed there by their husbands , and the next day go about as before . they till not the ground ; but live on the flesh of those wild beasts which they hunt . they are the onely guides to such as travaile iougoria , siberia , or any of those north-east parts in winter ; being drawn on sleds with bucks , riding post day and night , if it be moon-light ; and lodge on the snow under tents of deer skins in whatever place they find enough of white moss to feed their sled staggs , turning them loose to dig it up themselves out of the deep snow : another samoede stepping to the next wood , brings in store of firing ; round about which they lodge within their tents , leaving the top open to vent smoak ; in which manner they are as warm as the stoves in russia . they carry provision of meat with them , and partake besides of what fowle or venison the samoede kills with shooting by the way ; their drink is melted snow . two deer being yoak'd to a sled riding post will draw miles in hours without resting , and laden with their stuff will draw it miles in . chap. iii. of tingoesia , and the countries adjoyning eastward , as far as cathay . beyond narim and comgoscoi the souldiers of those garrisons travailing by appointment of the russian governour in the year . found many goodly countries not inhabited ; many vast deserts , and rivers , till at the end of ten weeks they spy'd certain cottages , and herds , or companies of people , which came to them with reverent behaviour , and signify'd to the samoeds and tartars , which were guides to the russian souldiers , that they were call'd tingoesi ; that their dwelling was on the great river ienissey . this river is said to be far bigger than ob ; distant from the mouth thereof daies and nights sayling ; and likewise falls into the sea of naramzie ; it hath high mountains on the east , some of which cast out fire , to the west a plain and fertil country , which in the spring time it overflowes about leagues ; all that time the inhabitants keep them in the mountains , and then return with their cattel to the plain . the tingoesi are a very gentle nation , they have great swoln throats like those in italy that live under the alpes ; at perswasion of the samoeds they forthwith submitted to the russian government ; and at their request travailing the next year to discover still eastward , they came at length to a river , which the savages of that place call'd pisida , somewhat less than ienissey ; beyond which hearing ofttimes the towling of brazen bells , and sometimes the noise of men and horses , they durst not pass over ; they saw there certain sayles afar off , square , and therefore suppos'd to be like indian or china sayles , and the rather for that they report that great guns have been heard shot off from those vessels . in april , and may they were much delighted with the fair prospect of that country , replenish't with many rare trees , plants and flowers , beasts and fowle . some think here to be the borders of tangut in the north of cathay . some of those samoeds about the year . travail'd so far till they came in view of a white city ; and heard a great din of bells , and report there came to them men all arm'd in iron from head to foot . and in the year . divers out of cathay , and others from alteen czar who stiles himself the golden king , came and traded at zergolta , or surgoot on the river ob , bringing with them plates of silver . whereupon michael pheodorowick the russian emperour in the year . sent certain of his people from tooma to alteen , and cathay , who return'd with ambassadours from those princes . these relate , that from tooma in ten daies and a half , three daies whereof over a lake , where rubies and saphirs grow , they came to the alteen king , or king of alty ; through his land in five weeks they pass'd into the country of sheromugaly or mugalla , where reigned a queen call'd manchika ; whence in four daies they came to the borders of cathay , fenc't with a stone wall , fathom high ; along the side of which , having on the other hand many pretty towns belonging to queen manchika , they travail'd ten daies without seeing any on the wall till they came to the gate . where they saw very great ordnance lying , and men in watch . they traffick with other nations at the gate , and very few at once are suffered to enter . they were travailing from tooma to this gate weeks ; and from thence to the great city of cathay ten daies . where being conducted to the house of ambassadours , within a few daies there came a secretary from king tambur with men well apparell'd , and riding on asses , to feast them with divers sorts of wine , and to demand their message ; but having brought no presents with them , they could not be admitted to his sight ; onely with his letter to the emperour they return'd as is aforesaid , to tobolsca . they report that the land of mugalla reaches from boghar to the north sea , and hath many castles built of stone four-square , with towers at the corners cover'd with glazed tiles ; and on the gates alarum-bells or watch-bells twenty pound weight of metal ; their houses built also of stone , the seelings cunningly painted with flowers of all colours . the people are idolaters ; the country exceeding fruitfull . they have asses and mules , but no horses . the people of cathay say that this great wall stretches from boghar to the north sea four months journey with continual towers a flight-shot distant from each other , and beacons on every tower ; and that this wall is the bound between mugalla and cathay . in which are but five gates ; those narrow , and so low , that a horse-man sitting upright cannot ride in . next to the wall is the city shirokalga ; it hath a castle well furnish't with short ordnance , and small shot , which they who keep watch on the gates , towers and walls , duly at sun set and rising discharge thrice over . the city abounds with rich merchandize , velvets , damasks , cloth of gold and tissue , with many sorts of sugars . like to this is the city tara , their markets smell odoriferously with spices , and tayth more rich than that . shirooan yet more magnificent , half a day's journey through , and exceeding populous . from hence to cathaia the imperial city is two daies journey , built of white-stone four-square , in circuit four daies going , corner'd with four white towers , very high and great , and others very fair along the wall , white intermingl'd with blew , and loop-holes furnisht with ordnance . in midst of this white city stands a castle built of magnet , where the king dwels , in a sumptuous palace , the top whereof is overlaid with gold. the city stands on even ground encompass'd with the river youga , daies journey from the sea. the people are very fair , but not warlike , delighting most in rich traffick . these relations are referr'd hither , because we have them from russians ; who report also , that there is a sea beyond ob so warm that all kind of sea-fowl live thereabout as well in winter as in summer . thus much briefly of the sea and lands between russia , and cathay . chap. iv. the succession of moscovia dukes and emperours taken out of their chronicles by a polack with some later additions . the great dukes of muscovy derive their pedegree , though without ground , from augustus caesar : whom they fable to have sent certain of his kindred to be governours over many remote provinces ; and among them , prussus over prussia ; him to have had his seat on the eastern baltick shoar by the river wixel ; of whom rurek , sinaus , and truuor descended by the fourth generation , were by the russians living then without civil government sent for in the year . to bear rule over them ; at the perswasion of gostomislius chief citizen of novogrod . they therefore taking with them olechus their kinsman divided those countries among themselves , and each in his province taught them civil government . ivorson of rurek , the rest dying without issue , became successour to them all ; being left in nonage under the protection of olechus . he took to wife olha daughter to a citizen of plesco ; of whom he begat stoslaus ; but after that , being slain by his enemies , olha his wife went to constantinople , and was there baptiz'd helena . stoslaus fought many battails with his enemies ; but was at length by them slain , who made a cup of his scull engrav'n with this sentence in gold ; seeking after other mens he lost his own his sons were teropolchus , olega and volodimir . volodimir having slain the other two , made himself sole lord of russia ; yet after that fact enclining to christian religion , had to wife anna sister of basilius and constantine greek emperours ; and with all his people in the year . was baptiz'd , and call'd basilius . howbeit zonaras reporteth that before that time basilius the greek emperour sent a bishop to them ; at whose preaching they not being mov'd , but requiring a miracle , he , after devout prayers , taking the book of gospel into his hands , threw it before them all into the fire : which remaining there unconsum'd , they were converted . volodimir had eleven sons among whom he divided his kingdom ; boristus and glebus for their holy life register'd saints ; and their feast kept every year in november with great solemnity . the rest through contention to have the sole government , ruin'd each other ; leaving onely iaroslaus inheritour of all . volodimir son of iaroslaus kept his residence in the ancient city kiow upon the river boristenes . and after many conflicts with the sons of his uncles ; and having subdu'd all was call'd monomachus . he made war with constantine the greek emperour , wasted thracia , and returning home with great spoils to prepare new war , was appeas'd by constantine , who sent neophytus bishop of ephesus , and eustathius abbot of ierusalem , to present him with part of our saviour's cross , and other rich gifts , and to salute him by the name of czar , or caesar : with whom he thenceforth enter'd into league and amity . after him in order of descent vuszevolodus , george , demetrius . then george , his son , who in the year . was slain in battail by the tartar prince bathy , who subdu'd muscovia and made it tributary . from that time the tartarians made such dukes of russia , as they thought would be most pliable to their ends ; of whom they requir'd , as oft as ambassadours came to him out of tartary , to go out and meet them ; and in his own court to stand bare-headed , while they sate and deliver'd their message . at which time the tartars wasted also polonia , silesia , and hungaria , till pope innocent the fourth obtain'd peace of them for years . this bathy , say the russians , was the father of tamerlan , whom they call temirkutla . then succeeded iaroslaus the brother of george , then alexander his son. daniel the son of alexander was he who first made the city of mosco his royal seat , builded the castle , and took on him the title of great duke . iohn the son of daniel was sirnamed kaleta , that word signifying a scrip , out of which , continually carried about with him , he was wont to deal his almes . his son simeon dying without issue left the kingdom to iohn his next brother ; and he to his son demetrius , who left two sons , basilius and george . basilius reigning had a son of his own name , but doubting lest not of his own body , through the suspicion he had of his wife's chastity , him he disinherits , and gives the dukedom to his brother george . george putting his nephew basilius in prison , reigns ; yet at his death , either through remorse , or other cause surrenders him the dukedom . basilius unexpectedly thus attaining his supposed right , enjoy'd it not long in quiet ; for andrew and demetrius the two sons of george counting it injury not to succeed their father , made war upon him , and surprizing him on a suddain , put out his eyes . notwithstanding which , the boiarens , or nobles kept their allegiance to the duke though blind , whom therefore they call'd cziemnox . iohn vasiliwich his son was the first who brought the russian name out of obscurity into renown . to secure his own estate he put to death as many of his kindred as were likely to pretend ; and stil'd himself great duke of wolodimiria , muscovia , novogardia , czar of all russia . he won plesco the onely walled city in all muscovy , and novogrod the richest , from the lituanians , to whom they had been subject years before ; and from the latter carried home waggons laden with treasure . he had war with alexander king of poland , and with the livonians ; with him , on pretence of withdrawing his daughter helena , whom he had to wife , from the greek church to the romish ; with the livonians for no other cause , but to enlarge his bounds : though he were often foyl'd by plettebergius great master of the prussian knights . his wife was daughter to the duke of tyversky ; of her he begat iohn , and to him resigned his dukedom ; giving him to wife the daughter of steven , palatine of moldavia ; by whom he had issue demetrius , and deceas'd soon after . vasiliwich therefore reassuming the dukedom married a second wife sophia daughter to thomas palaeologus : who is said to have receiv'd her dowry out of the pope's treasury , upon promise of the duke to become romish . this princess of a haughty mind , often complaining that she was married to the tartars vassal , at length by continual perswasions , and by a wile found means to ease her husband , and his country of that yoke . for whereas till then the tartar had his procurators , who dwelt in the very castle of mosco , to oversee state-affairs , she fain'd that from heaven she had been warn'd , to build a temple to saint nicholas on the same place where the tartar agents had their house . being therefore delivered of a son , she made it her request to the prince of tartary , whom she had invited to the baptizing , that he would give her that house ; which obtaining she raz'd to the ground ; and remov'd those overseers out of the castle : and so by degrees dispossess'd them of all , which they held in russia . she prevail'd also with her husband to transfer the dukedom from demetrius the son of iohn deceas'd , to gabriel his eldest by her . gabriel no sooner duke , but chang'd his name to basilius , and set his mind to doe nobly ; he recover'd great part of muscovy ▪ from vitoldus duke of lituania ; and on the boristhenes won smolensko and many other cities in the year . he divorc'd his first wife , and of helena daughter to duke glinsky begat iuan vasiliwich . iuan vasiliwich being left a child was committed to george his unkle and protector ; at years of age he vanquish'd the tartars of cazan and astracan , bringing home with him their princes captive ; made cruel war in livonia pretending right of inheritance . he seem'd exceedingly devout , and whereas the russians in their churches use out of zeal and reverence to knock their heads against the ground , his forehead was seldom free of swellings and bruzes , and very often seen to bleed . the cause of his rigour in government , he alledg'd to be the malice and treachery of his subjects . but some of the nobles incited by his cruelty , call'd in the crim tartar who in the year . broke into russia , burnt mosco to the ground : he reigned years ; had three sons , of which the eldest being strook on a time by his father , with grief thereof dy'd ; his other sons were pheodor and demetrius : in the time of iuan vasiliwich the english came first by sea into the north parts of russia . pheodor iuanowick being under age was left to the protection of boris brother to the young empress , and third son by adoption in the emperour 's will. after daies of mourning , the appointed time of coronation being come , the emperour issuing out of his palace , the whole clergy before him , enter'd with his nobility the church of blaueshina or blessedness ; whence after service to the church of michael , then to our lady church being the cathedral . in midst whereof a chair of majesty was plac'd , and most unvaluable garments put upon him : there also was the imperial crown set on his head by the metropolitan , who out of a small book in his hand read exhortations to the emperour , of justice and peaceable government . after this rising from his chair he was invested with an upper robe , so thick with orient pearls and stones as weigh'd pounds , the train born up by dukes ; his staff imperial was of a unicorn's horn three foot and a half long , beset with rich stones : his globe , and six crowns carried before him by princes of the bloud : his horse at the church door stood ready with a covering of imbroidered pearl , saddle and all suitable to the value of thousand marks . there was a kind of bridge made three waies , fathom long , three foot high , two fathom broad , whereon the emperour with his train went from one church to another above the infinite throng of people making loud acclamations ; at the emperour's returning from those churches they were spread under-foot , with cloth of gold , the porches with red velvet , the bridges with scarlet and stammel-cloth , all which , as the emperour pass'd by , were cut and snatch't by them that stood next ; besides new minted coines of gold and silver cast among the people . the empress in her palace was plac't before a great open window in rich and shining robes , among her ladies . after this the emperour came into parliament , where he had a banquet serv'd by his nobles in princely order ; two standing on either side his chair with battel-axes of gold ; three of the next roomes great and large being set round with plate of gold and silver , from the ground up to the roof . this triumph lasted a week , wherein many royal pastimes were seen : after which , election was made of the nobles to new offices and dignities . the conclusion of all was a peal of brass ordnance two miles without the city , and harquebuzes twice over : and so the emperour with at least thousand horse return'd through the city to his palace : where all the nobility , officers , and merchants brought him rich presents . shortly after , the emperour by direction of boris conquer'd the large country of siberia , and took prisoner the king thereof : he remov'd also corrupt officers and former taxes . in sum , a great alteration in the government follow'd , yet all quietly , and without tumult . these things reported abroad strook such awe into the neighbour kings , that the crim tartar with his wives also and many nobles valiant and personable men came to visit the russian . there came also hundred polish gentlemen , many circassians , and people of other nations to offer service ; ambassadours from the turk , the persian , georgian , and other tartar princes ; from almany , poland , sweden , denmark . but this glory lasted not long through the treachery of boris , who procur'd the death first of demetrius , then of the emperour himself , whereby the imperial race after the succession of years was quite extinguish't . boris , adopted , as before was said , third son to iuan vasiliwich without impeachment now ascended the throne ; but neither did he enjoy long , what he had so wickedly compass'd ; divine revenge raising up against him a counterfeit of that demetrius whom he had caus'd to be murthered at ouglets . this upstart strength'd with many poles and cossacks appears in arms to claim his right out of the hands of boris , who sent against him an army of thousand men ; many of whom revolted to this demetrius : peter basman the general returning to mosco with the empty triumph of a reported victory . but the enemy still advancing , boris one day , after a plentifull meal finding himself heavy and pain'd in his stomach laid him down on his bed ; but ' ere his doctours , who made great haste , came to him , was found speechless , and soon after dy'd , with grief , as is suppos'd , of his ill success against demetrius . before his death , though it were speedy , he would be shorn , and new christn'd . he had but one son , whom he lov'd so fondly , as not to suffer him out of sight ; using to say he was lord and father of his son , and yet his servant , yea his slave . to gain the peoples love , which he had lost by his ill getting the empire , he us'd two policies ; first he caus'd mosco to be fir'd in four places , that in the quenching thereof he might shew his great care and tenderness of the people ; among whom he likewise distributed so much of his bounty , as both new-built their houses , and repair'd their losses . at another time the people murmuring , that the great pestilence which had then swept away a third part of the nation , was the punishment of their electing him , a murtherer , to reign over them , he built galleries round about the utmost wall of mosco ; and there appointed for one whole month thousand pound to be given to the poor ; which well nigh stopt their mouths . after the death of boris , peter basman their onely hope and refuge , though a young man , was sent again to the wars , with him many english , scots , french and dutch ; who all with the other general goleeche sell off to the new demetrius ; whose messengers coming now to the suburbs of mosco , were brought by the multitude to that spatious field before the castle gate ; within which the council were then sitting ; many of whom were by the peoples threatning call'd out and constrain'd to hear the letters of demetrius openly read : which , long ' ere the end , wrought so with the multitude , that furiously they broke into the castle , laying violence on all they met ; when strait appear'd coming towards them two messengers of demetrius formerly sent , pittifully whipt and roasted , which added to their rage . then was the whole city in an uproar , all the great counselours houses ransack't , especially of the godonova's the kindred and family of boris . such of the nobles that were best belov'd , by entreaty prevail'd at length to put an end to this tumult . the empress flying to a safer place had her collar of pearl pull'd from her neck ; and by the next message command was given to secure her with her son and daughter . whereupon demetrius by general consent was proclaim'd emperour . the empress now seeing all lost , counsel'd the prince her son to follow his father's example ; who , it seems , had dispatch't himself by poyson ; and with a desperate courage beginning the deadly health , was pledg'd effectually by her son ; but the daughter onely sipping , escap'd . others ascribe this deed to the secret command of demetrius , and self-murther imputed to them , to avoid the envy of such a command . demetrius evanowich , for so he call'd himself , who succeeded , was credibly reported the son of gregory peupoloy a russe gentleman , and in his younger years to have been shorn a fryar ; but escaping from the monastery , to have travail'd germany and other countries , but chiefly poland : where he attain'd to good sufficiency in arms and other experience ; which rais'd in him such high thoughts , as grounding on a common belief among the russians , that the young demetrius was not dead , but convey'd away , and their hatred against boris , on this foundation with some other circumstances , to build his hopes no lower than an empire ; which on his first discovery found acceptation so generally , as planted him at length on the royal seat ; but not so firmly as the fair beginning promis'd ; for in a short while the russians finding themselves abus'd by an impostor , on the sixth day after his marriage ▪ observing when his guard of poles were most secure , rushing into the palace before break of day , drag'd him out of his bed , and when he had confes'd the fraud , pull'd him to pieces ; with him peter basman was also slain , and both their dead bodies laid open in the market-place . he was of no presence , but otherwise of a princely disposition ; too bountifull , which occasion'd some exactions ; in other matters a great lover of justice , not unworthy the empire which he had gotten , and lost onely through greatness of mind , neglecting the conspiracy , which he knew the russians were plotting . some say their hatred grew , for that they saw him alienated from the russian manners and religion , having made buchinskoy a learned protestant his secretary . some report from gilbert's relation , who was a scot , and captain , of his guard , that lying on his bed awake , not long before the conspiracy , he saw the appearance of an aged man coming toward him ; at which he rose , and call'd to them that watch'd ; but they denied to have seen any such pass by them . he returning to his bed , and within an hour after troubl'd again with the same apparition , sent for buchinskoy , telling him he had now twice the same night seen an aged man , who at his second coming told him , that though he were a good prince of himself , yet for the injustice and oppression of his inferiour ministers , his empire should be taken from him . the secretary counsell'd him to embrace true religion , affirming that for lack thereof , his officers were so corrupt . the emperour seem'd to be much mov'd , and to intend what was perswaded him . but a few daies after , the other secretary , a russian , came to him with a drawn sword ; of which the emperour made slight at first ; but he after bold words assaulted him , strait seconded by other conspiratours crying liberty . gilbert with many of the guard oversuddenly surpris'd retreated to coluga a town which they fortify'd ; most of the other strangers were massacr'd , except the english , whose mediation sav'd also buchinskoy . shusky who succeeded him reports in a letter to king iames otherwise of him ; that his right name was gryshca the son of boughdan ; that to escape punishment for villanies done , he turn'd fryar , and fell at last to the black art ; and fearing that the metropolitan intended therefore to imprison him , fled into lettow ; where by counsel of sigismund the poland king , he began to call himself demetry of ouglitts ; and by many libels and spies privily sent into mosco , gave out the same ; that many letters and messengers thereupon were sent from boris into poland , and from the patriarch , to acquaint them who the runnagate was ; but the polanders , giving them no credit , furnish't him the more with arms and money , notwithstanding the league ; and sent the palatine sandamersko and other lords to accompany him into russia , gaining also a prince of the crim tartars to his aide ; that the army of boris hearing of his sudden death , yielded to this gryshca , who taking to wife the daughter of sandamersko , attempted to root out the russian clergy , and to bring in the romish religion , for which purpose many jesuits came along with him . whereupon shusky with the nobles and metropolitans conspiring against him , in half a year gather'd all the forces of moscovia , and surprising him found in writing under his own hand all these his intentions ; letters also from the pope and cardinals to the same effect , not onely to set up the religion of rome , but to force it upon all , with death to them that refus'd . vasily evanowich shusky after the slaughter of demetry or gryshca was elected emperour ; having not long before been at the block for reporting to have seen the true demetrius dead and buried ; but gryshca not onely recall'd him , but advanc'd him , to be the instrument of his own ruine . he was then about the age of ; nobly descended , never married , of great wisedom reputed , a favourer of the english ; for he sav'd them from ritling in the former tumults . some say he modestly refus'd the crown , till by lot four times together it fell to him ; yet after that , growing jealous of his title , remov'd by poyson , and other means all the nobles that were like to stand his rivals ; and is said to have consulted with witches of the samoeds , lappians and tartarians , about the same fears ; and being warn'd of one michalowich , to have put to death three of that name ; yet a fourth was reserv'd by fate to succeed him ; being then a youth attendant in the court , one of those that held the golden axes , and least suspected . but before that time he also was supplanted by another reviving demetrius brought in by the poles ; whose counterfeited hand , and strange relating of privatest circumstances had almost deceiv'd gilbert himself ; had not their persons been utterly unlike ; but gryshca's wife so far believ'd him for her husband , as to receive him to her bed. shusky besieg'd in his castle of mosco , was adventrously supply'd with some powder and ammunition by the english ; and with french , english and scots , with other forces from charles king of sweden . the english after many miseries of cold , and hunger and assaults by the way , deserted by the french , yielded most of them to the pole , neer smolensko , and serv'd him against the russ. mean while this second demetrius being now rejected by the poles , with those russians that sided with him laid siege to mosco : zolkiewsky for sigismund king of poland beleaguers on the other side with forty thousand men ; whereof english , scotch , and french. shusky despairing success betakes him to a monastery ; but with the city is yielded to the pole ; who turns now his force against the counterfeit demetrius ; he seeking to fly is by a tartar slain in his camp. smolensko held out a siege of two years , then surrender'd . shusky the emperour carried away into poland , there ended miserably in prison . but before his departure out of muscovy the polanders in his name sending for the chief nobility as to a last farewell , cause them to be entertain'd in a secret place , and there dispatch'd : by this means the easier to subdue the people . yet the poles were starv'd at length out of those places in mosco which they had fortify'd . wherein the russians who besieg'd them , found , as is reported , barrels of man's flesh powder'd , being the bodies of such as dy'd among them , or were slain in fight . after which the empire of russia broke to pieces , the prey of such as could catch , every one naming himself , and striving to be accounted that demetrius of ouglitts . some chose vladislaus king sigismund's son , but he not accepting , they fell to a popular government ; killing all the nobles under pretence of favouring the poles . some overtures of receiving them were made , as some say , to king iames , and sir iohn meric , and sir william russel imploy'd therein . thus russia remaining in this confusion , it happen'd that a mean man , a butcher dwelling in the north about duina , inveying against the baseness of their nobility , and the corruption of officers , uttered words , that if they would but choose a faithfull treasurer to pay well the souldiers , and a good general ( naming one pozarsky a poor gentleman , who after good service done liv'd not far off retir'd and neglected ; ) that then he doubted not to drive out the poles . the people assent , and choose that general ; the butcher they make their treasurer who both so well discharg'd their places , that with an army soon gather'd they raise the siege of mosco , which the polanders had renew'd ; and with boris licin another great souldier of that countrey fall into consultation about the choise of an emperour , and chose at last michalowich , or michael pheodorowich , the fatal youth , whose name shusky so fear'd . michael pheodorowich thus elected by the valour of pozarsky and boris licin , made them both generals of his forces , joyning with them another great commander of the cossacks whose aid had much befriended him ; the butcher also was made a counselour of state. finally a peace was made up between the russians and the poles ; and that partly by the mediation of king iames. chap. v. the first discovery of russia by the north-east , with the english embassies , and entertainments at that court , untill the year . the discovery of russia by the northern ocean , made first , of any nation that we know , by english men , might have seem'd an enterprise almost heroick ; if any higher end than the excessive love of gain and traffick , had animated the design . nevertheless that in regard that many things not unprofitable to the knowledge of nature , and other observations are hereby come to light , as good events ofttimes arise from evil occasions , it will not be the worst labour to relate briefly the beginning , and prosecution of this adventurous voiage ; untill it became at last a familiar passage . when our merchants perceiv'd the commodities of england to be in small request abroad , and foreign merchandize to grow higher in esteem and value than before , they began to think with themselves how this might be remedied . and seeing how the spaniards and portugals had encreas'd their wealth by discovery of new trades and countries , they resolv'd upon some new and strange navigation . at the same time sebastian chabota , a man for the knowledge of sea-affairs much renown'd in those daies , happen'd to be in london . with him first they consult ; and by his advice conclude to furnish out three ships for the search and discovery of the northern parts . and having heard that a certain worm is bred in that ocean , which many times eateth through the strongest oak , they contrive to cover some part of the keel of those ships with thin sheets of lead ; and victual them for months ; allowing equally to their journey their stay , and their return . arms also they provide and store of munition , with sufficient captains and governours for so great an enterprise . to which among many , and some void of experience that offer'd themselves , sir hugh willowby a valiant gentleman earnestly requested to have the charge . of whom before all others both for his goodly personage , and singular skill in the services of war , they made choise to be admiral ; and of richard chancelor , a man greatly esteem'd for his skill , to be chief pilot. this man was brought up by mr. henry sidney , afterwards deputy of ireland , who coming where the adventurers were gather'd together ; though then a young man , with a grave and eloquent speech commended chancelor unto them . after this , they omitted no enquiry after any person that might inform them concerning those north-easterly parts to which the voiage tended ; and two tartarians then of the king 's stable were sent for ; but they were able to answer nothing to purpose . so after much debate it was concluded that by the th of may the ships should depart . being come near greenwich where the court then lay , presently the courtiers came running out , the privy council at the windows , the rest on the towers and battlements . the mariners all apparell'd in watchet , or sky-coloured cloth , discharge their ordnance ; the noise whereof , and of the people shouting is answer'd from the hills and waters with as loud an echo . onely the good king edward then sick beheld not this sight , but dy'd soon after . from hence putting into harwich , they staid long and lost much time . at length passing by shetland , they kenn'd a far off aegelands , being an innumerable sort of islands call'd rost islands in degrees . thence to lofoot in . to seinam in degrees ; these islands belong all to the crown of denmark . whence departing sir hugh willowby set out his flag by which he call'd together the chief men of his other ships to counsel ; where they conclude , in case they happen'd to be scatter'd by tempest , that wardhouse a noted haven in finmark be the appointed place of their meeting . the very same day after noon so great a tempest arose , that the ships were some driv'n one way , some another in great peril . the general with his loudest voice call'd to chancelor not to be far from him ; but in vain , for the admiral sayling much better than his ship , and bearing all her sayles was carried with great swiftness soon out of sight ; but before that , the ship-boat striking against her ship was overwhelmed in view of the bonaventure whereof chancelor was captain . the third ship also in the same storm was lost . but sir hugh willowby escaping that storm , and wandring on those desolate seas till the th of september put into a haven where they had weather as in the depth of winter ; and there determining to abide till spring , sent out three men southwest to find inhabitants ; who journy'd three daies but found none ; then other three went westward four daies journey , and lastly three southeast three daies ; but they all returning without news of people , or any sign of habitation , sir hugh with the company of his two ships abode there till ianuary , as appears by a will since found in one of the ships ; but then perish'd all with cold . this river or haven was arzina in lapland neer to kegor , where they were found dead the year after by certain russian fishermen . whereof the english agent at mosco having notice , sent and recover'd the ships with the dead bodies and most of the goods , and sent them for england ; but the ships being unstanch , as is suppos'd , by their two years wintring in lapland , sunk by the way with their dead , and them also that brought them . but now chancelor with his ship and company thus left , shap'd his course to wardhouse , the place agreed on to expect the rest ; where having staid daies without tydings of them , he resolves at length to hold on his voiage ; and sayl'd so far till he found no night , but continual day and sun cleerly shining on that huge and vast sea for certain daies . at length they enter into a great bay , nam'd , as they knew after , from saint nicholas ; and spying a fisherboat , made after him to know what people they were . the fishermen amaz'd with the greatness of his ship , to them a strange and new sight , sought to fly ; but overtak'n , in great fear they prostrate themselves , and offer to kiss his feet ; but he raysing them up with all signes and gestures of courtesie , sought to win their friendship . they no sooner dismist , but spread abroad the arrival of a strange nation , whose humanity they spake of with great affection ; whereupon the people running together , with like return of all courteous usage receive them ; offering them victuals freely ; nor refusing to traffick , but for a loyal custom which bound them from that , without first the consent had of their king. after mutual demands of each other's nation they found themselves to be in russia where iuan vasiliwich at that time reign'd emperour . to whom privily the governour of that place sending notice of the strange guests that were arriv'd , held in the mean while our men in what suspence he could . the emperour well pleas'd with so unexpected a message , invites them to his court , offring them post-horses at his own charge , or if the journey seem'd overlong , that they might freely traffick where they were . but ' ere this messenger could return , having lost his way , the muscovites themselves , loath that our men should depart which they made shew to doe , furnish't them with guides and other conveniences to bring them to their king's presence . chancelor had now gon more than half his journey , when the sled man sent to court meets him on the way ; delivers him the emperour's letters ; which when the russes understood , so willing they were to obey the contents thereof , that they quarrell'd and strove who should have the preferment to put his horses to the sled . so after a long and troublesome journey of miles he arriv'd at mosco . after he had remain'd in the city about daies , a messenger was sent to bring them to the king's house . being enter'd within the court gates , and brought into an outward chamber , they beheld there a very honourable company to the number of a hunder'd sitting all apparell'd in cloth of gold down to their ancles : next conducted to the chamber of presence , there sate the emperour on a lofty and very royal throne ; on his head a diadem of gold , his robe all of goldsmiths work , in his hand a chrystal sceptre garnish'd and beset with precious stones ; no less was his countenance full of majesty . beside him stood his chief secretary ; on his other side the great commander of silence , both in cloth of gold ; then sate his council of round about on high seats , clad all as richly . chancelor nothing abash'd made his obeysance to the emperour after the english manner . the emperour having taken , and read his letters , after some enquiry of king edward's health , invited them to dinner , and till then dismiss'd them . but before dismission the secretary presented their present bareheaded ; till which time they were all cover'd ; and before admittance our men had charge not to speak , but when the emperour demanded ought . having sat two hours in the secretary's chamber , they were at length call'd in to dinner ; where the emperour was set at table , now in a robe of silver , and another crown on his head. this place was call'd the golden palace , but without cause , for the english men had seen many fairer ; round about the room , but at distance , were other long tables ; in the midst a cupboard of huge and massy goblets , and other vessels of gold and silver ; among the rest four great flagons nigh two yards high , wrought in the top with devices of towers and dragons heads . the guests ascended to their tables by three steps ; all apparell'd in linnen , and that lin'd with rich furrs . the messes came in without order , but all in chargers of gold , both to the emperour , and to the rest that din'd there , which were two hundred persons ; on every board also were set cups of gold without number . the servitors one hundred and forty were likewise array'd in gold , and waited with caps on their heads . they that are in high favour sit on the same bench with the emperour , but far off . before meat came in , according to the custom of their kings , he sent to every guest a slice of bread ; whom the officer naming saith thus , iohn basiliwich emperour of russ , &c. doth reward thee with bread , at which words all men stand up . then were swans in several pieces serv'd in , each piece in a several dish , which the great duke sends about as the bread , and so likewise the drink . in dinner time he twice chang'd his crown , his waiters thrice their apparel ; to whom the emperour in like manner gives both bread and drink with his own hands ; which they say is done to the intent that he may perfectly know his own houshold ; and indeed when dinner was done , he call'd his nobles every one before him by name ; and by this time candles were brought in , for it grew dark ; and the english departed to their lodgings from dinner , an hour within night . in the year . chancelor made another voiage to this place with letters from queen mary ; had a house in mosco , and diet appointed him ; and was soon admitted to the emperour's presence in a large room spread with carpets ; at his entring and salutation all stood up , the emperour onely sitting , except when the queen's name was read , or spoken ; for then he himself would rise : at dinner he sate bareheaded ; his crown and rich cap standing on a pinacle by . chancelor returning for england , osep napea governour of wologda came in his ship ambassadour from the russe ; but suffering shipwrack in pettislego a bay in scotland , chancelor who took more care to save the ambassadour than himself was drown'd , the ship rifled , and most of her lading made booty by the people thereabout . in the year . osep napea returned into his countrey with antony ienkinson who had the command of four tall ships . he reports of a whirlpool between the rost islands and lofoot call'd malestrand ; which from half ebb till half flood is heard to make so terrible a noise , as shakes the door-rings of houses in those islands ten mile off ; whales that come within the current thereof make a pittifull cry ; trees carried in and cast out again have the ends and boughs of them so beaten , as they seem like the stalks of bruized hemp. about zeinam they saw many whales very monstrous hard by their ships ; whereof some by estimation sixty foot long ; they roard hideously , it being then the time of their engendring . at wardhouse , he saith , the cattel are fed with fish. coming to mosco , he found the emperour sitting aloft in a chair of state , richly crown'd , a staff of gold in his hand wrought with costly stone . distant from him sate his brother , and a youth the emperour's son of casan whom the russ had conquer'd ; there din'd with him diverse ambassadours , christian and heathen , diversely apparell'd ; his brother with some of the chief nobles sate with him at table : the guests were in all six hundred . in dinner time came in six musicians ; and standing in the midst , sung three several times , but with little or no delight to our men ; there din'd at the same time in other halls two thousand tartars who came to serve the duke in his wars . the english were set at a small table by themselves direct before the emperour ; who sent them diverse bowles of wine and meath and many dishes from his own hand : the messes were but mean , but the change of wines and several meaths were wonderfull . as oft as they din'd with the emperour , he sent for them in the morning , and invited them with his own mouth . on christmass day being invited , they had for other provision as before ; but for store of gold and silver plate excessive ; among which were twelve barrels of silver , hoop'd with fine gold containing twelve gallons apiece . . was the first english traffick to the narve in livonia , till then conceal'd by danskers and lubeckers . . the same antony ienkinson made another voiage to mosco ; and arriv'd while the emperour was celebrating his marriage with a circassian lady ; during which time the city gates for three daies were kept shut ; and all men whatsoever straitly commanded to keep within their houses ; except some of his houshold ; the cause whereof is not known . . he made again the same voiage ; which now men usually made in a month from london to saint nicholas with good windes , being seven hundred and fifty leagues . . thomas randolf , esq went embassadour to muscovy , from queen elizabeth ; and in his passage by sea met nothing remarkable save great store of whales , whom they might see engendring together , and the sperma-ceti swimming on the water . at colmogro he was met by a gentleman from the emperour , at whose charge he was conducted to mosco : but met there by no man ; not so much as the english ; lodg'd in a fair house built for ambassadours ; but there confin'd upon some suspicion which the emperour had conceav'd ; sent for at length after seventeen weeks delay , was fain to ride thither on a borrow'd horse , his men on foot . in a chamber before the presence were sitting about three hundred persons , all in rich robes taken out of the emperour's wardrobe for that day ; they sate on three ranks of benches , rather for shew than that the persons were of honour ; being merchants , and other mean inhabitants . the ambassadour saluted them , but by them unsaluted pass'd on with his head cover'd . at the presence door being receiv'd by two which had been his guardians , and brought into the midst , he was there will'd to stand still , and speak his message from the queen ; at whose name the emperour stood up , and demanded her health : then giving the ambassadour his hand to kiss fell to many questions . the present being deliver'd , which was a great silver bowle curiously grav'n , the emperour told him , he din'd not that day openly because of great affairs ; but , saith he , i will send thee my dinner , and augment thy allowance . and so dismissing him , sent a duke richly apparell'd soon after to his lodging with fifty persons each of them carrying meat in silver dishes cover'd ; which himself deliver'd into the ambassadour's own hands tasting first of every dish , and every sort of drink ; that done , set him down with his company , took part , and went not thence unrewarded . the emperour sent back with this ambassadour another of his own call'd andrew savin . . ienkinson made a third voiage ; but was staid long at colmogro by reason of the plague in those parts ; at length had audience where the court then was , near to pereslave ; to which place the emperour was return'd from his swedish war with ill success : and mosco the same year had been wholly burnt by the crim ; in it the english house , and diverse english were smother'd in the sellars , multitudes of people in the city perish'd , all that were young led captive with exceeding spoil . . iuan basiliwich having the year before sent his ambassadour pheodor andrewich about matters of commerce , the queen made choice of sir ierom bowes , one of her houshold , to go into russia ; who being attended with more than forty persons , and accompanied with the russe returning home , arriv'd at st. nicolas . the dutch by this time had intruded into the muscovy-trade ; which by privilege long before had been granted solely to the english ; and had corrupted to their side shalkan the chancellor , with others of the great ones ; who so wrought , that a creature of their own was sent to meet sir ierom at colmogro , and to offer him occasions of dislike : until at vologda he was receiv'd by another from the emperour ; and at yeraslave by a duke well accompanied , who presented him with a coach and ten geldings . two miles from mosco met him four gentlemen with two hundred horse , who after short salutation , told him what they had to say from the emperour , willing him to alight , which the ambassadour soon refus'd , unless they also lighted ; whereon they stood long debating ; at length agreed , great dispute follow'd , whose foot should first touch the ground . their message deliver'd , and then embracing , they conducted the ambassador to a house at mosco , built for him purposely . at his going to court he and his followers honourably mounted and apparell'd , the emperour's guard were set on either side all the way about shot . at the court-gate met him four noblemen in cloth of gold , and rich furr-caps , embroider'd with pearl and stone ; then four others of greater degree , in which passage there stood along the walls , and sate on benches seven or eight hundred men in colour'd sattins and gold. at the presence-dore met him the chief herald , and with him all the great officers of court , who brought him where the emperour sate : there were set by him three crowns of muscovy , cazan and astracan ; on each side stood two young noblemen , costly apparell'd in white ; each of them had a broad axe on his shoulder ; on the benches round sate above a hundred noblemen . having giv'n the ambassadour his hand to kiss , and enquir'd of the queens health , he will'd him to go sit in the place provided for him , nigh ten paces distant ; from thence to send him the queens letters and present . which the ambassadour thinking not reasonable , step'd forward ; but the chancellor meeting him , would have tak'n his letters ; to whom the ambassadour said , that the queen had directed no letters to him ; and so went on and deliver'd them to the emperour 's own hands ; and after a short withdrawing into the council-chamber , where he had conference with some of the council , he was call'd in to dinner : about the midst whereof , the emperour standing up , drank a deep carouse to the queens health , and sent to the ambassadour a great bowl of rhenish-wine to pledge him . but at several times being call'd for to treat about affairs , and not yielding ought beyond his commission , the emperour not wont to be gain-say'd , one day especially broke into passion , and with a stern countenance told him , he did not reckon the queen to be his fellow ; for there are , quoth he , her betters . the ambassadour not holding it his part , whatever danger might ensue , to hear any derogate from the majesty of his prince , with like courage and countenance told him , that the queen was equal to any in christendom who thought himself greatest ; and wanted not means to offend her enemies whomsoever . yea , quoth he , what saist thou of the french and spanish kings ? i hold her , quoth the ambassadour , equal to either . then what to the german emperour ? her father , quoth he , had the emperour in his pay . this answer mislik'd the duke so far , as that he told him , were he not an ambassadour , he would throw him out of doors . you may , said the ambassadour , doe your will , for i am now fast in your countrey ; but the queen i doubt not will know how to be reveng'd of any injury offer'd to her ambassadour . whereat the emperour in great sudden bid him get home ; and he with no more reverence than such usage requir'd , saluted the emperour , and went his way . notwithstanding this , the muscovite , soon as his mood left him , spake to them that stood by , many praises of the ambassadour , wishing he had such a servant , and presently after sent his chief secretary to tell him that whatever had pass'd in words , yet for his great respect to the queen , he would shortly after dispatch him with honour and full contentment , and in the mean while he much enlarg'd his entertainment . he also desir'd that the points of our religion might be set down , and caus'd them to be read to his nobility with much approbation . and as the year before he had sought in marriage the lady mary hastings , which took not effect , the lady and her friends excusing it , he now again renu'd the motion to take to wife some one of the queen's kinswomen either by sending an embassage , or going himself with his treasure into england . now happy was that nobleman whom sir ierom bowes in publick favour'd ; unhappy they who had oppos'd him : for the emperour , had beaten shalkan the chancelour very grievously for that cause , and threatn'd not to leave one of his race alive . but the emperour dying soon after of a surfeit , shalkan to whom then almost the whole government was committed , caus'd the ambassadour to remain close prisoner in his house nine weeks . being sent for at length to have his dispatch , and slightly enough conducted to the council chamber , he was told by shalkan that this emperour would condescend to no other agreements than were between his father and the queen before his coming : and so disarming both him and his company , brought them to the emperour with many affronts in their passage , for which there was no help but patience . the emperour saying but over what the chancelour had said before , offer'd him a letter for the queen : which the ambassadour , knowing it contain'd nothing to the purpose of his embassy , refus'd , till he saw his danger grow too great ; nor was he suffer'd to reply , or have his interpreter . shalkan sent him word that now the english emperour was dead ; and hasten'd his departure , but with so many disgraces put upon him , as made him fear some mischief in his journey to the sea ; having onely one mean gentleman sent with him to be his convoy ; he commanded the english merchants in the queen's name to accompany him , but such was his danger , that they durst not . so arming himself and his followers in the best wise he could , against any outrage , he at length recover'd the shoar of saint nicholas . where he now resolv'd to send them back by his conduct some of the affronts which he had receiv'd . ready therefore to take ship , he causes three or four of his valientest and discreetest men to take the emperour's letter , and disgracefull present , and to deliver it , or leave it at the lodging of his convoy , which they safely did ; though follow'd with a great tumult of such as would have forc'd them to take it back . . at the coronation of pheodor the emperour ▪ ierom horsey being then agent in russia , and call'd for to court with one iohn de wale a merchant of the netherlands and a subject of spain , some of the nobles would have preferr'd the fleming before the english. but to that our agent would in no case agree , saying he would rather have his leggs cut off by the knees , then bring his present in course after a subject of spain . the emperour and prince boris perceiving the controversy , gave order to admit horsey first : who was dismiss'd with large promises , and seventy messes with three carts of several meath sent after him . . dr. giles fletcher went ambassadour from the queen to pheodor then emperour ; whose relations being judicious and exact are best red entirely by themselves . this emperour upon report of the great learning of iohn dee the mathematician invited him to mosco with offer of two thousand pound a year , and from prince boris one thousand marks ; to have his provision from the emperour's table , to be honourably receiv'd , and accounted as one of the chief men in the land. all which d ee accepted not . . sir thomas smith was sent ambassadour from king iames to boris then emperour ; and staid some daies at a place five miles from mosco till he was honourably receiv'd into the city ; met on horseback by many thousands of gentlemen and nobles on both sides the way ; where the ambassadour alighting from his coach and mounted on his horse , rode with his trumpets sounding before him ; till a gentleman of the emperour 's stable brought him a gennet gorgeously trapt with gold , pearl and stone , especially with a great chain of plated gold about his neck , and horses richly adorn'd for his followrs . then came three great noblemen with an interpreter offring a speech ; but the ambassadour deeming it to be ceremony , with a brief complement found means to put it by . thus alighting all , they saluted , and gave hands mutually . those three after a tedious preamble of the emperour's title thrice repeated brought a several complement of three words apiece , as namely , the first , to know how the king did , the next , how the ambassadour , the third , that there was a fair house provided him . then on they went on either hand of the ambassadour , and about six thousand gallants behind them ; still met within the city by more of greater quality to the very gate of his lodging : where fifty gunners were his daily guard both at home and abroad . the prestaves or gentlemen assign'd to have the care of his entertainment , were earnest to have had the ambassadour's speech and message given them in writing , that the interpreter , as they pretended , might the better translate it ; but he admonish'd them of their foolish demand . on the day of his audience other gennets were sent him and his attendants to ride on , and two white palfreys to draw a rich chariot , which was parcel of the present ; the rest whereof was carried by his followers through a lane of the emperour's guard ; many messengers posting up and down the while , till they came through the great castle , to the uttermost court gate . there met by a great duke they were brought up stairs through a stone-gallery , where stood on each hand many in fair coats of persian stuff , velvet and damask . the ambassadour by two other counselours being led into the presence , after his obeysance done , was to stay and hear again the long title repeated ; then the particular presents ; and so deliver'd as much of his embassage as was then requisite . after which the emperour arising from his throne demandeth of the king's health ; so did the young prince . the ambassadour then deliver'd his letters into the emperour's own hand , though the chancelour offer'd to have taken them . he bore the majesty of a mighty emperour ; his crown and sceptre of pure gold , a collar of pearls about his neck , his garment of crimson velvet embroider'd with precious stone and gold . on his right side stood a fair globe of beaten gold on a pyramis with a cross upon it ● to which , before he spake , turning a little he crost himself . not much less in splendour on another throne sate the prince . by the emperour stood two noblemen in cloth of silver , high caps of black furr , and chains of gold hanging to their feet ; on their shoulders two poleaxes of gold ; and two of silver by the prince ; the ground was all cover'd with arras or tapistry-dismist , and brought in again to dinner they saw the emperour and his son seated in state , ready to dine ; each with a skull of pearl on their bare heads , their vestments chang'd . in the midst of this hall seem'd to stand a pillar heap'd round to a great height with massy plate curiously wrought with beasts , fishes and fowl. the emperour's table was serv'd with two hundred noblemen in coats of gold ; the princes table with young dukes of casan , astracan , siberia , tartaria and circassia . the emperour sent from his table to the ambassadour , thirty dishes of meat , to each a loaf of extraordinary fine bread. then follow'd a number more of strange and rare dishes ●il'd up by half dozens , with boyl'd , roast and bak't , most part of them besawc'd with garlick and onions . in midst of dinner calling the ambassadour up to him he drank the king's health , who receiving it from his hand , return'd to his place , and in the same cup being of fair chrystal pledg'd it with all his company . after dinner they were call'd up to drink of excellent and strong meath from the emperour's hand ; of which when many did but sip , he urg'd it not ; saying he was best pleas'd with what was most for their health . yet after that , the same day he sent a great and glorious duke , one of them that held the golden poleax , with his retinue , and sundry sorts of meath to drink merrily with the ambassadour , which some of the english did , untill the duke and his followers light-headed , but well rewarded with thirty yards of cloth of gold , and two standing cups , departed . at second audience the ambassadour had like reception as before : and being dismiss'd had dinner sent after him with three hundred several dishes of fish , it being lent , of such strangeness , greatness and goodness as scarce would be credible to report . the ambassadour departing was brought a mile out of the city with like honour as he was first met ; where lighting from the emperour's sled , he took him to his coach , made fast upon a sled ; the rest to their sleds an easy and pleasant passage . names of the authours from whence these relations have been taken ; being all either eye-witnesses , or immediate relaters from such as were . the iournal of sir hugh willowby . discourse of richard chancelor . another of clement adams taken from the mouth of chancelor . notes of richard johnson . servant to chancelor . the protonotaries register . two letters of mr. hen. lane. the several voiages of jenkinson . southam and sparks . the iournal of randolf the embass. another of sir jerom bowes . the coronation of pheodor written by jerom horsey . gourdon of hull 's voiage to pechora . the voiage of william pursglove , to pechora . of josias logan . hessel gerardus , out of purchas , part . l. . russian relations in purch . . ibid. . ibid. the embassage of sir thomas smith . papers of mr. hackluit . jansonius . the end. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the north and east , hack. . hack. vo . . . saint nicholas , hack. . rose island ▪ hack. . archangel . duina . pinega . lampas , . candinos , colgoieve , pur. par . . . pustozera , ibid. purc . purc . . . . riphaean mountains . from saint nicholas to mosco . arkania , , . colmogro , hack. . vstiug . hack. . wologda . yeraslave . hack. . . . . mosco . . south-east . hack. . . west . novogrod . . governm . hac . . hac . . revenues . hac . . forces . hac . . . hac . . . . hac . . religion . hac . . . . . . , . marriages . hac . . . burial . , , . manners . , . . habit. . travailing . . beasts . . purch . part . . , . molgomsay . . . , . manners of the samoeds . , . . pur. par . . . ienissey . . . . . manners . ibid. . . . . . . hac . vol. . . . . . . horsey's observations . . . hac . vol. . . horsey . . pur. par . . . pur. par . . . . purch . part . . , &c. . . . purch . part . . . . hac . vol. . . . hac . . hac . . hac . . . . . , &c. . . . hac . vol. . . . tetrachordon: expositions upon the foure chief places in scripture, which treat of mariage, or nullities in mariage. on gen.i. . . compar'd and explain'd by gen. . . . . deut. . . . matth. . . . with matth. . from the d.v. to the th. i cor. . from the th to the th. wherein the doctrine and discipline of divorce, as was lately publish'd, is confirm'd by explanation of scripture, by testimony of ancient fathers, of civill lawes in the primitive church, of famousest reformed divines, and lastly, by an intended act of the parlament and church of england in the last eyare of edvvard the sixth. / by the former author j.m. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) tetrachordon: expositions upon the foure chief places in scripture, which treat of mariage, or nullities in mariage. on gen.i. . . compar'd and explain'd by gen. . . . . deut. . . . matth. . . . with matth. . from the d.v. to the th. i cor. . from the th to the th. wherein the doctrine and discipline of divorce, as was lately publish'd, is confirm'd by explanation of scripture, by testimony of ancient fathers, of civill lawes in the primitive church, of famousest reformed divines, and lastly, by an intended act of the parlament and church of england in the last eyare of edvvard the sixth. / by the former author j.m. milton, john, - . [ ], , - , [ ] p. [s.n.], london: : printed in the yeare . j.m. = john milton, who has signed "to the parlament". text is continuous despite pagination. the final leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: "march th "; the in imprint date is crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng answer to a book, intituled, the doctrine and discipline of divorce. divorce -- england -- early works to . marriage law -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tetrachordon : expositions upon the foure chief places in scripture , which treat of mariage , or nullities in mariage . on gen. . . . compar'd and explain'd by gen. . . . . deut. . . . matth. . . . with matth. . from the d. v. to the th . cor. . from the th to the th . wherin the doctrine and discipline of divorce , as was lately publish'd , is confirm'd by explanation of scripture , by testimony of ancient fathers , of civill lawes in the primitive church , of famousest reformed divines , and lastly , by an intended act of the parlament and church of england in the last yeare of edvvard the sixth . by the former author j. m. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euripid. medea . london : printed in the yeare . to the parlament . that which i knew to be the part of a good magistrate , aiming at true liberty through the right information of religious and civil life , and that which i saw , and was partaker , of your vows and solemne cov'nants , parlament of england , your actions also manifestly tending to exalt the truth , and to depresse the tyranny of error , and ill custome , with more constancy and prowesse then ever yet any , since that parlament which put the first scepter of this kingdom into his hand whom god and extraordinary vertue made thir monarch , were the causes that mov'd me , one else not placing much in the eminence of a dedication , to present your high notice with a discourse , conscious to it self of nothing more then of diligence , and firm affection to the publick good . and tbat ye took it so as wise and impartial men , obtaining so great power and dignitie , are wont to accept , in matters both doubtfull and important , what they think offer'd them well meant , and from a rational ability , i had no lesse then to perswade me . and on that perswaston am return'd , as to a famous and free port , my self also bound by more then a maritime law , to expose as freely what fraughtage i conceave to bring of no trifles . for although it be generally known , how and by whom ye have been instigated to a hard censure of that former book entitl'd , the doctrine , and diseipline of divorce , an opinion held by some of the best among reformed writers without scandal or confutement , though now thought new and dangerous by some of our severe gnostics , whose little reading , and lesse meditating holds ever with hardest obstinacy tbat which it took up with easiest credulity , i do not find yet that ought , for the furious ineitements which have been used , hath issu'd by your appointment , that might give the least interruption or disrepute either to the author , or to the book . which he who will be better advis'd then to call your neglect , or connivence at a thing imagin'd so perilous , can attribute it to nothing more justly , then to the deep and quiet streame of your direct and calme deliberations ; that gave not way either to the fervent rashnesse , or the immaterial gravity of those who ceas'd not to exasperate without cause . for which uprightnesse and incorrupt refusall of what ye were incens'd to , lords and commons , ( though it were don to justice , not to me , and was a peculiar demonstration how farre your waies are different from the rash vulgar ) besides tbose allegiances of oath and duty , which are my publie debt to your public labours , i have yet a store of gratitude laid up , which cannot be exhausted ; and such thanks perhaps they may live to be , as shall more then whisper to the next ages . yet that the author may be known to ground himself upon his own innocence , and the merit of his cause , not upon the favour of a diversion , or a delay to any just censure , but wishes rather he might see those his detracters at any fair meeting , as learned debatements are privileg'd with a due freedome under equall moderators , i shall here briefly single one of them ( because he hath oblig'd me to it ) who i perswade me having scarse read the book , nor knowing him who writ it , or at least faining the latter , bath not forborn to scandalize him , unconferr'd with , unadmonisht , undealt with by any pastorly or brotherly convincement , in the most open and invective manner , and at the most bitter opportunity that drift or set designe could have invented . and this , when as the canon law , though commonly most favouring the boldnesse of their priests , punishes the naming or traducing of any person in the pulpit , was by him made no scruple . if i shall therfore take licence by the right of nature , and that liberty wherin i was born , to defend my self publicly against a printed calumny , and do willingly appeal to those judges to whom i am accus'd , it can be no immoderate , or unallowable course of seeking so just and needfull reparations . which i had don long since , had not these employments , which are now visible , deferr'd me . it was preacht before ye , lords and commons , in august last upon a special day of humiliation , that there was a wicked book abroad , and ye were taxt of sin that it was yet uncensur'd , the book deserving to be burnt , and impudence also was charg'd upon the author , who durst set his name to it , and dedicate it to your selves . first , lords and commons , i pray to that god , before whom ye then were prostrate , so to forgive ye those omissions and trespasses , which ye desire most should find forgivness , as i shall soon shew to the world how easily ye absolve your selves of that which this man calls your sin , and is indeed your wisdome , and your noblenesse , whereof to this day ye have don well not to repent . he terms it a wicked book , and why but for allowing other causes of divorce , then christ and his apostles mention ; and with the same censure condemns of wickednesse not onely martin bucer that elect instrument of reformation , highly honour'd and had in reverence by edward the sixth , and his whole parlament , whom also i had publisht in english by a good providence , about a week before this calumnious digression was preach'd ; so that if he knew not bucer then , as he ought to have known , he might at least have known him some months after , ere the sermon came in print , wherein notwithstanding he persists in his former sentence , and condemnes again of wickednesse , either ignorantly or wilfully , not onely martin bucer , and all the choisest and holiest of our reformers , but the whole parlament and church of england in those best and purest times of edward the sixth . all which i shall prove with good evidence , at the end of these explanations . and then let it be judg'd and seriously consider'd with what hope the affairs of our religion are committed to one among others , who hath now onely left him which of the twain he will choose , whether this shall be his palpable ignorance , or the same wickednesse of his own book , which he so lavishly imputes to the writings of other men : and whether this of his , that thus peremptorily defames and attaints of wickednesse unspotted churches , unblemisht parlaments , and the most eminent restorers of christian doctrine , deserve not to be burnt first . and if his heat had burst out onely against the opinion , his wonted passion had no doubt bin silently born with wonted patience . but since against the charity of that solemne place and meeting , it serv'd him furder to inveigh opprobriously against the person , branding him with no lesse then impudence , onely for setting his name to what he had writt'n , i must be excus'd not to be so wanting to the defence of an honest name , or to the reputation of those good men who afford me their society , but to be sensible of such a foule endeavour'd disgrace : not knowing ought either in mine own deserts , or the laws of this land , why i should be subject , in such a notorious and illegal manner , to the intemperancies of this mans preaching choler . and indeed to be so prompt and ready in the midst of his humblenesse , to tosse reproaches of this bulk and size , argues as if they were the weapons of his exercise , i am sure not of his ministery , or of that dayes work . certainly to subscribe my name at what i was to own , was what the state had order'd and requires . and he who lists not to be malicious , would call it ingenuity , cleer conscience , willingnesse to avouch what might be question'd , or to be better instructed . and if god were so displeas'd with those , isa . . who on the solemne fast were wont to smite with the fist of wickednesse , it could be no signe of his own humiliation accepted , which dispos'd him to smite so keenly with a reviling tongue . but if onely to have writ my name must be counted impudence , how doth this but justifie another , who might affirm with as good warrant , that the late discourse of scripture and reason , which is certain to be chiefly his own draught , was publisht without a name , out of base fear , and the sly avoidance of what might follow to his detriment , if the party at court should hap to reach him . and i , to have set my name , where he accuses me to have set it , am so far from recanting , that i offer my hand also if need be , to make good the same opinion which i there maintain , by inevitable consequences drawn parallel from his own principal arguments in that of scripture and reason ; which i shall pardon him , if he can deny , without shaking his own composition to peeces . the impudence therfore , since he waigh'd so little what a grosse revile that was to give his equall , i send him back again for a phylactery to stitch upon his arrogance , that censures not onely before conviction so bitterly without so much as one reason giv'n , but censures the congregation of his governors to their faces , for not being so hasty as himself to censure . and whereas my other crime is , that i address'd the dedication of what i had studied , to the parlament , how could i better declare the loyalty which iowe to that supreme and majestick tribunal , and the opinion which i have of the high-entrusted judgement , and personall worth assembl'd in that place . with the same affections therfore , and the same addicted fidelity , parlament of england , i here again have brought to your perusal on the same argument these following expositions of scripture . the former book , as pleas'd some to think , who were thought judicious , had of reason in it to a sufficiencie ; what they requir'd , was that the scriptures there alleg'd , might he discuss'd more fully . to their desires , thus much furder hath been labour'd in the scriptures . another sort also who wanted more autorities , and citations , have not been here unthought of . if all this attain not to satisfie them , as i am confident that none of those our great controversies at this day , hath had a more demonstrative explaining , i must confesse to admire what it is , for doubtlesse it is not reason now adayes that satisfies , or suborns the common credence of men , to yeeld so easily , and grow so vehement in matters much more disputable , and farre lesse conducing to the daily good and peace of life . some whose necessary shifts haeve long enur'd them to cloak the defects of their unstudied yeers , and hatred now to learn , under the appearance of a grave solidity , which estimation they have gain'd among weak perceivers , find the ease of slighting what they cannot refute , and are determin'd , as i hear , to hold it not worth the answering . in which number i must be forc'd to reck'n that doctor , who in a late equivocating treatise plausibly set afloat against the dippers , diving the while himselfwith a more deep prelatical malignance against the present state , & church-government , mentions with ignominy the tractate of divorce ; yet answers nothing , but instead thereof ( for which i do not commend his marshalling ) sets moses also among the crew of his anabaptists ; as one who to a holy nation , the common-wealth of israel , gave laws breaking the bonds of mariage to inordinate lust . these are no mean surges of blasphemy , not onely dipping moses the divine law-giver , but dashing with a high hand against the justice and purity of god himself ; as these ensuing scriptures plainly and freely handl'd shall verifie to the launcing of that old apostemated error . him therefore i leave now to his repentance . others , which is their courtesie , confesse that wit and parts may do much to make that seem true which is not ( as was objected to socrates by them who could not resist his efficacy , that he ever made the worse cause seem the better ) and thus thinking themselves discharg'd of the difficulty , love not to wade furder into the fear of a convincement . these will be their excuses to decline the full examining of this serious point . so much the more i presse it and repeat it , lords and commons , that ye beware while time is , ere this grand secret , and onely art of ignorance affecting tyrany , grow powerfull and rule among us . for if sound argument and reason shall be thus put off , either by an undervaluing silence , or the maisterly censure of a rayling word or two in the pulpit , or by rejecting the force of truth , as the meer cunning of eloquence , and sophistry , what can be the end of this , but that all good learning and knowledge will suddenly decay : ignorance , and illiterate presumption , which is yet but our disease , will turn at length into our very constitution , and prove the hectic evill of this age : worse to be fear'd , if it get once to reign over us , then any fift monarchy . if this shall be the course , that what was wont to be a chief commendation , and the ground of other mens confidence in an author , his diligence , his learning , his elocution whether by right , or by ill meaning granted him , shall be turn'd now to a disadvantage and suspicion against him , that what he writes though unconfuted , must therefore be mistrusted , therfore not receiv'd for the industry , the exactnesse , the labour in it , confess'd to be more then ordnary ; as if wisdome had now forsak'n the thirstie and laborious inquirer to dwell against her nature with the arrogant and shallow babler , to what purpose all those pains and that continual searching requir'd of us by solomon to the attainment of understanding ; why are men bred up with such care and expence to a life of perpetual studies , why do your selves with such endeavour seek to wipe off the imputation of intending to discourage the progresse and advance of learning ? he therfore whose heart can bear him to the high pitch of your noble enterprises , may easily assure himself that the prudence and farre-judging circumspectnesse of so grave a magistracy sitting in parlament , who have before them the prepar'd and purpos'd act of their most religious predecessors to imitate in this question , cannot reject the cleernesse of these reasons , and these allegations both here and formerly offer'd them ; nor can over-look the necessity of ordaining more wholsomly and more humanly in the casualties of divorce , then our laws have yet establisht : if the most urgent and excessive grievances hapning in domestick life , be worth the laying to heart , which , unlesse charity be farre from us , cannot be neglected . and that these things both in the right constitution , and in the right reformation of a common-wealth call for speediest redresse , and ought to be the first consider'd , anough was urg'd in what was prefac'd to that monument of bucer which i brought to your remembrance , and the other time before . hence forth , except new cause be giv'n , i shall say lesse and lesse . for if the law make not timely provision , let the law , as reason is , bear the censure of those consequences , which her own default now more evidently produces . and if men want manlinesse to expostulate the right of their due ransom , and to second their own occasions , they may sit hereafter and bemoan themselves to have neglected through faintnesse the onely remedy of their sufferings , which a seasonable and well grounded speaking might have purchas'd them . and perhaps in time to come , others will know how to esteem what is not every day put into their hands , when they have markt events , and better weigh'd how hurtfull and unwise it is , to hide a secret and pernicious rupture under the ill counsell of a bashfull silence . but who would distrust ought , or not be ample in his hopes of your wise and christian determinations ? who have the prudence to consider , and should have the goodnesse like gods , as ye are call'd , to find out readily , and by just law to administer those redresses which have of old , not without god ordaining , bin granted to the adversities of mankind , ere they who needed , were put to ask . certainly , if any other have enlarg'd his thoughts to expect from this government so justly undertak'n , and by frequent assistances from heaven so apparently upheld , glorious changes and renovations both in church and state , he among the formost might be nam'd , who prayes that the fate of england may tarry for no other deliverers . john milton . tetrachordon , expositions upon the foure chiefe places in scripture which treat of mariage , or nullities in mariage . gen. . . so god created man in his owne image , in the image of god created he him ; male and female created he them . . and god blessed them , and god said unto them be fruitfull , &c. gen. . . and the lord god said , it is not good that man should be alone , i will make him a helpe meet for him . . and adam said , this is now bone of my bones , and flesh of my flesh ; she shall be called woman , because she was taken out of man. . therefore shall a man leave his father and his mother , and shall cleave unto his wife , and they shall be one flesh . gen. . . so god created man in his owne image . ] to be inform'd aright in the whole history of mariage , that we may know for certain , not by a forc't yoke , but by an impartial definition , what mariage is , and what is not mariage ; it will undoubtedly be lafest , fairest , and most with our obedience , to enquire , as our saviours direction is , how it was in the beginning . and that we begin so high as man created after gods owne image , there want not earnest causes . for nothing now adayes is more degenerately forgott'n , then the true dignity of man , almost in every respect , but especially in this prime institution of matrimony , wherein his native pre-eminence ought most to shine . although if we consider that just and naturall privileges men neither can rightly seek , nor dare fully claime , unlesse they be ally'd to inward goodnesse , and stedfast knowledge , and that the want of this quells them to a servile sense of their own conscious unworthinesse , it may save the wondring why in this age many are so opposite both to human and to christian liberty , either while they understand not , or envy others that do ; contenting , or rather priding themselves in a specious humility and strictnesse bred out of low ignorance that never yet conceiv'd the freedome of the gospel ; and is therefore by the apostle to the colossians rankt with no better company , then will-worship and the meer shew of wisdome . and how injurious herein they are , if not to themselves , yet to their neighbours , and not to them only , but to the all-wise and bounteous grace offer'd us in our redemption , will orderly appear . [ in the image of god created he him . ] it is anough determin'd , that this image of god wherin man was created , is meant wisdom , purity , justice , and rule over all creatures . all which being lost in adam , was recover'd with gain by the merits of christ . for albeit our first parent had lordship over sea , and land , and aire , yet there was a law without him , as a guard set over him . but christ having cancell'd the hand writing of ordinances which was against us , coloss . . . and interpreted the fulfilling of all through charity , hath in that respect set us overlaw , in the free custody of his love , and left us victorious under the guidance of his living spirit , not under the dead letter ; to follow that which most edifies , most aides and furders a religious life , makes us holiest and likest to his immortall image , not that which makes us most conformable and captive to civill and subordinat precepts ; whereof the strictest observance may oftimes prove the destruction not only of many innocent persons and families , but of whole nations . although indeed no ordinance human or from heav'n can binde against the good of man ; so that to keep them strictly against that end , is all one with to breake them . men of most renowned vertu have sometimes by transgressing , most truly kept the law ; and wisest magistrates have permitted and dispenc't it ; while they lookt not peevishly at the letter , but with a greater spirit at the good of mankinde , if alwayes not writt'n in the characters of law , yet engrav'n in the heart of man by a divine impression . this heathens could see , as the well-read in story can recount of solon and epaminondas , whom cicero in his first booke of invention nobly defends . all law , saith he , we ought referr to the common good , and interpret by that , not by the scrowl of letters . no man observes law for laws sake , but for the good of them for whom it was made . the rest might serv well to lecture these times , deluded through belly-doctrines into a devout slavery . the scripture also affords us david in the shew-bread , hezechiah in the passeover sound and safe transgressors of the literall command , which also dispenc'd not seldom with it self ; and taught us on what just occasions to doe so : untill our saviour for whom that great and god-like work was reserv'd , redeem'd us to a state above prescriptions by dissolving the whole law into charity . and have we not the soul to understand this , and must we against this glory of gods transcendent love towards us be still the servants of a literall indightment ? [ created he him . ] it might be doubted why he saith , in the image of god created he him , not them , as well as male and female them ; especially since that image might be common to them both , but male and female could not , however the jewes fable , and please themselvs with the accidentall concurrence of plato's wit , as if man at first had bin created hermaphrodite : but then it must have bin male and female created he him . so had the image of god bin equally common to them both , it had no doubt bin said , in the image of god created he them . but st. paul ends the controversie by explaining that the woman is not primarily and immediatly the image of god , but in reference to the man. the head of the woman , saith he , cor. . is the man : he the image and glory of god , she the glory of the man : he not for her , but she for him . therefore his precept is , wives be subject to your husbands as is fit in the lord , coloss . . . in every thing , eph. . . neverthelesse man is not to hold her as a servant , but receives her into a part of that empire which god proclaims him to , though not equally , yet largely , as his own image and glory : for it is no small glory to him , that a creature so like him , should be made subject to him . not but that particular exceptions may have place , if she exceed her husband in prudence and dexterity , and he contentedly yeeld , for then a superior and more naturall law comes in , that the wiser should govern the lesse wise , whether male or female . but that which far more easily and obediently follows from this verse , is that , seeing woman was purposely made for man , and he her head , it cannot stand before the breath of this divine utterance , that man the portraiture of god , joyning to himself for his intended good and solace an inferiour sexe , should so becom her thrall , whose wilfulnes or inability to be a wife frustrates the occasionall end of her creation , but that he may acquitt himself to freedom by his naturall birth-right , and that indeleble character of priority which god crown'd him with . if it be urg'd that sin hath lost him this , the answer is not far to seek , that from her the sin first proceeded , which keeps her justly in the same proportion still beneath . she is not to gain by being first in the transgression , that man should furder loose to her , because already he hath lost by her means . oft it happens that in this matter he is without fault ; so that his punishment herein is causeles : and god hath the praise in our speeches of him , to sort his punishment in the same kind with the offence . suppose he err'd ; it is not the intent of god or man , to hunt an error so to the death with a revenge beyond all measure and proportion . but if we argue thus , this affliction is befaln him for his sin , therefore he must bear it , without seeking the only remedy , first it will be false that all affliction comes for sin , as in the case of joh , and of the man born blind , joh. . , was evident : next by that reason , all miseries comming for sin , we must let them all lye upon us like the vermin of an indian catharist , which his fond religion forbids him to molest . were it a particular punishment inflicted through the anger of god upon a person , or upon a land , no law hinders us in that regard , no law but bidds us remove it if we can : much more if it be a dangerous temptation withall , much more yet , if it be certainly a temptation , and not certainly a punishment , though a pain . as for what they say we must bear with patience , to bear with patience , and to seek effectuall remedies , implies no contradiction . it may no lesse be for our disobedience , our unfaithfulnes , and other sins against god , that wives becom adulterous to the bed , and questionles we ought to take the affliction as patiently , as christian prudence would wish ; yet hereby is not lost the right of divorcing for adultery . no you say , because our saviour excepted that only . but why , if he were so bent to punish our sins , and try our patience in binding on us a disastrous mariage , why did he except adultery ? certainly to have bin bound from divorce in that case also had bin as plentifull a punishment to our sins , and not too little work for the patientest . nay perhaps they will say it was too great a sufferance : and with as slight a reason , for no wise man but would sooner pardon the act of adultery once and again committed by a person worth pitty and forgivnes , then to lead a wearisom life of unloving & unquiet conversation with one who neither affects nor is affected , much lesse with one who exercises all bitternes , and would commit adultery too , but for envy lest the persecuted condition should thereby get the benefit of his freedom . 't is plain therefore that god enjoyns not this supposed strictnes of not divorcing either to punish us , or to try our patience . moreover , if man be the image of god , which consists in holines , and woman ought in the same respect to be the image and companion of man , in such wise to belov'd , as the church is belov'd of christ , and if , as god is the head of christ , and christ the head of man , so man is the head of woman ; i cannot see by this golden dependance of headship and subjection , but that piety and religion is the main tye of christian matrimony : so as if there be found between the pair a notorious disparity either of wickednes or heresie , the husband by all manner of right is disingag'd from a creature , not made and inflicted on him to the vexation of his righteousnes ; the wife also , as her subjection is terminated in the lord , being her self the redeem'd of christ , is not still bound to be the vassall of him , who is the bondslave of satan : she being now neither the image nor the glory of such a person , nor made for him , nor left in bondage to him ; but hath recours to the wing of charity , and protection of the church ; unless there be a hope on either side ; yet such a hope must be meant , as may be a rationall hope , and not an endles servitude . of which hereafter . but usually it is objected , that if it be thus , then there can be no true mariage between misbeleevers and irreligious persons ? i might answer , let them see to that who are such ; the church hath no commission to judge those without , cor. . but this they will say perhaps , is but penuriously to resolv a doubt . i answer therefore , that where they are both irreligious , the mariage may be yet true anough to them in a civill relation . for there are left som remains of gods image in man , as he is meerly man ; which reason god gives against the shedding of mans bloud , gen. . as being made in gods image , without expression whether he were a good man or a bad , to exempt the slayer from punishment . so that in those mariages where the parties are alike void of religion , the wife owes a civill homage and subjection , the husband owes a civill loyalty . but where the yoke is mis-yok't , heretick with faithfull , godly with ungodly , to the grievance and manifest endangering of a brother or sister , reasons of a higher strain then matrimoniall bear sway ; unlesse the gospel instead of freeing us , debase it self to make us bondmen , and suffer evill to controule good . [ male and female created he them . ] this contains another end of matching man and woman , being the right , and lawfulnes of the marige bed ; though much inferior to the former end of her being his image and helpo in religious society . and who of weakest insight may not see that this creating of them male and female , cannot in any order of reason , or christianity , be of such moment against the better and higher purposes of their creation , as to enthrall husband or wife to duties or to sufferings , unworthy and unbeseeming the image of god in them ? now when as not only men , but good men doe stand upon their right , their estimation , their dignity in all other actions and deportments with warrant anough and good conscience , as having the image of god in them , it will not be difficult to determin what is unworthy and unseemly for a man to do or suffer in wedlock ; and the like proportionally may be found for woman : if we love not to stand disputing below the principles of humanity . he that said , male and female created he them , immediatly before that said also in the same verse , in the image of god created he him , and redoubl'd it , that our thoughts might not be so full of dregs as to urge this poor consideration of male and female , without remembring the noblenes of that former repetition ; lest when god sends a wise eye to examin our triviall glosses , they be found extremly to creep upon the ground : especially since they confesse that what here concerns mariage is but a brief touch , only preparative to the institution which follows more expressely in the next chapter : and that christ so took it , as desiring to be briefest with them who came to tempt him , account shall be given in due place . v. . and godblessed them , and god said unto them , be fruitfull , and multiply , and replenish the earth , &c. this declares another end of matrimony , the propagation of mankind ; and is again repeated to noah and his sons , many things might be noted on this place not ordinary , nor unworth the noting ; but i undertook not a generall comment . hence therefore we see the desire of children is honest and pious ; if we be not lesse zealous in our christianity , then plato was in his heathenism ; who in the sixt of his laws , counts off-spring therefore desirable , that we may leav in our stead sons of our sons , continuall servants of god : a religious and prudent desire , if people knew as well what were requir'd to breeding as to begetting ; which desire perhaps was a cause why the jews hardly could endure a barren wedlock : and philo in his book of speciall laws esteems him only worth pardon that sends not barrennes away . carvilius the first recorded in rome to have sought divorce , had it granted him for the barrennes of his wife , upon his oath that he maried to the end he might have children ; as dionysius and gellius are authors . but to dismisse a wife only for barrennes , is hard : and yet in som the desire of children is so great , and so just , yea somtime so necessary , that to condemn such a one to a childles age , the fault apparently not being in him , might seem perhaps more strict then needed . somtimes inheritances , crowns , and dignities are so interested and annext in their common peace and good to such or such lineall descent , that it may prove a great moment both in the affairs of men and of religion , to consider throughly what might be don heerin , notwithstanding the way wardnes of our school doctors . gen. . . and the lord said , it is not good that man should be alone ; i will make him a help meet for him . v. . and adam said , &c. v. . therefore shall a man leave , &c. this second chapter is granted to be a commentary on the first ; and these verses granted to be an exposition of that former verse , male and female created he them , and yet when this male and female is by the explicite words of god himselfe heer declar'd to be not meant other then a fit help , and meet society ; som who would ingrosse to themselves the whole trade of interpreting , will not suffer the cleer text of god to doe the office of explaining it self . [ and the lord god said it is not good . ] a man would think that the consideration of who spake , should raise up the attention of our minds to enquire better , and obey the purpos of so great a speaker : for as we order the busines of mariage , that which he heer speaks is all made vain ; and in the decision of matrimony , or not matrimony , nothing at all regarded . our presumption , hath utterly chang'd the state and condition of this ordinance : god ordain'd it in love and helpfulnes to be indissoluble , and we in outward act and formality to be a forc't bondage ; so that being subject to a thousand errors in the best men , if it prove a blessing to any , it is of meer accident , as mans law hath handl'd it , and not of institution . [ it is not good for man to be alone . ] hitherto all things that have bin nam'd , were approv'd of god to be very good : lonelines is the first thing which gods eye nam'd not good : whether it be a thing , or the want of somthing , i labour not ; let it be their tendance , who have the art to be industriously idle . and heer alone is meant alone without woman ; otherwise adam had the company of god himself , and angels to convers with ; all creatures to delight him seriously , or to make him sport . god could have created him out of the same mould a thousand friends and brother adams to have bin his consorts , yet for all this till eve was giv'n him , god reckn'd him to be alone . [ it is not good . ] god heer presents himself like to a man deliberating ; both to shew us that the matter is of high consequence , and that he intended to found it according to naturall reason , not impulsive command , but that the duty should arise from the reason of it , not the reason be swallow'd up in a reasonlesse duty . not good , was as much to adam before his fall , as not pleasing , not expedient ; but since the comming of sin into the world , to him who hath not receiv'd the continence , it is not only not expedient to be alone , but plainly sinfull . and therefore he who wilfully abstains from mariage , not being supernaturally gifted , and he who by making the yoke of mariage unjust and intolerable , causes men to abhorr it , are both in a diabolicall sin , equall to that of antichrist who forbids to marry . for what difference at all whether he abstain men from marying , or restrain them in a mariage hapning totally discommodious , distastfull , dishonest and pernicious to him without the appearance of his fault ? for god does not heer precisely say , i make a female to this male , as he did briefly before , but expounding himselfe heer on purpos , he saith , because it is not good for man to be alone , i make him therefore a meet help . god supplies the privation of not good , with the perfect gift of a reall and positive good ; it is mans pervers cooking who hath turn'd this bounty of god into a scorpion , either by weak and shallow constructions , or by proud arrogance and cruelty to them who neither in their purposes nor in their actions have offended against the due honour of wedlock . now whereas the apostle speaking in the spirit , cor. . pronounces quite contrary to this word of god , it is good for a man not to touch a woman , and god cannot contradict himself , it instructs us that his commands and words , especially such as bear the manifest title of som good to man , are not to be so strictly wrung , as to command without regard to the most naturall and miserable necessities of mankind . therefore the apostle adds a limitation in the v. of that chap. for the present necessity it is good ; which he gives us doubtlesse as a pattern how to reconcile other places by the generall rule of charity . [ for man to be alone . ] som would have the sense heerof to be in respect of procreation only : and austin contests that manly friendship in all other regards had bin a more becomming solace for adam , then to spend so many secret years in an empty world with one woman . but our writers deservedly reject this crabbed opinion ; and defend that there is a peculiar comfort in the maried state besides the genial bed , which no other society affords . no mortall nature can endure either in the actions of religion , or study of wisdome , without somtime slackning the cords of intense thought and labour : which lest we should think faulty , god himself conceals us not his own recreations before the world was built ; i was , saith the eternall wisdome , dayly his delight , playing alwayes before him . and to him indeed wisdom is as a high towr of pleasure , but to us a steep hill , and we toyling ever about the bottom : he executes with ease the exploits of his omnipotence , as easie as with us it is to will : but no worthy enterprise can be don by us without continuall plodding and wearisomnes to our faint and sensitive abilities . we cannot therefore alwayes be contemplative , or pragmaticall abroad , but have need of som delightfull intermissions , wherin the enlarg'd soul may leav off a while her severe schooling ; and like a glad youth in wandring vacancy , may keep her hollidaies to joy and harmles pastime : which as she cannot well doe without company , so in no company so well as where the different sexe in most resembling unlikenes , and most unlike resemblance cannot but please best and be pleas'd in the aptitude of that variety . wherof lest we should be too timorous , in the aw that our flat sages would form us and dresse us , wisest salomon among his gravest proverbs countenances a kinde of ravishment and erring fondnes in the entertainment of wedded leisures ; and in the song of songs , which is generally beleev'd , even in the jolliest expressions to figure the spousals of the church with christ , sings of a thousand raptures between those two lovely ones farre on the hither side of carnall enjoyment . by these instances , and more which might be brought , we may imagine how indulgently god provided against mans lonelines ; that he approv'd it not , as by himself declar'd not good ; that he approv'd the remedy therof , as of his own ordaining , consequently good ; and as he ordain'd it , so doubtles proportionably to our fal n estate he gives it ; els were his ordinance at least in vain , and we for all his gift still empty handed . nay such an unbounteous giver we should make him , as in the fables jupiter was to ixion , giving him a cloud instead of juno , giving him a monstrous issue by her , the breed of centaures a neglected and unlov'd race , the fruits of a delufive mariage , and lastly giving him her with a damnation to that wheele in hell , from a life thrown into the midst of temptations and disorders . but god is no deceitfull giver , to bestow that on us for a remedy of lonelines , which if it bring not a sociable minde as well as a conjunctive body , leavs us no lesse alone then before ; and if it bring a minde perpetually avers and disagreeable , betraies us to a wors condition then the most deserted lonelines . god cannot in the justice of his own promise and institution so unexpectedly mock us by forcing that upon us as the remedy of solitude , which wraps us in a misery worse then any wildernes , as the spirit of god himself judges , prov. . especially knowing that the best and wisest men amidst the sincere and most cordiall designes of their heart doe dayly erre in choosing . we may conclude therfore seeing orthodoxall expositers confesse to our hands , that by lonelines is not only meant the want of copulation , and that man is not lesse alone by turning in a body to him , unlesse there be within it a minde answerable , that it is a work more worthy the care and consultation of god to provide for the worthiest part of man which is his minde , and not unnaturally to set it beneath the formalities and respects of the body , to make it a servant of its owne vassal , i say we may conclude that such a mariage , wherin the minde is so disgrac't and vilify'd below the bodies interest , and can have no just or tolerable contentment , is not of gods institution , and therfore no mariage . nay in concluding this , i say we conclude no more then what the common expositers themselves give us , both in that which i have recited and much more hereafter . but the truth is , they give us in such a manner , as they who leav their own mature positions like the eggs of an ostrich in the dust ; i do but lay them in the sun ; their own pregnancies hatch the truth ; and i am taxt of novelties and strange producements , while they , like that inconsiderat bird , know not that these are their own naturall breed . [ i will make him a help meet for him . ] heer the heavnly instituter , as if he labour'd , not to be mistak'n by the supercilious hypocrisie of those that love to maister their brethren , and to make us sure that he gave us not now a servil yoke , but an amiable knot ; contents not himself to say , i will make him a wife , but resolving to give us first the meaning before the name of a wife , saith graciously , i will make him a help meet for him . and heer again , as before , i doe not require more full and fair deductions then the whole consent of our divines usually raise from this text , that in matrimony there must be first a mutuall help to piety , next to civill fellowship of love and amity , then to generation , so to houshold affairs , lastly the remedy of incontinence . and commonly they reck'n them in such order , as leavs generation and incontinence to be last consider'd . this i amaze me at , that though all the superior and nobler ends both of mariage and of the maried persons he absolutely frustrat , the matrimony stirs not , looses no hold , remains as rooted as the center : but if the body bring but in a complaint of frigidity , by that cold application only , this adamantine alpe of wedlock has leav to dissolve ; which els all the machinations of religious or civill reason at the suit of a distressed mind , either for divine worship or humane conversation violated , cannot unfasten . what courts of concupiscence are these , wherin fleshly appetite is heard before right reason , lust before love or devotion ? they may be pious christians together , they may be loving and friendly , they may be helpfull to each other in the family , but they cannot couple ; that shall divorce them though either party would not . they can neither serv god together , nor one be at peace with the other , nor be good in the family one to other , but live as they were dead , or live as they were deadly enemies in a cage together ; t is all one , they can couple , they shall not divorce till death , no though this sentence be their death . what is this , besides tyranny , but to turn nature upside down , to make both religion , and the minde of man wait upon the slavish errands of the body , and not the body to follow either the sanctity , or the sovranty of the mind unspeakably wrong'd , and with all equity complaining ? what is this but to abuse the sacred and misterious bed of mariage to be the compulsive stie of an ingratefull and malignant lust , stirr'd up only from a carnall acrimony , withour either love or peace , or regard to any other thing holy or human . this i admire how possibly it should inhabit thus long in the sense of so many disputing theologians , unlesse it be the lowest lees of a canonicall infection liver-grown to their sides ; which perhaps will never uncling , without the strong abstersive of som heroick magistrat , whole mind equall to his high office dares lead him both to know and to do without their frivolous case-putting . for certain he shall have god and this institution plainly on his side . and if it be true both in divinity and law , that consent alone , though copulation never follow , makes a mariage , how can they dissolv it for the want of that which made it not , and not dissolv it for that not continuing which made it , and should preserve it in love and reason , and difference it from a brute conjugality . [ meet for him . ] the originall heer is more expressive then other languages word for word can render it ; but all agree effectuall conformity of disposition and affection to be heerby signify'd ; which god as it were not satisfy'd with the naming of a help , goes on describing another self , a secondself , a very self it self . yet now there is nothing in the life of man through our misconstruction , made more uncertain , more hazardous and full of chance then this divine blessing with such favorable significance heer conferr'd upon us , which if we do but erre in our choice the most unblamable error that can be , erre but one minute , one moment after those mighty syllables pronounc't which take upon them to joyn heavn and hell together unpardnably till death pardon , this divine blessing that lookt but now with such a human smile upon us , and spoke such gentle reason , strait vanishes like a fair skie and brings on such a scene of cloud and tempest , as turns all to shipwrack without havn or shoar but to a ransomles captivity . and then they tell us it is our sin ; but let them be told again , that sin through the mercy of god hath not made such wast upon us , as to make utterly void to our use any temporall benefit , much lesse any so much a vailing to a peacefull and sanctify'd life , meerly for a most incident error which no warines can certainly shun . and wherfore servs our happy redemption , and the liberty we have in christ , but to deliver us from calamirous yokes not to beliv'd under without the endangerment of our souls , and to restore us in som competent measure to a right in every good thing both of this life , and the other . thus we see how treatably and distinctly god hath heer taught us what the prime ends of mariage are , mutuall solace and help . that we are now , upon the most irreprehensible mistake in choosing , defeated and defrauded of all this originall benignity , was begun first through the snare of antichristian canons long since obtruded upon the church of rome , and not yet scour●d off by reformation , out of a lingting vain-glory that abides among us to make fair shews in formall ordinances , and to enjoyn continence & bearing of crosses in such a garb as no scripture binds us , under the thickest arrows of temptation , where we need not stand . now we shall see with what acknowledgement and assent adam receiv'd this new associat , which god brought him . v. . and adam said this is now bone of my bones , and flesh of my flesh , she shall be called woman , because she was tak'n out of man. that there was a neerer alliance between adam and eve , then could be ever after between man and wife , is visible to any . for no other woman was ever moulded out of her husbands rib , but of meer strangers for the most part they com to have that consanguinity which they have by wedlock . and if we look neerly upon the matter , though mariage be most agreeable to holines , to purity and justice , yet is it not a naturall , but a civill and ordain'd relation . for if it were in nature , no law or crime could disanull it , to make a wife , or husband , otherwise then still a wife or husband , but only death ; as nothing but that can make a father no father , or a son no son . but divorce for adultery or desertion , as all our churches agree but england , not only separats , but nullifies , and extinguishes the relation it self of matrimony , so that they are no more man and wife ; otherwise the innocent party could not marry else-where , without the guilt of adultery ; next were it meerly naturall why was it heer ordain'd more then the rest of morall law to man in his originall rectitude , in whose brest all that was naturall or morall was engrav'n without externall constitutions and edicts . adam therfore in these words does not establish an indissoluble bond of mariage in the carnall ligaments of flesh and bones , for if he did , it would belong only to himself in the literall sense ; every one of us being neerer in flesh of flesh , and bone of bones to our parents then to a wife ; they therfore were not to be left for her in that respect . but adam who had the wisdom giv'n him to know all creatures , and to name them according to their properties , no doubt but had the gift to discern perfectly , that which concern'd him much more ; and to apprehend at first sight the true fitnes of that consort which god provided him . and therfore spake in reference to those words which god pronounc't before ; as if he had said , this is she by whose meet help and society i shall no more be alone ; this is she who was made my image , ev'n as i the image of god ; not so much in body , as in unity of mind and heart . and he might as easily know what were the words of god , as he knew so readily what had bin don with his rib , while he slept so soundly . he might well know , if god took a rib out of his inside , to form of it a double good to him , he would far sooner dis-joyn it from his outside , to prevent a treble mischief to him : and far sooner cut it quite off from all relation for his undoubted ease , then nail it into his body again , to stick for ever there a thorn in his heart . when as nature teaches us to divide any limb from the body to the saving of his fellows , though it be the maiming and deformity of the whole ; how much more is it her doctrin to sever by incision , not a true limb so much , though that be lawfull , but an adherent , a sore , the gangrene of a limb , to the recovery of a whole man. but if in these words we shall make adam to erect a new establishment of mariage in the meer flesh , which god so lately had instituted , and founded in the sweet and mild familiarity of love and solace and mutuall fitnes , what do we but use the mouth of our generall parent , the first time it opens , to an arrogant opposition , and correcting of gods wiser ordinance . these words therfore cannot import any thing new in mariage , but either that which belongs to adam only , or to us in reference only to the instituting words of god which made a meet help against lonelines . adam spake like adam the words of flesh and bones , the shell and rinde of matrimony : but god spake like god , of love and solace and meet help , the soul both of adams words and of matrimony . v. . therefore shall a man leav his father and his mother , and shall cleav unto his wife ; and they shall be one flesh . this vers , as our common heed expounds it , is the great knot tier , which hath undon by tying , and by tangling , millions of guiltles consciences : this is that greisly porter , who having drawn men and wisest men by suttle allurement within the train of an unhappy matrimony , claps the dungeon gate upon them , as irrecoverable as the grave . but if we view him well , and hear him with not too hasty and prejudicant ears , we shall finde no such terror in him . for first , it is not heer said absolutely without all reason he shall cleave to his wife , be it to his weal or to his destruction as it happens , but he shall doe this upon the premises and considerations of that meet help and society before mention'd , therefore he shall cleave to his wife , no otherwise a wife , then a fit help . he is not bid to leave the dear cohabitation of his father , mother , brothers and sisters , to link himself inseparably with the meer carcas of a mariage , perhaps an enemy . this joyning particle therefore is in all equity , nay in all necessity of construction to comprehend first and most principally what god spake concerning the inward essence of mariage in his institution : that we may learn how far to attend what adam spake of the outward materials therof in his approbation . for if we shall bind these words of adam only to a corporall meaning , and that the force of this injunction upon all us his sons to live individually with any woman which hath befaln us in the most mistak'n wedlock , shall consist not in those morall and relative causes of eves creation , but in the meer anatomy of a rib , and that adams insight concerning wedlock reacht no furder , we shall make him as very an idiot as the socinians make him ; which would not be reverently don of us . let us be content to allow our great forefather so much wisdom , as to take the instituting words of god along with him into this sentence , which if they be well minded , wil assure us that flesh and ribs are but of a weak and dead efficacy to keep mariage united where there is no other fitnes . the rib of mariage , to all since adam , is a relation much rather then a bone ; the nerves and sinews therof are love and meet help , they knit not every couple that maries , and where they knit they seldom break , but where they break , which for the most part is where they never truly joyn'd , to such at the same instant both flesh and rib cease to be in common ; so that heer they argue nothing to the continuance of a false or violated mariage , but must be led back to receive their meaning from those institutive words of god which give them all the life and vigor they have . [ therefore shall a man leav his father , &c. ] what to a mans thinking more plain by this appointment , that the fatherly power should give place to conjugall prerogative ? yet it is generally held by reformed writers against the papist , that though in persons at discretion the mariage in it self be never so fit , though it be fully accomplisht with benediction , board and bed , yet the father not consenting , his main will without dispute shall dissolv all . and this they affirm only from collective reason , not any direct law : for that in exod. . . which is most particular , speaks that a father may refuse to marry his daughter to one who hath deflour'd her , not that he may take her away from one who hath soberly married her . yet because the generall honor due to parents is great , they hold he may , and perhaps hold not amisse . but again when the question is of barsh and rugged parents who deferr to bestow their childern seasonably , they agree joyntly that the church or magistrat may bestow them , though without the fathers consent : and for this they have no express autority in scripture . so that they may see by thir own handling of this very place , that it is not the stubborn letter must govern us , but the divine and softning breath of charity which turns and windes the dictat of every positive command , and shapes it to the good of mankind . shall the outward accessory of a fathers will wanting , rend the fittest and most affectionat mariage in twain , after all nuptial consummations , and shall not the want of love and the privation of all civil and religious concord , which is the inward essence of wedlock , doe as much to part those who were never truly wedded ? shall a father have this power to vindicate his own wilfull honour and autority to the utter breach of a most dearly-united mariage , and shall not a man in his own power have the permission to free his soul , his life , and all his comfort of life from the disastre of a no-mariage . shall fatherhood , which is but man , for his own pleasure dissolve matrimony , and shall not matrimony , which is gods ordinance , for its own honour and better conservation , dissolv it self , when it is wrong , and not fitted to any of the cheif ends which it owes us ? [ and they shall bee one flesh . ] these words also inferre that there ought to be an individualty in mariage ; but without all question presuppose the joyning causes . not a rule yet that we have met with , so universall in this whole institution , but hath admitted limitations and conditions according to human necessity . the very foundation of matrimony , though god laid it so deliberatly , that it is not good for man to bee alone holds not always , if the apostle can secure us . soon after wee are bid leav father and mother , and cleav to a wife , but must understand the fathers consent withall , els not . cleav to a wife , but let her bee a wife , let her be a meet help , a solace , not a nothing , not an adversary , not a defertrice ; can any law or command be so unreasonable as to make men cleav to calamity , to ruin , to perdition ? in like manner heer , they shall be one flesh : but let the causes hold , and be made really good , which only have the possibility to make them one flesh . wee know that flesh can neither joyn , nor keep together two bodies of it self ; what is it then must make them one flesh , but likenes , but fitnes of mind and disposition , which may breed the spirit of concord , and union between them ? if that be not in the nature of either , and that there has bin a remediles mistake , as vain wee goe about to compell them into one flesh , as if wee undertook to weav a garment of drie sand . it were more easy to compell the vegetable and nutritive power of nature to assimilations and mixtures which are not alterable each by other ; or force the concoctive stomach to turn that into flesh which is so totally unlike that substance , as not to be wrought on . for as the unity of minde is neerer and greater then the union of bodies , so doubtles , is the dissimilitude greater , and more dividuall , as that which makes between bodies all difference and distinction . especially when as besides the singular and substantial differences of every soul , there is an intimat quality of good or evil , through the whol progeny of adam , which like a radical heat , or mortal chilnes joyns them , or disjoyns them irresistibly . in whom therefore either the will , or the faculty is found to have never joyn'd , or now not to continue so , 't is not to say , they shall be one flesh , for they cannot be one flesh . god commands not impossibilities ; and all the ecclesiastical glue , that liturgy , or laymen can compound , is not able to soder up two such incongruous natures into the one flesh of a true beseeming mariage . why did moses then set down thir uniting into one flesh ? and i again ask , why the gospel so oft repeats the eating of our saviours flesh , the drinking of his blood ? that wee are one body with him , the members of his body , flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone . ephes . . yet lest wee should be capernaitans , as wee are told there that the flesh profiteth nothing , so wee are told heer , if we be not as deaf as adders , that this union of the flesh proceeds from the union of a fit help and solace . wee know that there was never a more spiritual mystery then this gospel taught us under the terms of body and flesh ; yet nothing less intended then that wee should stick there . what a stupidnes then is it , that in mariage , which is the neerest resemblance of our union with christ , wee should deject our selvs to such a sluggish and underfoot philosophy , as to esteem the validity of mariage meerly by the flesh ; though never so brokn and disjoynted from love and peace , which only can give a human qualification to that act of the flesh , and distinguish it from bestial . the text therefore uses this phrase , that they shall bee one flesh , to justify and make legitimat the rites of mariage bed ; which was not unneedfull , if for all this warrant , they were suspected of pollution by some sects of philosophy , and religions of old , and latelier among the papists , and other heretics elder then they . som think there is a high mystery in those words , from that which paul saith of them , ephes . . this is a great mystery , but i speak of christ and the church : and thence they would conclude mariage to be inseparable . for me i dispute not now whether matrimony bee a mystery or no ; if it bee of christ and his church , certainly it is not meant of every ungodly and miswedded mariage , but then only mysterious , when it is a holy , happy , and peacefull match . but when a saint is joyn'd with a reprobate , or both alike , wicked with wicked , fool with fool , a hee drunkard with a she , when the bed hath bin nothing els for twenty yeares or more , but an old haunt of lust and malice mixt together , no love , no goodnes , no loyalty , but counterplotting , and secret wishing one anothers dissolution , this is to me the greatest mystery in the world , if such a mariage as this , can be the mystery of ought , unless it bee the mystery of iniquity : according to that which paraeus cites out of chrysostom , that a bad wife is a help for the devill , and the like may be said of a bad husband . since therfore none but a fit and pious matrimony can signify the union of christ and his church , ther cannot hence be any hindrance of divorce to that wedlock wherin ther can be no good mystery . rather it might to a christian conscience bee matter of finding it self so much less satisfy'd then before , in the continuance of an unhappy yoke , wherein there can be no representation either of christ , or of his church . thus having enquir'd the institution how it was in the beginning , both from the chap. of gen , where it was only mention'd in part , and from the second , where it was plainly and evidently instituted , and having attended each clause and word necessary , with a diligence not drousy , wee shall now fix with som advantage ; and by a short view backward gather up the ground wee have gon ; and summ up the strength wee have , into one argumentative head , with that organic force that logic proffers us . all arts acknowledge that then only we know certainly , when we can define ; for definition is that which refines the pure essence of things from the circumstance . if therfore we can attain in this our controversy to define exactly what mariage is , wee shall soon lern , when there is a nullity thereof , and when a divorce . the part therfore of this chapter which hath bin heer treated , doth orderly and readily resolv it self into a definition of mariage , and a consectary from thence . to the definition these words cheifly contribute . it is not good , &c. i will make , &c. where the consectary begins this connexion therfore informs us , therfore shall a man , &c. definition is decreed by logicians to consist only of causes constituting the essence of a thing , what is not therfore among the causes constituting mariage , must not stay in the definition . those causes are concluded to be matter , and , as the artist calls it , form. but inasmuch as the same thing may be a cause more waies then one , and that in relations and institutions which have no corporal subsistence , but only a respective beeing , the form by which the thing is what it is , is oft so slender and undistinguishable , that it would soon confuse , were it not sustain'd by the efficient and final causes , which concurre to make up the form invalid otherwise of it self , it will bee needfull to take in all the fowr causes into the definition . first therfore the material cause of matrimony is man and woman ; the author and efficient , god and their consent , the internal form and soul of this relation , is conjugal love arising from a mutual fitnes to the final causes of wedlock , help and society in religious , civil and domestic conversation , which includes as an inferior end the fulfilling of natural desire , and specifical increase ; these are the final causes both moving the efficient , and perfeting the form . and although copulation be consider'd among the ends of mariage , yet the act therof in a right esteem can no longer be matrimonial , then it is an effect of conjugal love . when love findes it self utterly unmatcht , and justly vanishes , nay rather cannot but vanish , the fleshly act indeed may continue , but not holy , not pure , not beseeming the sacred bond of mariage ; beeing at best but an animal excretion , but more truly wors and more ignoble then that mute kindlyness among the heards and flocks : in that proceeding as it ought from intellective principles , it participates of nothing rational , but that which the feild and the fould equalls . for in human actions the soule is the agent , the body in a manner passive . if then the body doe out of sensitive force , what the soul complies not with , how can man , and not rather somthing beneath man be thought the doer . but to proceed in the persute of an accurat definition , it will a vail us somthing , and whet our thoughts , to examin what fabric heerof others have already reard . paraeus on gen. defines mariage to be an indissoluble conjunction of one man and one woman to an individual and intimat conversation , and mutual benevolence , &c. wherin is to be markt his placing of intimat conversation before bodily benevolence ; for bodily is meant , though indeed benevolence rather sounds will then body . why then shall divorce be granted for want of bodily performance , and not for want of fitnes to intimat conversation , when as corporal benevolence cannot in any human fashion bee without this ? thus his definition places the ends of mariage in one order , and esteems them in another . his tautology also of indissoluble and individual is not to be imitated ; especially since neither indissoluble , nor individual hath ought to doe in the exact definition , beeing but a consectary flowing from thence , as appears by plain scripture , therfore shall a man leav , &c. for mariage is not true mariage by beeing individual , but therfore individual , if it be true mariage . no argument but causes enter the definition ; a consectary is but the effect of those causes . besides , that mariage is indissoluble , is not catholickly true ; wee know it dissoluble for adultery , and for desertion by the verdit of all reformed churches . dr. ames defines it an individual conjunction of one man and one woman , to communion of body and mutual society of life ; but this perverts the order of god , who in the institution places meet help and society of life before communion of body . and vulgar estimation undervalues beyond comparison all society of life and communion of minde beneath the communion of body ; granting no divorce , but to the want , or miscommunicating of that . hemingius , an approved author , melanchtons scholler , and who next to bucer and erasmus writes of divorce most like a divine , thus comprises , mariage is a conjunction of one man and one woman lawfully consenting , into one flesh , for mutual helps sake , ordain'd of god. and in his explanation stands punctually upon the conditions of consent , that it be not in any main matter deluded , as beeing the life of wedloc , and no true marriage without a true consent . into one flesh he expounds into one minde , as well as one body , and makes it the formal cause : heerin only missing , while he puts the effect into his definition instead of the cause which the text affords him . for one flesh is not the formal essence of wedloc , but one end , or one effect of a meet help ; the end oft times beeing the effect and fruit of the form , as logic teaches : els many aged and holy matrimonies , and more eminently that of joseph and mary , would bee no true mariage . and that maxim generally receiv'd , would be fals , that consent alone , though copulation never follow , makes the mariage . therefore to consent lawfully into one flesh , is not the formal cause of matrimony , but only one of the effects . the civil lawyers , and first justinian or tribonian defines matrimony a conjunction of man and woman containing individual accustom of life . wherin first , individual is not so bad as indissoluble put in by others : and although much cavil might be made in the distinguishing between indivisible , and individual , yet the one tak'n for possible , the other for actuall , neither the one nor the other can belong to the essence of mariage ; especially when a civilian defines , by which law mariage is actually divorc't for many causes , and with good leav , by mutual consent . therfore where conjunction is said , they who comment the institutes , agree that conjunction of minde is by the law meant , not necessarily conjunction of body . that law then had good reason attending to its own definition , that divorce should be granted for the breaking of that conjunction which it holds necessary , sooner then for the want of that conjunction which it holds not necessary . and wheras tuningus a famous lawyer excuses individual as the purpos of mariage , not always the success , it suffices not . purpos is not able to constitute the essence of a thing . nature her self the universal mother intends nothing but her own perfection and preservation ; yet is not the more indissoluble for that . the pandects out of modestinus , though not define , yet well describe mariage , the conjunction of male and female , the society of all life , the communion of divine and human right : which bucer also imitates on the fifth to the ephesians . but it seems rather to comprehend the several ends of mariage , then to contain the more constituting cause that makes it what it is . that i therefore among others ( for who sings not hylas ) may give as well as take matter to be judg'd on , it will be lookt i should produce another definition then these which have not stood the tryal . thus then i suppose that mariage by the natural and plain order of gods institution in the text may be more demonstratively and essentially defin'd . mariage is a divine institution joyning man and woman in a love fitly dispos'd to the helps and comforts of domestic life . a divine institution . this contains the prime efficient cause of mariage ; as for consent of parents and guardians , it seems rather a concurrence then a cause ; for as many , that marry are in thir own power as not ; and where they are not thir own , yet are they not subjected beyond reason . now though efficient causes are not requisite in a definition , yet divine institution hath such influence upon the form , and is so a conserving cause of it , that without it the form is not sufficient to distinguish matrimony from other conjunctions of male and female , which are not to be counted mariage . joyning man and woman in a love , &c. this brings in the parties consent ; until which be , the mariage hath no true beeing . when i say consent , i mean not error , for error is not properly consent : and why should not consent be heer understood with equity and good to either part , as in all other freindly covnants , and not be strain'd and cruelly urg'd to the mischeif and destruction of both ? neither doe i mean that singular act of consent which made the contract , for that may remain , and yet the mariage not true nor lawful ; and that may cease , and yet the mariage both true and lawful , to their sin that break it . so that either as no efficient at all , or but a transitory , it comes not into the definition . that consent i mean which is a love fitly dispos'd to mutual help and comfort of life ; this is that happy form of mariage naturally arising from the very heart of divine institution in the text , in all the former definitions either obscurely , and under mistak'n terms exprest , or not at all . this gives mariage all her due , all her benefits , all her beeing , all her distinct and proper beeing . this makes a mariage not a bondage , a blessing not a curse , a gift of god not a snare . unless ther be a love , and that love born of fitnes , how can it last ? unless it last how can the best and sweetest purposes of mariage be attain'd , and they not attain'd , which are the cheif ends , and with a lawful love constitute the formal cause it self of mariage , how can the essence thereof subsist , how can it bee indeed what it goes for ? conclude therfore by all the power of reason , that where this essence of mariage is not , there can bee no true mariage ; and the parties either one of them , or both are free , and without fault rather by a nullity , then by a divorce may betake them to a second choys ; if thir present condition be not tolerable to them . if any shall ask , why domestic in the definition ? i answer , that because both in the scriptures , and in the gravest poets and philosophers i finde the properties and excellencies of a wife set out only from domestic vertues ; if they extend furder , it diffuses them into the notion of som more common duty then matrimonial . thus farre of the definition ; the consectary which flows from thence , and altogether depends theron , is manifestly brought in by this connexive particle therfore ; and branches it self into a double consequence ; first individual society , therfore shall a man leav father and mother : secondly conjugal benevolence , and they shall bee one flesh . which as was shewn , is not without cause heer mention'd , to prevent and to abolish the suspect of pollution in that natural and undefiled act . these consequences therfore cannot either in religion , law , or reason bee bound , and posted upon mankind to his sorrow and misery , but receiv what force they have from the meetnes of help and solace , which is the formal cause and end of that definition that sustains them . and although it be not for the majesty of scripture to humble her self in artificial theorems , and definitions , and corollaries , like a professor in the schools , but looks to be analys'd , and interpreted by the logical industry of her disciples and followers , and to bee reduc't by them , as oft as need is , into those sciential rules , which are the implements of instruction , yet moses , as if foreseeing the miserable work that mans ignorance and pusillanimity would make in this matrimonious busines , and endevouring his utmost to prevent it , condescends in this place to such a methodical and school-like way of defining , and consequencing , as in no place of the whole law more . thus wee have seen , and if wee be not contentious , may know what was mariage in the beginning , to which in the gospel wee are referr'd ; and what from hence to judge of nullity , or divorce , heer i esteem the work don ; in this field the controversie decided ; but because other places of scripture seem to look aversly upon this our decision , although indeed they keep all harmony with it , and because it is a better work to reconcile the seeming diversities of scripture , then the reall dissentions of neerest friends , i shall assay in three following discourses to perform that office. deut. . , . . when a man hath taken a wife , and married her , and it come to pass that she find no favour in his eyes , because he hath found som uncleannes in her , then let him write her a bill of divercement , and give it in her hand , and send her out of his house . and when she is departed out of his house , she may goe and be another mans wife . that which is the only discommodity of speaking in a cleer matter , the abundance of argument that presses to bee utter'd , and the suspence of judgement what to choose , and how in the multitude of reason , to be not tedious , is the greatest difficulty which i expect heer to meet with . yet much hath bin said formerly concerning this law in the doctrins of divorce ; wherof i shall repeat no more then what is necessary . two things are heer doubted : first , and that but of late , whether this bee a law or no , next what this reason of uncleannes might mean for which the law is granted ; that it is a plain law no man ever question'd , till vatablus within these hunder'd years profess'd hebrew at paris , a man of no religion , as beza deciphers him . yet som there be who follow him , not only against the current of all antiquity , both jewish and christian , but the evidence of scripture also , malach. . . let him who hateth put away saith the lord god of israel . although this place also hath bin tamper'd with , as if it were to be thus render'd , the lord god saith , that hee hateth putting away . but this new interpretation rests only in the autority of junius ; for neither calvin , nor vatablus himself , nor any other known divine so interpreted before . and they of best note who have translated the scripture since , and diodati for one , follow not his reading . and perhaps they might reject it , if for nothing els , for these two reasons : first , it introduces in a new manner the person of god speaking less majestic then he is ever wont ; when god speaks by his profet , he ever speaks in the first person ; thereby signifying his majesty and omni-presence . hee would have said , i hate putting away , saith the lord ; and not sent word by malachi in a sudden faln stile , the lord god saith that hee hateth putting away : that were a phrase to shrink the glorious omnipresence of god speaking , into a kind of circumscriptive absence . and were as if a herald in the atcheivment of a king , should commit the indecorum to set his helmet sidewaies and close , not full fac't and open in the posture of direction and command . wee cannot think therfore that this last profet would thus in a new fashion absent the person of god from his own words as if he came not along with them . for it would also be wide from the proper scope of this place : hee that reads attentively will soon perceav , that god blames not heer the jews for putting away thir wives , but for keeping strange concubines , to the profaning of juda's holines , and the vexation of thir hebrew wives , v. . and . judah hath maried the daughter of a strange god : and exhorts them rather to put thir wives away whom they hate , as the law permitted , then to keep them under such affronts . and it is receiv'd that this profet livd in those times of ezra and nehemiah ( nay by som is thought to bee ezra himself ) when the people were forc't by these two worthies to put thir strange wives away . so that what the story of those times , and the plain context of the verse , from whence this rebuke begins , can give us to conjecture of the obscure and curt ebraisms that follow , this profet does not forbid putting away , but forbids keeping , and commands putting away according to gods law , which is the plainest interpreter both of what god will , and what he can best suffer . thus much evinces that god there commanded divorce by malachi , and this confirmes that he commands it also heer by moses . i may the less doubt to mention by the way an author , though counted apocryphal , yet of no small account for piety and wisdom , the author of ecclesiasticus . which book begun by the grand-father of that jesus who is call'd the son of sirach , might have bin writt'n in part , not much after the time when malachi livd ; if wee compute by the reigne of ptolemaeus euergetes . it professes to explain the law and the profets ; and yet exhorts us to divorce for incurable causes , and to cut off from the flesh those whom it there describes , ecclesiastic . . . which doubtles that wise and ancient writer would never have advis'd , had either malachi so lately forbidd'n it , or the law by a full precept not left it lawful ▪ but i urge not this for want of better prooff ; our saviour himself allows divorce to be a command , mark. . . . neither doe they weak'n this assertion , who say it was only a sufferance , as shall be prov'd at large in that place of matthew . but suppose it were not a writt'n law , they never can deny it was a custom , and so effect nothing . for the same reasons that induce them why it should not bee a law , will strair'n them as hard why it should bee allow'd a custom . all custom is either evil or not evil ; if it be evil , this is the very end of law-giving , to abolish evil customs by wholsom laws ; unless wee imagin moses weaker then every negligent and startling politician . if it be , as they make this of divorce to be , a custom against nature , against justice , against chastity , how , upon this most impure custom tolerated , could the god of purenes erect a nice and precise law , that the wife marryed after divorce could not return to her former husband , as beeing defil'd ? what was all this following nicenes worth , built upon the leud foundation of a wicked thing allow'd ? in few words then , this custom of divorce either was allowable , or not allowable ; if not allowable , how could it be allow'd ? if it were allowable , all who understand law will consent , that a tolerated custom hath the force of a law , and is indeed no other but an unwritt'n law , as justinian calls it , and is as prevalent as any writt'n statute . so that thir shift of turning this law into a custom wheels about , and gives the onset upon thir own flanks ; not disproving , but concluding it to be the more firm law , because it was without controversy a granted custom ; as cleer in the reason of common life , as those giv'n rules wheron euclides builds his propositions . thus beeing every way a law of god , who can without blasphemy doubt it to be a just and pure law. moses continually disavows the giving them any statute , or judgement , but what hee learnt of god ; of whom also in his song hee saith , deut. . hee is the rock , his work is perfet , all his waies are judgement , a god of truth and without iniquity , just and right is hee . and david testifies , the judgements of the lord are true and righteous altogether . not partly right and partly wrong , much less wrong altogether , as divines of now adaies dare censure them . moses again of that people to whom hee gave this law saith , deut. . yee are the childern of the lord your god , the lord hath chosen thee to bee a peculiar people to himself above all the nations upon the earth , that thou shouldst keep all his commandements ; and be high in praise , in name , and in honour , holy to the lord , chap. . and in the fourth , behold i have taught you statutes and judgements eevn as the lord my god commanded mee , keep therfore and doe them . for this is your wisdom and your understanding in the sight of nations that shall hear all these statutes and say , surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people . for what nation is ther so great , who hath god so nigh to them ? and what nation that hath statutes and judgements so righteons as all this law which i set before you this day ? thus whether wee look at the purity and justice of god himself , the jealousy of his honour among other nations , the holines and moral perfection which hee intended by his law to teach this people , wee cannot possibly think how he could indure to let them slugg & grow inveteratly wicked , under base allowances , & whole adulterous lives by dispensation . they might not eat , they might not touch an unclean thing ; to what hypocrisy then were they train'd up , if by prescription of the same law , they might be unjust , they might be adulterous for term of life ? forbid to soile thir garments with a coy imaginary pollution , but not forbid , but countnanc't and animated by law to soile thir soules with deepest defilements . what more unlike to god , what more like that god should hate , then that his law should bee so curious to wash vestures ; and so careles to leav unwasht , unregarded , so foul a scab of egypt in thir soules ? what would wee more ? the statutes of the lord are all pure and just : and if all , then this of divorce . because hee hath found som uncleannes in her . that wee may not esteem this law to bee a meer authorizing of licence , as the pharises took it , moses adds the reason , for som uncleannes found . som heertofore have bin so ignorant , as to have thought , that this uncleannes means adultery . but erasmus , who for having writ an excellent treatise of divorce , was wrote against by som burly standard divine , perhaps of cullen , or of lovain , who calls himself phimostomus , shews learnedly out of the fathers with other testimonies and reasons , that uncleannes is not heer so understood ; defends his former work , though new to that age , and perhaps counted licentious , and fears not to ingage all his fame on the argument . afterward , when expositers began to understand the hebrew text , which they had not done of many ages before , they translated word for word not uncleannes , but the nakednes of any thing ; and considering that nakednes is usually referr'd in scripture to the minde as well as to the body , they constantly expound it any defect , annoyance , or ill quality in nature , which to bee joyn'd with , makes life tedious , and such company wors then solitude . so that heer will be no cause to vary from the generall consent of exposition , which gives us freely that god permitted divorce , for whatever was unalterably distastful , whether in body or mind . but with this admonishment , that if the roman law especially in contracts and dowries left many things to equity with these cautions , exfide bonâ , quod aequius melius erit , ut inter bonos bene agier , wee will not grudge to think that god intended not licence heer to every humor , but to such remediles greevances as might move a good , and honest , and faithfull man then to divorce , when it can no more bee peace or comfort to either of them continuing thus joyn'd . and although it could not be avoided , bat that men of hard hearts would abuse this liberty , yet doubtles it was intended as all other privileges in law are , to good men principally , to bad only by accident . so that the sin was not in the permission , nor simply in the action of divorce ( for then the permitting also had bin sin ) but only in the abuse . but that this law should , as it were , bee wrung from god and moses , only to serve the hard heartednes , and the lust of injurious men , how remote it is from all sense , and law , and honesty , and therfore surely from the meaning of christ , shall abundantly be manifest in due order . now although moses needed not to adde other reason of this law then that one there exprest , yet to these ages wherin canons , and scotisms , and lumbard laws , have dull'd , and almost obliterated the lively sculpture of ancient reason , and humanity , it will be requisit to heap reason upon reason , and all little enough to vindicat the whitenes and the innocence of this divine law , from the calumny it findes at this day , of beeing a dore to licence and confusion . when as indeed there is not a judicial point in all moses , consisting of more true equity , high wisdom , and god-like pitty then this law ; not derogating , but preserving the honour and peace of mariage , and exactly agreeing with the sense and mind of that institution in genesis . for first , if mariage be but an ordain'd relation , as it seems not more , it cannot take place above the prime dictats of nature ; and if it bee of natural right , yet it must yeeld to that which is more natural , and before it by eldership and precedence in nature . now it is not natural that hugh marries beatrice , or thomas rebecca , beeing only a civill contract , and full of many chances , but that these men seek them meet helps , that only is natural ; and that they espouse them such , that only is mariage . but if they find them neither fit helps , nor tolerable society , what thing more natural , more original and first in nature then to depart from that which is irksom , greevous , actively hateful , and injurious eevn to hostility , especially in a conjugal respect , wherin antipathies are invincible , and wher the forc't abiding of the one , can bee no true good , no real comfort to the other . for if hee find no contentment from the other , how can he return it from himself , or no acceptance , how can hee mutually accept ? what more equal , more pious then to untie a civil knot for a natural enmity held by violence from parting , to dissolv an accidental conjunction of this or that man & woman , for the most natural and most necessary disagreement of meet from unmeet , guilty from guiltles , contrary from contrary ? it beeing certain that the mystical and blessed unity of mariage can bee no way more unhallow'd and profan'd , then by the forcible uniting of such disunions and separations . which if wee see oft times they cannot joyn or peece up to a common friendship , or to a willing conversation in the same house , how should they possibly agree to the most familiar and united amity of wedlock ? abraham and lot , though dear friends and brethren in a strange country , chose rather to part asunder , then to infect thir friendship with the strife of thir servants : paul and barnabas joyn'd together by the holy ghost to a spiritual work , thought it better to separate when once they grew at variance . if these great saints joynd by nature , friendship , religion , high providence , and revelation , could not so govern a casual difference , a sudden passion , but must in wisdom divide from the outward duties of a friendship , or a collegueship in the same family , or in the same journey , lest it should grow to a wors division , can any thing bee more absurd and barbarous then that they whom only error , casualty , art or plot hath joynd , should be compell'd , not against a sudden passion but against the permanent and radical discords of nature , to the most intimat and incorporating duties of love and imbracement , therin only rational and human , as they are free and voluntary ; beeing els an abject and servile yoke , scars not brutish . and that there is in man such a peculiar sway of liking , or disliking in the affairs of matrimony is evidently seen before mariage among those who can bee freindly , can respect each other yet to marry each other would not for any perswasion . if then this unfitnes and disparity bee not till after mariage discover'd , through many causes , and colours , and concealements , that may overshadow ; undoubtedly it will produce the same effects and perhaps with more vehemence , that such a mistakn pair , would give the world to be unmarried again . and thir condition solomon to the plain justification of divorce expresses , prov. . . . where hee rells us of his own accord , that a hated , or a hatefull woman , when shee is married , is a thing for which the earth is disquieted and cannot bear it ; thus giving divine testimony to this divine law , which bids us nothing more then is the first and most innocent lesson of nature , to turn away peaceably from what afflicts and hazards our destruction ; especially when our staying can doe no good , and is expos'd to all evil . secondly , it is unjust that any ordinance ordain'd to the good and comfort of man , where that end is missing , without his fault , should be forc't upon him to an unsufferable misery and discomfort , if not commonly ruin . all ordinances are establisht in thir end ; the end of law is the vertu , is the righteousnes of law. and therfore him wee count an ill expounder who urges law against the intention therof . the general end of every ordinance , of every severest , every divinest , eevn of sabbath is the good of man , yea his temporal good not excluded . but marriage is one of the benignest ordinances of god to man , wherof both the general and particular end is the peace and contentment of mans mind , as the institution declares . contentment of body they grant , which if it bee defrauded , the plea of frigidity shall divorce : but heer lies the fadomles absurdity , that granting this for bodily defect , they will not grant it for any defect of the mind , any violation of religious or civil society . when as , if the argument of christ bee firm against the ruler of the synagogue , luk. . thou hypocrite , doth not each of you on the sabbath day loos'n his oxe or his asse from the stall , and lead him to watering , and should not i unbind a daughter of abraham from this bond of satan ? it stands as good heer , yee have regard in mariage to the greevance of body , should you not regard more the greevances of the mind , seeing the soul as much excells the body , as the outward man excells the ass and more ; for that animal is yet a living creature , perfet in it self ; but the body without the soul is a meer senseles trunck . no ordinance therfore givn particularly to the good both spiritual and temporal of man , can bee urg'd upon him to his mischief , and if they yeeld this to the unworthier part , the body , wherabout are they in thir principles , that they yeeld it not to the more worthy , the mind of a good man ? thirdly , as no ordinance , so no covnant , no not between god and man , much less between man and man , beeing as all are , intended to the good of both parties , can hold to the deluding or making miserable of them both . for equity is understood in every covnant , eevn between enemies , though the terms bee not exprest . if equity therfore made it , extremity may dissolv it . but mariage , they use to say , is the covnant of god. undoubted : and so is any covnant frequently call'd in scripture , wherin god is call'd to witnes : the covnant of freindship between david and jonathan , is call'd the covnant of the lord , sam. . the covnant of zedechiah with the king of babel , a covnant to bee doubted whether lawfull or no , yet in respect of god invok't thereto , is call'd the oath , and the covnant of god , ezech. . mariage also is call'd the covnant of god , prov. . . why , but as before , because god is the witnes therof , malach. . . so that this denomination adds nothing to the covnant of mariage , above any other civil and solemn contract : nor is it more indissoluble for this reason then any other against the end of its own ordination , nor is any vow or oath to god exacted with such a rigor , where superstition reignes not . for look how much divine the covnant is , so much the more equal ; so much the more to bee expected that every article therof should bee fairly made good , no fals dealing , or unperforming should be thrust upon men without redress , if the covnant bee so divine . but faith they say must bee kept in covnant , though to our dammage . i answer , that only holds true , where the other side performs , which failing , hee is no longer bound . again , this is true , when the keeping of faith can bee of any use , or benefit to the other . but in mariage a league of love and willingnes , if faith bee not willingly kept , it scars is worth the keeping ; nor can bee any delight to a generous minde , with whom it is forcibly kept : and the question still supposes the one brought to an impossibility of keeping it as hee ought , by the others default , and to keep it formally , not only with a thousand shifts and dissimulations , but with open anguish , perpetual sadnes and disturbance , no willingnes , no cheerfulnes , no contentment , cannot bee any good to a minde not basely poor and shallow , with whom the contract of love is so kept . a covnant therfore brought to that passe , is on the unfaulty side without injury dissolv'd . fourthly , the law is not to neglect men under greatest sufferances , but to see covnants of greatest moment faithfullest perform'd . and what injury comparable to that sustain'd in a frustrat and fals dealing mariage , to loose , for anothers fault against him , the best portion of his temporal comforts , and of his spiritual too , as it may fall out . it was the law , that for mans good and quiet , reduc't things to propriety , which were at first in common ; how much more law-like were it to assist nature in disappropriating that evil which by continuing proper becomes destructive . but hee might have bewar'd . so hee might in any other covnant , wherin the law does not constrain error to so dear a forfeit . and yet in these matters wherin the wisest are apt to erre , all the warines that can bee , oft times nothing avails . but the law can compell the offending party to bee more duteous . yes , if all these kind of offences were fit in public to bee complain'd on , or beeing compell'd were any satisfaction to a mate not sottish , or malicious . and these injuries work so vehemently , that if the law remedy them not , by separating the cause when no way els will pacify , the person not releev'd betakes him either to such disorderly courses , or to such a dull dejection , as renders him either infamous , or useles to the service of god and his country . which the law ought to prevent as a thing pernicious to the common wealth ; and what better prevention then this which moses us'd ? fifthly , the law is to tender the liberty and the human dignity of them that live under the law , whether it bee the mans right above the woman , or the womans just appeal against wrong , and servitude . but the duties of mariage contain in them a duty of benevolence , which to doe by compulsion against the soul , where ther can bee neither peace , nor joy , nor love , but an enthrallment to one who either cannot , or will not bee mutual in the godliest and the civilest ends of that society , is the ignoblest , and the lowest slavery that a human shape can bee put to . this law therfore justly and piously provides against such an unmanly task of bondage as this . the civil law , though it favour'd the setting free of a slave , yet if hee prov'd ungratefull to his patron , reduc't him to a servil condition . if that law did well to reduce from liberty to bondage for an ingratitude not the greatest , much more became it the law of god to enact the restorement of a free born man from an unpurpos'd , and unworthy bondage to a rightfull liberty for the most unnatural fraud and ingratitude that can be committed against him . and if that civilian emperour in his tide of donations , permit the giver to recall his guift from him who proves unthankful towards him , yea , though hee had subscrib'd and sign'd in the deed of his guift , not to recall it though for this very cause of ingratitude , with much more equity doth moses permit heer the giver to recall no petty guift , but the guift of himself from one who most injuriously & deceitfully uses him against the main ends and conditions of his giving himself , exprest in gods institution . sixthly , although ther bee nothing in the plain words of this law , that seems to regard the afflictions of a wife , how great so ever , yet expositers determin , and doubtles determin rightly , that god was not uncompassionat of them also in the framing of this law. for should the rescript of antoninus in the civil law give release to servants flying for refuge to the emperours statue , by giving leav to change thir cruel maisters , and should god who in his law also is good to injur'd servants , by granting them thir freedom in divers cases , not consider the wrongs and miseries of a wife which is no servant . though heerin the counter sense of our divines , to me , i must confesse seems admirable ; who teach that god gave this as a mercifull law , not for man whom he heer names , and to whom by name hee gives this power , but for the wife whom hee names not , and to whom by name hee gives no power at all . for certainly if man beliable to injuries in mariage , as well as woman , and man be the worthier person , it were a preposterous law to respect only the less worthy ; her whom god made for mariage , and not him at all for whom mariage was made . seventhly , the law of mariage gives place to the power of parents : for wee hold that consent of parents not had may break the wedlock , though els accomplisht . it gives place to maisterly power , for the maister might take away from an hebrew servant the wife which hee gave him , exod. . if it be answer'd that the mariage of servants is no matrimony : t is reply'd , that this in the ancient roman law is true , not in the mosaic . if it bee added , she was a stranger not an hebrew , therfore easily divorc't , it will be answerd that strangers not beeing canaanites , and they also beeing converts might bee lawfully maryed , as rahab was . and her conversion is heer suppos'd ; for an hebrew maister could not lawfully give a heathen wife to an hebrew servant . however , the divorcing of an israelitish woman was as easy by the law , as the divorcing of a stranger , and almost in the same words permitted , deut. . and deut. . lastly , it gives place to the right of warr , for a captiv woman lawfully maryed , and afterward not belov'd , might bee dismist , only without ransom . deut. . if mariage may bee dissolv'd by so many exterior powers , not superior , as wee think , why may not the power of mariage it self for its own peace and honour dissolv it self , wher the persons wedded be free persons , why may not a greater and more natural power complaining dissolv mariage ? for the ends why matrimony was ordain'd , are certainly and by all logic above the ordinance it self , why may not that dissolv mariage without which that institution hath no force at all ? for the prime ends of mariage , are the whole strength and validity therof , without which matrimony is like an idol , nothing in the world . but those former allowances were all for hardnes of heart . be that granted , untill we come where to understand it better : if the law suffer thus farr the obstinacy of a bad man , is it not more righteous heer , to doe willingly what is but equal , to remove in season the extremities of a good man ? eightly , if a man had deflowr'd a virgin , or brought an ill name on his wife that shee came not a virgin to him , hee was amerc't in certain shekles of silver , and bound never to divorce her all his daies , deut. . which shews that the law gave no liberty to divorce , wher the injury was palpable ; and that the absolute forbidding to divorce , was in part the punishment of a deflowrer , and a defamer . yet not so but that the wife questionles might depart when shee pleas'd . otherwise this cours had not so much righted her , as deliverd her up to more spight and cruel usage . this law therfore doth justly distinguish the privilege of an honest and blameles man in the matter of divorce from the punishment of a notorious offender . ninthly , suppose it might bee imputed to a man , that hee was too rash in his choyse and why took hee not better heed , let him now smart , and bear his folly as he may ; although the law of god , that terrible law doe not thus upbraid the infirmities and unwilling mistakes of man in his integrity : but suppose these and the like proud aggravations of som stern hypocrite , more merciles in his mercies , then any literall law in the vigor of severity , must be patiently heard ; yet all law , and gods law especially grants every where to error easy remitments , eevn where the utmost penalty exacted were no undoing . with great reason therfore and mercy doth it heer not torment an error , if it be so , with the endurance of a whole life lost to all houshold comfort and society , a punishment of too vast and huge dimension for an error , and the more unreasonable for that the like objection may be oppos'd against the plea of divorcing for adultery ; hee might have lookt better before to her breeding under religious parents : why did hee not then more diligently inquire into her manners , into what company she kept ? every glaunce of her eye , every step of her gate would have propheci'd adultery , if the quick sent of these discerners had bin took along ; they had the divination to have foretold you all this ; as they have now the divinity to punish an error inhumanly . as good reason to be content , and forc't to be content with your adultress , if these objecters might be the judges of human frailtie . but god more mild and good to man , then man to his brother , in all this liberty givn to divorcement , mentions not a word of our past errors and mistakes , if any were , which these men objecting from their own inventions prosecute with all violence and iniquity . for if the one bee to look so narrowly what hee takes , at the peril of ever keeping , why should not the other bee made as wary what is promis'd , by the peril of loosing ? for without those promises the treaty of mariage had not proceeded . why should his own error bind him , rather then the others fraud acquit him ? let the buyer beware , saith the old law-beaten termer . belike then ther is no more honesty , nor ingenuity in the bargain of a wedloc , then in the buying of a colt : wee must it seems drive it on as craftily with those whose affinity wee seek , as if they were a pack of sale men and complotters . but the deceiver deceivs himself in the unprosperous mariage , and therin is sufficiently punisht . i answer , that the most of those who deceiv , are such as either understand not , or value not the true purposes of mariage ; they have the prey they seek , not the punishment : yet say it prove to them som cross , it is not equal that error and fraud should bee linkt in the same degree of forfeture , but rather that error should be acquitted , and fraud bereav'd his morsel : if the mistake were not on both sides , for then on both sides the acquitment will be reasonable , if the bondage be intolerable ; which this law graciously determins , not unmindful of the wife , as was granted willingly to the common expositers , though beyond the letter of this law , yet not beyond the spirit of charity . tenthly , mariage is a solemn thing , som say a holy , the resemblance of christ and his church ; and so indeed it is where the persons are truly religious ; and wee know all sacred things not perform'd sincerely as they ought , are no way acceptable to god in thir outward formality . and that wherin it differs from personal duties , if they be not truly don , the fault is in our selves ; but mariage to be a true and pious mariage is not in the single power of any person ; the essence whereof , as of all other covnants is in relation to another , the making and maintaining causes thereof are all mutual , and must be a communion of spiritual and temporal comforts . if then either of them cannot , or obstinatly will not be answerable in these duties , so as that the other can have no peaceful living , or enduring the want of what he justly seeks , and sees no hope , then strait from that dwelling love , which is the soul of wedloc , takes his flight , leaving only som cold performances of civil and common respects , but the true bond of mariage , if there were ever any there , is already burst like a rott'n thred . then follows dissimulation , suspicion , fals colours , fals pretences , and wors then these , disturbance , annoyance , vexation , sorrow , temtation eevn in the faultles person , weary of himself , and of all action public or domestic ; then comes disorder , neglect , hatred , and perpetual strife , all these the enemies of holines and christianity , and every one of these persisted in , a remediles violation to matrimony . therfore god who hates all faining and formality , wher there should bee all faith and sincerenes , and abhorrs to see inevitable discord , wher there should be greatest concord , when through anothers default , faith and concord cannot bee , counts it neither just to punish the innocent with the transgressor , nor holy , nor honourable for the sanctity of mariage , that should bee the unlon of peace and love , to be made the commitment , and close fight of enmity and hate . and therfore doth in this law , what best agrees with his goodnes , loosning a sacred thing to peace and charity , rather then binding it to hatred and contention ; loosning only the outward and formal tie of that which is already inwardly , and really brokn , or els was really never joyn'd . eleventhly , one of the cheif matrimonial ends is said to seek a holy seed ; but where an unfit mariage administers continual cause of hatred and distemper , there , as was heard before , cannot choose but much unholines abide . nothing more unhallows a man , more unprepares him to the service of god in any duty , then a habit of wrath and perturbation , arising from the importunity of troublous causes never absent . and wher the houshold stands in this plight , what love can ther bee to the unfortunat issue , what care of thir breeding , which is of main conducement to thir beeing holy . god therfore knowing how unhappy it would bee for children to bee-born in such a family , gives this law either as a prevention , that beeing an unhappy pair , they should not adde to bee unhappy parents , or els as a remedy that if ther be childern , while they are fewest , they may follow either parent , as shall bee agreed , or judg'd , from the house of hatred and discord , to a place of more holy and peaceable education . twelfthly , all law is available to som good end , but the final prohibition of divorce a vails to no good end , causing only the endles aggravation of evil , and therfore this permission of divorce was givn to the jews by the wisdom and fatherly providence of god ; who knew that law cannot command love , without which , matrimony hath no true beeing , no good , no solace , nothing of gods instituting , nothing but so sordid and so low , as to bee disdain'd of any generous person . law cannot inable natural inability either of body , or mind , which gives the greevance ; it cannot make equal those inequalities , it cannot make fit those unfitnesses : and where there is malice more then defect of nature , it cannot hinder ten thousand injuries , and bitter actions of despight too suttle and too unapparent for law to deal with . and while it seeks to remedy more outward wrongs , it exposes the injur'd person to other more inward and more cutting . all these evils unavoidably will redound upon the children , if any be , and the whole family . it degenerates and disorders the best spirits , leavs them to unsettl'd imaginations , and degraded hopes , careles of themselvs , their houshold and their freinds , unactive to all public service , dead to the common-wealth ; wherin they are by one mishapp , and no willing trespas of theirs , outlaw'd from all the benefits and comforts of married life and posterity . it conferrs as little to the honour and inviolable keeping of matrimony , but sooner stirrs up temptations , and occasions to secret adulteries , and unchast roaving . but it maintaines public honesty . public folly rather , who shall judge of public honesty ? the law of god , and of ancientest christians , and all civil nations , or the illegitimat law of monks and canonists , the most malevolent , most unexperienc't , and incompetent judges of matrimony ? these reasons , and many more that might bee alleg'd , afford us plainly to perceav , both what good cause this law had to doe for good men in mischances , and what necessity it had to suffer accidentally the hard heartednes of bad men , which it could not certainly discover , or discovering could not subdue , no nor indeavour to restrain without multiplying sorrow to them , for whom all was indeavour'd . the guiltles therfore were not depriv'd thir needful redresses , and the hard hearts of others unchastisable in those judicial courts , were so remitted there , as bound over to the higher session of conscience . notwithstanding all this , ther is a loud exception against this law of god , nor can the holy author save his law from this exception , that it opens a dore to all licence and confusion . but this is the rudest , i was almost saying the most graceles objection , and with the least reverence to god and moses , that could bee devis'd : this is to cite god before mans tribunal , to arrogate a wisdom and holines above him . did not god then foresee what event of licence or confusion could follow ? did not hee know how to ponder these abuses with more prevailing respects , in the most eevn ballance of his justice and purenes , till these correctors cameup to shew him better ? the law is , if it stirre up sin any way , to stirre it up by forbidding , as one contrary excites another , rom. . but if it once come to provoke sin , by granting licence to sin , according to laws that have no other honest end , but only to permit the fulfilling of obstinat lust , how is god not made the contradicter of himself ? no man denies that best things may bee abus'd : but it is a rule resulting from many pregnant experiences , that what doth most harm in the abusing , us'd rightly doth most good . and such a good to take a way from honest men , for beeing abus'd by such as abuse all things , is the greatest abuse of all . that the whole law is no furder usefull , then as a man uses it lawfully , st. paul teaches tim. . and that christian liberty may bee us'd for an occasion to the flesh , the same apostle confesses , galat. . yet thinks not of removing it for that , but bidds us rather stand fast in the liberty wherwith christ hath freed us , and not bee held again in the yoke of bondage . the very permission which christ gave to divorce for adultery , may bee fouly abus'd , by any whose hardnes of heart can either fain adultery , or dares committ , that hee may divorce . and for this cause the pope , and hitherto the church of england , forbid all divorce from the bond of mariage , though for openest adultery . if then it bee righteous to hinder for the fear of abuse , that which gods law notwithstanding that caution , hath warranted to bee don , doth not our righteousnes come short of antichrist , or doe we not rather heerin conform our selvs to his unrighteousnes in this undue and unwise fear . for god regards more to releev by this law the just complaints of good men , then to curb the licence of wicked men , to the crushing withall , and the overwhelming of his afflicted servants . he loves more that his law should look with pitty upon the difficulties of his own , then with rigor upon the boundlesse riots of them who serv another maister , and hinder'd heer by strictnes , will break another way to wors enormities . if this law therfore have many good reasons for which god gave it , and no intention of giving scope to leudnes , but as abuse by accident comes in with every good law , and every good thing , it cannot be wisdom in us , while we can content us with gods wisdom , nor can be purity , if his purity will suffice us , to except against this law , as if it foster'd licence . but if they affirm this law had no other end , but to permitt obdurat lust , because it would bee obdurat , making the law of god intentionally to proclame and enact sin lawful , as if the will of god were becom sinfull , or sin stronger then his direct and law-giving will , the men would bee admonisht to look well to it , that while they are so eager to shut the dore against licence , they doe not open a wors dore to blasphemy . and yet they shall bee heer furder shewn thir iniquity ; what more foul and common sin among us then drnnkennes , and who can bee ignorant , that if the importation of wine , and the use of all strong drink were forbid , it would both clean ridde the possibility of committing that odious vice , and men might afterwards live happily and healthfully , without the use of those intoxicating licors . yet who is ther the severest of them all , that ever propounded to loos his sack , his ale , toward the certain abolishing of so great a sin , who is ther of them , the holiest , that less loves his rich canary at meals , though it bee fetcht from places that hazard the religion of them who fetch it , and though it make his neighbour drunk out of the same tunne ? while they forbid not therfore the use of that liquid marchandise , which forbidd'n would utterly remove a most loathsom sin , and not impair either the health , or the refreshment of mankind , suppli'd many other wayes , why doe they forbid a law of god , the forbidding wherof brings into an excessive bondage , oft times the best of men , and betters not the wors ? hee to remove a nationall vice , will not pardon his cupps , nor think it concerns him to forbear the quaffing of that outlandish grape , in his unnecessary fullnes , though other men abuse it never so much , nor is hee so abstemious as to intercede with the magistrate that all matter of drunkennes be banisht the common-wealth , and yet for the fear of a less inconvenience unpardnably requires of his brethren , in thir extreme necessity to debarre themselves the use of gods permissive law , though it might bee thir saving , and no mans indangering the more . thus this peremptory strictnes we may discern of what sort it is , how unequal , and how unjust . but it will breed confusion . what confusion it would breed , god himself took the care to prevent in the fourth verse of this chapter , that the divorc't beeing maried to another , might not return to her former husband . and justinians law counsels the same in his title of nuptials . and what confusion els can ther bee in separation , to separat , upon extrem urgency , the religious from the irreligious , the fit from the unfit , the willing from the wilfull , the abus'd from the abuser , such a separation is quite contrary to confusion . but to binde and mixe together holy with atheist , hevnly with hellish , fitnes with unfitnes , light with darknes , antipathy with antipathy , the injur'd with the injurer , and force them into the most inward neernes of a detested union , this doubtles is the most horrid , the most unnatural mixture , the greatest confusion that can be confus'd ? thus by this plain and christian talmud vindicating the law of god from irreverent and unwary expositions , i trust , wher it shall meet with intelligible perufers , som stay at least of mens thoughts will bee obtain'd , to consider these many prudent and righteous ends of this divorcing permission . that it may have , for the great authors sake , heerafter som competent allowance to bee counted a little purer then the prerogative of a legal and public ribaldry , granted to that holy seed . so that from hence wee shall hope to finde the way still more open to the reconciling of those places which treat this matter in the gospel . and thether now without interruption the cours of method brings us . tetrachordon , matt. . , . it hath beene said whosoever shall put away his wife , let him give her a writing of divorcement . but i say unto you that whosoever shall put away his wife , &c. matt. . , . &c. and the pharises also came unto him tempting him , &c. it hath beene said . ] what hitherto hath beene spoke upon the law of god touching matrimony or divorce , hee who will deny to have bin argu'd according to reason , and all equity of scripture , i cannot edifie how , or by what rule of proportion that mans vertue calculates , what his elements are , not what his analytics . confidently to those who have read good bookes , and to those whose reason is not an illiterate booke to themselves i appeale , whether they would not confesse all this to bee the commentary of truth and justice , were it not for these recited words of our saviour . and if they take not backe that which they thus grant , nothing sooner might perswade them that christ heer teaches no new precept , and nothing sooner might direct them to finde his meaning , then to compare and measure it by the rules of nature and eternall righteousnes , which no writt'n law extinguishes , and the gospel least of all . for what can be more opposite and disparaging to the cov'nant of love , of freedom , & of our manhood in grace , then to bee made the yoaking pedagogue of new severities , the scribe of syllables and rigid letters , not only greevous to the best of men , but different and strange from the light of reason in them , save only as they are fain to stretch & distort their apprehensions , for feare of displeasing the verbal straightnesse of a text , which our owne servil feare gives us not the leisure to understand aright . if the law of christ shall be writt'n in our hearts , as was promis'd to the gospel , jer. , how can this in the vulgar and superficiall sense be a law of christ , so farre from beeing writt'n in our hearts , that it injures and dissallowes not onely the free dictates of nature and morall law , but of charity also and religion in our hearts . our saviours doctrine is , that the end , and the fulfilling of every command is charity ; no faith without it , no truth without it , no worship , no workes pleasing to god but as they partake of charity . he himselfe sets us an example , breaking the solemnest and the strictest ordinance of religious rest , and justify'd the breaking , not to cure a dying man , but such whose cure might without danger have beene deserr'd . and wherefore needes must the sick mans bed be carried home on that day by his appointment , and why were the disciples who could not forbeare on that day to pluck the corne , so industriously desended , but to shew us that if he preferr'd the slightest occasions of mans good before the observing of highest and severest ordinances , hee gave us much more easie leave to breake the intolerable yoake of a never well joyn'd wedlocke for the removing of our heaviest afflictions . therefore it is that the most of evangelick precepts are given us in proverbiall formes , to drive us from the letter , though we love ever to be sticking there . for no other cause did christ assure us that whatsoever things wee binde , or slacken on earth are so in heaven , but to signifie that the christian arbitrement of charity is supreme decider of all controversie , and supreme resolver of all scripture ; not as the pope determines for his owne tyrany , but as the church ought to determine for its owne true liberty . hence eusebius not far from beginning his history , compares the state of christians to that of noah and the patriarkes before the law. and this indeede was the reason , why apostolick tradition in the antient church was counted nigh equall to the writt'n word , though it carried them at length awry , for want of considering that tradition was not left to bee impos'd as law , but to be a patterne of that christian prudence , and liberty which holy men by right assum'd of old , which truth was so evident , that it found entrance even into the councell of trent , when the point of tradition came to be discusst . and marinaro a learned carmelite for approaching too neere the true cause that gave esteeme to tradition , that is to say , the difference betweene the old and new testament , the one punctually prescribing writt'n law , the other guiding by the inward spirit , was reprehended by cardinall poole as one that had spoken more worthy a german collequie , then a generall councell . i omit many instances , many proofes and arguments of this kind , which alone would compile a just volume , and shall content me heer to have shew'n breifly , that the great and almost only commandment of the gospel , is to command nothing against the good of man , and much more no civil command , against his civil good . if we understand not this , we are but crackt cimbals , we do but tinckle , we know nothing , we doe nothing , all the sweat of our toilsomest obedience will but mock us . and what wee suffer superstitiously returnes us no thankes . thus med'cining our eyes wee neede not doubt to see more into the meaning of these our saviours words , then many who have gone before us . [ it hath beene said , whosoever shall put away his wife . ] our saviour was by the doctors of his time suspected of intending to dissolve the law . in this chapter he wipes off this aspersion upon his accusers , and shewes how they were the law brea kers . in every common wealth when it decayes , corruption makes two maine steps ; first when men cease to doe according to the inward and uncompell'd actions of vertue , caring only to live by the outward constraint of law , and turne the simplicity of reall good , into the craft of seeming so by law . to this hypocritical honesty was rome declin'd in that age , wherein horace liv'd and discover'd it to quintius . whom doe we count a good man , whom but he who keepes the lawes and statutes of the senate , who judges in great suits and controversies , whose witnesse and opinion winnes the cause ; but his owne house , and the whole neighbourhood sees his foule inside through his whited skin . the next declining is , when law becomes now too straight for the secular manners , and those too loose for the cincture of law . this brings in false and crooked interpretations to ecke out law , and invents the suttle encroachment of obscure traditions hard to be disprov'd . to both these descents the pharises themselves were fall'n . our saviour therefore shews them both where they broke the law in not marking the divine intent thereof , but onely the letter , and where they deprav'd the letter also with sophisticall expositions . this law of divorse they had deprav'd both waies . first , by teaching that to give a bill of divorse was all the duty which that law requir'd , what ever the cause were . next by running to divorse for any triviall , accidentall cause ; whenas the law evidently stayes in the grave causes of naturall and immutable dislike . [ it hath been said saith he christ doth not put any contempt or disesteeme upon the law struct , but if he discerne his willingnesse and candor made use of to intrapp him , will suddainly draw in himselfe , and laying aside the facil vein of perspicuity , will know his time to utter clouds and riddles ; if he be not lesse wise then that noted fish , when as he should bee not unwiser then the serpent . our saviour at no time exprest any great desire to teach the obstinate and unteachable pharises ; but when they came to tempt him , then least of all . as now about the liberty of divorce , so another time about the punishment of adultery they came to sound him , and what satisfaction got they from his answer , either to themselves or to us , that might direct a law under the gospel , new from that of moses , unlesse we draw his absolution of adultery into an edict . so about the tribute , who is there can picke out a full solution , what and when we must give to caesar , by the answer which he gave the pharises ? if we must give to caesar that which is caesars , and all be caesars , which hath his image , wee must either new stamp our coine , or we may goe new stamp our foreheads with the superscription of slaves in stead of freemen . besides it is a generall precept , not only of christ , but of all other sages , not to instruct the unworthy and the conceited who love tradition more then truth , but to perplex and stumble them purposely with contriv'd obscurities . no wonder then if they who would determine of divorce by this place , have ever found it difficult , and unfatisfying through all the ages of the church , as austine himselfe and other great writers confesse . lastly it is manifest to be the principal scope of our saviour both here , and in the . of mat. to convince the pharises of what they being evill did licentiously , not to explaine what others being good and blamelesse men might be permitted to doe in case of extremity . neither was it seasonable to talke of honest and conscientious liberty among them who had abused legall and civil liberty to uncivil licence . we doe not say to a servant what we say to a sonne ; nor was it expedient to preach freedome to those who had transgrest in wantonnesse . when we rebuke a prodigal , we admonish him of thrift , not of magnificence , or bounty . and to school a proud man we labour to make him humble , not magnanimous . so christ to retort these arrogant inquisitors their own , tooke the course to lay their hautinesse under a severity which they deserv'd ; not to acquaint them , or to make them judges either of the just mans right and privilege or of the afflicted mans necessity . and if wee may have leave to conjecture , there is a likelyhood offer'd us by tertullian in his . against marcion , whereby it may seeme very probable that the pharises had a private drifr of malice against our saviours life in proposing this question ; and our saviour had a peculiar aim in the rigor of his answer , both to let them know the freedome of his spirit , and the sharpenesse of his discerning . this i must now shew , saith tertullian , whence our lord deduc'd this sentence , and which way he directed it , whereby it will more fully appeare that he intended not to dissolve moses . and there upon tells us that the vehemence of this our saviours speech was cheifly darted against herod and herodias . the story is out of josephus : herod had beene a long time married to the daughter of aretas king of petra , til hapning on his jorney towards rome to be entertain'd at his brother philips house , he cast his eye unlawfully and unguestlike upon herodias there , the wife of philip , but daughter to aristobulus their common brother , and durst make words of marrying her his neece from his brothers bed . she assented upon agreement he should expell his former wife . all was accomplisht , and by the baptist rebuk't with the losse of his head . though doubtlesse that staid not the various discourses of men upon the fact , which while the herodian flatterers , and not a few perhaps among the pharises endevout'd to defend by wresting the law , it might be a meanes to bring the question of divorce into a hot agitation among the people , how farre moses gave allowance . the pharises therefore knowing our saviour to be a friend of iohn the baptist , and no doubt but having heard much of his sermon in the mount , wherein he spake rigidly against the licence of divorce , they put him this question both in hope to find him a contradicter of moses , and a condemner of herod ; so to insnare him within compasse of the same accusation which had ended his friend ; and our saviour so orders his answer , as that they might perceive herod and his adultresse only not nam'd ; so lively it concern'd them both what he spake . no wonder then if the sentence of our saviour sounded stricter then his custome was ; which his conscious attempters doubtlesse apprehended sooner then his other auditors . thus much we gaine from hence to informe us , that what christ intends to speake here of divorce , will be rather the forbidding of of what we may not doe herein passionately and abusively , as herod and herodias did , then the discussing of what herein we may doe reasonably and necessarily . [ is it lawfull for a man to put away his wife ] it might be render'd more exactly from the greeke , to loosen or to set free ; which though it seeme to have a milder fignification then the two hebrew words commonly us'd for divorce , yet interpreters have noted , that the greeke also is read in the septuagint , for an act which is not without constraint . as when achish drove from his presence david counterfeting madnesse . psal . . the greeke word is the same with this here , to put away . and erasmus quotes hilary rendering it by an expression , not so soft . whence may be doubted , whether the pharises did not state this question in the strict right of the man , not tarrying for the wives consent . and if our saviour answer directly according to what was askt in the tearm of putting away , it may be questionable , whether the rigor of his sentence did not forbid only such putting away as is without mutuall consent ▪ in a violent and and harsh manner , or without any reason , but will , as the tetrarch did . which might be the cause that those christian emperours fear'd not in their constitutions to dissolve mariage by mutuall consent ; in that our saviour seemes here , as the case is most likely , not to condemne all divorce but all injury and violence in divorce . but no injury can be done to them who seeke it , as the ethics of aristotle sufficiently prove . true it is , that an unjust thing may be done to one though willing , and so may justly be forbid'n : but divorce being in it selfe no unjust or evill thing , but only as it is joyn'd with injury , or lust , injury it cannot be at law , if consent be , and aristotle erre not . and lust it may as frequently not be , while charity hath the judging of so many private greevances in a misfortun'd wedlock , which may pard'nably seeke a redemption . but whether it be or not , the law cannot discerne , or examine lust , so long as it walkes from one lawfull terme to another , from divorce to marriage both in themselves indifferent . for if the law cannot take hold to punish many actions apparently covetous , ambitious , ingratefull , proud , how can it forbid and punish that for lust , which is but only surmis'd so , and can no more be certainly prov'd in the divorcing now , then before in the marrying . whence if divorce be no unjust thing , but through lust , a cause not discernable by law , as law is wont to discerne in other cases , and can be no injury where consent is , there can be nothing in the equity of law , why divorce by consent may not be lawfull : leaving secrecies to conscience , the thing which our saviour here aimes to rectifie , not to revoke the statutes of moses . in the meane while the wotd to put away , being in the gteeke , to loosen or disolve , utterly takes away that vaine papisticall distinction of divorce from bed , and divorce from bond , evincing plainly that both christ and the pharises meane here that divorce which finally disolves the bond and frees both parties to a second marriage . [ for every cause . ] this the pharises held , that for every cause they might divorce , for every accidentall cause , any quarrell or difference that might happ'n . so both josephus and philo , men who liv'd in the same age , explain ; and the syriac translater , whose antiquity is thought parallel to the evangelists themselves , reads it conformably upon any occasion or pretence . divines also generally agree that thus the pharises meant . cameron a late writer much applauded , commenting this place not undiligently , affirmes that the greeke preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translated unusually ( for ) hath a force in it implying the suddennesse of those pharisaic divorces ; and that their question was to this effect , whether for any cause , whatever it chanc'd to be , straight as it rose , the divorse might be lawfull . this he freely gives what ever mou'd him , and i as freely take , nor can deny his observation to be acute & learned . if therfore we insist upon the word of putting away , that it imports a constraint without consent , as might be insisted , and may enjoy what cameron bestowes on us , that for every cause is to be understood , according as any cause may happen , with a relation to the speedinesse of those divorces and that herodian act especially , as is already brought us , the sentence of our saviour wil appeare nothing so strict a prohibition as hath beene long conceiv'd , forbidding only to divorce for casuall & temporary causes , that may be soon ended , or soone remedied ; & likewise forbidding to divorce rashly , & on thesudden heate , except it be for adultery . if these qualifications may be admitted , as partly we offer them , partly are offer'd them by some of their own opinion , and that where nothing is repugnant why they should not bee admitted , nothing can wrest them from us , the severe sentence of our saviour will straight unbend the seeming frowne into that gentlenesse and compassion which was so abundant in all his actions , his office and his doctrine , from all which otherwise it stands off at no meane distance . vers . . and he answered and said unto them , have ye not read that he which made them at the beginning , made them male and female ? vers . . and said , for this cause shall a man leave father and mother , and shall cleave to his wife , and they twaine shall be one flesh ? vers . . vvherefore they are no more twaine but one flesh , what therefore god hath joyned together , let no man put asunder . [ . and made them male and female , and said for this cause , &c. ] we see it here undeniably , that the law which our saviour cites to prove that divorce was forbidd'n , is not an absolute and tyrannicall command without reason , as now adaies wee make it little better , but is grounded upon some rationall cause not difficult to be apprehended , being in a matter which equally concernes the meanest and the plainest sort of persons in a houshold life . our next way then will be to inquire if there bee not more reasons then one , and if there be , whether this be the best and cheifest . that we shall finde by turning to the first institution , to which christ referrs our owne reading ; he himselfe having to deale with treacherous affailants , useth brevity , and lighting on the first place in genesis that mentions any thing tending to marriage in the first chapter , joynes it immediately to the . verse of the chapter , omitting all the prime words between , which create the institution , and containe the noblest and purest ends of matrimony , without which attain'd , that conjunction hath nothing in it above what is common to us with beasts . so likewise beneath in this very chapter , to the young man who came not tempting him , but to learne of him , asking him which commandments hee should keepe , he neither repeates the first table , nor all the second , nor that in order which he repeates . if heere then being tempted , hee desire to bee the shorter , and the darker in his conference , and omitt to cite that from the second of genesis , which all divines confesse is a commentary to what he cites out of the first , the making them male and female ; what are we to doe , but to search the institution our selves ; and we shall finde there his owne authority giving other manner of reasons why such firme union is to bee in matrimony , without which reasons their being male and female can be no cause of joyning them unseparably : for if it be , then no adultery can sever . therefore the prohibition of divorce depends not upon this reason heere exprest to the pharises , but upon the plainer & more eminent causes omitted heere and referr'd to the institution ; which causes not being found in a particular and casuall matrimony , this sensitive and materious cause alone can no more hinder a divorce against those higher and more human reasons urging it , then it can alone without them to warrant a copulation , but leaves it arbitrary to those who in their chance of marriage finde not why divorce is farbidd them , but why it is permitted them ; and finde both here and in genesis , that the forbidding is not absolute , but according to the reasons there taught us , not here . and that our saviour taught them no better , but uses the most vulgar , most animal and corporal argument to convince them , is first to shew us , that as through their licentious divorces they made no more of mariage then as if to marry , were no more then to be male and female , so hee goes no higher in his confutation ; deeming them unworthy to be talkt with in a higher straine , but to bee ty'd in marriage by the meere material cause thereof , since their owne licence testify'd that nothing matrimonial was in their thought but to be male and female . next it might be don to discover the brute ignorance of these carnall doctors , who taking on them to dispute of marriage and divorce , were put to silence with such a slender opposition as this , and outed from their hold with scarce one quarter of an argument . that we may beleeve this , his entertainment of the young man soon after may perswade us . whom , though he came to preach eternall life by faith only , he dismisses with a salvation taught him by workes only . on which place paraeus notes . that this man was to be convinc'd by a false perswasion ; and that christ is wont otherwise to answer hypocrites , otherwise those that are docible . much rather then may we thinke that in handling these tempters , he forgot not so to frame his prudent ambiguities and concealements , as was to the troubling of those peremtory disputants most wholsome . when therefore we would know what right there may be , in ill accidents , to divorce , wee must repaire thither where god professes to teach his servants by the prime institution , and not where we see him intending to dazle sophisters : wee must not reade hee made them male and female , & not understand he made them more intendedly a meet helpe to remove the evill of being alone . we must take both these together , and then we may inferre compleatly as from the whole cause why a man shall cleave to his wife , and they twaine shall be one flesh : but if the full and cheife cause why we may not divorce , be wanting heer , this place may skirmish with the rabbies while it will , but to the true christian it prohibits nothing beyond the full reason of it's own prohibiting , which is best knowne by the institution . vers . . [ wherefore they are no more twaine , but one flesh . ] this is true in the generall right of marriage , but not in the chance medley of every particular match . for if they who were once undoubtedly one flesh , yet become twain by adultery , then sure they who were never one flesh rightly , never helps meete for each other according to the plain prescript of god , may with lesse adoe then a volume be concluded still twaine . and so long as we account a magistrate no magistrate , if there be but a flaw in his election , why should we not much rather count a matrimony no matrimony , if it cannot be in any reasonable manner according to the words of gods institution . [ what therefore god hath joyned , let no man put asunder . ] but heare the christian prudence lies to consider what god hath joyn'd ; shall wee say that god hath joyn'd error , fraud , unfitnesse , wrath , contention , perpetuall lonelinesse , perpetuall discord ; what ever lust , or wine , or witchery , threate , or inticement , avarice or ambition hath joyn'd together , faithfull with unfaithfull , christian with antichristian , hate with hate , or hate with love , shall we say this is gods joyning ? [ let not man put a sunder . ] that is to say , what god hath joyn'd ; for if it be , as how oft we see it may be , not of gods joyning , and his law tells us he joynes not unmachable things but hates to joyne them , as an abominable confusion , then the divine law of moses puts them asunder , his owne divine will in the institution puts them asunder , as oft as the reasons be not extant , for which only god ordain'd their joyning . man only puts asunder when his inordinate desires , his passion , his violence , his injury makes the breach : not when the utter want of that which lawfully was the end of his joyning , when wrongs and extremities , and unsupportable greevances compell him to disjoyne : when such as herod & the pharises divorce beside law , or against law , then only man separates , and to such only this prohibition belongs . in a word , if it be unlawful for man to put asunder that which god hath joyn'd , let man take heede it be not detestable to joyne that by compulsion which god hath put assunder . vers . . they say unto him , why did moses then command to give a writing of divorcement , and to put her away ? vers . . he saith unto them , moses because of the hardnesse of your hearts suffered you to put away your wives , but from the beginning it was not so . [ moses because of the hardnesse of your hearts suffered you . ] henee the divinity now current argues that this judiciall moses is abolisht . but suppose it were so , though it hath bin prov'd otherwise , the firmenesse of such right to divorce as here pleads , is fetcht from the prime institution , does not stand or fall with the judiciall jew , but is as morall as what is moralest . yet as i have shewn positively that this law cannot bee abrogated , both by the words of our saviour pronouncing the contrary , and by that unabolishable equity which it convaies to us , so i shall now bring to view those appearances of strength which are levied from this text to maintaine the most grosse and massy paradox that ever did violence to reason and religion , bred onely under the shadow of these words , to all other piety or philosophy strange and insolent , that god by act of law drew out a line of adultery almost two thousand yeares long : although to detect the prodigy of this surmise , the former booke set forth on this argument hath already beene copious . i shall not repeate much though i might borrow of mine own , but shall endeavour to adde something either yet untoucht , or not largely anough explain'd first it shal be manifest that the common exposition cannot possibly consist with christian doctrine : next a truer meaning of this our saviours reply shall be left in the roome . the receiv'd exposition is , that god though not approving did enact a law to permit adultery by divorcement simply unlawfull . and this conceit they feede with fond supposals that have not the least footing in scripture . as that the jews learnt this custome of divorce in egypt , and therefore god would not unteach it them till christ came , but let it stick as a notorious botch of deformity in the midst of his most perfect and severe law . and yet he saith , levit. the th after the doings of egypt ye shall not do . another while they invent a slander ( as what thing more bold then teaching ignorance when he shifts to hide his nakednes ) that the jews were naturally to their wives the cruellest men in the world ; would poison , braine , and doe i know not what , if they might not divorce . certain , if it were a fault heavily punisht , to bring an evill report upon the land which god gave , what is it to raise a groundles calumny against the people which god made choise of ? but that this bold interpretament , how commonly so ever sided with , cannot stand a minute with any competent reverence to god or his law , or his people , nor with any other maxim of religion , or good manners , might bee prov'd through all the heads and topics of argumentation : but i shall willingly bee as concise as possible . first the law , not onely the moral , but the judicial given by moses is just and pure ; for such is god who gave it . harken o israel , saith moses , dent. . unto the statutes and the judgements which i teach you , to doe them , that ye may live , &c. ye shall not adde unto the word which j command you , neither shall ye diminish ought from it , that ye may keepe the commandements of the lord your god which i command you . and onward in the chapter , behold i have taught you statutes and judgements , even as the lord my god commanded me . keepe therefore and doe them , for this is your wisedome and your understanding . for what nation hath god so nigh unto them , and what-nation hath statutes and judgements so righteous as all this law which i set before ye this day . is it imaginable there should bee among these a law which god allow'd not , a law giving permissions laxative to unmarry a wife and marry a lust , a law to suffer a kind of tribunall adultery ? many other scriptures might be brought to assert the purity of this judicial law , and many i have alleg'd before ; this law therefore is pure and just . but if it permit , if it teach , if it defend that which is both unjust and impure , as by the common doctrine it doth , what thinke we ? the three generall doctrines of justinians law , are to live in honesty , to hurt no man , to give every one his due . shall the roman civil law observe these three things , as the onely end of law , and shall a statute be found in the civil law of god , enacted simply and totally against all these three precepts of nature and morality ? secondly , the gifts of god are all perfet , and certainely the law is of all his other gifts one of the perfetest . but if it give that outwardly which it takes away really , & give that seemingly , which , if a man take it , wraps him into sinne and damns him , what gift of an enemy can be more dangerous and destroying then this . thirdly , moses every where commends his lawes , preferrs them before all of other nations , and warrants them to be the way of life and safety to all that walke therein , levit. . but if they containe statutes which god approves not , and traine men unweeting to committ injustice and adultery , under the shelter of law , if those things bee sin , and death sins wages , what is this law but the snare of death ? fourthly , the statutes and judgements of the lord , which without exception are often told us to be such , as doing wee may live by them , are doubtles to be counted the rule of knowledge and of conscience . for i had not known lust , saith the apostle , but by the law . but if the law come downe from the state of her incorruptible majesty to grant lust his boon , palpably it darkns and confounds both knowledge and conscience ; it goes against the common office of all goodnes and freindlinesse , wich is at lest to counsel and admonish ; it subverts the rules of all sober education ; and is it selfe a most negligent and debaushing tutor . fiftly , if the law permit a thing unlawfull , it permitts that which else where it hath forbid ; so that hereby it contradicts it selfe , and transgresses it selfe . but if the law become a transgressor , it stands guilty to it selfe , and how then shall it save another ; it makes a confederacy with sin , how then can it justly condemne a sinner ? and thus reducing it selfe to the stateof neither saving nor condemning , it will not faile to expire solemnely ridiculous . sixtly , the prophets in scripture declare severely against the decreeing of that which is unjust , psal . . . isaiah the th . but it was done , they say , for heardnesse of heart ; to which objection the apostles rule , not to doe evill that good may come thereby , gives an invincible repuls ; and here especially , where it cannot be shewn how any good came by doing this evil , how rather more evil did not hereon abound ; for the giving way to hardnesse of heart hard'ns the more , and adds more to the number . god to an evil and adulterous generation would not grant a signe ; much lesse would he for their hardnesse of heatt pollute his law with an adulterous permission . yea but to permitt evil is not to doe evil . yes , it is in a most eminent manner to doe evil : where else are all our grave and faithfull sayings , that he whose office is to forbid and forbids not , bids , exhorts , encourages . why hath god denounc'd his anger against parents , maisters , freinds , magistrates neglectfull of forbidding what they ought , if law the common father , maister , friend , and perpetuall magistrate shall not onely not forbidd , but enact , exhibit , and uphold with countnance and protection a deede every way dishonest , what ever the pretence be . if it were of those inward vices , which the law cannot by outward constraint remedy , but leaves to conscience and perswasion , it had bin guiltlesse in being silent : but to write a decree of that which can be no way lawfull , and might with ease be hinder'd , makes law by the doome of law it selfe accessory in the highest degree . seventhly , it makes god the direct author of sin , for although he bee not made the authour of what he silently permitts in his providence , yet in his law , the image of his will , when in plaine expression he constitutes and ordaines a fact utterly unlawfull , what wants hee to authorize it , and what wants that to be the author ? eightly , to establish by law a thing wholy unlawfull and dishonest , is an affirmation was never heard of before in any law , reason , philosophy , or religion , till it was rais'd by inconsideratglossists from the mistake of this text . and though the civilians have bin contented to chew this opinion , after the canon had subdu'd them , yet they never could bring example or authority either from divine writt , or human learning , or human practice in any nation , or well-form'd republick , but only from the customary abuse of this text . usually they allege the epistle of cicero to atticus ; wherein cato is blam'd for giving sentence to the scumme of romulus , as if he were in plato's common wealth . cato would have call'd some great one into judgemēt for bribery , cicero as the time stood , advis'd against it . cato , not to endammage the public treasury , would not grant to the roman knights , that the asian taxes might bee farm'd them at a lesse rate . cicero wisht it granted . nothing in all this will bee like the establishing of a law to sinne : here are no lawes made , here onely the execution of law is crav'd might be suspended : between which and our question is a broad difference . and what if human law givers have confest they could not frame their lawes to that perfection which they desir'd , we heare of no such confession from moses concerning the lawes of god , but rather all praise and high testimony of perfection given them . and although mans nature cannot beare exactest lawes , yet still within the confines of good it may and must ; so long as lesse good is far anough from altogether evil . as for what they instance of usury , let them first prove usury to be wholly unlawfull , as the law allowes it ; which learned men as numerous on the other side will deny them . or if it be altogether unlawfull , why is it tolerated more then divorce ? he who said divorse not , said also lend hoping for nothing againe , luk. . . but then they put in , that trade could not stand . and so to serve the commodity of insatiable trading , usury shall be permitted , but divorce , the onely meanes oft times to right the innocent , & outrageously wrong'd , shall be utterly forbid . this is egregious doctrine , and for which one day charity will much thanke them . beza not finding how to salve this perplexity , and cameron since him , would secure us ; although the latter confesses that to permit a wicked thing by law , is a wickednesse from which god abhorrs ; yet to limit sin , and prescribe it a certaine measure , is good . first this evasion will not helpe heere ; for this law bounded no man ; he might put away whatever found not favour in his eyes . and how could it forbid to divorce , whom it could not forbidd to dislike , or command to love . if these be the limits of law to restraine sinne , who so lame a sinner but may hoppe over them more easily then over those romulean circumscriptions , not as remus did with hard succes , but with all indemnity . such a limiting as this were not worth the mischeif that accompanies it . this law therefore not bounding the supposed sinne , by permitting enlarges it , gives it enfranchisement . and never greater confusion , then when law and sin move their land markes , mixe their territories , and correspond , have intercourse and traffic together . when law contracts a kindred and hospitality with transgression , becomes the godfather of sinne and names it lawfull ; when sin revels and gossips within the arcenal of law , plaies , and dandles the artillery of justice that should be bent against her , this is a faire limitation indeede . besides it is an absurdity to say that law can measure sin , or moderate sin ; sin is not in a predicament to be measur'd and modify'd , but is alwaies an excesse . the least sinne that is , exceeds the measure of the largest law that can bee good ; and is as boundlesse as that vacuity beyond the world . if once it square to the measure of law , it ceases to be an excesse , and consequently ceases to be a sinne ; or else law conforming it selfe to the obliquity of sin , betraies it selfe to be not strait , but crooked , and so immediatly no law . and the improper conceit of moderating sin by law will appeare , if wee can imagin any lawgiver so senselesse as to decree that so farre a man may steale , and thus farre bee drunk , that moderately he may cozen , and moderatly committ adultery . to the same extent it would be as pithily absurd to publish that a man may moderately divorce , if to doe that be intirely naught . but to end this moot , the law of moses is manifest to fixe no limit therein at all , or such at lest as impeaches the fraudulent abuser no more then if it were not set ; only requires the dismissive writing without other caution , leaves that to the inner man , and the barre of conscience . but it stopt other sins . this is as vaine as the rest , and dangerously uncertain : the contrary to be fear'd rather , that one sin admitted courteously by law , open'd the gate to another . however evil must not be don for good . and it were a fall to be lamented , an indignity unspeakable , if law should becom tributary to sin her slave , and forc't to yeild up into his hands her awfull minister punishment , should buy out her peace with sinne for sinne , paying as it were her so many philistian foreskins to the proud demand of trangression . but suppose it any way possible to limit sinne , to put a girdle about that chaos , suppose it also good ; yet if to permitt sin by law bee an abomination in the eyes of god , as cameron acknowledges , the evil of permitting will eate out the good of limiting . for though sin be not limited , there can but evil come out of evil ; but if it be permitted & decreed lawfull by divine law , of force then sin must proceed from the infinit good , which is a dreadfull thought . but if the restraining of sinne by this permission beeing good , as this author testifies , be more good then the permission of more sin by the restraint of divorce , and that god waighing both these like two ingots in the perfet scales of his justice and providence found them so , and others coming without authority from god , shall change this counter poise , and judge it better to let fin multiply by setting a judicial restraint upon divorce , which christ never set , then to limit sin by this permission , as god himselfe thought best to permitt it , it will behoove them to consult betimes whether these their ballances be not fals and abominable ; and this their limiting that which god loosen'd , and their loosning the sinnes that he limited , which they confesse was good to doe : and were it possible to doe by law , doubtlesse it would be most morally good ; and they so beleeving , as we heare they doe , and yet abolishing a law so good and moral , the limiter of sin , what are they else but contrary to themselves ? for they can never bring us to that time wherein it will not be good to limit sinne , and they can never limit it better then so as god prescrib'd in his law . others conceav it a more defensible retirement to say this permission to divorce sinfully for hardnesse of heart was a dispensation . but surely they either know not , or attend not what a dispensation meanes . a dispensation is for no long time , is particular to som persons rather then generall to a whole people ; alwaies hath charity the end , is granted to necessities and infirmities , not to obstinat lust . this permission is another creatnre , hath all those evils and absurdities following the name of a dispensation , as when it was nam'd a law ; and is the very antarctic pole against charity , nothing more advers , ensnaring and ruining those that trust in it , or use it ; so leud and criminous as never durst enter into the head of any politician , jew , or proselyte , till they became the apt schollers of this canonistic exposition . ought in it , that can allude in the lest manner to charity , or goodnes , belongs with more full right to the chrian under grace and liberty , then to the jew under law and bondage . to jewish ignorance it could not be dispenc'd , without a horrid imputation laid upon the law , to dispence fouly , in stead of teaching fairly ; like that dispensation that first polluted christendom with idolatry , permitting to lay men images in stead of bookes and preaching . sloth or malice in the law would they have this calld ? but what ignorance can be pretended for the jewes , who had all the same precepts about mariage , that we now : for christ referrs all to the institution . it was as reasonable for them to know then as for us now , and concern'd them alike : for wherein hath the gospel alter'd the nature of matrimony : all these considerations , or many of them have bin furder amplify'd in the doctrine of divorce . and what rivetus and paraeus hath objected , or giv'n over as past cure hath bin there discusst . whereby it may be plain anough to men of eyes , that the vulgar exposition of a permittance by law to an entire fin , what ever the colour may be , is an opinion both ungodly , unpolitic , unvertuous , and void of all honesty & civil sense . it appertaines therefore to every zealous christian both for the honour of gods law & the vindication of our saviours words , that such an irreligious depravement no longer may be sooth'd and flatter'd through custome , but with all diligence and speed solidly refuted , and in the room a better explanation giv'n ; which is now our next endeavour . [ moses suffer'd you to put away , &c. ] not commanded you , saies the common observer , and therefore car'd not how soon it were abolisht , being but suffer'd ; heerin declaring his annotation to be slight & nothing law prudent . for in this place commanded and suffer'd are interehangeably us'd in the same sense both by our saviour and the pharises . our saviour who heer saith , moses suffer'd you , in the th of marke saith , moses wrote you this command . and the pharisees who heer say , moses commanded , and would mainly have it a command , in that place of marke say moses suffer'd , which had made against them in their owne mouthes , if the word of suffering had weakn'd the command . so that suffer'd and commanded is heer taken for the same thing on both sides of the controversy : as cameron also and others on this place acknowledge . and lawyers know that all the precepts of law are devided into obligatorie and permissive , containing either what we must doe , or what wee may doe ; and of this latter sort are as many precepts , as of the former , and all as lawfull . tutelage , an ordainment then which nothing more just , being for the defence of orfanes , the justitutes of justinian , say is given and permitted by the civil law : and to parents it is permitted to choose and appoint by will the guardians of their children . what more equall , and yet the civil law calls this permission . so likewise to manumise , to adopt , to make a will , and to be made an heire is call'd permission by law . marriage it selfe , and this which is already granted , to divorce for adultery , obliges no man , is but a permission by law , is but suffer'd . by this we may see how weakly it hath bin thought that all divorce is utterly unlawfull , because the law is said to suffer it : whenas to suffer is but the legall phrase denoting what by law a man may doe or not doe . [ because of the hardnesse of your hearts ] hence they argue that therefore he allowd it not ; and therefore it must be abolisht . but the contrary to this will sooner follow , that because he suffer'd it for a cause , therefore in relation to that cause he allow'd it . next , if he in his wisedome , and in the midst of his severity allow'd it for hardnesse of heart , it can be nothing better then arrogance and presumption to take stricter courses against hardnes of heart then god ever set an example and that under the gospel which warrants them to no judicial act of compulsion in this matter , much lesse to be more severe against hardnes of extremity , then god thought good to bee against hardnes of heart . he suffer'd it , rather then worse inconveniences ; these men wiser as they make themselves , will suffer the worst and hainousest inconveniences to follow , rather then they will suffer what god suffer'd . although they can know when they please , that christ spake only to the conscience , did not judge on the civil bench , but alwaies disavow'd it . what can be more contrary to the waies of god then these their doings . if they bee such enemies to hardnes of heart , although this groundlesse rigor proclaims it to be in themselves , they may yet learne , or consider that hardnesse of heart hath a twofould acception in the gospel . one , when it is in a good man taken for infirmity , and imperfection , which was in all the apostles , whose weaknesse only , not utter want of beleef is call'd hardnes of heart , marke . partly for this hardnesse of heart , the imperfection and decay of man from original righteousnesse , it was that god suffer'd not divorce onely , but all that which by civilians is term'd the secondary law of nature and of nations . he suffer'd his owne people to wast and spoyle and slay by warre , to lead captives , to be som maisters , som servants , som to be princes , others to be subjects , hee suffer'd propriety to divide all things by severall possession trade and commerce , not with out usury ; in his comon wealth some to bee undeservedly rich , others to bee undeservingly poore . all which till hardnesse of heart came in , was most unjust ; whenas prime nature made us all equall , made us equall coheirs by common right and dominion over all creatures . in the same manner , and for the same cause hee suffer'd divorce as well as mariage , our imperfet and degenerat condition of necessity requiring this law among the rest , as a remedy against intolerable wrong and servitude above the patience of man to beare . nor was it giv'n only because our infirmity , or if it must be so call'd , hardnesse of heart could not endure all things , but because the hardnes of anothers heart might not inflict all things upon an innocent person , whom far other ends brought into a league of love and not of bondage and indignity . if therefore we abolish divorce as only suffer'd for hardnes of heart , we may as well abolish the whole law of nations , as only sufferd for the same cause ; it being shewn us by saint paul cor. . that the very seeking of a mans right by law , and at the hands of a worldly magistrat , is not without the hardnesse of our hearts . for why doe ye not rather take wrong , saith he , why suffer ye not rather your selves to be defrauded ? if nothing now must be suffer'd for hardnes of heart , i say the very prosecution of our right by way of civil justice can no more bee suffer'd among christians , for the hardnes of heart wherwith most men persue it . and that would next remove all our judiciall lawes , and this restraint of divorce also in the number ; which would more then halfe end the controversy . but if it be plaine that the whole juridical law and civil power is only suffer'd under the gospel , for the hardnes of our hearts , then wherefore should not that which moses suffer'd , be suffer'd still by the same reason ? in a second signification hardnes of heart is tak'n for a stubborne resolution to doe evil . and that god ever makes any law purposely to such , i deny ; for he voutsafes not to enter gov'nant with them , but as they fortune to be mixt with good men , and passe undiscover'd ; much lesse that he should decree an unlawfull thing only to serve their licentiousnes . but that god suffers this reprobate hardnes of heart i affirm , not only in this law of divorce , but throughout all his best and purest commandements . he commands all to worship in singlenes of heart according to all his ordinances ; and yet suffers the wicked man to performe all the rites of religion hypocritically and in the hardnes of his heart . he gives us generall statutes & privileges in all civil matters , just & good of themselves , yet suffers unworthiest men , to use them & by themt , o prosecute their own right , or any colour of right , though for the most part maliciously , covetously , nigorously , revengefully . he allow'd by law the discreet father and husband to forbidd , if he thought fit , the religious vows of his wife or daughter : num. . and in the same law suffer'd the hard heartednes of impious and covetous fathers or husbands abusing this law to forbidd their wives or daughters in their offrings and devotions of greatest zeal . if then god suffer hardnes of heart equally in the best laws as in this of divorce , there can be no reason that for this cause this law should be abolisht . but other lawes , they object , may be well us'd , this never . how often shall i answer both from the institution of mariage , and from other general rules in scripture , that this law of divorce hath many wise and charitable ends besides the being suffer'd for hardnes of heart ; which is indeed no end , but an accident happning through the whole law ; which gives to good men right , and to bad men who abuse right under false pretences , gives only sufferance . now although christ express no other reasons here , but only what was suffer'd , it nothing followes that this law had no other reason to be permitted but for hardnes of heart . the scripture seldome , or never in one place sets down all the reasons of what it grants or commands , especially when it talks to enemies and tempters . st paul permitting mariage , cor. , seems to permit even that also for hardnes of heart only , lest we should run into fornication ; yet no intelligent man thence concludes mariage allow'd in the gospel only to avoid an evill , because no other end is there exprest . thus moses of necessity suffer'd many to put away their wives for hardnesse of heart ; but enacted the law of divorce doubtles for other good causes , not for this only sufferance . he permitted not divorce by law as an evil , for that was impossible to divine law , but permitted by accident the evil of them who divorc't against the lawes intention undiscoverably this also may be thought not improbably , that christ stirr'd up in his spirit against these tempting pharises , answer'd them in a certain forme of indignation usual among good authors ; wherby the question , or the truth is not directly answer'd , but som thing which is fitter for them , who aske , to heare . so in the ecclesiastical stories one demanding how god imploy'd himself before the world was made , had āswer ; that he was making hel for curious questioners . another ( and libanius the sophist as i remember ) asking in derision som christian , what the carpenter , meaning our saviour , was doing , now that julian so prevail'd , had it return'd him , that the carpenter was making a coffin for the apostat . so christ being demanded maliciously why moses made the law of divorce , answers them in a vehement scheme , not telling them the cause why he made it , but what was fittest to be told them , that for the hardnes of their hearts he suffer'd them to abuse it . and all beit mark say not he suffer'd you , but to you he wrote this precept ; mark may be warrantably expounded by mathew the larger . and whether he suffer'd , or gave precept , being all one as was heard , it changes not the trope of indignation , fittest account for such askers . next for the hardnes of your hearts to you he wrote this precept , inferrs not therfore for this cause only he wrote it , as was parallell'd by other scriptures . lastly , it may be worththe observing , that christ speaking to the pharises does not say in general that for hardnes of heart he gave this precept , but you he suffer'd , & to you he gave this precept for your hardnes of heart . it cannot be easily thought that christ heer included all the children of israel under the person of these tempting pharises but that he conceals wherefore he gave the better sort of them this law , and expresses by saying emphatically to you how he gave it to the worser , such as the pharises best represented , that is to say for the hardnes of your hearts : as indeed to wicked men and hardn'd hearts he gives the whole law and the gospel also , to hard'n them the more . thus many waies it may orthod oxally be understood how god or moses suffer'd such as the demanders were , to divorce for hardnes of heart . whereas the vulgar expositer beset with contradictions and absurdities round , and resolving at any peril to make an exposition of it , as there is nothing more violent and boistrous then a reverend ignorance in fear to be convicted , rushes brutely and impetuously against all the principles both of nature , piety , and moral goodnes ; and in the sury of his literal expounding overturns them all . [ but from the the beginning it was not so . ] not how from the beginning doe they suppose , that men might not divorce at all , not necessarily , not deliberatly except for adultery , but that som law , like canon law presently attacht them both before and after the flood , till stricter moses came , and with law brought licence into the world ? that were a fancy indeed to smile at . undoubtedly as to point of judiciall law , divorce was more permissive from the beginning before moses then under moses . but from the beginning , that is to say , by the institution in paradice it was not intended that matrimony should dissolve for every trivial cause as you pharises accustome . but that it was not thus suffer'd from the beginning ever since the race of men corrupted , & laws were made , he who will affirme , must have found out other antiquities then are yer known . besides we must consider now , what can be so as from the beginning , not only what should be so . in the beginning , had men continu'd perfet , it had bin just that all things should have remain'd , as they began to adam & eve. but after that the sons of men grew violent & injurious , it alter'd the lore of justice , and put the goverment of things into a new frame . while man and woman were both perfet each to other , there needed no divorce ; but when they both degenerated to imperfection , & oft times grew to be an intolerable evil each to other , then law more justly did permitt the alienating of that evil which mistake made proper , then it did the appropriating of that good which nature at first made common . for if the absence of outward good be not so bad as the presence of a close evil , & that propriety , whether by cov'nant or possession , be but the attainment of some outward good , it is more natural & righteous that the law should sever us from an intimat evil , then appropriate any outward good to us from the community of nature . the gospel indeed tending ever to that which is perfetest , aim'dat the restorement of all things , as they were in the beginning . and therefore all things were in common to those primitive christians in the acts , which ananias & sapphira dearly felt . that custome also continu'd more or less till the time of justin martyr , as may be read in his d apology , which might be writt after that act of communion perhaps some . . yeares above a hunder'd . but who will be the man shall introduce this kind of common wealth , as christianity now goes ? if then mariage must be as in the beginning , the persons that marry must be such as then were , the institution must make good , in som tolerable sort , what it promises toeeither party . if not , it is but madnes to drag this one ordinance back to the beginning , and draw down all other to the present necessity , and condition farre from the beginning even to the tolerating of extortions and opp ressions . christ only told us that from the beginning it was not so ; that is to say , not so as the pharises manu●'d the busines ; did not command us that it should be forcibly so again in all points , as at the beginning ; or so at least in our intentions and desires , but so in execution , as reason , and present nature can bear . although we are not to seek , that the institution it selfe from the first beginning was never but conditional , as all cov'nants are : because thus and thus , therefore so and so ; if not thus , then not so . then moreover was perfetest to fulfill each law in it selfe ; now is perfetest in this estate of things , to ask of charity how much law may be fulfill'd : els the fulfilling , oft times is the greatest breaking . if any therefore demand , which is now most perfection , to ease an extremity by divorce , or to enrage and fester it by the greevous observance of a miserable wedloc , i am not destitute to say which is most perfection ( although som who beleev they thinke favourably of divorce , esteem it only venial to infirmity ) him i hold more in the way to perfection who forgoes an unfit ungodly & discordant wedloc , to live according to peace & love , & gods institution in a fitter chois , then he who debarrs himself the happy experience of all godly , which is peaceful conversatiō in his family , to live a contentious , and unchritian life not to be avoided , in temptations not to be liv'd in , only for the fals keeping of a most unreal nullity , a mariage that hath no affinity with gods intention , a daring phantasm , a meer toy of terror awing weak senses , to the lamentable superstition of ruining themselves , the remedy wherof god in his law voutsafes us . which not to dare use , he warranting , is not our perfection , is our infirmity , our little faith , our timorous and low conceit of charity : and in them who force us , it is their masking pride and vanity , to seem holier & more circumspect then god. so far is it that we need impute to him infirmity , who thus divorces : since the rule of perfection is not so much that which was don in the beginning , as that which now is nearest to the rule of charity . this is the greatest , the perfetest , the highest commandment . v. . and i say unto you , who so shall put away his wife , except it be for fornication , and shall marry another , committeth adultery ; and whose marrieth her which is put away , doth commit adultery . [ and i say unto you ] that this restrictive denouncement of christ contradicts and refutes that permissive precept of moses , common expositers themselves disclaime : and that it does not traverse from the closet of conscience to the courts of civil or canon law , with any christian rightly commenc't requires not long evincing . if christ then did not heer check permissive moses , nor did reduce matrimony to the beginning more then all other things , as the reason of mans condition could beare , we would know precisely what it was which he did , and what the end was of his declaring thus austerely against divorce . for this is a confesst oracle in law , that he who lookes not at the intention of a precept , the more superstitions he is of the letter , the more he misinterprets . was it to shame moses ? that had beene monstrous : or all those purest ages of israel , to whom the permission was granted ? that were as incredible . or was it that he who came to abrogate the burden of law , not the equity , should put this yoke upon a blamelesse person , to league himselfe in chaines with a begirting mischeif , not to separat till death ? hee who taught us that no man puts a peece of new cloth upon an old garment , nor new wine into old bottles , that he should sow this patch of strictnes upon the old apparel of our frailty , to make a rent more incurable , when as in all other amendments his doctrine still charges , that regard be had to the garment , and to the vessel , what it can endure ; this were an irregular and single peece of rigor , not onely sounding disproportion to the whole gospel , but outstretching the most rigorous nervs of law and rigor it selfe . no other end therefore can bee left imaginable of this excessive restraint , but to bridle those erroneous and licentious postillers the pharises ; not by telling them what may bee done in necessity , but what censure they deserve who divorce abusively , which their tetrarch had done . and as the offence was in one extreme , so the rebuke , to bring more efficaciously to a rectitude and mediocrity , stands not in the middle way of duty , but in the other extreme . which art of powerfull reclaiming , wisest men have also taught in their ethical precepts and gnomologies ; resembling it , as when wee bend a crooked wand the contrary way ; not that it should stand so bent , but that the overbending might reduce it to a straitnesse by its own reluctance . and as the physician cures him who hath tak'n down poyson , not by the middling temper of nourishment , but by the other extreme of antidote , so christ administers heer a sharpe & corrosive sentence against a foul and putrid licence ; not to eate into the flesh , but into the sore . and knowing that our divines through all their comments make no scruple , where they please , to soften the high and vehem ent speeches of our saviour , which they call hyperbolics , why in this one text should they be such crabbed masorites of the letter , as not to mollifie a transcendence of literal rigidity , which they confesse to find often elsewhere in his manner of delivery , but must make their exposition heer such an obdurat cyclops , to have but one eye for this text , and that onely open to cruelty and enthralment , such as no divine , or human law before ever heard of . no , let the foppish canouist with his fardel of matrimonial cases goe and be vendible where men bee so unhappy as to cheap'n him ; the words of christ shall be asserted from such elementall notaries , and resolv'd by the now-only lawgiving mouth of charity ; which may be done undoubtedly by understanding them as followes . [ whosoever shall put away his wife . ] that is to say , shall so away as the propounders of this question , the pharisees were wont to doe and covertly defended herod for so doing ; whom to rebuke , our saviour heer mainely intends , and not to determine all the cases of divorce , as appeares by saint paul. whosoever shall put away , either violently without mutuall consent for urgent reasons , or conspiringly by plot of lust , or cunning malice , shall put away for any sudden mood , or contingency of disagreement , which is not daily practice , but may blow soone over , and be reconcil'd , except it bee fornication ; whosoever shall put away rashly , as his choler prompts him , without due time of deliberating , and thinke his conscience discharg'd only by the bill of divorce giv'n , and the outward law satisfi'd ; whosoever lastly shall put away his wife , that is a wife indeede , & not in name only , such a one who both can and is willing to bee a meet helpe toward the cheif ends of mariage both civil , and sanctify'd , except fornication be the cause , that man , or that pair committ adulcery . not he who puts away by mutuall consent , with all the considerations and respects of humanity and gentlenesse without malicious or lustfull drift . not he who after sober and coole experience , and long debate within himself puts away whom though he cannot love or suffer as a wife , with that sincere affection that marriage requires , yet loves at lest with that civility and goodnesse , as not to keepe her under a neglected and unwelcom residence , where nothing can be hearty , and not beeing , it must needs bee both unjoyous and injurious to any perceaving person so detain'd , and more injurious , then to be freely , and upon good termes dismist . nor doth hee put away adulterously who complaines of causes rooted in immutable nature , utter unfitnesse , utter disconformity , not concileable , because not to be amended without a miracle . nor hee who puts away an unquenshable vexation from his bosom , and flies an evil then which a greater cannot befall human society . nor hee who puts away with the the full suffrage and applause of his conscience , not relying on the writt'n bill of law , but claiming by faith and fulnes of perswasion the rights and promises of gods institution , of which hee finds himselfe in a mistak'n wedlock defrauded . doubtlesse this man hath baile anough to bee no adulterer giving divorc : for these causes . [ his wife . ] this word is not to be idle here , a meere word without a sense , much lesse a fallacious word signifying contrary to what it pretends ; but faithfully signifies a wife , that is , a comfortable helpe and society , as god instituted ; does not signify deceitfully under this name , an intolerable adversary , not a helpelesse , unaffectionate and sullen masse whose very company represents the visible and exactest figure of lonelines it selfe . such an associate he who puts away , divorces not a wife , but disjoyns a nullity which god never joyn'd , if she be neither willing , nor to her proper and requisite duties sufficient , as the words of god institute her . and this also is bucers explicat●on of this place . [ except it bee for fornication , or saving for the cause of fornication , as matt. th . this declares what kind of causes our saviour meant ; fornication being no natural and perpetual cause , but onely accidental and temporary ; therefore shewes that head of causes from whence it is excepted , to bee meant of the same sort . for exceptions are not logically deduc't from a divers kind , as to say who so puts away for any naturall cause except fornication , the exception would want salt . and if they understand it , who so for any cause what ever , they cast themselves ; granting divorce for frigidity a naturall cause of their own allowing , though not heer exprest , and for desertion without infidelity when as he who marries , as they allow him for a desertion , deserts as well as is deserted , and finally puts away , for another cause besides adultery . it will with all due reason therefore be thus better understood , who so puts away for any accidental and temporary causes , except one of them , which is fornication . thus this exception finds out the causes from whence it is excepted , to be of the same kind , that is , casuall , not continuall . [ saving for the cause of fornication . ] the new testament , though it be said originally writt in greeke , yet hath nothing neer so many atticisms as hebraisms , & syriacisms which was the majesty of god , not filing the tongue of scripture to a gentilish idiom , but in a princely manner offring to them as to gentiles and foreiners grace and mercy , though not in forein words , yet in a forein stile that might induce them to the fountaines ; and though their calling were high and happy , yet still to acknowledge gods ancient people their betters , and that language the metropolitan language . he therefore who thinks to scholiaze upon the gospel , though greek , according to his greek analogies , and hath not bin auditor to the oriental dialects , shall want in the heat of his analysis no accomodation to stumble . in this place , as the th of matth , reads it , saving for the cause of fornication , the greek , such as it is , sounds it , except for the word , report , speech , or proportion of fornication . in which regard with other inducements , many ancient and learned writers have understood this exception as comprehending any fault equivalent and proportional to fornication but truth is , the evangelist heer hebraizes , taking word or speech for cause or matter in the common eastern phrase , meaning perhaps no more then if he had said for fornication , as in this th chapter . and yet the word is found in the th of exodus also fignifying proportion ; where the israelites are commanded to doe their tasks , the matter of each day in his day . a task we know is a proportion of work not doing the same thing absolutely every day , but so much . whereby it may be doubtfull yet , whether heer be not excepted not only fornication it self , but other causes equipollent , and proportional to fornication . which very word also to understand rightly , wee must of necessity have recours again to the ebrew . for in the greek and latin sense by fornication is meant the common prostitution of body for sale . so that they who are so exact for the letter , shall be dealt with by the lexicon , and the etymologicon too if they please , and must be bound to forbidd divorce for adultery also , untill it come to open whoredom and trade , like that for which claudius divorc't messalina . since therfore they take not heer the word fornication in the common significance , for an open exercise in the stews , but grant divorce for one single act of privatest adultery , notwithstanding that the word speakes a public and notorious frequency of fact , not without price , we may reason with as good leav , and as little straining to the text , that our saviour on set purpose chose this word fornication , improperly appli'd to the lapse of adultery , that we might not think our selvs bound from all divorce , except when that fault hath bin actually committed . for the language of scripture signifies by fornication ( and others beside st. austin so expounded it ) not only the trespas of body nor perhaps that between maried persons , unlesse in a degree or quality as shameles as the bordello , but signifies also any notable disobedience , or intractable cariage of the wife to the husband , as judg. the . whereof at large in the doctrin of divorce . l. . c. secondly signifies the apparent alienation of mind not to idolatry , ( which may seeme to answer the act of adultery ) but farre on this side , to any point of will worship , though to the true god ; some times it notes the love of earthly things , or worldly pleasures though in a right beleever , some times the least suspicion of unwitting idolatry . as num. . . willsull disobedience to any the least of gods commandements is call'd fornication . psal . . , . a distrust only in god , and withdrawing from that neernes of zeal and confidence which ought to be , is call'd fornication . we may be sure it could not import thus much less then idolatry in the borrow'd metaphor between god and man , unless it signifi'd as much less then adultery in the ordinary acception between man and wife . adde also that there was no need our saviour should grant divorce for adultery , it being death by law , and law then in force . which was the cause why joseph sought to put away his betrothed wife privately , least he should make her an example of capitall punishment , as lernedest expounders affirm , herod being a great zelot of the mosaic law , and the pharises great maisters of the text , as the woman tak'n in adultery doubtless had cause to fear . or if they can prove it was neglected , which they cannot doe , why did our saviour shape his answer to the corruption of that age , and not rather tell them of their neglect ? if they say he came not to meddle with their judicatures , much less then was it in his thought to make them new ones , or that divorce should be judicially restrain'd in a stricter manner by these his words , more then adultery judicially acquitted by those his words to the adultres . his sentence doth no more by law forbidd divorce heer , then by law it doth absolve adultery there . to them therefore , who have drawn this yoke upon christians from his words thus wrested , nothing remaines but the guilt of a presumption and perversnes which will be hard for them to answer . thus much that the word fornication is to be understood as the language of christ understands it , for a constant alienation and disaffection of mind , or for the continual practise of disobedience and crossnes from the duties of love and peace , that is in summ , when to be a tolerable wife is either naturally not in their power , or obstinatly not in their will , and this opinion also is st. austins , least it should hap to be suspected of novelty . yet grant the thing heer meant were only adultery , the reason of things will afford more to our assertion , then did the reason of words . for why is divorce unlawfull but only for adultery ? because , say they , that crime only breaks the matrimony . but this , i reply , the institution itselfe gainsaies : for that which is most contrary to the words and meaning of the institution , that most breaks the matrimony ; but a perpetuall unmeetnes and unwillingnesse to all the duties of helpe , of love and tranquillity is most contrary to the words and meaning of the institution ; that therefore much more breaks matrimony then the act of adultery though repeated . for this , as it is not felt , nor troubles him who perceaves it not , so beeing perceav'd , may be soon repented , soon amended , soon , if it can be pardon'd , may be redeem'd w th the more ardent love and duty in her who hath the pardon . but this naturall unmeetnes both cannot be unknown long , and ever after cannot be amended , if it be natural , and will not , if it be farregon obstinat . so that wanting ought in the instant to be as great a breach as adultery , it gains it in the perpetuity to be greater . next adultery does not exclude her other fitnes , her other pleasingnes ; she may be otherwise both loving and prevalent , as many adultresses be ; but in this general unfitnes or alienation she can be nothing to him that can please . in adultery nothing is given from the husband , which he misses , or enjoyes the less , as it may be suttly giv'n : but this unfitnes defrauds him of the whole contentment which is sought in wedloc . and what benefit to him , though nothing be giv'n by the stealth of adultery to another , if that which there is to give , whether it be solace , or society , be not such as may justly content him ? and so not only deprives him of what it should give him , but gives him sorrow and affliction , which it did not ow him . besides is adultery the greatest breach of matrimony in respect of the offence to god , or of the injury to man ? if in the former , then other sins may offend god more , and sooner cause him to disunite his servant from being one flesh with such an offender . if in respect of the latter , other injuries are demonstrated therein more heavy to mans nature then the iterated act of adultery . god therfore in his wisedom would not so dispose his remedies , as to provide them for the less injuries , and not allow them for the greater . thus is won both from the word fornication , & the reason of adultery , that the exception of divorce is not limitted to that act , but enlarg'd to the causes above specify'd . [ and who so marieth her which is put away doth committ adultery . by this clause alone , if by nothing els , we may assure us , that christ intended not to deliver heer the whole doctrin of divorce , but only to condemn abuses . otherwise to marry after desertion , which the apostle , and the reformed churches at this day permitt , is heer forbid , as adultery . be she never so wrongfully deserted , or put away , as the law then suffer'd , if thus forsak'n and expulst , she accept the refuge and protection of any honester man who would love her better , and give her self in mariage to him , by what the letter guides us , it shall be present adultery to them both . this is either harsh and cruel , or all the churches teaching as they doe the contrary , are loos and remiss ; besides that the apostle himselfe stands deeply fin'd in a contradiction against our saviour . what shall we make of this ? what rather the common interpreter can make of it , for they be his own markets , let him now trie ; let him trie which way he can wind in his vertumnian distinctions and evasions , if his canonical gabardine of text and letter do not now sit too close about him , and pinch his activity ; which if i erre not , hath heer hamper'd it selfe in a springe fitt for those who put their confidence in alphabets . spanheim a writer of evangelic doubts comes now and confesses that our saviours words are to be limited beyond the limitation there exprest and excepted beyond their own exception , as not speaking of what happn'd rarely , but what most commonly . is it so rare spanheim , to be deserted , or was it then so rare to put away injuriously , that a person so hatefully expell'd , should to the heaping of more injury be turn'd like an infectious thing out of all maried fruition upon pain of adultery , as not considerable to the brevity of this halfe sentence ? of what then speakes our saviour ? of that collusion , saith he , which was then most frequent among the jews of changing wives and husbands , through inconstancy and unchast desires . colluders your selves , as violent to this law of god by your unmercifull binding , as the pharises by their unbounded loosning ! have thousands of christian souls perisht as to this life , and god knows what hath betided their consciences , for want of this healing explanation , and is it now at last obscurely drawn forth , only to cure a scratch , and leave the main wound spouting ? who so ever putteth away his wife except for fornication committeth adultery ; that shall be spoke of all ages , and all men , though never so justly otherwise mov'd to divorce : in the very next breath , and who so marieth her which is put away committeth adultery , the men are new and miraculous , they tell you now you are to limit it to that age , when it was in fashion to chop matrimonies ; and must be meant of him who puts away with his wives consent through the lightnes , and leudnes of them both . but what rule of logic , or indeed of reason is our commission to understand the anteeedent one way and the consequent another ; for in that habitude this whole vers may be fider'd : or at least to take the parts of a copulat axiom , both absolutely affirmative , and to say the first is absolutely true , the other not , but must bee limited to a certain time and custome ; which is no lesse then to say they are both false . for in this compound axiom , be the parts never so many , if one of them doe but falter , & be not equally absolute and generall , the rest are all fals . if therefore , that he who marries her which is put away committs adultery , be not generally true , neither is it generally true that he committs adultery who puts away for other cause then fornication . and if the marrying her which is put away must be understood limited , which they cannot but yeild it must , with the same limitation must be understood the putting away . thus doth the common exposition confound it selfe , and justify this which is heer brought ; that our saviour as well in the first part of this sentence as in the second , prohibited onely such divorses as the jewes then made through malice or through plotted licence , not those which are for necessary and just causes ; where charity and wisedome disjoyns , that which not god , but error and disastre joyn'd . and there is yet to this our exposition , a stronger siding freind , then any can be an adversary , unlesse saint paul be doubted , who repeating a command concerning divorce , cor. . which is agreed by writers to be the same with this of our saviour , and appointing that the wife remaine unmaried , or be reconcil'd to her husband , leavs it infallible that our saviour spake cheifly against putting away for casual and choleric disagreements , or any other cause which may with human patience and wisedom be reconcil'd , not hereby meaning to hale and dash together the irreconcilable aversations of nature , nor to tie up a faultlesse person like a parricide , as it were into one sack with an enemy , to be his causelesse tormenter and executioner the length of a long life . lastly , let this sentence of christ bee understood how it will , yet that it was never intended for a judicial law , to be inforc'd by the magistrat , besides that the office of our saviour had no such purpose in the gospel , this latter part of the sentence may assure us , and who so marrieth her which is put away committs adultery . shall the exception for adultery belong to this clause or not ? if not , it would be strange , that he who marries a woman really divorc't for adultery , as christ permitted , should become an adulter by marrying one who is now no other mans wife , himself being also free , who might by this meanes reclaim her from common whordome . and if the exception must belong hither , then it followes that he who marries an adultresse divorc'd , commits no adultry ; which would soone discover to us what an absurd and senseles peece of injustice this would be , to make a civil statute of , in penal courts : whereby the adultresse put away may marry another safely , and without a crime to him that marries her : but the innocent and wrongfully divorc'd shall not marry again without the guilt of adultery both to her selfe and to her second husband . this saying of christ therefore cannot be made a temporal law , were it but for this reason . nor is it easie to say what coherence there is at all in it from the letter , to any perfet sense not obnoxious to som absurdity , and seems much lesse agreeable to what ever els of the gospel is left us written ; doubtles by our saviour spok'n in that fiercenes and abstruse intricacy , first to amuse his tempters , and admonish in general the abusers of that mosaic law ; next to let herod know a second knower of his unlawfull act , though the baptist were beheaded ; last that his disciples and all good men might learne to expound him in this place , as in all other his precepts , not by the written letter , but by that unerring paraphrase of christian love and charity , which is the summe of all commands , and the perfection . vers . . his disciples say unto him , if the case of the man be so with his wife , it is not good to marry . this verse i adde , to leave no objection behind unanswer'd : for some may thinke , if this our saviours sentence be so faire , as not commanding ought that patience or nature cannot brook , why then did the disciples murmur and say , it is not good to marry . i answer that the disciples had bin longer bred up under the pharisaean doctrin , then under that of christ , and so no marvel though they yet retain'd the infection of loving old licentious customs ; no marvel though they thought it hard they might not for any offence that throughly anger'd them , divorce a wife , as well as put away a servant ; since it was but giving her a bill , as they were taught . secondly , it was no unwonted thing with them not to understand our saviour in matters farre easier . so that bee it granted their conceit of this text was the same which is now commonly conceiv'd , according to the usuall rate of their capacity then , it will not hurt a better interpretation . but why did not christ seeing their error informe them ? for good cause ; it was his profest method not to teach them all things at all times , but each thing in due place and season . christ said luke . that hee who had no sword should sell his garment and buy one : the disciples tooke it in a manifest wrong sense , yet our saviour did not there informe them better . he told them it was easier for a camell to go through a needles eye , then a rich man in at heav'n gate . they were amaz'd exceedingly : he explain'd himselfe to meane of those who trust in riches , mark . they were amaz'd then out of measure , for so marke relates it ; as if his explaining had increas'd their amazement , in such a plaine case , and which concern'd so neerely their calling to be inform'd in good reason therefore , if christ at that time did not stand amplifying , to the thick prejudice and tradition where in they were , this question of more difficulty , and lesse concernment to any perhaps of them in particular . yet did he not omitt to sow within them the seeds of a sufficient determining , agen the time that his promis'd spirit should bring all things to their memory . hee had declar'd in their hearing not long before , how distant hee was from abolishing the law it selfe of divorce ; hee had referr'd them to the institution ; and after all this , gives them a set answer , from which they might collect what was cleer anough , that all men cannot receive all sayings , verse . if such regard bee had to each mans receiving of mariage or single life , what can arise , that the same christian regard should not bee had in most necessary divorce ? all which instructed both them and us , that it beseem'd his disciples to learne the deciding of this question , which hath nothing new in it , first by the institution , then by the generall grounds of religion , not by a particular saying here or there , temper'd and level'd only to an incident occasion , the riddance of a tempting assault . for what can this bee but weake and shallow apprehension , to forsake the standard principles of institution , faith , & charity ; then to be blanke & various at every occurrence in scripture , and in a cold spasm of scruple , to reare peculiar doctrines upon the place ; that shall bid the gray autority of most unchangeable and sovran rules to stand by & be contradicted . thus to this evangelic precept of famous difficulty , which for these many ages weakly understood , and violently put in practice , hath made a shambles rather then an ordinance of matrimony , i am firme a truer exposition cannot be given . if this or that argument heer us'd , please not every one , there is no scarsity of arguments , any halfe of them will suffice , or should they all faile , as truth it selfe can faile as soon , i should content me with the institution alone to wage this controversie , and not distrust to evince . if any need it not , the happier ; yet christians ought to study earnestly what may be anothers need . but if , as mortall mischances are , som hap to need it , let them be sure they abuse not , and give god his thanks , who hath reviv'd this remedy , not too late for them , and scowr'd off an inveterat misexposition from the gospel : a work not to perish by the vaine breath or doome of this age . our next industry shall bee , under the same guidance , to try with what fidelity that remaining passage in the epistles touching this matter , hath bin commented . cor. . , &c. . and unto the maried i command , &c. . and let not the husband put away his wife . this intimates but what our saviour taught before , that divorce is no rashly to be made , but reconcilement to be persuaded and endevo'rd , as oft as the cause can have to doe with reconcilement , & is not under the dominion of blameles nature ; which may have reason to depart though seldomest and last from charitable love , yet somtimes from friendly , and familiar , and somthing oftner from conjugal love , which requires not only moral , but natural causes to the making and maintayning ; and may be warrantably excus'd to retire from the deception of what it justly seeks , and the ill requitals which unjustly it finds . for nature hath her zodiac also , keepes her great annual circuit over human things as truly as the sun and planers in the firmament ; hath her anomalies , hath her obliquities in ascensions and declinations , accesses and recesses , as blamelesly as they in heaven . and sitting in her planetary orb with two rains in each hand , one strait , the other loos , tempers the cours of minds as well as bodies to several conjunctions and oppositions , freindly , or unfriendly aspects , consenting oftest with reason , but never contrary . this in the effect no man of meanest reach but daily sees ; and though to every one it appeare not in the cause , yet to a cleare capacity , well nurtur'd with good reading and observation , it cannot but be plaine and visible . other exposition therefore then hath bin given to former places that give light to these two summary verses , will not be needfull : save onely that these precepts are meant to those maried who differ not in religion . [ but to the rest speake i , not the lord ; if any brother hath a wife that beleeveth not , and she be pleased to dwell with him , let him not put her away . now followes what is to be done , if the persons wedded be of a different faith . the common beleef is , that a christian is heer commanded not to divorce , if the infidel please to stay , though it be but to vexe , or to deride , or to seduce the christian . this doctrin will be the easie worke of a refutation . the other opinion is , that a christian is heer conditionally permitted to hold wedloc with a misbeleever only upon hopes limited by christian prudence , which without much difficulty shall be defended . that this heer spoken by paul , not by the lord cannot be a command , these reas avouch . first the law of moses , exod. . . dent. . . . interpreted by ezra , and nehemiah two infallible authors , commands to divorce an infidel not for the feare onely of a ceremonious defilement , but of an irreligious seducem ent , fear'd both in respect of the beleever himselfe , and of his children in danger to bee perverted by the misbeleeving parent . nehem. . . and peter martyr thought this a convincing reason . if therefore the legal pollution vanishing have abrogated the ceremony of this law , so that a christian may be permitted to retaine an infidel without uncleannes , yet the moral reason of divorcing stands to eternity , which neither apostle nor angel from heaven can countermand . all that they reply to this , is their human warrant , that god will preserve us in our obedience to this command against the danger of seducement . and so undoubtedly he will , if we understand his commands aright ; if we turn not this evangelic permission into a legal , and yet illegal command : if we turne not hope into bondage , the charitable and free hope of gaining another , into the forc't and servil temptation of loosing our selves ; but more of this beneath . thus these words of paul by common doctrin made a command , are made a contradiction to the morall law . secondly , not the law only , but the gospel from the law , and from it selfe requires even in the same chapter , where divorce between them of one religion is so narrowly forbidd , rather then our christian love should come into danger of backsliding , to forsake all relations how neer so ever , and the wife expresly , with promise of a high reward , mat. . and he who hates not father or mother , wife , or children hindring his christian cours , much more , if they despise or assault it , cannot be a disciple , luke . how can the apostle then command us , to love and continue in that matrimony , which our saviour bids us hate , and forsake ? they can as soon teach our faculty of respiration to contract and to dilate it selfe at once , to breath and to fetch breath in the same instant , as teach our minds how to doe such contrary acts as these , towards the same object , and as they must he done in the same moment . for either the hatred of her religion , & her hatred to our religion will work powerfully against the love of her society , or the love of that will by degrees flatter out all our zealous hatred and forsaking and soone ensnare us to unchristianly compliances . thirdly , in mariage there ought not only to be a civil love , but such a love as christ loves his church ; but where the religion is contrary without hope of conversion , there can be no love , no faith , no peacefull society , ( they of the other opinion confess it ) nay there ought not to be , furder then in expectation of gaining a soul ; when that ceases , we know god hath put enmity between the seed of the woman , and the seed of the serpent . neither should we love them that hate the lord , as the prophet told jehosaphat . chron. . and this apostle himselfe in another place , warns us that we be not unequally yokt with infidels cor. . for that there can be no fellowship , no communion , no concord between such . outward commerce and civil intercours cannot perhaps be avoided ; but true friendship and familiarity there can be none . how vainly therefore , not to say how impiously would the most inward and dear alliance of mariage or continuance in mariage be commanded , where true friendship is confest impossible . for say they , wee are forbidd heer to marry with an infidel , not bid to divorce . but to rob the words thus of their full sense will not be allow'd them : it is not said , enter not into yoke , but be not unequally yokt ; which plainly forbids the thing in present act , as well as in purpose ; and his manitest conclu●ion is , not only that we should not touch , but that having toucht , we should come out from among them , and be separat ; with the promise of a blessing thereupon that god will receave us , will be our father , and we his sons and daughters . v. . . why we should stay with an infidel after the expence of all our hopes , can be but for a civil relation ; but why we should depart from a seducer , setting afide the misconstruction of this place , is from a religious necessity of departing . the wors cause therefore of staying ( if it be any cause at all , for civil government forces it not ) must not overtop the religious cause of separating , executed with such an urgent zeal , & such a prostrate humiliation by ezra and nehemiah . what god hates to joyn , certainly he cannot love should continue joyn'd : it being all one in matter of ill consequence , to marry , or to continue maried with an infidel , save only so long as we wait willingly , and with a safe hope . st. paul therefore citing heer a command of the lord almighty , for so he terms it , that we should separate , cannot have bound us with that which he calls his own whether command or counsel that we should not separate . which is the fourth reason , for he himselfe takes care least we should mistake him , [ but to the rest speak if not the lord. ] if the lord spake not , then man spake it and man hath no lordship to command the conscience : yet modern interpreters will have it a command maugre st. paul himselfe , they will make him a prophet like caiaphas to speak the word of the lord not thinking , nay denying to think ; though he disavow to have receav'd it from the lord , his word shall not be tak'n , though an apostle , he shall be born down in his own epistle , by a race of expositers who presume to know from whom he spake , better then he himselfe . paul deposes that the lord speaks not this , they , that the lord speaks it : can this be less then to brave him with a full fac't contradiction ? certainly to such a violence as this , for i cannot call it an expounding , what a man should answer i know not , unless that if it be their pleasure next to put a gag into the apostles mouth , they are already surnisht with a commodious audacity toward the attempt . beza would seem to shun the contradictory by telling us that the lord spake it not in person , as he did the former precept . but how many other doctrines doth st. paul deliver which the lord spake not in person , and yet never uses this preamble but in things indifferent ? so long as we receave him for a messenger of god , for him to stand sorting sentences what the lord spake in person , and what he , not the lord in person , would be but a chill trifling , and his readers might catch an ague the while . but if we shall supply the grammatical ellipsis regularly , and as we must in the sam tense , all will be then cleer , for we cannot supply it thus , to the rest i speake , the lord spake not , but i speake , the lord speaks not . if then the lord neither spake in person nor speakes it now , the apostle testifying both , it follows duely , that this can be no command . forsooth the fear is , least this not being a command , would prove an evangelic counsel , & so make way for supererogations . as if the apostle could not speak his mind in things indifferent , as he doth in fowr or five several places of this chapter with the like preface of not commanding , but that the doubted inconvenience of supererogating must needs rush in . and how adds it to the word of the lord , ( for this also they object ) when as the apostle by his christian prudence guids us in the liberty which god hath left us to , without command ? could not the spirit of god instruct us by him what was free , as well as what was not ? but what need i more , when cameron an ingenuous writer , and in high esteem , solidly confutes the surmise of a command heer , and among other words hath these . that when paul speaks as an apostle , he uses this forme , the lord saith , not i v . but as a privat man he saith , i speak , not the lord. and thus also all the prime fathers austin , jerom , and the rest understood this place . fiftly , the very stating of the question declares this to be no command ; if any brother hath an unbeleeuing wife , and she be pleased to dwell with him , let him not put her away . for the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not imply only her being pleas'd to stay , but his being pleas'd to let her stay ; it must be a consent of them both . nor can the force of this word be render'd less , without either much negligence or iniquity of him that otherwise translates it . and thus the greek church also and their synods understood it , who best knew what their own language meant , as appeares by matthaeus monachus an author set forth by leunclauius and of antiquity perhaps not inferior to balsamon who writes upon the canons of the apostles ; this author in his chap. that mariage is not to be made with heretics , thus recites the second canon of the . synod , as to the corinthians paul determins , if the beleeving wife choos to live with the unbeleeving husband , or the beleeving husband with the unbeleeving wife . mark saith he , how the apostle heer condescends , if the beleever please to dwell with the unbeleever ; so that if he please not , out of doubt the mariage is dissolv'd . and i am perswaded it was so in the beginning , and thus preach't . and thereupon gives an example of one , who though not deserted , yet by the decree of theodotus the patriarch divorc't an unbeleeving wife . what therefore depends in the plain state of this question on the consent and well liking of them both , must not be a command . lay next the latter end of the . v , to the twelf ( for wherefore els is logic taught us ) in a discrete axiom , as it can be no other by the phrase , the lord saith , let not the husband put away his wife , but i say let him not put away a misbeleeving wife ; this sounds as if by the judgement of paul , a man might put away any wife but the misbeleeving ; or els the parts are not discrete , or dissentanie , for both conclude not putting away , and consequently in such a form the proposition is ridiculous . of necessity therfore the former part of this sentence must be conceav'd , as understood , and silently granted , that although the lord command to divorce an infidel , yet i , not the lord command you ? no , but give my judgement , that for som evangelic reasons a christian may be permitted not to divorce her . thus while we reduce the brevity of st. paul to a plainer sense , by the needfull supply of that which was granted between him and the corinthians , the very logic of his speech extracts him confessing that the lords command lay in a seeming contrariety to this his counsel : and that he meant not to thrust out a command of the lord by a new one of his own , as one nail drives another , but to release us from the rigor of it , by the right of the gospel , so farre forth as a charitable cause leads us on in the hope of winning another soule without the peril of loosing our own . for this is the glory of the gospel to teach us that the end of the commandment is charity , tim. . not the drudging out a poore and worthlesse duty forc't from us by the taxe , and taile of so many letters . this doctrine therefore can bee no command , but it must contradict the moral law , the gospel , and the apostle himselfe both else where , and heere also eevn in the act of speaking . if then it be no command , it must remain to be a permission , and that not absolute , for so it would be still contrary to the law , but with such a caution as breaks not the law , but as the manner of the gospel is , fulfills it through charity . the law had two reasons , the one was ceremonial , the pollution that all gentiles were to the jewes ; this the vision of peter had abolisht , acts . and clens'd all creatures to the use of a christian . the corinthians understood not this , but fear'd lest dwelling in matrimony with an unbeleever , they were defil'd . the apostle discusses that scruple with an evangelic reason , shewing them that although god heretofore under the law , not intending the conversion of the gentiles , except some special ones , held them as polluted things to the jew , yet now purposing to call them in , he hath purify'd them from that legal uncleannesse wherein they stood , to use and to be us'd in a pure manner . for saith he , the unbeleeving husband is sanctifi'd by the wife , and the unbeleeving wife , is sanctifi'd by the husband , else were your children uncleane ; but now they are holy . that is , they are sanctify'd to you , from that legal impurity which you so feare ; and are brought into a neer capacity to be holy , if they beleeve , and to have free accesse to holy things . in the mean time , as being gods creatures , a christian hath power to use them according to their proper use ; in as much as now , all things to the pure are become pure . in this legal respect therefore ye need not doubt to continue in mariage with an unbeleever . thus others also expound this place and cameron especially . this reason warrants us onely what wee may doe without feare of pollution , does not binde us that we must . but the other reason of the law to divorce an infidel was moral , the avoiding of enticement from the true faith . this cannot shrink ; but remains in as full force as ever , to save the actuall christian from the snare of a misbeleever . yet if a christian full of grace and spirituall gifts finding the misbeleever not frowardly affected , feares not a seducing , but hopes rather a gaining , who sees not that this morall reason is not violated by not divorcing , which the law commanded to doe , but better fulfill'd by the excellence of the gospel working through charity . for neither the faithfull is seduc't , and the unfaithfull is either sav'd , or with all discharge of love , and evangelic duty sought to be sav'd . but contrarywise if the infirme christian shall bee commanded here against his minde , against his hope , and against his strength , to dwell with all the scandals , the houshold persecutions , or alluring temptations of an infidel , how is not the gospel by this made harsher then the law , and more yoaking ? therefore the apostle ere he deliver this other reason why wee need not in all hast put away an infidel , his mind misgiving him least he should seem to be the imposer of a new command , staies not for method , but with an abrupt speed inserts the declaration of their liberty in this matter . but if the unbeleeving depart , let him depart ; a brother or a sister is not under bondage in such cases : but god hath called us to peace . [ but if the unbeleeving depart . ] this cannot be restrain'd to locall departure only ; for who knows not that an offencive society is worse then a forsaking . if his purpose of cohabitation be to endanger the life , or the conscience , beza himselfe is halfe perswaded , that this may purchase to the faithfull person the same freedome that a desertion may ; and so gerard and others whom he cites . if therefore he depart in affection , if hee depart from giving hope of his conversion , if he disturb , or scoffe at religion , seduce , or tempt , if he rage , doubtlesse not the weake only , but the strong may leave him , if not for feare , yet for the dignities sake of religion , which cannot be liable to all base affronts , meerely for the worshiping of a civil mariage . i take therefore departing to bee as large as the negative of being well pleas'd : that is , if he be not pleas'd for the present to live lovingly , quietly , inoffensively , so as may give good hope ; which appeares well by that which followes . [ a brother or a sister is not under bondage in such cases . ] if saint paul provide seriously against the bondage of a christian , it is not the only bondage to live unmaried for a deserting infidel , but to endure his presence intolerably , to beare indignities against his religion in words or deedes , to be wearied with seducements , to have idolatries and superstitions ever before his eyes , to be tormented with impure and prophane conversation , this must needs be bondage to a christian ; is this left all unprovided for , without remedy , or freedom granted ? undoubtedly no , for , the apostle leavs it furder to be consider'd with prudence , what bondage a brother or sister is not under , not onely in this case , but as hee speaks himselfe plurally , in such cases . [ but god hath called us to peace . ] to peace , not to bondage , not to brabbles and contentions with him who is not pleas'd to live peaceably , as mariage and christianity requires . and where strise arises from a cause hopelesse to be allayd , what better way to peace then by separating that which is ill joyn'd . it is not divorce , that first breaks the peace of family , as som fondly comment on this place , but it is peace already brok'n , which , when other cures fail can only be restor'd to the faultles person by a necessary divorce . and saint paul heer warrants us to seeke peace , rather then to remain in bondage . if god hath call'd us to peace , why should we not follow him , why should we miserably stay in perpetual discord under a servitude not requir'd ? [ for what knowest thou o wife , whether thou shalt save thy husband , &c. ] st. paul having thus clear'd himselfe , not to goe about the mining of our christian liberty , not to cast a snare upon us , which to doe hee so much hated , returnes now to the second reason of that law to put away an infidel , for feare of seducement , which hee does not heer contradict with a command now to venture that ; but if neither the infirmity of the christian , nor the strength of the unbeleever be fear'd , but hopes appearing that he may be won , he judges it no breaking of that law , though the beleever be permitted to forbeare divorce , and can abide , without the peril of seducement , to offer the charity of a salvation to wife or husband , which is the fulfilling , not the transgressing of that law ; and well worth the undertaking with much hazard and patience . for what knowest thou whether thou shalt save thy wife , that is , till all meanes convenient and possible with discretion and probability , as human things are , have bin us'd . for christ himselfe sends not our hope on pilgrimage to the worlds end ; but sets it bounds beyond which we need not wait on a brother , much lesse on an infidell . if after such a time we may count a professing christian no better then a heathen , after less time perhaps wee may cease to hope of a heathen , that hee will turne christian . otherwise , to binde us harder then the law , and tell us wee are not under bondage , is meere mockery . if till the unbeleever please to part , we may not stirre from the house of our bondage , then certain this our liberty is not grounded in the purchas of christ , but in the pleasure of a miscreant . what knowes the loyal husband whether he may not save the adulteresse , he is not therfore bound to receive her . what knowes the wife but shee may reclaim her husband who hath deserted her ? yet the reformed churches doe not enjoyn her to wait longer then after the contempt of an ecclesiastical summons . beza himselfe heer befriends us with a remarkable speech , what could be firmly constituted in human matters if under pretence of expecting grace from aboue , it should be never lawfull for us to seeke our right . and yet in other cases not lesse reasonable to obtain a most just and needfull remedy by divorce he turnes the innocent party to a taske of prayers beyond the multitude of beads and rosaries , to beg the gift of chastity in recompence of an injurious mariage . but the apostle is evident anough , we are not under bondage , trusting that he writes to those who are not ignorant what bondage is , to let supercilious determiners cheat them of their freedome . god hath call'd us to peace , and so doubtlesse hath left in our hands how to obtaine it seasonably ; if it be not our own choise to sit ever like novices wretchedly servile . thus much the apostle on this question between christian and pagan , to us now of little use ; yet supposing it written for our instruction as it may be rightly apply'd , i doubt not but that the difference between a true beleever and a heretic , or any one truely religious either deserted or seeking divorce from any one grossly erroneous or profane may be referr'd hither . for st. paul seaves us heer the solution not of this case only , which little concernes us , but of such like cases , which may occurr to us . for where the reasons directly square , who can forbid why the verdit should not be the same ? but this the common writers allow us not . and yet from this text which in plaine words gives liberty to none unlesse deserted by an infidel , they collect the same freedom though the desertion bee not for religion , which , as i conceive , they neede not doe ; but may without straining reduce it to the cause of fornication . for first they confesse that desertion is seldome without a just suspition of adultery : next it is a breach of mariage in the same kind , and in some sort worse : for adultery though it give to another , yet it bereaves not al ; but the deserter wholly denies all right , and makes one flesh twain , which is counted the absolutest breach of matrimony , and causes the other , as much as in him lies , to commit sin , by being so left . neverthelesse those reasons which they bring of establishing by this place the like liberty from any desertion , are faire and solid : and if the thing be lawfull , and can be prov'd so , more waies then one , so much the safer . their arguments i shall heer recite , and that they may not com idle , shall use them to make good the like freedome to divorce for other causes ; and that we are no more under bondage to any hainous default against the main ends of matrimony , then to a desertion : first they allege that to tim. . . . if any provide not for those of his own house , hee hath deny'd the faith , and is worse then an infidel . but a deserter , say they , can have no care of them who are most his owne , therefore the deserted party is not lesse to bee righted against such a one then against an infidel . with the same evidence i argue , that man or wife who hates in wedloc , is perpetually unsociable , unpeacefull , or unduteous , either not being able , or not willing to performe what the maine ends of mariage demand in helpe and solace , cannot bee said to care for who shou'd bee dearest in the house ; therefore is worse then an infidel in both regards , either in undertaking a duty which he cannot performe , to the undeserved and unspeakable injury of the other party so defrauded and betrai'd , or not performing what he hath undertaken , whenas he may or might have , to the perjury of himselfe more irreligious then heathenisme . the blamelesse person therefore hath as good a plea to sue out his delivery from this bondage , as from the desertion of an infidel . since most writers cannot but grant that desertion is not only a local absence , but an intolerable society ; or if they grant it not , the reasons of saint paul grant it , with all as much leave as they grant to enlarge a particular freedom from paganisme , into a general freedom from any desertion . secondly , they reafon from the likenes of either fact , the same losse redounds to the deserted by a christian , as by an infidel , the same peril of temptation . and i in like manner affirme that if honest and free persons may be allow'd to know what is most to their owne losse , the same losse and discontent , but worse disquiet with continuall misery and temptation resides in the company , or better call'd the persecution of an unfit , or an unpeaceable consort , then by his desertion . for then the deserted may enjoy himselfe at least . and he who deserts is more favourable to the party whom his presence afflicts , then that importunat thing which is and will be ever conversant before the eyes a loyal and individual vexation . as for those who still rudely urge it no loss to mariage , no desertion , so long as the flesh is present and offers a benevolence that hates , or is justly hated , i am not of that vulgar and low perswasion , to thinke such forc'd embracements as these worth the honour , or the humanity of mariage , but farre beneath the soul of a rational and freeborne man. thirdly they say , it is not the infidelity of the deserter , but the desertion of the infidel from which the apostle gives this freedom ; and i joyne that the apostle could as little require our subjection to an unfit and injurious bondage present , as to an infidel absent . to free us from that which is an evil by being distant , and not from that which is an inmate , and in the bosome evil , argues an improvident and careles deliverer . and thus all occasions , which way so ever they turn , are not unofficious to administer somthing which may conduce to explain , or to defend the assertion of this book touching divorce . i complain of nothing , but that it is indeed too copious to be the matter of a dispute , or a defence , rather to be yeelded , as in the best ages , a thing of common reason , not of controversie . what have i left to say ? i fear to be more elaborat in such a perspicuity as this ; lest i should seem not to teach , but to upbraid the dulnes of an age ; not to commun with reason in men , but to deplore the loss of reason from among men : this only , and not the want of more to say , is the limit of my discours . who among the sathers have interpreted the words of christ concerning divorce , as is heer interpreted ; and what the civil law of christian emperors in the primitive church determi'nd . although testimony be in logic an argument rightly call'd inartificial , & doth not solidly fetch the truth by multiplicity of authors , nor argue a thing false by the few that hold so , yet seeing most men from their youth so accustom , as not to scanne reason , nor cleerly to apprehend it , but to trust for that the names and numbers of such , as have got , and many times undeservedly , the reputation among them to know much , and because there is a vulgar also of teachers , who are as blindly by whom they fancy led , as they lead the people , it will not be amiss for them who had rather list themselves under this weaker sort , and follow authorities , to take notice that this opinion which i bring , hath bin favour'd , and by som of those affirm'd , who in their time were able to carry what they taught , had they urg'd it , through all christendom ; or to have left it such a credit with all good men , as they who could not bouldly use the opinion , would have fear'd to censure it . but since by his appointment on whom the times and seasons wait , every point of doctrin is not fatall to be throughly sifted out in every age , it will be anough for me to find , that the thoughts of wisest heads heertofore , and hearts no less reverenc't for devotion have tended this way , and contributed their lot in some good measure towards this which hath bin heer attain'd . others of them and modern especially , have bin as full in the assertion , though not so full in the reason ; so that either in this regard , or in the former , i shall be manifest in a middle fortune to meet the praise or dispraise of beeing somthing first . but i deferr not what i undertooke to shew , that in the church both primitive and reformed , the words of christ have bin understood to grant divorce for other causes then adultery ; and that the word fornication in mariage hath a larger sense then that commonly suppos'd . iustin martyr in his first apology writt'n within . yeares after st. iohn dy'd , relates a story which eusebius transcribes , that a certain matron of rome , the wife of a vitious husband , her selfe also formerly vitious , but converted to the faith , and persuading the same to her husband , at lest the amendment of his wicked life , upon his not yeilding to her daily entreaties and persuasions in this behalf , procur'd by law to be divorc't from him . this was neither for adultery , nor desertion , but as the relation saies , esteeming it an ungodly thing to be the consort of bed with him , who against the law of nature and of right sought out voluptuous waies . suppose he endeavour'd som unnaturall abuse , as the greek admitts that meaning , it cannot yet be call'd adultery ; it therefore could be thought worthy of divorce no otherwise then as equivalent , or wors ; and other vices will appear in other respects as much divorsive . next t is said her freinds advis'd her to stay a while ; and what reason gave they ? not because they held unlawfull what she purpos'd , but because they thought she might longer yet hope his repentance . she obey'd , till the man going to alexandria , and from thence reported to grow still more impenitent , not for any adultery or desertion , wherof neither can be gather'd , but , saith the martyr , and speaks it like one approving , lest she should be partaker of his unrighteous and ungodly deeds , remaining in wedloc , the communion of bed and board with such a person , she left him by a lawfull divorce . this cannot but give us the judgement of the church in those pure and next to apostolic times . for how els could the woman have bin permitted , or heer not reprehended ; and if a wife might then doe this without reprooff , a husband certainly might no less , if not more . tertullian in the same age writing his . book against marcion witnesses that christ by his answer to the pharises protected the constitution of moses as his own , and directed the institution of the creator , for i alter not his carthaginian phrase ; he excus'd rather then destroi'd the constitution of moses ; i say he forbidd conditionally , if any one therefore put away that he may marry another : so that if he prohibited conditionally , then not wholly ; and what he forbadd not wholly , he permitted otherwise , where the cause ceases for which he prohibited : that is when a man makes it not the cause of his putting away , meerly that he may marry again . christ teaches not contrary to moses , the justice of divorce hath christ the asserter : he would not have mariage separat , nor kept with ignominy , permitting then a divorce , and guesses that this vehemence of our saviours sentence was cheifly bent against herod , as was cited before . which leavs it evident how tertullian interpreted this prohibition of our saviour ; for wheras the text is , whosoever putteth away and marieth another , wherfore should tertullian explain it , whosoever putteth away that he may marry another , but to signify his opinion that our saviour did not forbidd divorce from an unworthy yoke , but forbidd the malice or the lust of a needles change and cheifly those plotted divorces then in use . origen in the next century testifies to have known certain who had the government of churches in his time , who permitted som to marry , while yet their former husbands liv'd , and excuses the deed , as don not without cause , though without scripture , which confirms that cause not to be adultery ; for how then was it against scripture that they maried again . and a little beneath , for i cite his . homily on matthew , saith he , to endure faults wors then adultery and fornication , seems a thing unreasonable , and disputes therfore that christ did not speak by way of precept , but as it were expounding . by which and the like speeches origen declares his mind farre from thinking that our saviour confin'd all the causes of divorce to actual adultery . lactantius of the age that succeeded speaking of this matter in the . of his institutions , hath these words . but lest any think he may circumscribe divine precepts , let this be added , that all misinterpreting , and occasion of fraud , or death may be remov'd , he commits adultery who marries the divorc't wife , and , besides the crime of adultery , divorces a wife that he may marry another . to divorce and marry another , and to divorce that he may marry another , are two different things ; and imply that lactantius thought not this place the forbidding of all necessary divorce , but such only as proceeded from the wanton desire of a future chois , not from the burden of a present affliction . about this time the councel of eliberis in spain decreed the husband excommunicat , if he kept his wife being an adultress ; but if he left her , he might after ten yeares be receav'd into communion , if he retain'd her any while in his house after the adultery known . the councel of neocaesarea in the year . decreed , that if the wife of any laic were convicted of adultery , that man could not be admitted into the ministery : if after ordination it were committed , he was to divorce her ; if not , he could not hold his ministery . the councel of nantes condemn'd in . yeares penance the husband that would reconcile with an adultress . but how proves this that other causes may divorce ? it proves thus ; there can be but two causes why these councels enjoyn'd so strictly the divorsing of an adultress , either as an offender against god , or against the husband ; in the latter respect they could not impose on him to divorce ; for every man is the maister of his own forgivenes ; who shal hinder him to pardon the injuries don against himself ? it follows therfore that the divorce of an adultress was commanded by these three councels , as it was a sin against god ; and by all consequence they could not but beleeve that other sins as hainous might with equal justice be the ground of a divorce . basil in his . rule , as chamier numbers it , thus determins , that divorce ought not to be , unlesse for adultery , or the hindrance to a godly life . what doth this but proclaime aloud more causes of divorce then adultery , if by other sins besides this , in wife or husband , the godlines of the better person may be certainly hinder'd , and endanger'd . epiphanius no less ancient , writing against heretics , & therefore should himself be orthodoxal above others , acquaints us in his second book tom. , not that his private persuasion was , but that the whole church in his time generally thought other causes of divorce lawful besides adultery , as comprehended under that name ; if , saith he , a divorce happ'n for any cause either fornication , or adultery , or any hainous fault , the word of god blames not either the man or wife marrying again , nor cutts them off from the congregation , or from life , but beares with the infirmity ; not that he may keep both wives , but that leaving the former he may be lawfully joyn'd to the latter , the holy word , and the holy church of god commiserates this man , especially , if he be otherwise of good conversation , and live according to gods law . this place is cleerer then exposition , and needs no comment . ambrose on the . of luke , teaches that all wedloc is not gods joyning and to the . of pro. that a wife is prepard of the lord , as the old latin translates it , he answers that the septuagint renders it , a wife is fitted by the lord , and temper'd to a kind of harmony ; and where that harmony is there god joyns ; where it is not , there dissention reigns , which is not from god , for god is love . this he brings to prove the marrying of christian with gentile to be no mariage , and consequently divorc't without sin : but he who sees not this argument how plainly it serves to divorce any untunable , or unattonable matrimony , sees little . on the to the cor , , he grants a woman may leave her husband not for only fornication , but for apostacy , and inverting nature , though not marry again ; but the man may : heer are causes of divorce assign'd other then adultery . and going on he affirms , that the cause of god is greater then the cause of matrimony ; that the reverence of wedloc is not due to him who hates the author thereof ; that no matrimony is firm without devotion to god ; that dishonour don to god acquitts the other being deserted from the bond of matrimony ; that the faith of mariage is not to be kept with such . if these contorted sentences be ought worth , it is not the desertion that breaks what is broken , but the impiety ; and who then may not for that cause better divorce , then tarry to be deserted ? or these grave sayings of st. ambrose are but knacks . jerom on the . of matthew explains , that for the cause of fornication , or the suspicion thereof a man may freely divorce . what can breed that suspicion , but sundry faults leading that way ? by jeroms consent therfore divorce is free not only for actuall adultery , but for any cause that may encline a wise man to the just suspicion therof . austin also must be remember'd among those who hold that this instance offornication gives equal inference to other faults equally hateful , for which to divorce : & therfore in his books to pollentius he disputes that infidelity , as being a greater sin then adultery , ought so much the rather cause a divorce . and on the sermon in the mount , under the name of fornication will have idolatry , or any harmfull superstition contain'd , which are not thought to disturb matrimony so directly as som other obstinacies and dissaffections , more against the daily duties of that cov'nant , & in the eastern tongues not unfrequently call'd fornication , as hath bin shew'n . hence is understood , faith he , that not only for bodily fornication , but for that which draws the mind from gods law , and fouly corrupts it , a man may without fault put away his wife , and a wife her husband , because the lord excepts the cause of fornication , which fornication we are constrain'd to interpret in a general sense . and in the first book of his retractations chap. . he retracts not this his opinion , but commends it to serious consideration ; and explains that he counted not there all sin to be fornication , but the more detestable sort of sins . the cause of fornication therefore is not in this discours newly interpreted to signify other faults infringing the duties of wedloc , besides adultery . lastly the councel of agatba in the year . can . . decreed , that if lay men who divorc't without some great fault , or giving no probable cause , therfore divorc't , that they might marry som unlawfull person , or som other mans , if before the provinciall bishops were made acquainted , or judgement past ; they presum'd this , excommunication was the penalty . whence it followes , that if the cause of divorce were som great offence , or that they gave probable causes for what they did , and did not therefore divorce that they might presume with som unlawfull person , or what was another mans , the censure of church in those daies did not touch them . thus having alleg'd anough to shew after what manner the primitive church for above . yeares understood our saviours words touching divorce , i shall now with a labour less disperst , and sooner dispatcht , bring under view what the civil law of those times constituted about this matter : i say the civil law , which is the honour of every true civilian to stand for , rather then to count that for law , which the pontificiall canon hath enthrall'd them to , and in stead of interpreting a generous and elegant law , made them the drudges of a blockish rubric . theodosius and valentinian , pious emperors both , ordain'd that as by consent lawfull mariages were made , so by consent , but not without the bill of divorce , they might be dissolv'd ; and to dissolve was the more difficult , onely in favour of the children . we see the wisedome and piety of that age one of the purest and learnedest since christ , conceav'd no hindrance in the words of our saviour , but that a divorce mutually consented , might bee suffer'd by the law , especially if there were no children , or if there were , carefull provision was made . and further saith that law ( supposing there wanted the consent of either ) wee designe the causes of divorce by this most wholsom law ; for as we forbid the dissolving of mariage without just cause , so we desire that a husband or a wife distrest by som advers necessity , should be freed , though by an unhappy , yet a necessary releefe . what dramm of wisedome , or religion ( for charity is truest religion ) could there be in that knowing age , which is not virtually summ'd up in this most just law ? as for those other christian emperours , from constantine the first of them , finding thé roman law in this point so answerable to the mosaic , it might bee the likeliest cause why they alter'd nothing to restraint , but if ought , rather to liberty , for the helpe , and consideration of the weaker sexe , according as the gospel seems to make the wife more equal to her husband in these conjugal respects then the law of moses doth . therefore if a man were absent from his wife foure yeares , and in that space not heard of , though gon to warre in the service of the empire , she might divorce , and mary another by the edict of constantine to dalmatius . co. l. . tit . . and this was an age of the church both antient , and cry'd up still for the most flourishing in knowledge and pious government since the apostles . but to returne to this law of theodosius , with this observation by the way , that still as the church corrupted , as the clergie grew more ignorant , and yet more usurping on the magistrate , who also now declin'd , so still divorce grew more restrain'd ; though certainly if better times permitted the thing that worse times restrain'd , it would not weakly argue that the permission was better , and the restraint worse . this law therefore of theodosius wiser in this then the most of his successors though not wiser then god and moses , reduc't the causes of divorce to a certain number which by the judiciall law of god , and all recorded humanitie were left before to the brest of each husband , provided that the dismisse was not without reasonable conditions to the wife . but this was a restraint not yet come to extreames . for besides adultery and that not only actual , but suspected by many signes there set down , any fault equally punishable with adultery , or equally infamous might bee the cause of a divorce . which informes us how the wisest of those ages understood that place in the gospel , whereby , not the pilfering of a benevolence was consider'd as the main and only breach of wedloc , as is now thought , but the breach of love and peace , a more holy union then that of the flesh ; and the dignity of an honest person was regarded , not to bee held in bondage with one whose ignominy was infectious . to this purpose was constituted cod. l. . tit . . and authent . collat . . tit . . novell . . where justinian added three causes more . in the . novell . most of the same causes are allow'd , but the liberty of divorcing by consent is repeal'd : but by whom ? by justinian , not a wiser , not a more religious emperor then either of the former , but noted by judicious writers for his fickle head in making and unmaking lawes ; and how procopius a good historian , and a counselor of state then living deciphers him in his other actions , i willingly omitt . nor was the church then in better case , but had the corruption of a . declining yeare swept on it , when the statute of consent was call'd in ; which as i said , gives us every way more reason to suspect this restraint , more then that liberty : which therfore in the reign of justin the succeeding emperor was recall'd , novel . . & establisht with a preface more wise & christianly then for those times , declaring the necessity to restore that theodosian law , if no other meanes of reconcilement could be found . and by whom this law was abrogated , or how long after , i doe not finde ; but that those other causes remain'd in force , as long as the greek empire subsisted , and were assented by that church , is to bee read in the canons and edicts compar'd by photius the patriarch , with the avertiments of balsamon , and matthaeus monachus thereon . but long before those dayes leo the son of basilius , macedo reigning about the yeare . and for his excellent wisdome surnam'd the philosopher , constituted that in case of madnesse the husband might divorce after three yeares , the wife after . constitut . leon. . . this declares how hee expounded our saviour , and deriv'd his reasons from the institution , which in his preface with great eloquence are set downe ; whereof a passage or two may give som proofe , though better not divided from the rest . there is not , saith he , a thing more necessary to preserve mankind , then the helpe giv'n him from his own rib ; both god and nature so teaching us : which being so , it was requisite that the providence of law , or if any other care be to the good of man , should teach and ordaine those things which are to the helpe and comfort of maried persons , and confirme the end of mariage purpos'd in the beginning , not those things which afflict and bring perpetuall misery to them . then answers the objection that they are one flesh ; if matrimony had held so as god ordain'd it , he were wicked that would dissolve it . but if we respect this in matrimony , that it be contracted to the good of both , how shall he , who for some great evil feard , perswades not to marry though contracted , not perswade to unmarry , if after marriage a calamity befall ? should we bid beware least any fall into an evil , and leave him helplesse who by humane error is fall'n therein ? this were as if we should use remedies to prevent a disease , but let the sick die without remedy . the rest will be worth reading in the author . and thus we have the judgement first of primitive fathers ; next of the imperial law not disallow'd by the universal church in ages of her best authority ; and lastly of the whole greeke church and civil state , incorporating their canons and edicts together , that divorce was lawfull for other causes equivalent to adultery , contain'd under the word fornication . so that the exposition of our saviours sentence heer alleg'd hath all these ancient and great asserters , is therefore neither new nor licentious , as some now would perswade the commonalty ; although it be neerer truth that nothing is more new then those teachers themselves , & nothing more licentious then some known to be , whose hypocrisie yet shames not to take offence at this doctrine for licence ; when as indeed they feare it would remove licence , and leave them but few companions . that the popes canon law incroaching upon civil magistracy abolisht all divorce eevn for adultery . what the reformed divines have recover'd ; and that the famousest of them have taught according to the assertion of this booke . but in these western parts of the empire it will appeare almost unquestionable that the cited law of theodosius and valentinian stood in force untill the blindest and corruptest times of popedom displac't it . for that the volumes of justinian never came into italy , or beyond illiricum , is the opinion of good antiquaries . and that only manuscript thereof found in apulia by lotharius the saxon , and giv'n to the state of pisa for their aid at sea against the normans of sicily , was receav'd as a rarity not to bee matcht . and although the gothes , and after them the lombards and franks who over-run the most of europ except this island ( unlesse wee make our saxons and normans a limm of them ) brought in their owne customes , yet that they follow'd the roman laws in their contracts and mariages , agathias the historian is alleg'd . and other testimonies relate that alaricus & theodoric their kings writ their statutes out of this theodosian code which hath the recited law of divorce . neverthelesse while the monarchs of christendome were yet barbarous , and but halfe christian , the popes tooke this advantage of their weake superstition , to raise a corpulent law out of the canons and decretals of audacious preists ; and presum'd also to set this in the front ; that the constitutions of princes are not above the constitutions of clergy , but beneath them . using this very instance of divorce as the first prop of their tyranny ; by a false consequence drawn from a passage of ambrose upon luke where hee saith , though mans law grant it , yet gods law probibits it , whence gregory the pope writing to theoctista inferrs that ecclesiasticall courts cannot be dissolv'd by the magistrate . a faire conclusion from a double error . first in saying that the divine law prohibited divorce , for what will hee make of moses ; next supposing that it did , how will it follow , that what ever christ for bids in his evangelic precepts , should be hal'd into a judicial constraint against the patterne of a divine law : certainely the gospel came not to enact such compulsions . in the meane while wee may note heere that the restraint of divorce was one of the first faire seeming pleas which the pope had , to step into secular authority , and with his antichristian rigor to abolish the permissive law of christian princes conforming to a sacred lawgiver . which if we consider , this papal and unjust restriction of divorce need not be so deere to us , since the plausible restraining of that , was in a manner the first loosning of antichrist ; and as it were the substance of his eldest horn . nor doe we less remarkably ow the first meanes of his fall heer in england to the contemning of that restraint by henry . whose divorce he oppos'd . yet was not that rigour executed anciently in spiritual courts untill alexander the third , who trod upon the neck of frederic barbarossa the emperor , and summond our henry . into normandy about the death of becket . he it was , that the worthy author may be known , who first actually repeal'd the imperial law of divorce , and decreed this tyranous decree , that matrimony for no cause should be disolv'd , though for many causes it might separate ; as may be seen decret , gregor . l. . tit . . and in other places of the canonicall tomes . the main good of which invention , wherein it consists who can tell ? but that it hath one vertue incomparable , to fill all christendom with whordomes , and adulteries beyond the art of balaams or of divells . yet neither can these , though so perverse , but acknowledge that the words of christ under the name of fornication allow putting away for other causes then adultery both from bed and bord , but not from the bond ; their only reason is , because mariage they beleeve to bee a sacrament . but our divines who would seem long since to have renounc'd that reason , have so forgot them selves , as yet to hold the absurdity , which but for that reason , unlesse there be some mystery of satan in it , perhaps the papist would not hold . t is true , we grant divorce for actual & prov'd adultery , and not for lesse then many tedious and unreparable yeares of desertion , wherein a man shall loose all his hope of posterity , which great and holy men have bewail'd , ere he can be righted ; and then perhaps on the confines of his old age , when all is not worth the while . but grant this were seasonably don ; what are these two cases to many other , which afflict the state of mariage as bad , and yet find no redresse ? what hath the soule of man deserv'd , if it be in the way of salvation , that it should be morgag'd thus , and may not redeem it selfe according to conscience out of the hands of such ignorant and slothfull teachers as these , who are neither able nor mindful to give due tendance to that pretious cure which they rashly vndertake ; nor have in them the noble goodnesse to consider these distresses and accidents of mans life ; but are bent rather to fill their mouthes with tithe and oblation . yet if they can learne to follow , as well as they can seeke to be follow'd , i shall direct them to a faire number of renowned men , worthy to be their leaders , who will commend to them a doctrin in this point wiser then their own , and if they bee not-impatient , it will be the same doctrin which this treatis hath defended . wicklef that englishman honor'd of god to be the first preacher of a general reformation to all europe , was not in this thing better taught of god , then to teach among his cheifest recoveries of truth , that divorce is lawfull to the christian for many other causes equall to adultery . this book indeed through the poverty of our libraries i am forc't to cite from arnisaeus of halberstad on the right of mariage , who cites it from corasius of tolouse c. . cent. sct. and he from wicklef . l. . dial. c. . so much the sorrier , for that i never lookt into author cited by his adversary upon this occasion , but found him more conducible to the question , then his quotation render'd him . next luther , how great a servant of god , in his book of conjugal life quoted by gerard out of the dutch , allowes divorce for the obstinate denial of conjugal duty ; and that a man may send away a proud vasthi , and marry an esther in her stead . it seemes if this example shall not be impertinent , that luther meant not onely the refusall of benevolence , but a stubborn denial of any main conjugal duty ; or if he did not , it will be evinc't from what he allowes . for out of question , with men that are not barbarous , love and peace , and fitnesse will be yeelded as essential to mariage , as corporal benevolence . though i give my body to be burnt , saith saint paul , and have not charity , it profits me nothing . so though the body prostitute it selfe to whom the mind affords no other love or peace , but constant malice and vexation , can this bodily benevolence deserv to be call'd a mariage between christians and rationall creatures . melanchton , the third great luminary of reformation in his book concerning marriage grants divorce for cruell usage , and danger of life , urging the authority of that theodosian law , which he esteemes written with the grave deliberation of godly men ; and that they who reject this law , and thinke it disagreeing from the gospel , understand not the difference of law and gospel ; that the magistrat ought not only to defend life , but to succour the weake conscience , lest broke with greif and indignation it relinquish praier , and turn to som unlawful thing what if this heavy plight of despaire arise from other discontents in wedloc which may goe to the soule of a good man more then the danger of his life , or cruel using , which a man cannot bee liable to , suppose it be ingratefull usage , suppose it be perpetuall spight and disobedience , suppose a hatred , shall not the magistrat free him from this disquiet which interrupts his prayers , and disturbs the cours of his service to god and his country all as much , and brings him such a misery , as that he more desires to leave his life then feares to loose it : shall not this equally concerne the office of civil protection , and much more the charity of a true church to remedy ? erasmus who for learning was the wonder of his age , both in his notes on matthew , and on the first to the corinthians in a large and eloquent discourse , and in his answer to phimostonus a papist , maintaines ( and no protestant then living contradicted him ) that the words of christ comprehend many other causes of divorce under the name of fornication . bucer , whom our famous dr rainolds was wont to preferr before calvin , in his comment on matthew , and in his second booke of the kingdome of christ , treats of divorce at large to the same effect , as is written in the doctrine and discipline of divorce lately publisht , and the translation is extant : whom lest i should be thought to have wrested to mine own purpose , take somthing more out of his . chap. which i then for brevity omitted . it will be the duty of pious princes , and all who govern church , or common wealth , if any , whether husband or wife , shall affirme their want of such who either will , or can tolerably performe the necessary duties of maried life , to grant that they may seeke them such , and marry them ; if they make it appeare that such they have not . this book he wrote heer in england , where he liv'd the greatest admir'd man , and this hee dedicated to edward the sixth . fagius rankt among the famous divines of germany , whom frederic at that time the palatine sent for to be the reformer of his dominion , and whom afterwards england sought to , and obtain'd of him to come and teach her , differs not in this opinion from bucer , as his notes on the chaldey paraphrast well testify . the whole church of strasburgh in her most flourishing time , when zellius , hedio , capito , and other great divines taught there , and those two renouned magistrates farrerus and sturmius govern'd that common wealth and academy to the admiration of all germany , hath thus in the . article . we teach that if according to the word of god , yea or against it , divorces happen , to doe according to gods word , devt . . . mat. . cor. . and the observation of the primitive church , and the christian constitution of pious caesars . peter martyr seems in word our easy adversary , but is in deed for us : toward which though it be somthing when he saith of this opinion , that it is not wicked , and can hardly be refuted , this which followes is much more , i speake not heer saith he , of natural impediments which may so happ'n , that the matrimony can no longer hold : but adding , that he often wonder'd , how the antient and most christian emperors establisht those lawes of divorce , and neither ambrose , who had such influence upon the lawes of theodosius , nor any of those holy fathers found fault , nor any of the churches , why the magistrats of this day should be so loth to constitute the same . perhaps , they feare an inundation of divorces , which is not likely , whenas we reade not either among the ebrews , greeks , or romans that they were much frequent where they were most permitted . if they judge christian men worse then jewes or pagans . they both injure that name , and by this reason will bee constrain'd to grant divorces the rather ; because it was permitted as a remedy of evil , for who would remove the medcin , while the disease is yet so rife ? this being read both in his common places , & on the first to the corinthians , with what we shall relate more of him yet ere the end , sets him absolutely on this side . not to insist that in both these , & other places of his commentaries hee grants divorce not onely for desertion , but for the seducement and scandalous demeanour of a heretical consort . musculus a divine of no obscure fame distinguishes betweene the religious and the civil determination of divorce ; and leaving the civil wholly to the lawyers , pronounces a conscionable divorce for importence not only natural , but accidental , if it be durable . his equity it seems , can enlarge the words of christ to one cause more then adultery ; why may not the reason of another man as wise , enlarge them to another cause . gualter of zuric a well known judicious commentator in his homilies on matthew , allows divorce for leprosie , or any other cause which renders unfit for wedloc , and calls this rather a nullity of mariage then a divorce , and who , that is not himselfe a meer body , can restrain all the unfitnes of mariage only to a corporal defect . hemingius an author highly esteem'd , and his works printed at geneva , writing of divorce , confesses that lerned men vary in this question , some granting three causes thereof , some five , others many more ; he himselfe gives us sixe , adultery , desertion , inability , error , evill usage , and impiety , using argument that christ under one special containes the whole kind , & under the name & example of fornication he includes other causes equipollent . this discours he wrote at the request of many who had the judging of these causes in denmark and norway , who by all likely hood follow'd his advice . hunnius a doctor of wittenberg , well known both in divinity & other arts , on the . of matt. affirmes that the exception of fornicationexprest by our saviour excludes not other causes equalling adultery , or destructive to the substantials of matrimony ; but was oppos'd to the custom of the jewes who made divorce for every light cause . felix bidenbachius an eminent divine in the dutchy of wirtemberg affirmes that the obstinat refusal of conjugal due is a lawful cause of divorce , and gives an instance that the consistory of that state sojudg'd . gerard cites harbardus an author not unknown , and arnisaeus cites wigandus , both yeelding divorce in case of cruel usage ; and another author who testifies to have seen in a dukedom of germany mariages disjoynd for some implacable enmities arising . beza one of the strictest against divorce , denies it not for danger of life from a heretic , or importunat solicitation to doe ought against religion : and counts it all one whether the heretic desert , or would stay upon intolerable conditions . but this decision well examin'd will be found of no solidity . for beza would be askt why , if god so strictly exact our stay in any kind of wedloc , wee had not better stay and hazard a murdering for religion at the hand of a wife , or husband , as he and others enjoyn us to stay and venture it for all other causes but that ? and why a mans life is not as well and warrantably sav'd by divorcing from an orthodox murderer , as a heretical ? againe , if desertion be confest by him to consist not only in the forsaking , but in the unsufferable conditions of staying , a man may as well deduce the lawfulnesse of divorcing from any intolerable conditions ( if his grant bee good that wee may divorce thereupon from a heretic ) as he can deduce it lawfull to divorce from any deserter , by finding it lawful to divorce from a deserting infidel . for this is plaine , if saint pauls permission to divorce an infidel deserter , inferre it lawfull for any malicious desertion , then doth beza's definition of a deserter transferr it selfe with like facility from the cause of religion to the cause of malice , and proves it as good to divorce from him who intolerably stayes as from him who purposely departs ; and leaves it as lawfull to depart from him who urgently requires a wicked thing , though professing the same religion , as from him who urges a heathenish or superstitious compliance in a different faith . for if there be such necessity of our abiding , wee ought rather to abide the utmost for religion then for any other cause ; seeing both the cause of our stay is pretended our religion to mariage , and the cause of our suffering is suppos'd our constant mariage to religion . beza therfore by his owne definition of a deserter justifies a divorce from any wicked or intolerable conditions rather in the same religion then in a different . aretius a famous divine of bern approves many causes of divorce in his problemes , and adds that the lawes and consistories of swizzerland approve them also . as first , adultery , and that not actual only , but intentional , all eging matthew the fifth , whosoever looketh to lust , hath committed adultery already in his heart . wher by saith he , our saviour shewes that the breach of matrimony may be not only by outward act , but by the heart and desire ; when that hath once possest , it renders the conversation intolerable , and commonly the fact followes . other causes to the number of . or . consenting in most with the imperial lawes , may bee read in the author himselfe , who averrs them to be grave and weighty . all these are men of name in divinity , and to these if need were , might be added more . nor have the civilians bin all so blinded by the canon , as not to avouch the justice of those old permissions touching divorce . alciat of millain , a man of extraordinary wisedome and learning , in the sixt book of his parerga defends those imperial lawes , not repugnant to the gospel , as the church then interpreted . for saith hee , the antients understood him separat by man , whom passions and corrupt affections divorc't , not , if the provincial bishops first heard the matter , and judg'd , as the councel of agatha declares ; and on some part of the code hee names isidorus hispalensis the first computer of canons , to be in the same minde . and in the former place gives his opinion that diuorce might be more lawfully permitted then usury . corasius recorded by helvicus among the famous lawyers hath been already cited of the same judgement . wesembechius a much nam'd civilian in his comment on this law defends it , and afficms that our sauiour excluded not other faults equall to adultery ; and that the word fornication signifies larger among the hebrewes then with us , comprehending every fault which alienates from him to whom obedience is due , and that the primitive church interpreted so . grotius yet living , and of prime note among learned men retires plainly from the canon to the antient civility , yea to the mosaic law , as being most just and undecevable . on the fifth of matt. he saith , that christ made no civil lawes , but taught us how to use law : that the law sent not a husband to the judge about this matter of divorce , but left him to his owne conscience ; that christ therfore cannot be thought to send him ; that adultery may be judg'd by a vehement suspition ; that the exception of adultery seems an example of other like offences ; proves it from the manner of speech , the maxims of law , the reason of charity , and common equity . these authorities without long search i had to produce , all excellent men , som of them such as many ages had brought forth none greater : almost the meanest of them might deserve to obtain credit in a singularity ; what might not then all of them joyn'd in an opinion so consonant to reason ? for although som speak of this cause , others of that , why divorce may be , yet all agreeing in the necessary enlargement of that textual straitnes , leave the matter to equity , not to literal bondage , and so the opinion closes . nor could i have wanted more testimonies , had the cause needed a more sollicitous enquiry . but herein the satisfaction of others hath bin studied , not the gaining of more assurance to mine own perswasion : although authorities contributing reason withall , bee a good confirmation and a welcom . but god , i solemnly attest him , with held from my knowledge the consenting judgement of these men so late , untill they could not bee my instructers , but only my unexpected witnesses to partial men , that in this work i had not given the worst experiment of an industry joyn'd with integrity and the free utterance though of an unpopular truth . which yet to the people of england may , if god so please , prove a memorable informing ; certainly a benefit which was intended them long since by men of highest repute for wisedome & piety bucer & erasmus . only this one autority more , whether in place or out of place , i am not to omitt ; which if any can think a small one , i must bee patitient it is no smaller then the whole assembl'd autority of england both church and state ; and in those times which are on record for the purest and sincerest that ever shon yet on the reformation of this iland , the time of edward the th . that worthy prince having utterly abolisht the canon law out of his dominions , as his father did before him , appointed by full vote of parlament , a committy of two and thirty chosen men , divines and lawyers , of whom cranmer the archbishop , peter martyr , and walter haddon , ( not without the assistance of sir john cheeke the kings tutor a man at that time counted the learnedest of englishmen , & for piety not inferior ) were the cheif , to frame anew som ecclesiastical laws , that might be in stead of what was abrogated . the work with great diligence was finisht , and with as great approbation of that reforming age was receav'd ; and had bin doubtlesse , as the learned preface thereof testifies , establisht by act of parlament , had not the good kings death so soon ensuing , arrested the furder growth of religion also , from that season to this . those laws , thus founded on the memorable wisedome and piety of that religious parlament and synod , allow divorce and second mariage not only for adultery or desertion , but for any capital cnmity or plot laid against the others life , and likewise for evil and fierce usage ? nay the . chap. of that title by plaine consequence declares , that lesser contentions , if they be perpetual , may obtaine divorce : which is all one really with the position by me held in the former treatise publisht on this argument , herein only differing that there the cause of perpetual strife was put for example in the unchangeable discord of som natures ; but in these lawes intended us by the best of our ancestors , the effect of continual strife is determin'd no unjust plea of divorce , whether the cause be naturall or wilfull . wherby the warinesse and deliberation from which that discourse proceeded , will appeare , & that god hath aided us to make no bad conclusion of this point ; seeing the opinion which of late hath undergon ill censures among the vulgar , hath now prov'd to have don no violence to scripture , unlesse all these famous authors alleg'd have done the like ; nor hath affirm'd ought more then what indeed the most nominated fathers of the church both ancient and modern are unexpectedly found affirming , the lawes of gods peculiar people , & of primitive christendom found to have practis'd , reformed churches and states to have imitated , and especially the most pious church-times of this kingdom to have fram'd and publisht , and , but for sad hindrances in the sudden change of religion , had enacted by parlament . hence forth let them who condemn the assertion of this book for new and licentious , be sorry ; lest , while they think to be of the graver sort , and take on them to be teachers , they expose themselves rather to be pledg'd up and down by men who intimatly know them , to the discovery and contempt of their ignorance and presumption . the end. errata . pag. . lin . . and by them to prosecute , no comma between . pag. . lin . . basilius macedo , no comma between . the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton ; in two books. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton ; in two books. milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell ..., london : . reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -- early works to . church and state -- england. great britain -- history -- charles i, - . a r (wing m ). civilwar no the reason of church-governement urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton. in two books. milton, john f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reason of church-governement urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton . in two books . london , printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at the sunne in pauls church-yard . . the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty . the preface . in the publishing of humane lawes , which for the most part aime not beyond the good of civill society , to set them barely forth to the people without reason or preface , like a physicall prescript , or only with threatnings , as it were a lordly command , in the judgement of plato was thought to be done neither generously nor wisely . his advice was , seeing that persuasion certainly is a more winning , and more manlike way to keepe men in obedience then feare , that to such lawes as were of principall moment ; there should be us'd as an induction , some well temper'd discourse , shewing how good , how gainfull , how happy it must needs be to live according to honesty and justice , which being utter'd with those native colours and graces of speech , as true eloquence the daughter of vertue can best bestow upon her mothers praises , would so incite , and in a manner , charme the multitude into the love of that which is really good , as to imbrace it ever after , not of custome and awe , which most men do , but of choice and purpose , with true and constant delight . but this practice we may learn , from a better & more ancient authority , then any heathen writer hath to give us , and indeed being a point of so high wisdome & worth , how could it be but we should find it in that book , within whose sacred context all wisdome is infolded ? moses therefore the only lawgiver that we can believe to have beene visibly taught of god , knowing how vaine it was to write lawes to men whose hearts were not first season'd with the knowledge of god and of his workes , began from the book of genesis , as a prologue to his lawer ; which josephus● ight well hath noted . that the nation of the jewes , reading therein the universall goodnesse of god to all creatures in the creation , and his peculiar favour to them in his election of abraham their ancestor , from whom they could derive so many blessings upon themselves , might be mov'd to obey si cerely by knowing so good a reason of their obedience . if then in the administration of civill justice , and under the obscurity of ceremoniall rites , such care was had by the wisest of the heathen , and by moses among the jewes , to instruct them at least in a generall reason of that government to which their subjection was requir'd , how much more ought the members of the church under the gospell seek● to informe their understanding in the reason of that government which the church claimes to have over them : especially for that the church hath in her immediate cure those inner parts and affections of the mind where the seat of reason is ; having power to examine our spirituall knowledge , and to demand from us in gods behalfe a service intirely reasonable . but because about the manner and order of this government , whether it ought to be presbyteriall , or prelaticall , such endlesse question , or rather uproare is arisen in this land , as may be justly term'd , what the feaver is to the physitians , the eternall reproach of our divines ; whilest other profound c● erks of late greatly , as they conceive , to the advancement of prelaty , are so earnestly meting out the lydian proconsular asia , to make good the prime metropolis of ephesus , as if some of our prelates in all haste meant to change their solle , and become neighbours to the english bishop of chalcedon ; and whilest good breerwood as busily bestirres himselfe in our vulgar tongue to divide precisely the three patriarchats , of rome , alexandria , and antioch , and whether to any of these england doth belong , i shall in the meane while not cease to hope through the mercy and grace of christ , the head and husband of his church , that england shortly is to belong , neither to see patriarchall , nor see prelaticall , but to the faithfull feeding and disciplining of that ministeriall order , which the blessed apostles constituted throughout the churches : and this i shall assay to prove can be no other , then that of presbyters and deacons . and if any man incline to thinke i undertake a taske too difficult for my yeares , i trust through the supreme inlightning assistance farre otherwise ; for my yeares , be they few or many , what imports it ? so they bring reason , let that be looke on : and for the task , from hence that the question in hand is so needfull to be known at this time chiefly by every meaner capacity , and containes in it the explication of many admirable and heavenly privileges reacht out to us by the gospell , i conclude the task must be easie . god having to this end ordain'd his gospell to be the revelation of his power and wisdome in christ jesus . and this is one depth of his wisdome , that he could so plainly reveale so great a measure of it to the grosse distorted apprehension of decay'd mankinde . let others therefore dread and shun the scriptures for their darknesse , i shall wish i may deserve to be reckon'd among those who admire and dwell upon them for their clearnesse . and this seemes to be the cause why in those places of holy writ , wherein is treated of church-government , the reasons thereof are not formally , and profestly set downe , because to him that heeds attentively the drift and scope of christian profession , they easily imply themselves , which thing further to explane , having now prefac'd enough , i shall no longer deferre . chap. i. that church-government is prescrib'd in the gospell , and that to say otherwise is unsound . the first and greatest reason of church-government , we may securely with the assent of many on the adverse part , affirme to be , because we finde it so ordain'd and set out to us by the appointment of god in the scriptures ; but whether this be presbyteriall , or prelaticall , it cannot be brought to the scanning , untill i have said what is meet to some who do not think it for the ease of their inconsequent opinions , to grant that church discipline is platform'd in the bible , but that it is left to the discretion of men . to this conceit of theirs i answer , that it is both unsound and untrue . for there is not that thing in the world of more grave and urgent importance throughout the whole life of man , then is discipline . what need i instance ? he that hath read with judgement , of nations and common-wealths , of cities and camps , of peace and warre , sea and land , will readily agree that the flourishing and decaying of all civill societies , all the moments and turnings of humane occasions are mov'd to and fro as upon the axle of discipline . so that whatsoever power or sway in mortall things weaker men have attributed to fortune , i durst with more confidence ( the honour of divine providence ever sav'd ) ascribe either to the vigor , or the slacknesse of discipline . nor is there any sociable perfection in this life civill or sacred that can be above discipline , but she is that which with her musicall cords preserves and holds all the parts thereof together . hence in those perfect armies of cyrus in xenophon , and scipio in the roman stories , the excellence of military skill was esteem'd , not by the not needing , but by the readiest submitting to the edicts of their commander . and certainly discipline is not only the removall of disorder , but if any visible shape can be given to divine things , the very visible shape and image of vertue , whereby she is not only seene in the regular gestures and motions of her heavenly paces as she walkes , but also makes the harmony of her voice audible to mortall eares . yea the angels themselves , in whom no disorder is fear'd , as the apostle that saw them in his rapture describes , are distinguisht and quaternion● into their celestiall princedomes , and satrapies , according as god himselfe hath writ his imperiall decrees through the great provinces of heav'n . the state also of the blessed in paradise , though never so perfect , is not therefore left without discipline , whose golden survaying reed marks out and measures every quarter and circuit of new jerusalem . yet is it not to be conceiv'd that those eternall effluences of sanctity and love in the glorified saints should by this meanes be confin'd and cloy'd with repetition of that which is prescrib'd , but that our happinesse may or be it selfe into a thousand vagancies of glory and delight , and with a kinde of eccentricall equation be as it were an invariable planet of joy and felicity , how much lesse can we believe that god would leave his fraile and feeble , though not lesse beloved church here below to the perpetuall stumble of conjecture and disturbance in this our darke voyage without the card and compasse of discipline . which is so hard to be of mans making , that we may see even in the guidance of a civill state to worldly happinesse , it is not for every learned , or every wise man , though many of them consult in common , to invent or frame a discipline , but if it be at all the worke of man , it must be of such a one as is a true knower of himselfe , and himselfe in whom contemplation and practice , wit , prudence , fortitude , and eloquence must be rarely met , both to comprehend the hidden causes of things , and span in his thoughts all the various effects that passion or complexion can worke in mans nature ; and hereto must his hand be at defiance with gaine , and his heart in all vertues heroick . so far is it from the kenne of these wretched projectors of ours that bescraull their pamflets every day with new formes of government for our church . and therefore all the ancient lawgivers were either truly inspir'd as moses , or were such men as with authority anough might give it out to be so , as min● s , lycurgus , numa , because they wisely forethought that men would never quietly submit to such a discipline as had not more of gods hand in it then mans : to come within the narrownesse of houshold government , observation will shew us many deepe counsellers of state and judges to demean themselves incorruptly in the setl'd course of affaires , and many worthy preachers upright in their lives , powerfull in their audience ; but look upon either of these men where they are left to their own disciplining at home , and you shall soone perceive for all their single knowledge and uprightnesse , how deficient they are in the regulating of their own family ; not only in what may concerne the vertuous and decent composure of their minds in their severall places , but that which is of a lower and easier performance , the right possessing of the outward vessell , their body , in health or sicknesse , rest or labour , diet , or abstinence , whereby to render it more pliant to the soule , and use● ull to the common-wealth : which if men were but as good to disci● ne themselves , as some are to tutor their horses and hawks , it could not be so grosse in most housholds . if then it appear so hard and so little knowne , how to governe a house well , which is thought of so easie discharge , and for every mans undertaking , what skill of man , what wisdome , what parts , can be sufficient to give lawes & ordinances to the elect houshold of god ? if we could imagine that he had left it at randome without his provident and gracious ordering , who is he so arrogant so presumptuous that durst dispose and guide the living arke of the holy ghost ; though he should finde it wandring in the field of bethshemesh , without the conscious warrant of some high calling . but no profane insolence can paralell that which our prelates dare avouch , to drive outragiously , and shatter the holy arke of the church , not born upon their shoulders with pains and labour in the word , but drawne with rude oxen their officials , and their owne brute inventions . let them make shewes of reforming while they will , so long as the church is mounted upon the prelaticall cart , and not as it ought betweene the hands of the ministers , it will but shake and totter , and he that sets to his hand though with a good intent to hinder the shogging of it , in this unlawfull waggonry wherein it rides , let him beware it be not fatall to him as it was to v● a. certainly if god be the father of his family the church , wherein could he expresse that name more , then in training it up under his owne all-wise and dear oeconomy , not turning it loose to the havock of strangers and wolves that would ask no better plea then this to do● in the church of christ , what ever humour , faction , policy , or ●centious will would prompt them to . againe , if christ be the churches husband expecting her to be presented before him a pure unspotted virgin ; in what could he shew his tender love to her mo● then in prescribing his owne wayes which he best knew would be to the improvement of her health and beauty with much great● care doubtlesse then the persian king could appoint for his queen●esther , those maiden dietings & set prescriptions of baths , & odo● which may tender her at last the more amiable to his eye . for o● any age or sex , most unfitly may a virgin be left to an uncertaine and arbitrary education . yea though she be well instructed , yet is she still under a more strait tuition , especially if betroth'd . in like manner the church bearing the same resemblance , it were not reason to think she should be left destitute of that care which is as necessary , and proper to her , as instruction . for publick preaching indeed is the gift of the spirit working as best seemes to his secret will , but discipline is the practick work o● preaching directed and apply'd as is most requisite to particular duty ; without which it were all one to the benefit of souls , as it would be to the cure of bodi● s , if all the physitians in london should get into the severall pulpits of the city , and assembling all the diseased in every pari● should begin a learned lecture of pleurisies , palsies , lethargies , to which perhaps none there present were inclin'd , and so without so much as feeling one puls , or giving the least order to any skilfull apothecary , should dismisse 'em from time to time , some groaning , some languishing , some expiring , with this only charge to look well to themselves , and do as they heare . of what excellence and necessity then church-discipline is , how beyond the faculty of man to frame , and how dangerous to be left to mans invention who would be every foot turning it to sinister ends , how properly also it is the worke of god as father , and of christ as husband of the church ; we have by thus much heard . chap. ii. that church governement is set downe in holy scripture , and that to say otherwise is untrue . as therefore it is unsound to say that god hath not appointed any set government in his church , so is it untrue . of the time of the law there can be no doubt ; for to let passe the first institution of priests and levites , which is too cleare to be insisted upon , when the temple came to be built , which in plaine judgement could breed no essentiall change either in religion , or in the priestly government ; yet god to shew how little he could endure that men should be tampring and contriving in his worship , though in things of lesse regard , gave to david for solomon not only a pattern and modell of the temple , but a direction for the courses of the priests and levites , and for all the worke of their service . at the returne from the captivity things were only restor'd after the ordinance of moses and david ; or if the least alteration be to be found , they had with them inspired men , prophets , and it were not sober to say they did ought of moment without divine intimation . in the prophesie of ez-kiel from the chapt. onward , after the destruction of the temple , god by his prophet seeking to weane the hearts of the jewes from their old law to expect a new and more perfect reformation under christ , sets out before their eyes the stately fabrick & constitution of his church , with al the ecclesiasticall functions appertaining ; indeed the description is as sorted best to the apprehension of those times , typicall and shadowie , but in such manner as never yet came to passe , nor never must literally , unlesse we mean to annihilat the gospel . but so exquisit and lively the description is in portraying the new state of the church , and especially in those points where government seemes to be most active , that both jewes and gentiles might have good cause to be assur'd , that god when ever he meant to reforme his church , never intended to leave the governement thereof delineated here in such curious architecture , to be patch't afterwards , and varnish't over with the devices and imbellishings of mans imagination . did god take such delight in measuring out the pillars , arches , and doores of a materiall temple , was he so punctuall and circumspect in lavers , altars , and sacrifices soone after to be abrogated , left any of these should have beene made contrary to his minde ? is not a farre more perfect worke more agreeable to his perfection in the most perfect state of the church militant , the new alliance of god to man ? should not he rather now by his owne prescribed discipline have cast his line and levell upon the soule of man which is his rationall temple , and by the divine square and compasse thereof forme and regenerate in us the lovely shapes of vertues and graces , the sooner to edifie and accomplish that immortall stature of christs body which is his church , in all her glorious lineaments and proportions . and that this indeed god hath done for us in the gospel 〈◊〉 shall see with open eyes , not under a vaile . we may passe over the history of the acts and other places , turning only to those epistle● of s. paul to timothy and titus : where the spirituall eye may discerne more goodly and gracefully erected then all the magnifice● ce of temple or tabernacle , such a heavenly structure of evangel● ck discipline so diffusive of knowledge and charity to the prosperous increase and growth of the church , that it cannot be wonder'd if that elegant and artfull symmetry of the promised new temple in ezechiel , and all those sumptuous things under the law were made to signifie the inward beauty and splendor of the christian church thus govern'd . and whether this be commanded let it now be j● dg'd . s. paul after his preface to the first of timothy which hee concludes in the verse with amen , enters upon the subject of his epistle which is to establish the church-government with a command . this charge i commit to thee son timothy : according to the prophecies which went before on thee , that thou by them might'st war a good warfare . which is plain enough thus expounded . this charge i commit to thee wherein i now go about to instruct thee how thou shalt set up church-discipline , that thou might'st warre a good warfare , bearing thy selfe constantly and faithfully in the ministery , which in the i to the corinthians is also call'd a warfare : and so after a kinde of parenthesis concerning hymenaeus he returnes to his command though under the milde word of exhorting , cap. . v. . i exhort therefore . as if he had interrupted his former command by the occasionall mention of hymeneus . more beneath in the v. of the c. when he hath deliver'd the duties of bishops or presbyters and deacons not once naming any other order in the church , he thus addes . these things write i unto thee hoping to come unto thee shortly ( such necessity it seems there was ) but if i tarry long , that thou ma●'st know how thou ought'st to behave thy s● lfe in the house of god . from this place it may be justly ask'● , whether timothy by this here written might know what was to be knowne concerning the orders of church-governours or no ? if he might , then in such a cleere t● xt as this may we know too without further j● ngle ; if he might not , then did s. paul write insufficiently , and moreover said not true , for he saith here he might know , and i perswade my selfe he did know ere this was written , but that the apostle had more regard to the instruction of us , then to the informing of him . in the fifth chap. after some other church precepts concerning discipline , mark what a dreadfull command followes , verse . i charge thee before god and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , that thou observe these things , and as if all were not yet sure anough , ● e closes up the epistle , with an adj● ring charge thus . i give thee charge in the sight of god who quickneth all things , and before christ jesus , that thou keepe this commandement : that is the whole commandement concerning discipline , being them ine purpose of the epistle : although hooker would faine have this denouncement referr'd to the particular precept going before , because the word commandement is in the singular number , not remembring that even in the first chapt. of this epistle , the wo● commandement is us'd in a plurall sense , vers. . now the end of the commandement is charity . and what more frequent then in like manner to say the law of moses . so that either to restraine the significance too much , or too much to inlarg it would make the adjuration either not so waighty , or not so pertinent . and thus we find here that the rules of church-discipline are not only commanded , but hedg'd about with such a terrible impalement of commands , as he that will break through wilfully to violate the least of them , must hazard the wounding of his conscience even to death . yet all this notwithstanding we shall finde them broken wellnigh all by the faire pretenders even of the next ages . no lesse to the contempt of him whom they fain to be the archfounder of prelaty s. peter , who by what he writes in the chap. of his first epistle should seeme to be farre another man then tradition reports him : there he commits to the presbyters only full authority both of feeding the flock , and episcopating : and commands that obedience be given to them as to the mighty hand of god , wch is his mighty ordinance . yet all this was as nothing to repell the ventrous boldnesse of innovation that ensu'd , changing the decrees of god that is immutable , as if they had been breath'd by man . neverthelesse when christ by those visions of s. iohn foreshewes the reformation of his church , he bids him take his reed , and meet it out againe after the first patterne , for he prescribes him no other . arise , said the angell , and measure the temple of god and the altar , and them that worship therein . what is there in the world can measure men but discipline ? our word ruling imports no lesse . doctrine indeed is the measure , or at least the reason of the measure , t is true , but unlesse the measure be apply'd to that which it is to measure , how can it actually doe its proper worke . whether therefore discipline be all one with doctrine , or the particular application thereof to this or that person , we all agree that doctrine must be such only as is command● , or whether it be something really differing from doctrine , yet 〈◊〉 it only of gods appointment , as being the most adequat measure of the church and her children , which is here the office of a gr● evangelist and the reed given him from heaven . but that par● of the temple which is not thus measur'd , so farre is it from being 〈◊〉 gods tuition or delight , that in the following verse he rejects i● , however in shew and visibility it may seeme a part of his church , yet in as much as it lyes thus unmeasur'd he leaves it to be trampl'd by the gentiles , that is to be polluted with idolatrous and gentilish rites and ceremonies . and the the principall reformation here foretold is already come to passe as well in discipline as in doctrine the state of our neighbour churches afford us to behold . thus through all the periods and changes of the church it hath beene prov'd that god hath still reserv'd to himselfe the right of enacting church-government . chap. iii. that it is dangerous and unworthy the gospell to hold that church-government is to be pattern'd by the law , as b. andrews and the primat of armagh maintaine . we may returne now from this interposing difficulty thus remov'd , to affi● me , that since church-government is so strictly commanded in gods word , the first and greatest reason why we should submit thereto , is because god hath so commanded . but whether of these two , prelaty or presbytery can prove it selfe to be supported by this first and greatest reason , must be the next dispute . where in this position is to be first layd down as granted ; that i may not follow a chase rather then a● argument , that one of these two , and none other is of gods ordaining , and if it be , that ordinance must be evident in the gospell . for the imperfect and obscure institution of the law , which the apostles themselves doubt not o● t-times to ● ilifre , cannot give rules to the compleat and glorious ministration of the gospell , which lookes on the law , as on a childe , not as on a tutor . and that the prelates have no sure foundation in the gospell , their own guiltinesse doth manifest : they would not else run questing up as high as adam to fe● h their originall , as t is said one of them lately did in publick . to which assertion , had i heard it , because i see they are so insatiable of antiquity , i should have gladly assented , and confest them ye● more ancient . for lucifer before adam was the fir● prela● angel , and both he , as is commonly thought , and our 〈◊〉 adam , as we all know , for aspiring above their order● , were miser● bly degraded . but others better advis'd are content to receive their beginning from aaron and his sons , among whom b. andrews of late ye● res , and in these times the primat of armagh for their learning are reputed the best able to say what may be said in this opinion . the primat in his discou● se about the originall of episcopacy newly revis'd begins thus . the ground of episco● cy is fetcht partly from the pattern prescribed by god in the old testament , and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the apostles . herein i must entreat to be excus'd of the desire i have to be satisfi'd , how for example the ground of episcop . is fetch't partly from the example of the old testament , by whom next , and by whose authority . secondly , how the church-government under the gospell can be rightly call'd an imitation of that in the old testament ? for that the gospell is the end and fulfilling of the law , our liberty also from the bondage of the law i plainly reade . how then the ripe age of the gospell should be put to schoole againe , and learn to governe her selfe from the infancy of the law , the stronger to imitate the weaker , the freeman to follow the captive , the learned to be lesson'd by the rude , will be a hard undertaking to evince from any of those principles which either art or inspiration hath written . if any thing done by the apostles may be drawne howsoever to a likenesse of somethi● g mosaicall , if it cannot be prov'd that it was done of purpose in imitation , as having the right thereof grounded in nature , and not in ceremony or type , it will little availe the matter . the whole judaick law is either politicall , and to take pattern by that , no christian nation ever thought it selfe o● g'd in conscience ; or morall , which containes in it the observation of whatsoever is substantially , and perpetually true and good , either in religion , or course of life . that which is thus morall , besides what we f● tch from those unwritten lawes and ideas which nature hath ingraven in us , the gospell , as stands with her dignity most , lectures to us from her own authentick hand-writing and command , not copies out from the borrow'd manuscript of a subservient scrow● , by way of imitating . as well might she be said in her sacrame● of water to imitate the baptisme of iohn . what though ● he retaine excommunication ● s'd in the syna ● ogue , retain the morality of the sabbath , she does not therefore imitate the law her underling , but perfect her . all that was morally deliver'd from the law to the gospell in the office of the priests and levites , was that there should be a ministery set a part to teach and discipline the church ; both which duties the apostles thought good to commit to the presbyters . and if any distinction of honour were to be made among them , they directed it should be to those not that only rule well , but especially to those that labour in the word and doctrine . by which we are taught that laborious teaching is the most honourable prelaty that one minister can have above another in the gospell : if therefore the superiority of bishopship be grounded on the priesthood as a part of the morall law , it cannot be said to be an imitation ; for it were ridiculous that morality should imitate morality , which ever was the same thing . this very word of patterning or imitating excludes episcopacy from the solid and grave ethicall law , and betraies it to be a meere childe of ceremony , or likelier some misbegotten thing , that having pluckt the gay feathers of her obsolet bravery to ● i de her own deformed barenesse , now vaunts and glories in her stolne plumes . in the meane while what danger there is against the very life of the gospell to make in any thing the typical law her pattern , and how impossibl● in that which touches the priestly government , i shall use such light as i have receav'd , to lay open . ● t cannot be unknowne by what expressions the holy apostle s. paul spar● s not to explane to us the na● ure and condition of the l● calling those o● dinances which were the chiefe and 〈◊〉 offices of the priests , the elements and rudiments of the world both weake and beggarly . now to br● ed , and bring up the child● en of the promise , the heirs of liberty and grace under such a kinde of government as is profest to be but an imitation of that ministery which engender'd to b● ndage the so● s of agar , how can this 〈◊〉 but a foul injury and derogation , if not a cancelling of that birth-right and immunity which christ hath purchas'd for us with his blood . for the ministration of the law consisting of c● all things , drew to it such a ministery as consisted of ca● all respects , dignity , precedence , and the like . and such a ministery establish't in the gospell , as is founded upon the points and ter● of superiority , and nests it selfe in worldly honour , will draw to it , and we see it doth , such a religion as ● unnes back againe to the old pompe and glory of the flesh . for doubtlesse there is a certaine attraction and magnetick force betwixt the religion and the ministeriall forme thereof . if the religion be pure , spirituall , simple , and lowly , as the gospel most truly is , such must the face of the ministery be . and in like manner if the forme of the ministery be grounded in the worldly degrees of autority , honour , temporall jurisdiction , we see it with our eyes it will turne the inward power and purity of the gospel into the outward carnality of the law ; evaporating and exhaling the internall worship into empty conformities , and gay sh● wes . and what remains then but that wee should runne into as dangerous and deadly apostacy a● our lamented neighbours the papists , who by this very snire and pitfall of imitating the ceremonial law , fel into that irrecoverable superstition , as must need● make void the cov● nant of salvation to them that persist in this blindnesse . chap. iv. that it is impossible to make the priesthood of aaron a pattern whereon to ground episcopacy . that which was promis'd next , is to declare the impossibility of grounding evangelick government in the imitation of the jewish priesthood : which will be done by considering both the quality of the persons , and the office it selfe . aaron and his sonnes were the princes of their tribe before they were sanctified to the priesthood : that personall eminence which they held above the other levites , they receav'd not only from their office , but partly brought it into their office : and so from that time forward the priests were not chosen out of the whole number of the levites , as our bishops , but were borne inheritors of the dignity . therefore unlesse we shall choose our prelat● only out of the nobility , and let them runne in a blood , there can be no possible imitation of lording over their brethren in regard of their persons altogether unlike . as for the office wch was a representation of christs own person more immediately in the high priest , & of his whole priestly office in all the other ; to the performance of wch the levits were but as servitors & deacons , it was necessary there should be a distinction of dignity betweene two functions of so great od● . but there being no such difference among our ministers , unlesse it be in reference to the deacons , it is impossible to found a 〈◊〉 upon the imitation of this priesthood . for wherein , or in w● worke is the office of a prelat excellent above that of a pa● in ordination you 'l say ; but flatly against scripture , for there we know timothy receav'd ordination by the hands of the presby● y , notwithstanding all the vaine delusions that are us'd to 〈◊〉 that testimony , and maintaine an unwarrantable usurpation . but wherefore should ordination be a cause of setting up a superiour degree in the church● is not that whereby christ became our saviour a higher and greater worke , then that whereby he did ordai● e messengers to preach and publish him our saviour ? every minister sustains the person of christ in his highest work of communicating to us the mysteries of our salvation , and hath the power of binding and absolving , how should he need a higher dignity to represent or execute that which is an inferior work in christ ? why should the performance of ordination which is a lower office exalt a prelat , and not the seldome discharge of a higher and more noble office 〈◊〉 is preaching & administring much rather depressehim ? verily neither the nature , nor the example of ordinationdoth any way require an imparity betweene the ordainer and the ordained . for what more naturall then every like to produce his like ; man to beget man , fire to propagate fire , and in examples of highest opi●●on the ordainer is inferior to the ordained ; fo● the pope is not ma● e by the precedent pope , but by cardinals , who ordain and consecrate to a higher and greater office then their own . chap. v. to the arguments of b. andrews and the primat . it followes here to attend to certaine objections in a little treatise lately printed among others of like sort at oxford , and in the title said to be out of the rude draughts of bishop andrews . and surely they bee rude draughts indeed , in so much that it is marvell to think what his friends meant to let come abroad such shallow reasonings with the name of a man so much bruited for learning . in the and pages he seemes most notoriously inconstant to himselfe ; for in the former place he tels us he forbeares to take any argument of prelaty from aaron , as being the type of christ . in the latter he can forbeare no longer , but repents him of his rash gratuity , affirming , that to say , christ being come in the flesh , his figure in the high priest ceaseth , is the shift of an anabaptist ; and stiffly argues that christ being as well king as priest , was as well fore-resembled by the kings then , as by the high priest . so that if his comming take away the one type , it must also the other . marvellous piece of divinity ! and well worth that the land should pay six thousand pound a yeare for , in a bishoprick , although i reade of no sophister among the greeks that was so dear , neither hippias nor protagoras , nor any whom the socratick schoole famously refuted with out hire . here we have the type of the king sow'd to the typet of the bishop , suttly to cast a jealousie upon the crowne , as if the right of kings ; like m● ager in the metamorphosis , were no longer liv'd then the firebrand of prelaty . but more likely the prelats fearing ( for their own guilty carriage protests they doe feare ) that their faire dayes cannot long hold , practize by possessing the king with this most false doctrine , to ingage his power for them , as in his owne quarrell , that when they fall they may fall in a generall ruine , just as cruell tyberius would wish , when i dye , let the earth be roul'd in flames . but where , o bishop , doth the purpose of the law set forth christ to us as a king ? that which never was intended in the law , can never be abolish'● as part thereof . when the law was made , there was no king : if before the law , or under the law god by a speciall type in any king would foresignifie the fut● re kingdome of christ , which is not yet visibly come , what was that to the law ? the whole ceremoniall law , and types can be in no law else , comprehends nothing but the propitiatory office of christs priesthood , which being in substance accomplisht , both law and priesthood fades away of it selfe , and passes into aire like a transitory vision , and the right of kings neither stands by any type nor falls . we acknowledge that the civill magistrate weares an autority of gods giving , and ought to be obey'd as his vicegerent . but to make a king a type , we say is an abusive and unskilfull speech , and of a morall solidity makes it seeme a ceremoniall shadow . therefore your typical chaine of king and priest must unlink . but is not the type of priest taken away by christs comming ? no saith this famous protestant bishop of winchester ; it is not , and he that saith it is , is an anabaptist . what think ye reade● , do ye not understand him ? what can be gather'd hence but that the prelat would still sacrifice ? conceave him readers , he would missificate . their altar● indeed were in a fair forwardnesse ; and by such arguments as the they were setting up the molten calfe of their masseagaine , and of their great hierarch the pope . for if the type of priest be not taken away , then neither of the high priest , it were a strange behe● ding ; and high priest more then one there cannot be , and that o● e can be no lesse then a pope . and this doubtlesse was the bent of his career , though never so covertly . yea but there was something else in the high priest besides the figure , as is plain by s. pauls acknowledging him . t is true that in the of deut , whence this autority arise● to the priest in matters too hard for the secular judges , as must needs be many in the occasions of those times involv'd so with ceremoniall niceties , no wonder though it be commanded to enquire at the mouth of the priests , who besides the magistrat● their collegues had the oracle of uri● to consult with . and whether the high priest ananias had not incroach't beyond the limits of his priestly autority , or whether us'd it rightly , was no time then for s. paul to contest about . but if this instance be able to assert any right of jurisdiction to the clergy , it must impart it in common to all ministers , since it were a great folly to seeke for counsell in a hard intricat scruple from a dunce prelat , when there might be found a speedier solution from a grave and learned minister , whom god hath gifted with the judgement of urim more amply oft-times then all the prelates together ; and now in the gospell hath granted the privilege of this oraculous ephod alike to all his ministers . the reason therefore of imparity in the priests , being now as is aforesaid , really annull'd both in their person , and in their representative office , what right of jurisdiction soever , can be from this place levitically bequeath'd , must descend upon the ministers of the gospell equally , as it findes them in all other points equall . well then he is finally content to let , aaron go . el● r will serve his turne , as being a superior of superiors , and yet no type of christ in aarons life time . o thou that would'st winde into any figment , or phantasme to save thy miter ! yet all this will not fadge , though it be cunningly interpolisht by some second hand with crooks & emendations ; heare then ; the type of christ in some one particular , as of entring yearly into the holy of holies and such like , rested upon the high priest only as more immediately personating our saviour : but to resemble his whole satisfactory office all the lineage of aaron was no more then sufficient . and all , or any of the priests consider'd separately without relation to the highest , are but as a livelesse trunk and signifie nothing . and this shewes the excellente or christs sacrifice , who at once and in one person fulfill'd that which many hunderds of priests many times repeating had anough to foreshew . what other imparity there was among themselves , we may safely suppose it depended on the dignity of their birth and family , together with the circumstances of a carnall service , which might afford many priorities . and this i take to be the summe of what the bishop hath laid together to make plea for p● laty by imitation of the law . i hough indeed , if it may stand , it will inferre popedome all as well . many other courses he tries , enforcing himselfe with much ostentation of endlesse genealogies , as if he were the man that s. paul forewarnes us of in timothy , but so unvigorously , that i do not feare his winning of many to his cause , but such as doting upon great names are either over-weake , or over sudden of faith . i shall not refuse therefore to lea● ne so much prudence as i finde in the roman souldier that attended the crosse , not to stand breaking of legs , when the breath is quite out of the body , but passe to that which follows . the primat of armagh at the beginning of his tractat seeks to availe himselfe of that place in the of esaiah , i will take of them for priests and levites , saith the lord ; to uphold hereby such a forme of superiority among the ministers of the gospell , succeeding those in the law , as the lords day did the sabbath . but certain if this method may be admitted of interpreting those propheticall passages concerning christian times in a punctuall correspondence , it may with equall probability be urg'd upon us , that we are bound to observe some monthly solemnity answerable to the new moons , as well as the lords day which we keepe in lieu of the sabbath : for in the v. the prophet joynes them in the same manner together , as before he did the priests and levites , thus . and it shall come to passe that from one new moone to another , and from one sabbath to another shall all flesh come to worship before me , saith the lord . undoubtedly with as good consequence may it be alledg'd from hence , that we are to solemnize some religious monthly meeting different from the sabbath , as from the other any distinct formality of ecclesiasticall orders may be inferr'd . this rather will appeare to be the lawfull and unconstrain'd sense of the text , that god in taking of them for priests and levites , will not esteeme them unworthy though gentiles , to undergoe any function in the church , but will make of them a full and perfect ministery , as was that of the priests and levites in their kinde . and bishop an● rows himselfe to end the controversie , sends us a candid exposition of this quoted verse from the page of his said book , plainly deciding that god by those legall names there of priests and levites means our presbyters , and deacons , for which either ingenuous confession , or slip of his pen we give him thanks , and withall to him that brought these treatises into one volume , who setting the contradictions of two learned men so neere together , did not foresee . what other deducements or analogies are cited out of s. paul to pro● e a likenesse betweene the ministers of the old and new testament , having tri'd their sinewes . i judge they may passe without harme doing to our cause . we may remember then that prelaty neither hath nor can have foundation in the law , nor yet in the gospell , which assertion as being for the plainnesse thereof a matter of eye sight , rather then of disquisition i voluntarily omitt , not forgetting to specifie this note againe , that the earnest des● e which the prelates have to build their hierarchy upon the sandy bottome of the law , gives us to see abundantly the little assurance which they finde to reare up their high roofs by the autority of the gospell , repulst as it were from the writings of the apostles , and driven to take sanctuary among the jewes . hence that open confession of the primat before mention'd . episcopacy is fetcht partly from the patterne of the old testament & partly from the new as an imitation of the old , though nothing ca● be more rotten in divinity then such a position as this , and is all one as to say episcopacy is partly of divine institution , and partly of mans own carving . for who gave the autority to fetch more from the patterne of the law then what the apostles had already fetcht , if they fetcht any thing at a● l , as hath beene prov'd they did not . so was jer● oams episcopacy partly from the patterne of the law , and partly from the patterne of his owne carnality ; a parti-colour'd and a parti-member'd episcopacy , and what can this be lesse then a monstrous ? others therefore among the prelats perhaps not so well able to brook , or rather to justifie this foule relapsing to the old law , have condiscended at last to a plaine confessing that both the names and offices of bishops and presbyters at first were the same , and in the scriptures no where distinguisht . this grants the remonstrant in the fift section of his desc● e , and in the preface to his last short answer . but what need respect he had whether he grant or grant it not , when as through all antiquity , and even in the lo● iest times of prelaty we finde it granted . ierome the learned'st of the fathers hides not his opinion , that custome only , which the proverbe cals a tyrant , was the maker of prelaty ; before his audacious workman● p the churches were rul'd in common by the presbyters , and such a certaine truth this was esteem'd , that it became a decree among the papall canons compil'd by gratian . ans● l me also of canturbury , who to uphold the points of his prelatisme made himselfe a traytor to his country , yet commenting the epistles to titus and the philippians acknowledges from the cleernesse of the text , what ierome and the church rubrick hath before acknowledg'd . he little dreamt then that the weeding-hook of reformation would after two ages pluck up his glorious poppy from insulting over the good corne . though since some of our brittish prelates seeing themselves prest to produce scripture , try all their cunning , if the new testament will not help them , to frame of their own heads as it were with wax a kinde of mimick bishop limm'd out to the life of a dead priesthood . or else they would straine us out a certaine figurative prelat , by wringing the collective allegory of those seven angels into seven single rochets . howsoever since it thus appeares that custome was the creator of prelaty being lesse ancient then the government of presbyters , it is an extreme folly to give them the hearing that tell us of bishops through so many ages : and if against their tedious muster of citations , sees , and successions , it be reply'd that wagers and church antiquities , such as are repugnant to the plaine dictat of scripture are both alike the arguments of fooles , they have their answer . we rather are to cite all those ages to an arraignment before the word of god , wherefore , and what pretending , how presuming they durst alter that divine institution of presbyter● , which the apostles who were no various and inconstant men surely had set up in the churches , and why they choose to live by custome and catalogue , or as s. paul saith by sight and visibility , rather then by faith ? but first i conclude from their owne mouthes that gods command in scripture , which doubtlesse ought to be the first and greatest reason of church-government , is wanting to prelaty . and certainly we have plenteous warrant in the doctrine of christ to determine that the want of this reason is of it selfe sufficient to confute all other pretences that may be brought in favour of it . chap. vi . that prelaty was not set up for prevention of schisme , as is pretended , or if it were , that it performes not wh● t it was first set up for , but quite the contrary . yet because it hath the outside of a specious reason , & specious things we know are aptest to worke with humane lightnesse and frailty , even against the soli● est truth , that sounds not plausibly , let us think it worth the examining for the love of infirmer christians , of what importance this their second reason may be . tradition they say hath taught them that for the prevention of growing schisme the bishop was heav'd above the presbyter . and must tradition then ever thus to the worlds end be the perpetuall cankerworme to eat out gods commandements ? are his decrees so inconsiderate and so fickle , that when the statutes of solon , or lycurgus shall prove durably good to many ages , his in yeares shall be found defective , ill contriv'd , and for needfull causes to be alter'd ? our saviour and his apostles did not only foresee , but foretell and forewarne us to looke for schisme . is it a thing to be imagin'd of gods wisdome , or at least of apostolick prudence to set up such a government in the tendernesse of the church , as should incline , or not be more able then any other to oppose it selfe to schisme ? it was well knowne what a bold lurker schisme was even in the houshold of christ betweene his owne disciples and those of iohn the baptistabo● fasting : and early in the acts of the apostles the noise of schisme had almost drown'd the proclaiming of the gospell ; yet we rea● e not in scripture that any thought was had of making prelates , no not in those places where dissention was most rife . if prelaty had beene then esteem'd a remedy against schisme , where was it more needfull then in that great variance among the corinthians which s. paul so labour'd to reconcile ? and whose eye could have found the fittest remedy sooner then his ? and what could have made the remedy more available , then to have us'd it speedily ? and lastly what could have beene more necessary then to have written it for our instruction ? yet we see he neither commended it to us , nor us'd it himselfe . for the same division remaining there , or else bursting forth againe more then yeares after s. pauls death , wee finde in clements epistle of venerable autority written to the yet factious corinthians , that they were still govern'd by presbyters . and the same of other churches out of hermas , and divers other the scholers of the apostles by the late industry of the learned salmatius appeares . neither yet did this worthy clement s. pauls disciple , though writing to them to lay aside schisme , in the least word advise them to change the presbyteriall government into prelaty . and therefore if god afterward gave , or permitted this insurrection of episcopacy , it is to be fear'd he did it in his wrath , as he gave the israelites a king . with so good a will doth he use to alter his own chosen government once establish'd . for marke whether this rare device of mans braine thus prefe● ' d before the ordinance of god , had better successe then fleshly wisdome not counseling with god is wont to have . so farre was it from removing schisme , that if schisme parted the congregations before , now it rent and mangl'd , now it ● ag'd . heresie begat heresie with a certaine monstrous haste of pregnancy in her birth , at once borne and bringing forth . contentions before brotherly were now hostile . men went to choose their bishop as they went to a pitcht field , and the day of his election was like the sacking of a city , sometimes ended with the blood of thousands . nor this among hereticks only , but men of the same beliefe , yea confessors , and that with such odious ambition , that eusebius in his eighth book testifies he abhorr'd to write . and the reason is not obscure , for the poore dignity or rather burden of a ● ochial presbyter could not ingage any great party , nor that to any deadly feud : but prelaty was a power of that extent , and sway , that if her election were popular , it was seldome not the cause of some faction or broil in the church . but if her dignity came by favour of some prince , she was from that time his creature , and obnoxious to comply with his ends in state were they right or wrong . so that in stead of finding prelaty an impeacher of schisme or faction , the more i search , the more i grow into all perswasion to think rather that faction and she as with a spousall ring are wedded together , never to be divorc't . but here let every one behold the just , and dreadfull judgement of god meeting with the a● dacious pride of man that durst offer to mend the ordinances of heaven . god out of the strife of men brought forth by his apostles to the church that beneficent and ever distributing office of deacons , the stewards and ministers of holy almes , man out of the pretended care of peace & unity being caught in the snare of his impious boldnesse to correct the will of christ , brought forth to himselfe upon the church that irreconcileable schisme of perdition and apostasy , the roman antichrist : for that the exaltation of the pope arose out of the reason of prelaty it cannot be deny'd . and as i noted before that the patterne of the high priest pleaded for in the gospel ( for take away the head priest the rest are but a carcasse ) sets up with better reason a pope , then an archbishop , for if prelaty must still rise and rise till it come to a primat , why should it stay there ? when as the catholick government is not to follow the division of kingdomes , the temple best representing the universall church , and the high priest the universall head ; so i observe here , that if to quiet schisme there must be one head of prelaty in a land or monarchy rising from a provinciall to a nationall primacy , there may upon better grounds of repressing schisme be set up one catholick head over the catholick church . for the peace and good of the church is not terminated in the schismelesse estate of one or two kingdomes , but should be provided for by the joynt consultation of all reformed christendome : that all controversie may end in the finall pronounce or canon of one arch-primat , or p● otestant pope . although by this meanes for ought i see , all the diameters of schisme may as well meet and be knit up in the center of one grand falshood . now let all impartiall men arbitrate what goodly inference these two maine reasons of the prelats have , that by a naturall league of consequence make more for the pope then for themsel● . yea to say more home are the very wombe for a new subantichrist to breed in ; if it be not rather the old force and power of the same man of sin counterfeiting protestant . it was not the prevention of schisme , but it was schisme it selfe , and the hatefull thirst of lording in the church that first bestow'd a being upon p● elaty ; this was the true cause , but the pretence is stil the same . the prelates , as they would have it thought , are the only mawls of schisme . forsooth if they be put downe , a deluge of innumerable sects will follow ; we shall be all brownists , familists anabaptists . for the word p● ritan seemes to be quasht , and all that heretofore were counted such , are now brownists . and thus doe they raise an evill report upon the expected reforming grace that god hath bi● us hope for , like those faithlesse spie● , whose carcasses shall perish in the wildernesse of their owne confused ignorance , and never taste the good of reformation . doe they keep away schisme ? if to bring a num and chil stupidity of soul , an unactive blindnesse of minde upon the people by thei● leaden doctrine , or no doctrine at all , if to persecute all knowing and zealous christians by the violence of their courts , be to keep away schisme , they keep away schisme indeed ; and by this kind of discipline all italy and spaine is as p● ely and politickly kept from schisme as england hath beene by them . with as good a plea might the dead pal● boast to a man , ti● i that free you from stitches and paines , and the troublesome feeling of cold & heat , of wounds and strokes ; if i were gone , all these would molest you . the winter might as well vaunt it selfe against the spring , i destroy all noysome and rank weeds , i keepe downe all pestilent vapours . yes and all wholesome herbs , and all fresh dews , by your violent & hid ● bound frost ; but when the gentle west winds shall open the fruitfull bosome of the earth thus over-gird● d by your imprisonment , then the flowers put forth and spring and then the s● ne shall scatter the mists , and the ma●ing hand of the tiller shall roo● up all that burdens the soile without thank to your bondage . but farre worse then any frozen captivity is the bondage of p● elates , for that other , if it keep down any thing which is good , within the earth , so doth it likewise that which is ill , but these let out freely the ill , and keep down the good , or else keepe downe the less● r ill , and let out the greatest . be asham'd at last to tell the parlament ye curbe schismaticks , when as they know ye cherish and side with papists , and are now as it were one party with them , and t is said they helpe to petition for ye . can we believe that your government strains in good earnest at the petty g● at s of schisme , when as we see it makes nothing to swallow the camel heresie of rome ; but that indeed your throat● are of the righ● pharisaical straine . where are those schismaticks with whom the prelats hold such hot skirmish ? shew us your acts , those glorious annals which your courts of loathed memory lately deceas'd have left us ? those schismaticks i doubt me wil be found the most of them such a● whose only schisme was to have spoke the truth against your high abominations and cruelties in the church ; this is the schisme ye hate most , the removall of your criminous hierarchy . a politick government of yours , and of a pleasant conceit , set up to remove those as a pretended schisme , that would remove you as a palpable heresie in government . if the schisme would pardon ye that , she might go jagg'd in as many cuts and ● lashes as she pleas'd for you . as for the rending of the church , we have many reasons to thinke it is not that which ye labour to prevent so much as the rending of your pontificall sleeves : that schisme would be the sorest schisme to you , that would be brownisme and an●baptisme indeed . if we go downe , say you , as if adrians wall were broke , a flood of sects will rush in . what sects ? what are their opinions ? give us the inventory ; it will appeare both by your former prosecutions and your present instances , that they are only such to speake of as are offended with your lawlesse government , your ceremonies , your liturgy , an extract of the masse book translated . but that they should be contemners of publick prayer , and churches us'd without superstition , i trust god will manifest it ere long to be as false a sl● nder , as your former slanders against the scots . noise it till ye be hoarse ; that a rabble of sects will come in , it will be answer'd ye , no rabble sir priest , but a unanimous multitude of good protestants will then joyne to the church , which now because of you stand separated . this will be the dreadfull consequence of your removall . as for those terrible names of sectaries and schismaticks which ye have got together , we know your manner of fight , when the quiver of your arguments which it ever thin , and weakly stor'd , after the first brunt is quite empty , your course is to be take ye to your other quiver of slander , wherein lyes your best archery . and whom ye could not move by sophisticall arguing , them you thinke to confute by scandalous misnaming . thereby inciting the blinder sort of people to mislike and deride sound doctrine and good christianity under two or three vile ● nd hatefull terms . but if we could easily indure and dissolve your doubtiest reasons in argument , we shall more easily beare the worst of your unreasonablenesse in calumny and false report . especially being foretold by christ , that if he our master were by your predecessors call'd samaritan and belzebub , we must not think it strange if his best disciples in the reformation , as at first by those of your tribe they were call'd lollards and hussites , so now by you be term'd puritans , and brownists . but my hope is that the people of england will not suffer themselves to be juggl'd thus out of their faith and religion by a mist of names cast before their eyes , but will search wisely by the scriptures , and look quite through this fraudulent aspersion of a disgracefull name into the things themselves : knowing that the primitive christians in their times were accounted such as are now call'd familists and adamites , or worse . and many on the prelatickside like the church of sardis have a name to live , and yet are dead ; to be protestants , and are indeed papists in most of their principles . thu● perswaded , this your old fallacy wee shall soone unmask , and quickly apprehend how you prevent schisme , and who are your schismatick● . but what if ye prevent , and hinder all good means of preventing schisme ? that way which the apostles us'd , was to call a councell ; from which by any thing that can be learnt from the fifteenth of the acts , no faithfull christian was debarr'd , to whom knowledge and piety might give entrance . of such a councell as this every parochiall consistory is a right homogeneous and constituting part being in it selfe as it were a little synod , and towards a generall assembly moving upon her own basis in an even and firme progression , as those smaller squares in battell unite in one great cube , the main phalanx , an embleme of truth and stedfastnesse . whereas on the other side prelaty ascending by a graduall monarchy from bishop to arch-bishop , from thence to p imat , and from thence , for there can be no reason yeilded neither in nature , nor in religion , wherefore , if it have lawfully mounted thus high , it should not be a lordly ascendent in the horoscope of the church , from primate to patriarch , and so to pope . i say prelaty thus ascending in a continuall pyramid upon pretence to perfect the churches unity , if notwithstanding it be found most needfull , yea the utmost helpe to dearn up the rents of schisme by calling a councell , what does it but teach us that prelaty is of no force to effect this work which she boasts to be her maister-peice ; and that her pyramid aspires and sharpens to ambition , not to ● erfection , or unity . this we know , that as often as any great schisme disparts the church , and synods be proclam'd , the presbyters ● ve as great right there , and as free vote of old , as the bishops , which the canon law conceals not . so that prelaty if she will seek to close up divisions in the church , must be forc't to dissolve , and unmake her own pyramidal figure , which she affirmes to be of such ● niting power , when as indeed it is the most dividing , and schism● icall forme that geometricians know of , and must be faine to inglobe , or incube her selfe among the presbyters ; which she hating to do , sends her haughty prelates from all parts with their fork● d miters , the badge of schisme or the stampe of his clov● n foot whom they serve i think , who according to their hierarchies ac● nating still higher and higher in a cone of prelaty , in stead of healing up the gas● es of the church , as it happens in such pointed bodies m● eting , fall to gore on● another with their sharpe spires for upper place , and precedence , till the councell it 〈◊〉 prove the greatest schisme of all . and thus they are so farre fro● hindring dissention , that they have made unprofitable , and eve● noysome the chiefest remedy we have to keep christendom at one , which is by councels : and these if wee rightly consider apostolick example , are nothing else but generall presbyteries . this seem'd so farre from the apostles to think much of , as if hereby their dignity were impair'd , that , as we may gather by those epistles of peter and iohn , which are likely to be latest written , when the church grew to a setling , like those heroick patricians of rome ( if we may use such comparison ) hasting to lay downe their dictatorship , they rejoys't to call themselves and to be as fellow elders among their brethren . knowing that their high office was but as the scaffolding of the church yet unbuilt , and would be but a troublesome disfigurement , so soone as the building was finis● . but the lofty minds of an age or two after , such was their small discerning , thought it a poore indignity , that the high rear'd government of the church should so on a sudden , as it seem'd to them , squat into a presbytery . next or rather before councels the timeliest prevention of schisme is to preach the gospell abundantly and powerfully throughout all the land , to instruct the youth religiously , to endeavour how the scriptures may be easiest understood by all men ; to all which the proceedings of these men have been on set purpose contrary . but how o prelats should you remove schisme , and how should you not remove and oppose all the meanes of removing schism ? when prelaty is a schisme it selfe from the most reformed and most flourishing of our neighbour churches abroad , and a sad subject of discord and offence to the whole nation 〈◊〉 home . the remedy which you alledge is the very disease we groan under ; and never can be to us a remedy but by removing it selfe . your predecessors were believ'd to assume this preeminence above their brethren only that they might appease dissention . now god and the church cals upon you , for the same reason to lay it down , as being to thousands of good men offensive , burdensome , intolerable . surrender that pledge which unlesse you sowlely us● rpt it , the church gave you , and now claimes it againe , for the reason she first lent it . discharge the trust committed to you prevent schisme , and that yeoan never do , but by discharging your selves . that government which ye hold , we con● esse pr● s much , hinders much 〈◊〉 move● much , but what th● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the church ? — no , but all the peace and unity , all the welfare not of the church alone , but of the whole kingdome . and if it be still permitted ye to hold , will cause the most sad i know not whether separation be anough to say , but such a wide gulph of distraction in this land as will never close her dismall gap , untill ye be forc't ( for of your selv● ye wil never do as that roman curtius nobly did ) for the churches peace & your countries , to leap into the midst , and be no more seen . by this we shal know whether yours be that ancient prelaty which you say was first constituted for the reducement of quiet & unanimity into the church , for thē you wil not delay ● o prefer that above your own preferment . if otherwise , we must be confident that your prelaty is nothing else but your ambition , an insole● t preferring of your selves above your brethren , and all your learned scraping in antiquity even to disturbe the bones of old aaron and his sonnes in their graves , is but to maintain and set upon our necks a stately and severe dignity , which you call sacred , and is nothing in very deed but a grave and reverent gluttony , a sanctimonious avarice , in comparison of which , all the duties and dearnesses which ye owe to god or to his church , to law , custome , or nature , ye have resolv'd to set at nought . i could put you in mind what counsell clement a fellow labourer with the apostles gave to the presbyters of corinth , whom the people though unjustly sought to remove . who among you saith he , is noble minded , who is pittifull , who is charitable , let him say thus , if for me this sedition , this enmity , these differences be , i willingly depart , i go my wayes , only let the flock of christ be at peace with the presbyters that are set over it . he that shall do this , saith he , shall get him great honour in the lord , and all places will receave him . this was clements counsell to good and holy men that they should depart rather from their just office , then by their stay , to ravle out the seamlesse garment of concord in the church . but i have better counsell to give the prelats , and farre more acceptable to their cares , this advice in my opinion is fitter for them . cling fast to your pontificall sees , bate not , quit your selves like barons , stand to the utmost for your haughty courts and votes in parliament . still tell us that you prevent schisme , though schisme and combustion be the very issue of your bodies your first born ; and set your country a bleeding in a prelaticall mutiny , to fight for your pompe , and that ill favour'd weed of temporall honour that sits dishonourably upon your laick shoulders , that ye may be fat and fleshy , swo● with high thoughts and big with mischievous designes , when god comes to visit 〈◊〉 you all this forescore yeares vexation of his church under your egyptian tyranny . for certainly of all those blessed soules which you have persecuted , and those miserable ones which you have lost ; the just vengeance does not sleepe . chap. vii . that those many sects and schismes by some suppos'd to be among us , and that rebellion in ireland , oug● t not to be a hindrancc , but a hastning of reformation . as for those many sects and divisions rumor'd abroad to be amongst us , it is not hard to perceave that they are partly the meere fictions and false alarmes of the prelates , thereby to cast amazements and panick terrors into the hearts of weaker christians that they should not venture to change the present deformity of the church for fear of i know not what worse inconveniencies . with the same objected feares and suspicions , we know that suttle prelat gardner sought to divert the first reformation . it may suffice us to be taught by s. paul that there must be f● cts for the manifesting of those that are sound hearted . these are but winds and flaws to try the floting vessell of our faith whether it be stanch and sayl well , whether our ballast be just , our anchorage and cable strong . by this is seene who lives by faith and certain knowledge , and who by credulity and the prevailing opinion of the age ; whose vertue is of an unchangeable graine , and whose of a slight wash . if god come to trie our constancy we ought not to shrink , or stand the lesse firmly for that , but passe on with more stedfast resolution to establish the truth though it were through a lane of sects and heresies o● each side . other things men do to the glory of god : but sects and errors it seems god suffers to be for the glory of good men , that the world may know and reverence their true fortitude and undaunted constancy in the truth . let ● s not therefore make these things an incumbrance , or an excuse of our delay in reforming which god sends us as an incitement to proceed with more honour and alacrity . for if there were no opposition where were the triall of an unfai● d goodnesse and magnanimity ? vertue that wavers is 〈◊〉 vertue , but vice revolted from i● selfe , and after a while returning . the actions of just and pious men do not darken in their middle course but solomon tels us they are as the shining light , that shineth more and more unto the perfet day . but if we shall suffer the trifling doubts and jealousies of future sects to overcloud the faire beginnings of purpos'st reformation , let us rather fear that another proverb of the same wiseman be not up● ided to us , that the way of the wicked is as darknesse , they stumble at they know not what . if sects and schismes be turbulent in the unseal'd estate of a church , while it lies under the amending hand , it best beseems our christian courage to think they are but as the throws and pangs that go before the birth of reformation , and that the work it selfe is now in doing . for if we look but on the nature of elementall and mixt things , we know they cannot suffer any change of one kind o● quality into another without the struggl of contrarietie● . and in thing● artificiall , seldome any elegance is wrought without a superfluous wast and refuse in the transaction . no marble statue can be po● itely carv'd , no fair edifice built without almost as much ● bbish and sweeping . insomuch that even in the spirituall conflict of s. pauls conversion there fell scales from his eyes that were not perceav'd before . no wonder then in the reforming of a church which is never brought to effect without the fierce encounter of truth and fashood together , if , as it were the splinters and shares of so violent a jousting , there fall from between the shock many fond errors and fanatick opinions , which when truth has the upper hand , and the reformation shall be perfet● d , will easily be rid out of the way , or kept so low , as that they shall be only the exercise of our knowledge , not the disturbance , or interruption of our faith . as for that which barcl● y in his image of minds writes concerning the horrible and barbarous conceits of englishmen in their religion . i deeme it spoken like what hee was , a fugitive papist traducing the hand whence he sprung . it may be more judiciously gather'd from hence , that the englishman of many other nations is least atheisticall , and bears a naturall disposition of much reverence and awe towards the deity ; but in hi● weaknesse and want of better instruction , which among us too f●quently is neglected , especially by the meaner sort turning the b● nt of his own wits with a scrupulous and ceaselesse care what he might do to informe himselfe a right of god and his worship , he may fall not unlikely sometimes as any otherland man into an uncouth opinion . and verily if we look ● t his native towardli● sse i● the roughcast without breeding , some nation or other may haply be better compos'd to a naturall civility , and right judgement the● he . but if he get the benefit once of a wise and well rectifi'd ●ture , which must first come in generall from the godly vigilance of the church , i suppose that where ever mention is made of countries manners , or men , the english people among the first that shall be prais'd , may deserve to be accounted a right pious , right honest , and right hardy nation . but thus while some stand dallying and deferring to reform for fear of that which should mainly hasten them forward , lest schism and error should encrease , we may now thank our selves and our delayes if instead of schism a bloody and inhumane rebellion be strook in between our slow movings . indeed against violent and powerfull opposition there can be no just blame of a lingring dispatch . but this i urge against those that discourse it for a maxim , as if the swift opportunities of establishing , or reforming religion , were to attend upon the ● eam of state businesse . in state many things at first are crude and hard to digest , which only time and deliberation can supple , and concoct . but in religion wherein i● no immaturity , nothing out of season , it goes farre otherwise . the doore of grace turnes upon smooth hinges wide opening to send out , but soon shutting to recall the precious offers of mercy to a nation : which unlesse watchfulnesse and zeale two quick-sighted and ready-handed virgins be there in our behalfe to receave , we loose : and still the of● er we loose , the straiter the doore opens , and the lesse is offer'd . this is all we get by demurring in gods service . t is not rebellion that ought to be the hindrance of reformation , but it is the want of this which is the cause of that . the prelats which boast themselves the only bridle● of schisme god knows have been so cold and backward both there and with us to represse heresie and idolatry , that either through their carelessenesse or their craft all this mischiefe is befal● . what can the irish subject do lesse in gods just displeasure against us , then revenge upon english bodies the little care that our prelate have had of their souls . nor hath their negligence been new in that iland but ever notorious in queen elizabeths dayes , as camden their known friend forbears not to complain . yet so little are they touch● with remorce of these their cruelties , for these cruelties are theirs , the bloody revenge of those souls which they have famisht , that wh● s against our brethren the scot● , who by their upright and loyall and loyall deed● have now bought themselves a● honourable name to posterity , whatsoever malice by slander could invent , rag● i● hostility attempt , they greedily attempted , toward these murd● ous irish the enemies of god and mankind , a cursed off-spring of their own connivence , no man takes notice but that they seeme to be very calmely and indifferently affected . where then should we begin to extinguish a rebellion that hath his cause from the misgovernment of the church , where ? but at the churches reformation , and the removall of that government which pe● sues and war● es with all good christians under the name of schismaticks , but maintains and fosters all papists and idolaters 〈◊〉 tolerable christians . and if the sacred bible may be our light , we are neither without example , nor the witnesse of god himselfe , that the corrupted estate of the church is both the cause of tumult , and civill warres , and that to stint them , the peace of the church must first be s●l'd . now for a long season , saith azariah to king asa , israel hath 〈◊〉 without the true god , and without a teaching priest , and without , law ; and in those times there was no peace to him that went out , ● or to hi● that came in , but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries . and nation was destroy'd of nation , and city of city , f● god did vex them with all adversity . be ye strong therefore , saith he to the reformers of that age , and let not your hands be weake , for your worke shall bee rewarded . and in those prophets that liv'd in the times of reformation after the captivity often doth god stirre up the people to consider that while establishment of church matters was neglected , and put off , there was no peace to him that went out or came in , for i , saith god , had set all men every one against his neigbour . but from the very day forward that they went seriously , and effectually about the welfare of the church , he tels them that they themselves might perceave the sudden change of things into a prosperous and peacefull condition . but it will here be said that the reformation is a long work , and the miseries of ireland are urgent of a speedy redresse . they be indeed ; and how speedy we are , the poore afflicted remnant of our martyr'd countrymen that sit there on the sea-shore , counting the houres of our delay with their sighs , and the minuts with their falling teares , perhaps with the destilling of their bloody wounds , if they have not quite by this time cast off , and almost curst the vain hope of our founder'd ships , and aids , can best judge how speedy we are to their reliefe . but let their succors be hasted , as all need and reason is , and let not therefore the reformation which is the chiefest cause of successe and victory be still procrastinated . they of the captivity in their greatest extremities could find both counsell and hands anough at once to build , and to expect the enemies assault . and we for our parts a populous and mighty nation must needs be faln into a strange plight either of effeminacy , or confusion , if ireland that was once the conquest of one single earle with his privat forces , and the small assistance of a petty kernish prince , should now take up all the wisdome and prowesse of this potent monarchy to quell a barbarous crew of r● bels , whom if we take but the right course to subdue , that is beginning at the reformation of our church , their own horrid murders and rapes , will so fight against them , that the very sutler● and horse boyes of the campe will be able to rout and chase them without the staining of any noble sword . to proceed by other method in this enterprize , be our captains and commanders never so expert , will be as great an error in the art o● warre , as any novice in souldiership ever committed . and thus i leave it as a declared truth , that neither the feare of sects no nor rebellion can be a fit plea to stay reformation , but rather to push it forward with all possible diligence and speed . the second book . how happy were it for this frail , and as it may be truly call'd , mortall life of man , since all earthly things which have the name of good and convenient in our daily use , are withall so cumbersome and full of trouble if knowledge yet which is the best and , lightsomest possession of the mind , were as the common saying is , no burden , and that what it wanted of being a load to any part of the body , it did not with a heavie advantage overlay upon the spirit . for not to speak of that knowledge that rests in the contemplation of naturall causes and dimensions , which must needs be a lower wisdom , as the object is low , certain it is that he who hath obtain'd in more then the scantest measure to know any thing distinctly of god , and of his true worship , and what is infallibly good and happy in the state of mans life , what in it selfe evil and miserable , though vulgarly not so esteem'd , he that hath obtain'd to know this , the only high valuable wisdom indeed , remembring also that god even to a strictnesse requires the improvment of these his entrusted gifts cannot but sustain a sore● burden of mind , and more pressing then any supportable toil , or waight , which the body can labour under ; how and in what manner he shall dispose and employ those summes of knowledge and illumination , which god hath sent him into this world to trade with . and that which aggravats the burden more is , that having receiv'd amongst his allotted parcels certain pretious truths of such an orient lustre as no diamond can equall , which never the lesse he has in charge to put off at any cheap rate , yea for nothing to them that will , the great marchants of this world searing that this cours would soon discover , and disgrace the fals glitter of their deceitfull wares wherewith they abuse the people , like poor indians with beads and glasses , practize by all means how they may suppresse the venting of such rarities and such a cheapnes as would undoe them , and turn their trash upon their hands . therefore by gratifying the corrupt desi● of men in fleshly doctrines , they stirre them up to persecute with hatred and contempt all those that seek to bear themselves uprightly in this their spiritual factory : which they forseeing though they cannot but testify of tr● th and the excellence of t● at heavenly traffick which they bring against what opposition , or danger soever , yet needs must it sit heavily upon their spirits , that being in gods prime intention and their own , selected heralds of peace , and dispensers of treasures inestimable without price to them that have no pence , they finde in the discharge of their commission that they are made the greatest variance and offence , a very sword and fire both in house and city over the whole earth . this is that which the sad prophet ieremiah laments , wo is me my mother , that thou hast born me a man of strife , and contention . and although divine inspiration must certainly have been sweet to those ancient profets , yet the irksomnesse of that truth which they brought was so unpleasant to them , that every where they call it a burden . yea that mysterious book of revelation which the great evangelist was bid to eat , as it had been some eye-brightning electuary of knowledge , and foresight , though it were sweet in his mouth , and in the learning , it was bitter in his belly ; bitter in the denouncing . nor was this hid from the wise poet sophocles , who in that place of his tragedy where tirefias is call'd to resolve k. edipus in a matter which he knew would be grievous , brings him in bemoaning his lot , that he knew more then other men . for surely to every good and peaceable man it must in nature needs be a hatefull thing to be the displeaser , and molester of thousands ; much better would it like him doubtlesse to be the messenger of gladnes and contentment , which is his chief intended busines , to all mankind , but that they resist and oppose their own true happinesse . but when god commands to take the trumpet and blow a dolorous or a jarring blast , it lies not in mans will what he shall say , or what he shall conceal . if he shall think to be silent , as ieremiah did , because of the reproach and derision he met with daily , and all his familiar friends watcht for his halting to be reveng'd on him for speaking the truth , he would be forc'● to confesse as he confest , his word was in my heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones , i was weary with forbearing , and could not stay . which might teach these times not suddenly to condemn all things that are sharply spoken , or vehemently written , as proceeding out of stomach , virulence and ill nature , but to consider rather that if the prelats have leav to say the worst that can be said , and doe the worst that can be don , while they strive to keep to themselves to their great pleasure and commodity those things which they ought to render up , no man can be justly offended with him that shall endeavour to impart and bestow without any gain to himselfe those sharp , but saving words which would be a terror , and a torment in him to keep back . for me i have determin'd to lay up as the best treasure , and solace of a good old age , if god voutsafe it me , the honest liberty of free speech from my youth , where i shall think it available in so dear a concernment as the churches good . for if i be either by disposition , or what other cause too inquisitive , or suspitious of my self and mine own doings , who can help it ? but this i foresee , that should the church be brought under heavy oppression , and god have given me ability the while to reason against that man that should be the author of so foul a deed , or should she by blessing from above on the industry and courage of faithfull men change this her distracted estate into better daies without the lest furtherance or contribution of those few talents which god at that present had lent me , i foresee what stories i should heare within my selfe , all my life after , of discourage and reproach . timorous and ingratefull , the church of god is now again at the foot of her insulting enemies : and thou bewailst , what matters it for thee or thy bewailing ? when time was , thou couldst not find a syllable of all that thou hadst read , or studied , to utter in her behalfe . yet ease and leasure was given thee for thy retired thoughts out of the sweat of other men . thou hadst the diligence the parts , the language of a man , if a vain subject were to be adorn'd or beautifi'd , but when the cause of god and his church was to be pleaded , for which purpose that tongue was given thee which thou hast , god listen'd if he could heare thy voice among his zealous servants , but thou wert domb as a beast ; from hence forward be that which thine own brutish silence hath made thee . or else i should have heard on the other care , slothfull , and ever to be set light by , the church hath now overcom her late distresses after the unwearied labours of many her true servants that stood up in her defence ; thou also wouldst take upon thee to share amongst them of their joy : but wherefore tho● where canst thou shew any word or deed of thine which might have ha● ten'd her peace ; whatever thou dost now talke ; or write , or look is the almes of other me● active prudence and zeale . dare not now to say , or doe any thing better then thy former sloth and infancy , or if thou darst , thou dost impudently to make a thrifty purchase of boldnesse to thy selfe out of the painfull merits of other men : what before was thy sin , is now thy duty to be , abject , and worthlesse . these and such like lessons as these , i know would have been my matins duly , ● nd my even-song . but now by this litle diligence , mark what a privilege i have gain'd ; with good men and saints to clame my right of lamenting the tribulations of the church , if she should suffer , when others that have ventur'd nothing for her sake , have not the honour to be admitted mourners . but if she lift up her drooping head and prosper , among those that have something more then wisht her welfare , i have my charter and freehold of rejoycing to me and my heires . concerning therefore this wayward subject against prelaty , the touching whereof is so distastfull and disquietous to a number of men , as by what hath been said i may deserve of charitable readers to be credited , that neither envy nor gall hath ente● d me upon this controversy , but the enforcement of conscience only , and a preventive fear least the omitting of this duty should be against me when i would store up to my self the good provision of peacefull hours , so lest it should be still imputed to me , as i have found i● hath bin , that some self-pleasing humor of vain-glory hath incited me to contest with men of high estimation now while green yeer● are upon my head , from this needlesse sor● isall i shall hope to disswade the intelligent and equal auditor , if i can but say succesfully that which in this exigent behoovs me , although i would be heard only , if it might be , by the elegant & learned reader , to whom principally for a while i shal beg leav i may addresse my selfe . to him it will be no new thing though i tell him that if i hunted after praise by the ostentation of wit and learning , i should not write thus out of mine own season , when i have neither yet compleated to my minde the full circle of my private studies , although i complain not of any insufficiency to the matter in hand , or were i ready to my wishes , it were a folly to cōmit any thing elaborately compos'd to the carelesse and interrupted listening of these tumultuous timer . next if i were wise only to mine own ends , i would certainly take such a subject as of it self might catch applause , whereas this hath all the disadvantages on the contrary , and such a subject as the publishing whereof might be delayd at pleasure , and time enough to pencill it over with all the curious touches of art , even to the perfection of a faultlesse picture , whenas in this argument the not deferring is of great moment to the good speeding , that if solidity have leisure to doe her office , art cannot have much . lastly , i should not chuse this manner of writing wherin knowing my self inferior to my self , led by the genial power of nature to another task , i have the use , as i may account it , but of my left hand . and though i shall be foolish in saying more to this purpose , yet since it will be such a folly as wisest men going about to commit , have only confest and so committed , i may trust with more reason , because with more folly to have courteous pardon . for although a poet soaring in the high region of his fancies with his garland and singing robes about him might without apology speak more of himself then i mean to do , yet for me sitting here below in the cool element of prose , a mortall thing among many readers of no empyreall conceit , to venture and divulge unusual things of my selfe , i shall petition to the gentler sort , it may not be envy to me . i must say therefore that after i had from my first yeeres by the ceaselesse diligence and care of my father , whom god recompence , bin exercis'd to the tongues , and some sciences , as my age would suffer , by sundry masters and teachers both at home and at the schools , it was found that whether ought was impos'd me by them that had the overlooking , or betak'n to of mine own choise in english , or other tongue prosing or versing , but chiefly this latter , the stile by certain vital signes it had , was likely to live . but much latelier in the privat academies of italy , whither i was favor'd to resort , perceiving that some trifles which i had in memory , compos'd at under twenty or thereabout ( for the manner is that every one must give some proof of his wit and reading there ) met with acceptance above what was lookt for , and other things which i had shifted in scarsity of books and conveniences to patch up amongst them , were receiv'd with written encomiums , which the italian is not forward to bestow on men of this side the alps , i began thus farre to assent both to them and divers of my friends here at home , and not lesse to an inward prompting which now grew daily upon me , that by labour and intent study ( which i take to be my portion in this life ) joyn'd with the strong propensity of nature , i might perhaps leave something so written to aftertimes , as they should not willingly let it die . these thoughts at once possest me , and these other . that if i were certain to write as men buy leases , for three lives and downward , there ought no regard be sooner had , then to gods glory by the honour and instruction of my country . for which cause , and not only for that i knew it would be hard to arrive at the second rank among the latines , i apply'd my selfe to that resolution which aristo follow'd against the perswasions of bembo , to fix all the industry and art i could unite to the adorning of my native tongue ; not to make verbal curiosities the end , that were a toylsom vanity , but to be an interpreter & relater of the best and sagest things among mine own citizens throughout this iland in the mother dialect . that what the greatest and choycest wits of athens , rome , or modern italy , and those hebrews of old did for their country , i in my proportion with this over and above of being a christian , might doe for mine : not caring to be once nam'd abroad , though perhaps i could attaine to that , but content with these british ilands as my world , whose fortune hath hitherto bin , that if the athenians , 〈◊〉 some say , made their small deeds great and renowned by their eloquent writers , england hath had her noble atchievments made small by the unskilfull handling of monks and mechanick● . time serv● not now , and perhaps i might seem too profuse to give any certain account of what the mind at home in the spacious circuits of her musing hath liberty to propose to her self , though of highest hope , and hardest attempting , whether that epick form whereof the two poems of homer , and those other two of virgil and tasso are a diffuse , and the book of iob a brief model● or whether the rules of aristotle herein are strictly to be kept , or nature to be follow'd , which in them that know art , and use judgement is no transgression , but an inriching of art . and lastly what k or knight before the conquest might be chosen in whom to lay the pattern of a christian heroe . and as tasso gave to a prince of italy his chois whether he would command him to write of godfreys expedition against the infidels , or belisarius against the gothes , or charlemain against the lombards ; if to the instinct of nature and the imboldning of art ought may be trusted , and that there be nothing advers in our climat , or the fate of this age , it haply would be no rashnesse from an equal diligence and inclination to present the like offer in our own ancient stories . or whether those dramatick constitutions , wherein sophocles and euripides raigne shall be found more doctrinal and exemplary to a nation , the scripture also affords us a divine pastoral drama in the song of salomon consisting of two persons and a double chorus , as origen rightly judges . and the apocalyps of saint iohn is the majestick image of a high and stately tragedy , shutting up and intermingling her solemn scenes and acts with a sevenfold chorus of halleluja's and harping symphonies : and this my opinion the grave autority of pare● commenting that booke is sufficient to confirm . or if occasion shall lead to imitat those magnifick odes and hymns wherein pin●darus and callimachus are in most things worthy , some others in their frame judicious , in their matter most an end faulty : but those frequent songs throughout the law and prophets beyond all these , not in their divine argument alone , but in the very critical art of composition may be easily made appear over all the kinds of lyrick poesy , to be incomparable . these abilities , wheresoever they be found , are the inspired guift of go● rarely bestow'd , but yet to some ( though most abuse ) in every nation : and are of power beside the office of a pulpit , to inbreed and cherish in a great people the seeds of vertu , and publick civility , to allay the perturbations of the mind , and set the affections in right tune , to celebrate in glorious and lofty hymns the throne and equipage of gods almightinesse , and what he works , and what he suffers to be wrought with high providence in his church , to sing the victorious agonies of martyrs and saints , the deeds and triumphs of just and pious nations doing valiantly through faith against the enemies of christ , to deplore the general relapses of kingdoms and states from justice and gods true worship . lastly , whatsoever in religion is holy and sublime , in vertu amiable , or grave , whatsoever hath passion or admiration in all the changes of that which is call'd fortune from without , or the wily suttleties and refluxes of mans thoughts from within , all these things with a solid and treatable smoothnesse to paint out and describe . teaching over the whole book of sanctity and vertu through all the instances of example with such delight to those especially of soft and delicious temper who will not so much as look upon truth herselfe , unlesse they see her elegantly drest , that whereas the paths of honesty and good life appear now rugged and difficult , though they be indeed easy and pleasant , they would then appeare to all men both easy and pleasant though they were rugged and difficult indeed . and what a benefit this would be to our youth and gentry , may be soon guest by what we know of the corruption and bane which they suck in dayly from the writings and interludes of libidinous and ignorant poetasters , who having scars ever heard of that which is the main consistence of a true poem , the choys of such persons as they ought to introduce , and what is morall and decent to each one , doe for 〈◊〉 most part lap up vitious principles in sweet pils to be swallow'd down , and make the tast of vertuous documents harsh and sowr . but because the spirit of man cannot demean it selfe lively in this body without some recreating intermission of labour , and serious things , it were happy for the common wealth , if our magistrates , as in those famous governments of old , would take into their care , not only the deciding of our contentious law cases and brauls , but the managing of our publick sports , and festival pastimes , that they might be , not such as were autoriz'd a while since , the provaction● of drunkennesse and lust , but such as may inure and harden o● bodies by martial exercises to all warlike skil and performance , and may civilize , adom and make discreet our minds by the learned and affable meeting of frequent academies , and the procurement of wise and artfull recitations sweetned with ● oquent and gracefull inticements to the love and practice of justice , temperance and fortitude , instructing and bettering the nation at all opportunities , that the call of wisdom and vertu may be heard every where , a●salomon saith , she crieth without , she uttereth her voice in the streets , in the top of high places , in the chief concours , and in the openings of the gates . whether this may not be not only in pulpits , but after another persuasive method , at set and solemn paneguries , in theaters , porches , or what other place , or way may win most upon the people to receiv at once both recreation , & instruction , let them in autority consult . the thing which i had to say , and those intentions which have liv'd within me ever since i could conceiv my self any thing worth to my countrie , i return to crave excuse that urgent reason hath pluckt from me by an abortive and foredated discovery . and the accom● lishment of them lies not but in a power above mans to promise ; but that none hath by more studious ways endeavour'd , and with more unwearied spirit that none shall , that i dare almost averre of my self , as farre as life and free leasure will extend , and that the land had once infranchis'd her self from this impertinent yoke of prelaty , under whose inquisitorins and tyra● ical duncery no free and splendid wit can flourish . neither doe i think it shame to covnant with any knowing reader , that for some few yeers yet i may go on trust with him toward the payment of what i am now indebted , as being a work not to be rays'd from the heat of youth , or the vapours of wine , like that which flows at wast from the pen of some vulgar ● word● , or the trencher fury of a riming parasite , nor to be obtain'd by the invocation of dame memory and her siren daughters , but by devout prayer to that eternall spirit who can enrich with all utterance and knowledge , and sends out his seraphim with the hallow'd fire of his altar to touch and purify the lips of whom he pleases : to this must be added industrious and select reading , steddy observation , insight into all seemly and generous arts and affaires , till which in some measure be compast , at mine own peril and cost i refuse not to sustain this expectation from as many as are not loath to hazard so much credulity upon the best pledges that i can g● ve them . although it nothing content me to have disclos'd thus much before hand , but that i trust hereby to make it manifest with what small willingnesse i endure to interrupt the pursuit of no lesse hopes then these , and leave a calme and pleasing solitaryn● s fed with cherful and confident thou● hts , to imbark in a troubl'd sea of noises and hoars disputes , put from beholding the bright countenance of truth in the quiet and still air of delightfull studies to come into the dim reflexion of hollow antiquities sold by the seeming bulk , and there be fain to club quotations with men whose learning and beleif lies in marginal stuffings , who when they have like good sumpter● laid ye down their hors load of citations and fathers at your dore , with a rapsody of who and who were bishops here or there , ye may take off their packsaddles , their days work is don , and episcopacy , a● they think , stoutly vindicated . let any gentle apprehension that can distinguish learned pains from unlearned drudgery , imagin what pleasure or profoundnesse can be in this , or what honour to deaf against such adversaries . but were it the meanest under-service , if god by his secretary conscience injoyn it , it were sad for me if i should draw back , for me especially , now when all men offer their aid to help ease and enlighten the difficult labours of the church , to whose service by the intentions of my parents and friends i was destin'd of a child , and in mine own resolutions , till comming to some maturity of yeers and perceaving what tyranny had invaded the church , that he who would take orders must subscibe slave , and take an oath withall , which unlesse he took with a conscience that would ● etch he must either strait perjure , or split his faith , i thought it better to preferre a blamelesse silence before the sacred office of speaking bought , and begun with servitude and forswearing . howsoever thus church-outed by the prelats , hence may appear the right i have to meddle in these matters , as before , the necessity and constraint appear'd . chap. i. that prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the gospel three ways , and first in her outward form . after this digression it would remain that i should single o● some other reason which might undertake for prelaty to be a fit and lawfull church-government ; but finding none of like validity with these that have alredy sped according to their fortune , i shall adde one reason why it is not to be thought a church-government at all , but a church-tyranny , and is at hostile terms with the end and reason of christs evangelick ministery . albeit i must confesse to be half in doubt whether i should bring it forth or no , it being so contrary to the eye of the world , and the world so potent in most mens hearts , that i shall endanger either not to be regarded , or not to be understood . for who is ther almost that measures wisdom by simplicity , strength by suffering , dignity by lowlinesse , who is there that counts it first , to be last , somthing to be nothing , and reckons himself of great command in that he is a servant ? yet god when he meant to subdue the world and hell a● once , part of that to salvation , and this wholy to perdition , made chois of no other weapons , or auxiliaries then these whether to save , or to destroy . it had bin a small maistery for him , to have drawn out his legions into array , and flankt them with his thunder ; therefore he sent foolishnes to confute wisdom , weaknes to bind strength , despisednes to vanquish pride . and this is the great mistery of the gospel made good in christ himself , who as he testifies came not to be minister'd to , but to minister ; and must he fulfil'd in all his ministers till his second comming . to goe against these principles s. paul so fear'd , that if he should but affect the wisdom of words in his preaching , he thought it would be laid to his charge , that he had made the crosse of christ to be of none effect whether then prelaty do not make of none effect the crosse of christ by the principles it hath so contrary to these , nullifying the power and end of the gospel , it shall not want due proof , if it want not due belief . neither shal i stand to trifle with one that will tell me of quiddities and formalities , whether prelaty or prelateity in abstract notion be this or that , it suffices me that i find it in his ● kin , so i find it inseparable , or not oftner otherwise then a pheni● hath bin seen ; although i perswade me that whatever faultines was but superficial to prelaty at the beginning , is now by the just judgment of god long since branded and inworn into the very essence therof . first therefore , if to doe the work of the gospel christ ou● lord took upon him the form of a servant , how can his servant in this ministery take upon him the form of a lord ? i know bils● hath decipher'd us all the galanteries of signore and monsignore , and monsieur as circumstantially as any punctualist of casteel , naples , or fountain blea● could have don , but this must not so complement us out of our right minds , as to be to learn that the form of a servant was a mean , laborious and vulgar life aptest to teach ; which form christ thought fittest , that he might bring about his will according to his own principles choosing the meaner things of this world that he might put under the high . now whether the pompous garb , the lordly life , the wealth , the haughty distance of prelaty be those meaner things of the world , wherby god in them would manage the mystery of his gospel , be it the verdit of common sense . for christ saith in s. iohn , the servant is not greater then his lord , nor he that is sent greater then he that sent him . and addes , if ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do● them . then let the prelates well advise , if they neither know , nor do these things , or if they know , and yet doe them not , wherin their happines consists . and thus is the gospel frustrated by the lordly form of prelaty . chap. ii. that the ceremonius doctrin of prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the gospel . that which next declares the heavenly power , and reveales the deep mistery of the gospel , is the pure simplicity of doctrine accounted the foolishnes of this world , yet crossing and confounding the pride and wisdom of the flesh . and wherin consists this fleshly wisdom and pride ? in being altogether ignorant of god and his worship ? no surely , for men are naturally asham'd of th● . where then ? it consists in a bold presumption of ordering the worship and service of god after mans own will in traditions and ceremonies . now if the pride and wisdom of the flesh were to be defeated and confounded , no doubt , but in that very point wherin it was proudest and thought it self wisest , that so the victory of the gospel might be the more illustrious . but our prelats instead of expressing the spirituall power of their ministery by warring against this chief bulwark and strong hold of the flesh , have enter'd into fast league with the principall enemy against whom they were se● , and turn'd the strength of fleshly pride and wisdom against the pure simplicity of saving truth . first , mistrusting to find the autority of their or● er in the immediat institution of christ , or his apostles by the cleer evidence of scripture , they fly to the c● nal supportment of tradition : when we appeal to the bible , they to the unweildy volumes of tradition . and doe not shame to reject the ordinance of him that is eternal for the pervers iniquity of sixteen hunderd yeers ; choosing rather to think truth it self a lyar , the● that sixteen ages should be taxe with an error ; not considering the general a postasy that was foretold , and the churches flight into the wildernes . nor is this anough , instead of shewing the reason of their lowly condition from divine example and command , they seek to prove their high pre-eminence from humane consent and autority . but let them chaunt while they will of prerogatives , we shall tell them of scripture ; of custom , we of scripture ; of acts and statutes , stil of scripture , til the quick and pearcing word enter to the dividing of their soules , & the mighty weaknes of the gospel throw down the weak mightines of mans reasoning . now for their demeanor within the church , how have they disfigur'd and defac't that more then angelick brightnes , the unclouded serenity of christian religion with the dark overcasting of superstitious coaps and flaminical vestures ; wearing on their backs ; and , i abhorre to think , perhaps in some worse place the unexpressible image of god the father . tell me ye priests wherfore this gold , wherfore these roabs and surplices over the gospel● is our religion guilty of the first trespasse , and hath need of cloathing to cover her nakednesse ? whatdoes this else but hast an ignominy upon the perfection of christs ministery by seeking to adorn it with that which 〈◊〉 the poor remedy of our ● word● . ● eleive it , wondrous doctors , all corporeal resemblances of inward holinesse & beauty are now past ; he that will cloath the gospel now , intimates plainly , that the gospel is naked , uncomely , that i may not say reproachfull . do not , ye church maskers , while christ is cloathing upon our barenes with his righteous garment to make us acceptable in his fathers fight , doe not , as ye do , cover and hide his righteous verity with the polluted cloathing of your ceremonies to make it seem more decent in your own eyes . how beautifull , saith isaiah , are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings , that publisheth salvation ! are the feet so beautifull , and is the very bringing of these tidings so decent of it self ? what new decency then can be added to this by your spinstry ? ye think by these gaudy glisterings to stirre up the devotion of the rude multitude ; ye think so , because ye forsake the heavenly teaching of s. paul for the hellish sophistry of papism . if the multitude be rude , the lips of the preacher must give knowledge , and not ceremonies . and although some christians be new born babes comparatively to some that are stronger , yet in respect of ceremony which is but a rudiment of the law , the weakest christian hath thrown off the robes of his minority , and is a perfect man , as to legal rites . what childrens food there is in the gospel we know to be no other then the sincerity of the word that they may grow thereby . but is heer the utmost of your outbraving the service of god ? no . ye have bin bold , not to set your threshold by his threshold , or your posts by his posts , but your sacrament , your ● igne , call it what you will , by his sacrament , baptizing the christian infant with a solemne sprinkle , and unbaptizing for your own part with a profane and impious forefinger : as if when ye had layd the purifying element upon his forehead , ye meant to cancel and crosse it out again with a caracter not of gods bidding . o but the innocence of these ceremonies ! o rather the fottish absurdity of this excuse ! what could be more innocent then the washing of a cup , a glasse , or hands before meat , and that under the law when so many washings were commanded , and by long tradition , yet our saviour detested their customes though never so seeming harmlesse , and charges them severely that they had transgrest the commandments of god by their traditions and worshipt him in vain . how much more then must these , and much grosser ceremonies now in force delude the end of christs comming in the flesh against the flesh , and stifle the sincerity of our new cov'nant which hath bound us to forsake all carnall pride and wisdom especially in matters of religion . thus we see again how prelaty sayling in opposition 〈◊〉 the main end and power of the gospel doth not joyn in that ●sterious work of christ , by lowlines to confound height , by simplicity of doctrin the wisdom of the world , but contrariwise hath made it self high in the world and the flesh to vanquish things by the world accounted low , and made it self wise in tradition and fleshly ceremony to confound the purity of doctrin which is the wisdom of god . chap. iii. that prelatical jurisdiction opposeth the reason and end of the gospel and of state . the third and last consideration remains , whether the prelats in their function doe work according to the gospel practizing to subdue the mighty things of this world by things weak : which s. paul hath set forth to be the power and excellence of the gospel , or whether in more likelihood they band themselves with the prevalent things of this world to overrun the weak things which christ hath made chois to work by : and this will soonest be discern'd by the cours of their jurisdiction . but heer again i find my thoughts almost in suspense betwixt yea and no , and am nigh turning mine eye which way i may best retire , and not proceed in this subject , blaming the ardency of my mind that fixt me too attentively to come thus farre . for truth , i know not how , hath this unhappinesse fatall to her , ere she can come to the triall and inspection of the understanding , being to passe through many little wards and limits of the severall affections and desires , she cannot shift it , but must put on such colours and attire , as those pathetick handmaids of the soul please to lead her in to their queen . and if she find so much favour with them , they let her passe in her own likenesse ; if not , they bring her into the presence habited and colour'd like a notorious falshood . and contrary when any falshood comes that way , if they like the ● rrand she brings , they are so artfull to counterfeit the very shape and visage of truth , that the understanding not being able to discern the ● ucus which these inchantresses with such cunning have laid upon the feature sometimes of truth , sometimes of falshood interchangeably , sentences for the most part one for the other at the first blush , according to the suttle imposture of these sensual mistresses that keep the port● and passages between her and the object . so that were it not for leaving imperfect that which is already said , i should goe neer to relinquish that which is to follow . and because i see that most men , as it happens in this world , either weakly , or falsly principl'd , what through ignorance , and what through custom of licence , both in discours and writing , by what hath bin of late written in vulgar , have not seem'd to attain the decision of this point , i shall likewise assay those wily arbitresses who in most men have , as was heard , the sole ushering of truth and falshood between the sense , and the soul , with what loyalty they will use me in conuoying this truth to my understanding ; the rather for that by as much acquaintance as i can obtain with them , i doe not find them engag'd either one way or other . concerning therfore ecclefial jurisdiction , i find still more controversie , who should administer it , then diligent enquiry made to learn what it is , for had the pains bin taken to search out that , it had bin long agoe enroul'd to be nothing el● but a pure tyrannical forgery of the prelats ; and that jurisdictive power in the church there ought to be none at all . it cannot be conceiv'd that what men now call jurisdiction in the church , should be other thing then a christian censorship ; and therefore is it most commonly and truly nam'd ecclesiastical censure . now if the roman censor a civil function , to that severe assise of survaying and controuling the privatest , and sliest manners of all men and all degrees had no jurisdiction , no courts of plea , or inditement , no punitive force annext , whether it were that to this manner of correction the intanglement of suits was improper , or that the notic● of those upright inquisitors extended to such the most covert and spiritous vices as would slip easily between the wider and mo● e material grasp of law ; or that it stood more with the majesty of that office to have no other serjeants or maces about them but thos● invisible ones of terror and shame : or lastly , were it their feare , lest the greatnes of this autority and honour arm'd with jurisdiction might step with ease into a tyranny . in all these respects with much more reason undoubtedly ought the censure of the church be quite devested and disintal'd of all jurisdiction whatsoever . for if the cours of judicature to a political censorship seem either too tedious , or too contentions , much more may it to the discipline of church whose definitive decrees are to be speedy , but the execution of rigour slow , contrary to what in legal proceedings is mo● usual , and by how much the lesse contentious it is , by so much will it be the more christian . and if the censor in his morall episcopy being to judge most in matters not answerable by writ or action could not use an instrument so grosse and bodily as jurisdiction is , how can the minister of gospel manage the corpulent and secular trial of bill and processe in things meerly spiritual . or could that roman office without this juridical sword or saw strike such a reverence of it self into the most undaunted hearts , as with one single dash of ignominy to put all the senate and knighthood of r● into a tremble , surely much rather might the heavenly ministery of the evangel bind her self about with farre more pearcing beams of majesty and aw by wanting the beggarly help of halings and amercements in the use of her powerful keies . for when the church without temporal support is able to doe her great works upon the unforc't obedience of men , it argues a divinity about her . but when she thinks to credit and better her spirituall efficacy , and to win her self respect and dread by strutting in the fals visard of worldly autority , t is evident that god is not there ; but that her apostolick vertu is departed from her , and hath left her key-cold . which she perceaving as in a decay'd nature seeks to the outward fomentations and chafings of worldly help , and external flourishes , to fetch , if it be possible , some motion into her extream parts , orto hatch a counterfeit life with the crafty and arteficial heat of jurisdiction . but it is observable that so long as the church in tr● e imitat● on of christ can be content to ride upon an asse carrying her self and her government along in a mean and simple guise , she may be as he is , a lion of the tribe of iuda , and in her humility all men with loud hosanna's will confesse her greatnes . but when despising the mighty operation of the spirit by the weak things of this world she thinks to make her self bigger and more considerable by using the way of civil force and jurisdiction , as she sits upon this lion she changes into an asse , and instead of hosanna's every man pel● s her with stones and dirt . lastly , if the wisdom of the romans fear'd to commit jurisdiction to an office of so high esteem and d● d as wa● the ors , we may see what a solecism in the art of policy it hath bin all this while through christendom to g● jurisdiction to ecclesiastical censure . for that strength joyn'd with religion abus'd and pretended to ambitions ends must of necessity breed the heaviest and most quellingty ranny not only upon the necks , but even to the souls of men : which if christian rome had bin so cautelous to prevent in her church , as pagan rome was in herstate , we had not had such a lamentable experience thereof as now we have from thenceupon all christendom . for although i said before that the church coveting to ride upon the lionly form of jurisdiction makes a transformation of her self into an asse , and becomes despicable , that is to those whom god hath enlight'nd with true knowledge ; but where they remain yet in the reliques of superstition , this is the extremity of their bondage , and blindnes , that while they think they doe obeisance to the lordly visage of a lion , they doe it to an asse , that through the just judgement of god is permitted to play the dragon among them because of their wilfull stupidity . and let england here well rub her eyes , lest by leaving jurisdiction and church censure to the same persons , now that god hath bin so long medcining her eyesight , she do● not w● her overpolitick fetches marre all , and bring her self back again to worship this asse bestriding a lion . having hit herto explain'd , that to ecclesiasticall censure no jurisdictive power can be added without a childish and dangerous oversight in polity , and a pernicious contradiction in evangelick discipline , as anon more fully ; it will be next to declare wherin the true reason and force of church censure consists , which by then it shall be laid open to the root , so little is it that i fear lest any crookednes , any wrincle or spo● should be found in presbyterial governnient that if bodin the famo● french ● r though a papist , yet affirms that the commonwelth which maintains this discipline will certainly flourish in vertu and piety , i dare assure my self that every true protestant will admire the integrity , the uprightnes , the divine and gracious purposes therof , and even for the reason of it so coherent with the doctrine of the gospel , besides the evidence of command in scripture , will confesse it to be the only true church-government , and that contrary to the whole end and m● ry of christs comming in the flesh a false appearance of the same is exercis'd by prelaty . but because some count it rigorous , and that hereby men shall be liable to a double punishment , i will begin somwhat higher and speak of punishment . which , as i● is an evil , i esteem t● be of two forty , or rather two degrees only , a reprobat conscience in this life , and hell in the other world . whatever else men ● l punishment , or censure is not properly an evil , so it be not an illegall violence , but a saving med'cin ordain'd of god both for the publik and privat good 〈◊〉 man , who consisting of two parts the inward and the outward , 〈◊〉 by the eternall providence left under two sorts of cure , the church and the magistrat . the magistrat hath only to deale with the outward part , i mean not of the body alone , but of the mind in all her outward acts , which in scripture is call'd the outward man . so that it would be helpfull to us if we might borrow such autority 〈◊〉 the rhetoricians by parent may give us , with a kind of prometh● skill to shape and fashion this outward man into the similitude 〈◊〉 a body , and set him visible before us ; imagining the inner man only as the soul . thus then the civill magistrat looking only upon the outward man ( i say as a magistrat , for what he doth further , he doth it as a member of the church ) if he find in his complexion , skin , or outward temperature the signes and marks , or in his doings the effects of injustice , rapine , lost , cruelty , or the like , sometimes he shuts up as in frenetick , or infectious diseases ; or confines within dores , as in every sickly estate . sometimes he shaves by penalty , or mulct , or els to cool and take down those luxuriant humors which wealth and excesse have caus'd to abound . otherwhiles he ser● , he cauterizes , he scarifies , lets blood , and finally for utmost remedy cuts off . the patients which mostanend are brought into his hospital are such as are farre gon , and beside themselves ( unlesse they be falsly accus'd ) so that force is necessary to tame and quiet them 〈◊〉 their unruly fits , before they can be made capable of a more human ● ure . his general end is the outward peace and wel-fare of the commonwealth and civil happines in this life . his p● ular ● nd in every man is , by the infliction of pain , dammage , a● disgrace , that the senses and common perceivance might carry this message to the soul within , that it is neither easefull , profitable , nor prais-worthy in this life to doe evill . which must needs tend to the good of man , whether he be to live or die ; and be undoubtedly the f● means to a natural man , especially an offender , which might open his eyes to a higher consideration o● good and evill , as it is taught in religion . this is seen in the often penitence of those that suffer , who , had they scapt , had gon on sinning to an immeasurable hea● , which is one of the extreamest punishments . and this is all that the civil magistrat , as so being , conser● to the healing of mans mind , working only by terrifying 〈◊〉 upon the rind & orifice of the ● ore , and by all outward appli● , as the logicians say , a post● , at the effect , and not from the cause : not once touching the inward bed of corruption , and that hectick disposition to evill , the sourse of all vice , and obliquity against the rule of law . which how insufficient it is to cure the soul of man , we cannot better guesse then by the art of bodily phisick . therfore god to the intent of further healing mans deprav'd mind , to this power of the magistrat which contents it self with the restraint of evil doing in the external man , added that which we call censure , to purge it and remove it clean out of the inmost soul . in the beginning this autority seems to have bin plac't , as all both civil and religious rites once were , only in each father of family . afterwards among the heathen , in the wise men and philosophers of the age ; but so as it was a thing voluntary , and no set government . more distinctly among the jews as being gods peculiar , where the priests , levites , prophets , and at last the scribes and pharises took charge of instructing , and overseeing the lives of the people . but in the gospel , which is the straitest and the dearest cov'nant can be made between god and man , wee being now his adopted sons , and nothing fitter for us to think on , then to be like him , united to him , and as he pleases to expresse it , to have fellowship with him , it is all necessity that we should expect this blest efficacy of healing our inward man to be minister'd to us in a more familiar and effectual method then ever before . god being now no more a judge after the sentence of the law , nor as it were a school maister of perishable rites , but a most indulgent father governing his church as a family of sons in their discreet age ; and therfore in the sweetest and mildest manner of paternal discipline he hath committed this other office of preserving in healthful constitution the innerman , which may be term'd the spirit of the soul , to his spiritual deputy the minister of each congregation ; who being best acquainted with his own flock , h● th best reason to know all the secret● st diseases likely to be , there . and look by how much the inter●● an is more excellant and noble then the external , by so muc● 〈◊〉 his cure more exactly , more throughly , and more particularly to be perform'd . for which cause the holy ghost by the apostles joyn'd to the minister , as assistant in this great office sometimes a certain number of grave and faithful brethren , ( for neither doth the phisitian doe all in restoring his patient , he prescribes , another prepares the med'cin , some read , some watch , some visit ) much more may a minister partly not see all , partly erre as a man : besides that nothing can be more for the mutuall honour and love of the people to their pastor , and his to them , then when in select numb● and cours● they are seen partaking , and doing reverence to the holy 〈◊〉 discipline by their serviceable , and solemn presence , and receiving honour again from their imployment , not now any more to be separated in the church by vails and partitions as laicks and unclean , but admitted to wait upon the tabernacle as the rightfull clergy of christ , a chosen generation , a royal priesthood to off● up spiritual sacrifice in that meet place to which god and the congregation shall call and assigne them . and this all christians ought to know , that the title of clergy s. peter gave to all gods people , till pope higinus and the succeeding prelates took it from them , appropriating that name to themselves and their priests only ; and condemning the rest of gods inheritance to an injurious and alienat condition of laity , they separated from them by local partitions in churches , through their grosse ignorance and pride imitating the old temple : and excluded the members of christ from the property of being members , the bearing of orderly and fit offices in the ecclesiastical body , as if they had meant to sow up that iewish vail which christ by his death on the crosse rent in sunder . although these usurpers could not so : presently over-maister the liberties and lawfull titles of gods freeborn church , but that origen being yet a lay man expounded the scriptures publickly , and was therein defended by alexander of jerusalem , and theoctistus of caesarea producing in his behalf divers examples that the privilege of teaching was anciently permitted to many worthy laymen ; and cyprian in his epistles professes he will doe nothing without the advice and assent of his assistant laicks . neither did the first nicene councel , as great and learned as it was , think it any robbery to receive in , and require the help and presence of many learned lay brethren , as they were then calld . many other autorities to confirm this assertion bot● 〈◊〉 of scripture and the writings of next antiquity golartius hath collected in his notes upon cyprian ; whereby it will be evident that the laity not only by apostolick permission , but by consent of many the aucientest prelates did participat in church offices as much as is desir'd any lay elder should now do . sometimes also not the elders alone , but the whole body of the church is interested in the work of discipline , as 〈◊〉 as publick satisfaction is given by those that have given publick scandal . not to speak now of her right in elections . but another reason there is in it , which though religion did not commend to us , yet morall and civil prudence could not but extol . it was thought of old in philosophy , that shame or to call it better , the reverence of our elders , our brethren , and friends was the greatest incitement to vertuous deeds and the greatest dissuasion from unworthy attempts that might ● word● . hence we may read in the iliad where hector being wisht to retire si ō the battel , many of his forces being routed , makes answer that he durst not for shame , lest the trojan knights and dames should think he did ignobly . and certain it is that wheras terror is thought such a great stickler in a commonwealth , honourable shame is a farre greater , and has more reason● for where shame is there is fear , but where fear is there is not presently shame . and if any thing may be done to inbreed in us this generous and christianly reverence one of another , the very nurs and guardian of piety and vertue , it can not sooner be then by such a discipline in the church , as may use us to have in aw the assemblies of the faithful , & to count it a thing most grievous , next to the grieving of gods spirit , to offend those whom he hath put in autority , as a healing superintendence over our lives and behaviours , both to our own happines and that we may not give offence to good men , who without amends by us made , dare not against gods command hold communion with us in holy things . and this will be accompanied with a religious dred of being outcast from the company of saints , and from the fatherly protection of god in his church , to consort with the devil and his angels . but there is yet a more ingenuous and noble degree of honest shame , or call it if you will an esteem , whereby men bear an inward reverence toward their own persons . and if the love of god as a fire sent from heaven to be ever kept alive upon the altar of our hearts , be the first principle of all godly and vertuous actions in men , this pious and just honouring of our selves is the second , and may be thought as the radical moisture and fountain head , whence every laudable and worthy enterpri● issues forth . and although i have giv'n it the name of a liquid thing , yet is it not incontinent to bound it self , as humid things are , but hath in it a most restraining and powerfull abstinence to start back , and glob it self upward from the mixture of any ungenerous and unbeseeming motion , or any soile ● ewith it may peril to stain it self . something i confesse it is to ● ' d of evil doing in the presence of any , and to reverence the opinion and the countenance of a good man rather then a bad , fearing most in his ● ght to offend , goes so farre as almost to be vertuous ; yet this is but still the feare of infamy , and many such , when they find themselves alone , 〈◊〉 their reputation will compound with other scruples , and co● close treaty with their dearer vices in secret . but he that holds himself in reverence and due esteem , both for the dignity of gods 〈◊〉 upon him , and for the price of his redemption , whi● he thin● 〈◊〉 visibly markt upon his forehead , accounts himselfe both a fit person to do the noblest and godliest deeds , and much better worth then to deject and defile , with such a debasement and such a pollution as sin is , himselfe so highly ransom'd and enobl'd to a new friendship and filiall relation with god . nor can he fear so much the offence and reproach of others , as he dreads and would 〈◊〉 at the reflection of his own severe and modest eye upon him● , if it should see him doing or imagining that which is sinfull though in the deepest secrecy . how shall a man know to do himselfe this right , how to performe this honourable duty of estimation and respect towards his own soul and body ? which way will leade 〈◊〉 best to this hill top of sanctity and goodness● above which there is no higher ascent but to the love of god which from this self-pious regard cannot be assunder ? no better way doubtlesse then to let him duly understand that as he is call'd by the high calling of god to be holy and pure , so is he by the same appointment ordain'd , and by the churches call admitted to such offices of discipline in the church to which his owne spirituall gifts by the example of apostolick institution have autoriz'd him . for we have learnt that the scornfull terme of laick , the consecrating of temples , carpets , and table-clothes , ● he railing in of a repugnant and contradictive mount sinai in the gospell , as if the touch of a lay christian who is never the lesse gods living temple , could profane dead judaisms , the exclusion of christs people from the offices of holy discipline through the pride of a usurping clergy , causes the rest to have an unworthy and object opinion of themselves ; to approach to holy , duties with a slavish fear , ● nd to unholy doings with a familiar ● ldnesse . for seeing such a wide and terrible distance between religious things and themselves , and that in respect of a woodden table & the perimeter of holy ground about it , a flagon pot , and 〈◊〉 corporal , the priest 〈◊〉 their lay-ships unhallow'd and ● word● , they fear religion with such a fear as loves not , and think the purity of the gospell too pure for them , and that any uncleannesse is more sutable to their 〈◊〉 estate . but when every good christian throughly acquainted with all those glorious privileges of sanctification and adoption which render him more sacred then any dedicated altar or element , shall be restor'd to his right in the church , and not excluded from such place of spirituall government as his christian abilities and his approved good life in the eye and testimony of the church shall preferre him to , this and nothing sooner will open his eyes to a wise and true valuation of himselfe , which is so requisite and high a point of christianity , and will stirre him up to walk worthy the honourable and grave imployment wherewith god and the church hath dignifi'd him : not fearing left he should meet with some outward holy thing in religion which his lay touch or presence might profane , but lest something unholy from within his own heart should dishonour and profane in himselfe that priestly unction and clergy-right whereto christ hath entitl'd him . then would the congregation of the lord soone recover the true likenesse and visage of what she is indeed , a holy generation , a royall priesthood , a saintly communion , the houshold and city of god . and this i hold to be another considerable reason why the functions of church-government ought to be free and open to any christian man though never so laick , if his capacity , his faith , and prudent demeanour commend him . and this the apostles warrant us to do . but the prelats object that this will bring profanenesse into the church , to whom may be reply'd , that none have brought that in more then their own irreligious courses ; nor more 〈◊〉 holinesse out of living into livelesse things . for whereas god who hath cleans'd every beast and creeping worme , would not suffer s. peter to call them common or unclean , the prelat bishops in their printed orders hung up in churches have proclaim'd the best of creatures , mankind , so unpurifi'd and contagious , that for him to lay his hat , or his garment upon the chancell table they have defin'd it no lesse hainous in expresse words then to profane the table of the lord . and thus have they by their canaanitish doctrine ( for that which was to the jew but jewish is to the christian no better then canaanitish ) thus have they made common and unclean , thus have they made profane that nature which god hath not only cleans'd , but christ also hath assum'd . and now that the equity and just reason is so perspicuous , why in ecclesiasic● censure the assistance should be added of such , 〈◊〉 whom not the vile odour of gaine and fees ( forbid it god and blow it with a whirle● out of our land ) but charity , neighbourhood , and duty to church-government hath call'd together , where could a wiseman wish a more equall , gratuitous , and meek examination of 〈◊〉 offence that he might happen to commit against christianity 〈◊〉 here ? would he preferre those proud simoniacall courts ? 〈◊〉 therefore the minister assisted attends his heavenly and spirituall cure . where we shall see him both in the course of his proceeding , and first in the excellence of his end from the magistrate farre different , and not more different then excelling . his end is to recover all that is of man both soul and body to an everlasting health : and yet as for worldly happinesse , which is the proper sphere wherein the magistrate cannot but confine his motion without a hideous exorbitancy from law , so little aims the minister , as his intended scope , to procure the much prosperity of this life , that oft-times he may have cause to wish much of it away , a● a diet puffing up the soul with a slimy fleshinesse , and weakning her principall organick parts . two heads of evill he has to cope with , ignorance and malice . against the former he provides the daily manna of incorruptible doctrine , not at those set meales only in publick , but as oft as he shall know that each infirmity , or constitution requires . against the latter with all the branches thereof , not medling with that restraining and styptick surgery which tho law uses , not indeed against the malady but against the eruptions , and outermost effects thereof . he on the contrary beginning at the prime causes and roo● of the disease sends in those two divine ingredients of most cleansing power to the soul , admonition & reproof , besides which two there is no drug or antidote that can reach to purge the mind , and without which all other experiments are but vain , unlesse by ●dent . and he that will not let these passe into him , though he be the greatest king , as plato affirms , must be thought to remaine impure within , and unknowing of those things wherein his purenesse and his knowledge should most appear . as soon therefore as it may be discern'd that the christian patient by feeding 〈◊〉 here on meats not allowable , but of evill juice , hath disorder'd his diet , and spread an ill humour through his 〈◊〉 immediatly disposing to a sicknesse , the minister as being much neerer both in eye and duty , then the magistrats , speeds him betimes to overtake that diffus'd malignance with some gentle potion of admonishment ; or if ought be obstructed , puts in his opening and disenssive con● . this not succeeding after once or twice or oftner , in the 〈◊〉 of two or three his faithfull brethren appointed thereto be advis● him to be more carefull of his dearest health , and what it is that he so rashly hath let down in to the divine vessel of his soul gods temple . if this obtaine not , he then with the counsell of more assistants who are inform'd of what diligence hath been already us'd , with more speedy remedies layes neerer siege to the entrenched causes of his distemper , not sparing such servent and well aim'd reproofs as may best give him to see the dangerous estate wherein he is . to this also his brethren and friends intreat , exhort , adjure , and all these endeavours , as there is hope left , are more or lesse repeated . but if , neither the regard of himselfe , nor the reverence of his elders and friends prevaile with him , to leave his vitious appetite , then as the time urges , such engines of terror god hath given into the hand of his minister as to search the tenderest angles of the heart : one while he shakes his stubbornnesse with racking convulsions nigh dispaire , other whiles with deadly corrosives he gripes the very roots of his faulty liver to bring him to life through the entry of death . hereto the whole church beseech him , beg of him , deplore him , pray for him . after all this perform'd with what patience and attendance is possible , and no relenting on his part , having done the utmost of their cure , in the name of god and of the church they dissolve their fellowship with him , and holding forth the dreadfull sponge of excommunion pronounce him wip't out of the list of gods inheritance , and in the custody of satan till he repent . which horrid sentence though it touch neither life , nor limme , nor any worldly possession , yet has it such a penetrating force , that swifter then any chimicall sulphur , or that lightning which harms not the skin , and rifles the entrals , it scorches the inmost soul . yet even this terrible denouncement is left to the church for no other cause but to be as a rough and vehement cleansing medcin , where the malady is obdurat ; a mortifying to life , a kind of saving by undoing . and it may be truly said , that as the mercies of wicked men are cruelties , so the cruelties of the church are mercies . for if repentance sent from heaven meet this lost wanderer , and draw him out of that steep journey wherein he was hasting towards destruction , to come and reconcile to the church , if he bring with him his bill of health , and that he is now cleare of infection and of no danger to the other sheep , then with incredible expressions of joy all his brethren receive him , and set before him those perfumed bankets of christian consolation ; with pretious ointments bathing and fomenting the old and now to be forgotten stripes which terror and shame had inflicted ; and thus with heavenly solaces they cheere up his humble remorse , till he regain his first health and felicity . this is the approved way which the gospell prescribes , these are the spirituall weapons of holy censure , and ministeriall warfare , not carnall , but mighty through god to the pulling downe of strong holds , casting down imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it selfe against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of christ . what could be done more for the healing and reclaming that divine particle of gods breathing the soul , and what could be done lesse ? he that would hide his faults from such a wholsome curing as this , and count it a two-fold punishment ; as some do , is like a man that having foul diseases about him , perishes for shame , and the fear he has o● a rigorous incision to come upon hi● flesh . we shall be able by this time to discern whether prelaticall jurisdiction be contrary to the gospell or no . first therefore the government of the gospell being economicall and paternall , that is , of such a family where there be no servants , but all sons in obedience , not in servility , as cannot be deny'd by him that lives but within the sound of scripture , how can the prelates justifie to have turn'd the fatherly orders of christs houshold , the blessed meeknesse of his lowly roof , those ever open and inviting dores of his dwelling house which delight to be frequented with only filiall accesses , how can they justifie to have turn'd these domestick privileges into the barre of a proud judiciall court where fees and clamours keep shop and drive a trade , w● ere bribery and corruption solicits , paltring the free and monilesse power of discipline with a carnall satisfaction by the purse . contrition , humiliation , confession , the very sighs of a repentant spirit are there sold by the penny . that undeflour'd and unblemishable simplicity of the gospell , not she her selfe for that could never be , but a false-whi● ed , a lawnie resemblance of her , like that aire-born helena in the fables , made by the sorcery of prelats , instead of calling her disciples from the receit of custome , is now turn'd publican her self ; and gives up her body to a mercenary whor● ome under those fornicated ches which she cals gods house , and in the fight of those her altars which she hath set up to be ador'd makes merchandize of the bodies and souls of men . rejecting purgatory for no other reason , as it seems , then because her greedines cannot deferre ● ut had rather use the utmost extortion of redeemed penances in this life . but because these matters could not be thus carri'd without a begg'd and borrow'd force from worldly autority , therefore prelaty slighting the deliberat● d chosen counsell of christ in his spirituall government , whose glory is in the weaknesse of fleshly things to t● ad upon the crest of the worlds pride and violence by the power of spirituall ordinances , hath on the contrary made these her freinds and champions which are christs enemies in this his high designe , smothering and extinguishing the spirituall force of his bodily weaknesse in the discipline of his church with the boistrous and carnall tyranny of an undue , unlawfull and ungospellike jurisdiction . and thus prelaty both in her fleshly supportments , in her carnall doctrine of ceremonie and tradition , in her violent and secular power going quite counter to the prime end of christs comming in the flesh , that is to revele his truth , his glory and his might in a clean contrary manner then prelaty seeks to do , thwarting and defeating the great mistery of god , i do not conclude that prelaty is antichristian , for what need i ? the things themselves conclude it . yet if such like practises , and not many worse then these of our prelats , in that great darknesse of the roman church , have not exempted both her and her present members from being judg'd to be antichristian in all orthodoxall esteeme , i cannot think but that it is the absolute voice of truth and all her children to pronounce this prelaty , and these her dark deeds in the midst of this great light wherein we live , to be more antichristian then antichrist himselfe . the conclusion . the mischiefe that prelaty does in the state . i adde one thing more to those great ones that are so fond of prelaty , this is certain that the gospell being the hidden might of christ , as hath been heard , hath over a victorious power joyn'd with it , like him in the revelation that went forth on the white horse with his bow and his crown conquering , and to conquer . if we let the angell of the gospell ride on his own way , he does his proper businesse conquering the high thoughts , and the proud reasonings of the flesh , and brings them under to give obedience to christ with the salvation of many souls . but if ye turn him out of his rode , and in a manner force him to expresse his irresistible power by a doctrine of carnall might , as prelaty is , 〈◊〉 will use the , fleshly strength which ye put into his hands to subdue your spirits by a servile and blind superstition , and that againe shall hold such dominion over your captive minds , as returning with an insatiat greedinesse and force upon your worldly wealth and power wherewith to deck and magnifie her self , and her false worships , she shall spoil and havock your estates , disturbe your ease , diminish your honour , inthraul your liberty under the swelling mood of a proud clergy , who will not serve or feed your soules with spirituall food , look not for it , they have not wherewithall , or if they had , it is not in their purpose . but when they have glutted their ingratefull bodies , at least if it be possible that those open sepulchers should ever be glutted , and when they have stufft their idolish temples with the wastefull pillage of your estates , will they yet have any compassion upon you , and that poore pittance which they have left you , will they be but so good to you as that ravisher was to his sister , when he had us'd her at his pleasure , will they but only hate ye and so turne ye loose ? no● they will not , lords and commons , they will not fauour ye so much . what will they do then in the name of god and saints , what will these man-haters yet with more despight and mischiefe do ? i le tell ye , or at least remember ye , for most of ye know it already . that they may want nothing to make them true merchants of babylon , as they have done to your souls , they will sell your bodies , your wives , your children , your liberties , your parlaments , all these things , and if there be ought else dearer then these , they will sell at an out-cry in their pulpits to the arbitrary and illegall dispose of any one that may hereafter be call'd a king , whose mind shall serve him to listen to their bargain . and by their corrupt and servile doctrines boring our eares to an everlasting slavery , as they have done hitherto , so will they yet do their best to repeal and erase every line and clause of both our great charter● . no● is this only what they will doe , but what they hold as the main● reason and mystery of their advancement that they must do ; ● e the prince never so just and equall to his subjects ; yet such are their malicious and depraved eyes , that they so look on him , & so understand him , as if he requir'd no other gratitude , or piece of service si● thē then this . and indeed they stand so opportunly for the disturbing or the destroying of a state , being a knot of creatures whose dignities , means , and preferments have no foundation in the gospel , as they themselves acknowledge , but only in the princes favour , & to continue so long to them , as by pleasing him they shall deserve , whence it must needs be they should bend all their intentions , and services to no other ends but to his , that if it should happen that a tyrant ( god turn such a scourge from us to our enemies ) should come to grasp the scepter , here were his speare men and his lances , here were his firelocks ready , he should need no other pretorian band nor pensionry then these , if they could once with their perfidious preachments aw the people . for although the prelats in time of popery were sometimes friendly anough to magnacharta , it was because they stood upon their own bottom , without their main dependance on the royal nod : but now being well acquainted that the protestant religion , if she will reform her self rightly by the scriptures , must undresse them of all their guilded vanities , and reduce them as they were at first , to the lowly and equall order of presbyters , they know it concerns them neerly to study the times more then the text , and to lift up their eyes to the hils of the court , from whence only comes their help ; but if their pride grow weary of this crouching and observance , as ere long it would , and that yet their minds clime still to a higher ascent of worldly honour , this only refuge can remain to them , that they must of necessity contrive to bring themselves and us back again to the popes supremacy , and this we see they had by fair degrees of late been doing . these be the two fair supporters between which the strength of prelaty is born up , either of inducing tyranny , or of reducing popery . hence also we may judge that prelaty is meer falshood . for the property of truth is , where she is publickly taught , to unyoke & set free the minds and spirits of a nation first from the thraldom of sin and superstition , after which all honest and legal freedom of civil life cannot be long absent ; but prelaty whom the tyrant custom begot a natural tyrant in religion , & in state the agent & minister of tyranny , seems to have had this fatal guift in her nativity like another midas that whatsoever she should touch or come ne● r either in ecclesial or political government , it should turn , not to gold , though she for her part could wish it , but to the drosse and scum of slavery breeding and setling both in the bodies and the souls of all such as doe not in time with the sovran tr● le of sound doctrine provide to fortifie their hearts against her hierarchy . the service of god who is truth , her liturgy confesses to be perfect freedom , but her works and her opinions declare that the service of prelaty is p● rfect slavery , and by consequence perfect falshood . which makes me wonder much that many of the gentry , studious men , as i heare should engage themselves to write , and speak 〈◊〉 in her ●fence , but that i beleeve their honest and ingenuous natures coming to the universities to store themselves with good and solid learning , and there unfortunately fed with nothing else , but the s● gged and thorny lectures of monkish and miserable sophistry , w● re sent home again with such a scholastical burre in their throats , as hath stopt and hinderd all true and generous philosophy from entring , crackt their voices for ever with metaphysical gargarisms , and hath made them admire a sort of formal outside men prelatically addicted , whose unchast'nd and unwrought minds never yet initiated or subdu'd under the true lore of religion or moral vertue , which two are the best and greatest points of learning , but either slightly train'd up in a kind of hypocritical and hackny cours of literature to get their living by , and dazle the ignorant , or els fondly overstudied in uselesse cōtroversies , except those which they use with all the specious and delusive suttlety they are able , to defend their prelatical sparta , having a gospel and church-government set before their eyes , as a fair field wherin they might exercise the greatest vertu's , and the greatest deeds of christian autority in mean fortunes and little furniture of this world , which even the sage heathen writers and those old fabritii , and curii well knew to be a manner of working , then which nothing could lik'n a mortal man more to god , who delights most to worke from within himself , and not by the heavy luggage of corporeal instrument , they understand it not , & think no such matter , but admire & dote upon worldly riches , & honours , with an easie & intemperat life , to the bane of christianity : yea they and their seminaries shame not to professe , to petition and never lin pealing our eares that unlesse we fat them like boores , and cramme them as they list with wealth , with deaneries , and pluralities , with baronies and stately preferments , all learning and religion will goe underfoot . which is such a shamelesse , such a bestial plea , and of that odious impudence in church-men , who should be to ● is a pattern of temperance and frugal mediocrity , who should teach us to contemn this world , and the gaudy things thereof , according to the promise which they themselves require from us in baptisme , that should the scripture stand by and be mute , there is not that sect of philosophers among the heathen so dissolute , no not epicurus , nor aristippus with all his cyrenaick rout , but would shut his school dores against such greasy sophisters : not any college of mountebanks , but would think scorn to discover in themselves with such a brazen forehead the outrageous desire of filthy lucre . which the prelats make so little conscience of , that they are ready to fight , and if it lay in their power , to massacre all good christians under the names of horrible schismaticks for only finding fault with their temporal dignities , their unconscionable wealth and revenues , their cruell autority over their brethren that labour in the word , while they sno● in their luxurious excesse . openly proclaming themselvs now in the sight of all men to be those which for a while they fought to cover under sheeps cloathing , ravenous and savage wolves threatning inrodes and bloody incursions upon the flock of christ , which they took upon them to feed , but now clame to devour us their prey . more like that huge dragon of egypt breathing out wast , and desolation to the land , unlesse he were daily fatn'd with virgins blood . him our old patron saint george by his matchlesse valour slew , as the prelat of the garter that reads his collect ● an tell . and if our princes and knights will imitate the same of the t old champion , as by their order of knighthood solemnly taken , they vow , farre be it that they should uphold and side with this english dragon ; but rather to doe as indeed their oath binds them , they should make it their knightly adventure to pursue & vanquish this mighty sailewing'd monster that menaces to swallow up the land , unlesse her bottomlesse gorge may be satisfi'd with the blood of the kings daughter the church ; and may , as she was wont , fill her dark and infamous den with the bones of the saints . nor will any one have reason to think this as too incredible or too tragical to be spok'n of prelaty , if he consider well from what a masse of slime and mud , the sloathful , the covetous and ambitious hopes of church-promotions and fat bishopricks she is bred up and nuzzl'd in , like a great python from her youth , to prove the general poyson both of doctrine and good discipline in the land . for certainly such hopes and such principles of earth as these wherein she welters from a yong one , are the immediat generation both of a slavish and tyranous life to follow , and a p● stiferous contagion to the whole kingdom , till like that fenborn serpent she be shot to death with the darts of the sun , the pure and powerful beams of gods word . and this may serve to describe to us in part , what prelaty hath bin and what , if she stand , she is like to be toward the whole body of people in england . now that it may appeare how she is not such a kind of evil , a● hath any good , or use in it , which many evils have , but a distill'd quintessence , a pure elixar of mischief , pestilent alike to a● i shal shew briefly , ere i conclude , that the prelats , as they are to the subjects a calamity , so are they the greatest underminers and betrayers of the monarch , to whom they seem to be most favourable . i cannot better liken the state and person of a king then to that mighty nazarite samson ; who being disciplin'd from his birth in the precepts and the practice of temperance and sobriety , without the strong drink of injurious and excessive desires , grows up to a noble strength and perfection with those his illustrious and sunny locks the laws waving and curling about his god like shoulders . and while he keeps them about him undiminisht and unshorn , he may with the jaw-bone of an asse , that i● , with the word of his meanest officer suppresse and put to confusion thousands of those that rise against his just power . but laying down his head among the strumpet flatteries of prelats , while he sleeps and thinks no harme , they wickedly shaving off all those bright and waighty tresses of his laws , and just prerogatives which were his ornament and strength , deliver him over to indirect and violent councels , which as those philistims put out the fair , and farre-sighted eyes of his natural discerning , and make him grinde in the prison house of their sinister ends and practices upon him . till he knowing this prelatical rasor to have bereft him of his wonted might , nourish again his puissant hair , the golden beames of law and right ; and they sternly shook , thunder with ruin upon the heads of those his evil counsellors , but not without great affliction to himselfe . this is the sum of their loyal service to kings ; yet these are the men that stil cry the king , the king , the lords anointed . we grant it , and wonder how they came to light upon any thing so true ; and wonder more , if kings be the lords anointed , how they dare thus oyle over and bes● eare so holy an unction with the corrupt and putrid oyntment of their base flatteries , which while they smooth the skin , strike inward and envenom the life blood . what fidelity kings can expect from prelats both examples past , and our present experience of their doings at this day , whereon is grounded all that hath bin said , may suffice to inform us . and if they be such clippers of regal power and shavers of the laws , how they stand affected to the law giving parlament , your selves , worthy peeres and commons , can best testifie ; the current of whose glorious and immortal actions hath bin only oppos'd by the obscure and pernicious design of the prelats : until : their insolen● broke out to such a bold affront , as hath justly immur'd their haughty looks within strong wals . nor have they done any thing of late with more diligence ; then to hinder or break the happy assembling of parlaments , however needfull to repaire the shatter'd and disjoynted frame of the common-wealth , or if they cannot do this , to crosse , to disinable , and traduce all parlamentary proceedings . and this , if nothing else , plainly accuses them to be no lawful members of the house , if they thus perpetually mutine against their own body . and though they pretend like salomons harlot , that they have right thereto , by the same judgement that salomon gave , it cannot belong to them , whenas it is not onely their assent , but their endeavour continually to divide parlaments in twain ; and not only by dividing , but by all other means to abolish and destroy the free use of them to all posterity . for the which and for all their former misdeeds , wherof this book and many volumes more cannot contain the moytie , i shal move yee lords in the behalf i dare say of many thousand good christians , to let your justice and speedy sentence passe against this great malefactor prelaty . and yet in the midst of rigor i would beseech ye to think of mercy ; and such a mercy , i feare i shal overshoot with a desire to save this falling prelaty , such a mercy ( if i may venture to say ● word● ) a● may exceed that which for only ten righteous persons would have sav'd sodom . not that i dare advise ye to contend with god whether he or you shal be more merciful , but in your wise esteems to ballance the offences of those peccant citties with these enormous riots of ungodly mis-rule that prelaty hath wrought both in the church of christ , and in the state of this kingdome . and if ye think ye may with a pious presumption strive to goe beyond god in mercy , i shall not be one now that would dissuade ye . though god for lesse then ten just persons would not spare sodom , yet if you can finde after due search but only one good thing in prelaty either to religion● or civil govern● to king or parliament 〈◊〉 prince or people , to law , liberty , 〈◊〉 learning , spare her , 〈◊〉 her live , let her spread among ye , till with her shadow , all your dignities and honours , and all the glory of the land be darken'd and obscurd . but on the contrary if she be found to be malignant , hostile , destructive to all these , as nothing can be surer , then let your severe and impartial doom imitate the divine vengeance ; rain down your punishing force upon this godlesse and oppressing government : and bring such a dead sea of subversion upon her , that she may never in this land rise more to afflict the holy reformed church , and the elect people of god . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- tim. ● zechar. . haggai . notes for div a e- cor. . . a declaration, or, letters patents of the election of this present king of poland, john the third, elected on the d of may last past, anno dom. containing the reasons of this election, the great vertues and merits of the said serene elect, his eminent services in war, especially in his last great victory against the turks and tartars, whereof many particulars are here related, not published before / now faithfully translated from the latin copy by john milton. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a declaration, or, letters patents of the election of this present king of poland, john the third, elected on the d of may last past, anno dom. containing the reasons of this election, the great vertues and merits of the said serene elect, his eminent services in war, especially in his last great victory against the turks and tartars, whereof many particulars are here related, not published before / now faithfully translated from the latin copy by john milton. milton, john, - . p. printed for brabazon aylmer, london : . imperfect: pages cropped with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng john -- iii sobieski, -- king of poland, - . poland -- history -- john iii sobieski, - . poland -- politics and government -- - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion " polonian liberty " : the first english recognition of john sobieski written by john milton the rarest of all his first editions in english [ milton , john. ] a declaration , or letters patents of the election of this present king of poland john the third ... containing ... his eminent services in war , especially in his last great victory against the turks and tartars , whereof many particulars are here related , not published before . now faithfully translated from the latin copy . london : printed by brabazon aylmer ... . sm. to . , full crimson morocco . first editon of milton's last publication , which , " like his first , appeared anonymously ... a final reminder that its translator was a man of broadly european culture , interested to the end in international affairs " ( parker , i , ) . this version in the english language of the latin document — " newly arrived from poland " describing the election and accession of john sobieski to the independent throne of poland — " would seem to be the rarest of all milton first editions ... except for the privately printed epitaphium damonis [ in latin , c. , british library unique ] " ( parker , ii , ) . only five other copies are known ; the british library , christ's college , cambridge , in u.k. , and , in america , texas , yale , indiana ( harmsworth ) . new wing adds library of congress ( perhaps — harmsworth ) and harvard , which parker indicates has been missing since ( it has since been found , we are pretty happy to say ) . parker's note at ii , , remarks that " the exhibition catalogue of the illinois collection of first editions ... claims to include `every first edition of milton's works ' , but omits this one " . new wing d ; parker , ii , , , app. , no. . masson , life of milton , vi , - . . lr , v. - ; phillips ( ) , p. liii ( not in darbishire ) ; masson , vi. - . the collation of a declaration : : a-b ; pp. [ ii ] , , [ ] . the contents : pp. [ i-ii ] , blank ; p. [ ] , title ; p. [ ] , blank ; pp. - , text ; pp. [ - ] , blank . it is through phillips that we know of milton's translation of this work . wood and aubrey omitted the declaration in their bibliographies , but toland noticed phillips's entry , and the translation was reprinted in . there is no reason to doubt phillips's attribution ; the publisher , brabazon aylmer , also published milton's epistoloe in , and later his brief history of moscovia . french wrote that ` no satisfactory explanation for his [ milton's ] having performed this unusual task at this period in his age has been offered ' , but surely none is needed beyond the business acumen of aylmer , who , if he did not request the translation , readily saw the need of it . milton's name does not appear . this may be a reason for the great scarcity of surviving copies . wing ( d ) lists only three , but the following five or six libraries , perhaps with some others , have copies of the first edition : british museum , christ's college , harvard ( missing since ) , indiana ( harmsworth ) , texas , and yale . except for the privately printed epitaphium damonis ( ? ) , this would seem to be the rarest of all milton first editions , though some additional libraries may have copies catalogued solely under ` declaration ' , or ` john iii ' , or ` poland ' , or ` sobieski ' . articles of peace ( ) , containing milton's anonymous ' observations ' , is a close third in scarcity , with only ten copies known to me . a declaration , or letters patents of the election of this present king of poland iohn the third , elected on the d of may last past , anno dom. . containing the reasons of this election , the great vertues and merits of the said serene elect , his eminent services in war , especially in his last great victory against the turks and tartars , whereof many particulars are here related , not published before . now faithfully translated from the latin copy . by iohn milton . london , printed for brabazon aylmer , at the three pigeons in cornhil , . letters patents of the election of the most serene king of poland . in the name of the most holy and individual trinity , the father , son , and holy spirit . vve andrew trezebicki , bishop of cracovia , duke of severia , john gembicki of uladislau and pomerania , &c. bishops to the number of ten. stanislaus warszycki , castellon of cracovia ; alexander michael lubomirski of cracovia , &c. palatines to the number of twenty three . christopherus grzymaltouski of posnania , alexander gratus de tarnow of sandimer : castellons to the number of twenty four. hilareus polubinski , high marshal of the great dukedom of lituania , christopherus pac , high-chancelor of the great dukedom of lituania , senators and great officers , to the number of seventy five . we declare by these our present letters unto all and single persons whom it may concern : our commonwealth being again left widowed , by the unseasonable death of that famous michael late king of poland , who having scarce reigned full five years , on the tenth day of november of the year last past , at leopolis , changed his fading crown for one immortal ; in the sence of so mournful a funeral and fresh calamity , yet with an undaunted courage , mindful of her self in the midst of dangers , forbore not to seek remedies , that the world may understand she grows in the midst of her losses ; it pleased her to begin her counsels of preserving her country , and delivering it from the utmost chances of an interreign , from the divine deity , ( as it were by the only motion of whose finger ) it is easie that kingdoms be transferred from nation to nation , and kings from the lowest state to thrones ; and therefore the business was begun according to our countrey-laws and ancestors institutions . after the convocation of all the states of the kingdom ended , in the month of february at warsaw , by the common consent of all those states on the day decreed for the election the th of april ; at the report of this famous act , as though a trumpet had been sounded , and a trophy of vertue erected , the wishes and desires of forreign princes came forth of their own accord into the field of the polonian liberty , in a famous strife of merits and good-will towards the commonwealth , every one bringing their ornaments , advantages and gifts to the commonwealth : but the commonwealth becoming more diligent by the prodigal ambition used in the last interreign , and factions , and disagreeings of minds , nor careless of the future , considered with her self whether firm or doubtful things were promised , and whether she should seem from the present state to transfer both the old and new honours of poland into the possession of strangers , or the military glory , and their late unheard of victory over the turks , and blood spilt in the war , upon the purple of some unwarlike prince ; as if any one could so soon put on the love of the country , and that poland was not so much an enemy to her own nation and fame , as to favour strangers more than her own ; and valour being found in her , should suffer a guest of new power to wax proud in her ; therefore she thenceforth turned her thoughts upon some one in her own nation , and at length abolished ( as she began in the former election ) that reproach cast upon her , under pretence of a secret maxime , that none can be elected king of poland but such as are born out of poland ; neither did she seek long among her citizens whom she should prefer above the rest ( for this was no uncertain or suspended election , there was no place for delay ; ) for although in the equality of our nobles many might be elected , yet the vertue of a hero appeared above his equals , therefore the eyes and minds of all men were willingly and by a certain divine instinct turned upon the high marshal of the kingdom , captain of the army iohn sobietski . the admirable vertue of the man , the high power of marshal in the court , with his supreme command in arms , senatorial honour , with his civil modesty , the extraordinary splendor of his birth and fortune , with open courtesie , piety towards god , love to his fellow-citizens in words and deeds ; constancy , faithfulness , and clemency towards his very enemies , and what noble things soever can be said of a hero , did lay such golden chains on the minds and tongues of all , that the senate and people of poland and of the great dukedome of lituania ; with suffrages and agreeing voices named and chose him their king ; not with his seeking nor precipitate counsel , but with mature deliberations continued and extended till the third day . certainly it conduced much for the honour of the most serene elect , the confirmation of a free election , and the eternal praise of the people electing , that the great business of an age was not transacted in one day , or in the shadow of the night , or by one casuul heat : for it was not right that a hero of the age , should in a moment of time ( and as it were by the cast of a die ) be made a king , when as antiquity by an ancient proverb has delivered , that hercules was not begot in one night ; and it hath tought that election should shine openly under a clear sky , in the open light. the most serene elect took it modestly that his nomination should be deferred till the third day , plainly shewing to endeavour , lest his sudden facility of assent being suspected , might detract from their judgment , and the world might be enforced to believe by a more certain argument , that he that was so chosen was elected without his own ambition , or the envy of corrupted liberty : or was it by the appointed counsel of god that this debate continued three whole days , from saturday till munday , as if the cotimian victory ( begun on the saturday , and at length on the third day after accomplished , after the taking of the cotimian castle ) had been a lucky presage of his royal reward ; or , as if with an auspicious omen , the third day of election had alluded to the regal name of iohn the third . the famous glory of war paved his way to the crown , and confirmed the favour of suffrages to his most serene elect . he the first of all the polonians shewed that the seythian swiftness ( troublesome heretofore to all the monarchies of the world ) might be repressed by a standing fight , and the terrible main battalion of the turk , might be broken and routed at one stroke . that we may pass by in silence the ancient rudiments of warfare which he stoutly and gloriously managed under the conduct and authority of another , against the swedes , muscovites , borussians , transylvanians and cossacks ; though about sixty cities taken by him from the cossacks be less noised in the mouth of fame ; yet these often and prosperous battels , were a prelude to greatest victories in the memory of man. miriads of tartars had overrun within this six years with their plundering troops the coast of podolia ; when a small force and some shattered legions were not sufficient against the hostile assault , yet our general knowing not to yeeld , shut himself up ( by a new stratagem of war ) in podhajecy , a strait castle , and fortified in haste , whereby he might exclude the cruel destruction which was hastening into the bowels of the kingdom , by which means the barbarian deluded and routed , took conditions of peace ; as if he had made his inroad for this only purpose , that he might bring to the most serene elect , matter of glory , victory . for these four last years the famous victories of sobietski have signalized every year of his warlike command on the cossacks , and tartarians , both joyned together ; the most strong province of braclavia , as far as it lyes betwen hypanis and tyral , with their cities and warlike people , were won from the cossack enemy . and those things are beyond belief which two years ago the most serene elect , after the taking of camenick , ( being undaunted by the seige of laopolis , ) performed to a miracle by the hardness and fortitude of the polonian army , scarce consisting of three thousand men , in the continual course of five days and nights , sustaining life without any food , except wild herbs ; setting upon the tartarians , he made famous the names of narulum , niemicrovia , konarnum , kalussia , obscure towns before , by a great overthrow of the barbarians . he slew three sultans of the crim-tartars , descended of the royal gietian family , and so trampled on that great force of the scythians , that in these latter years they could not regain their courage or recollect the forces . but the felicity of this last autumn exceeded all his victories ; when-as the fortifications at chocimum , famous of old , were possessed and fortified by above forty thousand turks , in which three and forty years ago the polonians had sustained and repressed the forces of the ottoman family , drawn together out of asia , africa , and europe , fell to the ground within a few hours ; by the only ( under god ) imperatorious valour and prudence , of sobietski ; for he counted it his chief part to go about the watches , order the stations , and personally to inspect the preparations of warlike ordinance , to encourage the soldiers with voice , hands , and countenance , wearied with hunger , badness of weather , and three days standing in arms ; and he ( which is most to be admired ) on foot at the head of the foot-forces made thorough and forced his way to the battery , hazarding his life devoted to god and his countrey ; and thereupon made a cruel slaughter within the camp and fortifications of the enemy ; while the desperation of the turks whetted their valour , and he performed the part of a most provident and valiant captain ; at which time three bashaw's were slain , the fourth scarce passed with difficulty the swift river of tyras ; eight thousand ianizaries , twenty thousand chosen spachies , besides the more common souldiers , were cut off ; the whole camp with all their ammunition , and great ordinance : besides the assyrian and phrygian wealth of luxurious asia , were taken and pillaged , the famous castle of cotimia , and the bridg over tyras , strong fortresses , equal to castles on each side the river , were additions to the victory . why therefore should not such renown'd heroick valour be crowned with the legal reward of a diadem ? all christendom have gone before us in example , which being arrived to the recovery of ierusalem under the conduct of godfrey of bullion , on their own accord gave him that kingdom , for that he first scaled the walls of that city . our most serene elect is not inferior , for he first also ascended two main fortresses of the enemy . the moment of time adorns this victory unheard-of in many ages , the most serene king michael dying the day before , as it were signifying thereby that he gave way to so great valour , as if it were by his command and favour , that this conqueror might so much the more gloriously suceed from the helmet to the crown , from the commanders staff to the scepter , from his lying in the field to the regal throne . the commonwealth recalled the grateful , and never to be forgotten memory of his renowned father , the most illustrious and excellent iames sobietski , castellion of cracovia , a man to be written of with sedulous care , who by his golden eloquence in the publick counsels , and by his hand in the scene of war , had so often amplified the state of the commonwealth , and defended it with the arms of his family . neither can we believe it happened without divine providence , that in the same place wherein forty years ago his renowned father embassador of the polonian-common wealth , had made peace and covenants with cimanus the turkish general , his great son should revenge with his sword the peace broke , ( heaven it self upbraiding the perfidious enemy ) . the rest of his grandsires and great-grandsires , and innumerable names of famous senators and great officers have as it were brought forth light to the serene elect by the emolous greatness and glory of his mothers descent , especially stanislaus zelkievius , high chancellor of the kingdom , and general of the army , at whose grave in the neighbouring fields , in which by the turkish rage in the year he died , his victorious nephew took full revenge by so remarkable an overthrow of the enemy : the immortal valour and fatal fall of his most noble uncle stanislaus danilovitius in the year , palatine of russia , doubled the glory of his ancestors ; whom desirous of honour and not induring that sluggish peace wherein poland then slept secure , valour and youthful heat accited at his own expence and private forces , into the taurick fields ; that by his footing and the ancient warlike polonian discipline , he might lead and point the way to these merits of sobietski , and being slain by cantimiz the tartarian cham , in revenge of his son by him flain , he might by his noble blood give lustre to this regal purple ; neither hath the people of poland forgot the most illustrious marcus sobietski elder brother of our most serene elect , who when the polonian army at batto was routed by the barbarians although occasion was offer'd him of escape , yet chose rather to die in the overthrow of such valiant men , a sacrifice for his countrey , than to buy his life with a dishonourable retreat ; perhaps the divine judgment so disposing , whose order is that persons pass away and fail , and causes and events happen again the same ; that by the repeated fate of the huniades , the elder brother of great hopes removed by a lamented slaughter , might leave to his younger brother surviving the readier passage to the throne . that therefore which we pray may be happy , auspicious and fortunate to our orthodox commonwealth , and to all christendome , with free and unanimous votes , none opposing , all consenting and applauding , by the right of our free election , notwithstanding the absence of those which have been called and not appeared , we being led by no private respect , but having only before our eyes the glory of god , the increase of the ancient catholick church , the safety of the commonwealth , and the dignity of the polish nation and name , have thought fit to elect , create , and name , iohn in zolkiew and zloczew sobietski , supreme marshal general of the kingdom general of the armies , governour of neva , bara , strya , loporovient , and kalussien , most eminently adorned with so high endowments , merits and splendor , to be king of poland , grand-duke of lituania , russia , prussia , mazovia , samogitia , kyovia , volhinnia , padlachita , podolia , livonia , smolensko , severia , and czerniechovia , as we have elected created declared and named him ; i the afore said bishop of cracovia ( the archiepiscopal see being vacant ) exercising the office and authority of primate and by consent of all the states thrice demanded , opposed by none , by all and every one approved , conclude the election : promising faithfully that we will always perform to the same most serene and potent elect prince , lord iohn the third , our king , the same faith , subjection , obedience and loyalty according to our rights and liberties , as we have performed to his blessed ancestor , as also that we will crown the same most serene elect in the next assembly at cracovia , to that end ordained , as our true king and lord , with the regal diadem , with which the kings of poland were wont to be crown'd , and after the manner which the roman catholick church before-time hath observed in anointing and inaugurating kings , we will anoint and inaugurate him ; yet so as he shall hold fast and observe first of all the rights , immunities both ecclesiastical and secular , granted and given to us by his ancestor of blessed memory ; as also these law 's which we our selves , in the time of this present and former inter-reign , according to the right of our liberty , and better preservation of the commonwealth have established . and if moreover the most serene elect will bind himself by an oath , to perform the conditions concluded with those persons sent by his majesty , before the exhibition of this present decree of election , and will provide in best manner for the performance of them by his authenick letters ; which decree of election we by divine aid , desirous to put in execution , do send by common consent , to deliver it into the hands of the most serene elect , the most illustrious and reverend lord bishop of cracovia , together with some senators and chief officers , and the illustrious and magnificent benedictus sapieha , treasurer of the court of the great dukedom of lituania , marshal of the equestrian order ; commiting to them the same decree of intimating an oath , upon the aforesaid premises , and receiving his subscription ; and at length to give and deliver the same decree into the hands of the said elect , and to act and perform all other things which this affair requires , in assurance whereof the seals of the lords senators , and those of the equestrian order deputed to sign , are here affixed . given by the hands of the most illustrious and reverend father in christ , the lord andrew olzonski , bishop of culma and pomisania , high chancellor of the kingdom , in the general ordinary assembly of the kingdom , and great dukedom of lituania , for the election of the new king. warsaw the th day of may , in the year of our lord . in the presence of franciscus praszmouski , provost of guesna , abbot of sieciethovia , chief secretary of the kingdom ; ioannes malachowski , abbot of mogila , referendary of the kingdom , &c. with other great officers of the kingdom and clergy , to the number of fourescore and two . and the rest , very many great officers , captains , secretaries , courtiers , and inhabitants of the kingdom , and great dukedom of lituania , gathered together at warsaw , to the present assembly of the election of the kingdom and great dukedom of lituania . assistants at the solemn oath taken of his sacred majesty on the th day of the month of iune , in the palace at warsaw , after the letters patents delivered upon the covenants , and agreements , or capitulations , the most reverend and excellent lord francisco bonvisi , archbishop of thessalonica , apostolick nuntio ; count christopherus a scaffgotsch , caecareus tussanus de forbin , de iason bishop of marseilles in france , ioannes free-barron hoverbeck , from the marquess of brandenburg , embassadors ; and other envoyes and ministers of state. finis . letters of state written by mr. john milton, to most of the sovereign princes and republicks of europe, from the year , till the year ; to which is added, an account of his life ; together with several of his poems, and a catalogue of his works, never before printed. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) letters of state written by mr. john milton, to most of the sovereign princes and republicks of europe, from the year , till the year ; to which is added, an account of his life ; together with several of his poems, and a catalogue of his works, never before printed. milton, john, - . england and wales. lord protector ( - : o. cromwell) england and wales. lord protector ( - : r. cromwell) [ ], xlvii, [ ], p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and 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of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng milton, john, - . cromwell, oliver, - . cromwell, richard, - . england and wales. -- parliament. england and wales. -- council of state. great britain -- history -- commonwealth and protectorate, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion letters of state , written by mr. john milton , to most of the sovereign princes and republicks of europe . from the year . till the year . to which is added , an account of his life . together with several of his poems ; and a catalogue of his works , never before printed . london : printed in the year , . to the reader . prejudice over rules and sways a world of people ; and there is no question but this collection will meet with a great deal . there are some perhaps may censure it with an infandum regina jubes — bigots to something , but they know not what ; nor is it in their nature to examine the reasons of their antipathy . for after the exactest scrutiny that can be made , there is nothing to be met with in the following sheets , not wrested by tyrannical innuendo's , that can give the least offence ; unless good latin made good english be a crime . here are no discussions , which of the contending parties were in the right ; no justifications of the prosperous , nor conclusions from success . here are only bare matters of fact , abstracted from the domestick broils , and civil dissentions of those times . it only appears from hence , that a certain party of people , having by victory obtained the supream government of the kingdom , took the common methods of prudence and policy to strengthen themselves abroad , by leagues and amities with foreign princes . whatever they had done at home , they paid to all the european monarchs and potentates , that deference which became 'em : yet were they not so pusillanimously forward neither to court forreign friendship , or to conclude any treaties but to the advantage of the nation , according to those maxims which they professed ; and how severe soever they were to those they believed their enemies within dors , both the one and the other were most careful , not to suffer the merchants to be abused abroad , if either force or intercession could prevail . then , for the honour of those people , who had in those times successively vsurp'd the supream authority of the nation , nothing more plainly discovers it then the different style of the ensuing letters : for mr. milton is not to be thought to have written his own sense , but what was dictated to him by his superiours . the language of the long parliament was more imperious and downright ; oliver's vein more full of cants ; and where he concluded with threats , he began with godly expostulations . in the last place , to question the truth of those transactions to which these following letters have relation , would be a solecism which ignorance it self would be ashamed to own . the dates , the subscriptions , superscriptions , render every thing authentick . so that were it only for their character of truth which must be allow'd 'em , that alone is sufficient to recommend 'em to posterity : at least to those who may be ambitious to be the english thuanus's of succeeding ages , to whom the verity of these letters will be a useful clue , so far as it reaches , to guide them through the labyrinth of forgotten story . hony soit qui mal y pence . the life of mr. john milton . of all the several parts of history , that which sets forth the lives , and commemorates the most remarkable actions , sayings , or writings of famous and illustrious persons , whether in war or peace ; whether many together , or any one in particular , as it is not the least useful in it self , so it is in highest vogue and esteem among the studious and reading part of mankind . the most eminent in this way of history were among the ancients , plutarch and diogenes laertius of the greeks ; the first wrote the lives , for the most part , of the most renowned heroes and warriours of the greeks and romans ; the other the lives of the ancient greek philosophers . and cornelius nepos ( or as some will have it acmilius probus ) of the latins , who wrote the lives of the most illustrious greek and roman generals . among the moderns , machiavel a noble florentine , who elegantly wrote the life of castrucio castracano , lord of luca. and of our nation , sir fulk grevil , who wrote the life of his most intimate friend sir philip sidney : mr. thomas stanly of cumberlo-green , who made a most elaborate improvement to the foresaid lacrtius , by adding to what he found in him , what by diligent search and enquiry he collected from other authors of best authority . isaac walton , who wrote the lives of sir henry wotton , dr. donne ; and for his divine poems , the admired mr. george herbert . lastly , not to mention several other biographers of considerable note , the great gassendus of france , the worthy celebrator of two no less worthy subjects of his impartial pen ; viz. the noble philosopher epicurus , and the most politely learned virtuoso of his age , his country-man , monsieur periesk . and pitty it is the person whose memory we have here undertaken to perpetuate by recounting the most memorable transactions of his life , ( though his works sufficiently recommend him to the world ) finds not a well-informed pen able to set him forth , equal with the best of those here mentioned ; for doubtless had his fame been as much spread through europe , in thuanus's time as now it is , and hath been for several years , he had justly merited from that great historian , an eulogy not inferiour to the highest , by him given to all the learned and ingenious that liv'd within the compass of his history . for we may safely and justly affirm , that take him in all respects , for acumen of wit , quickness of apprehension , sagacity of judgement , depth of argument , and elegancy of style , as well in latin as english , as well in verse as prose , he is scarce to be parallel'd by any the best of writers our nation hath in any age brought forth . he was born in london , in a house in breadstreet , the lease whereof , as i take it , but for certain it was a house in breadstreet , became in time part of his estate in the year of our lord , . his father john milton , an honest , worthy , and substantial citizen of london , by profession a scrivener , to which profession he voluntarily betook himself , by the advice and assistance of an intimate friend of his , eminent in that calling , upon his being cast out by his father , a bigotted roman catholick , for embracing , when young , the protestant faith , and abjuring the popish tenets ; for he is said to have been descended of an ancient family of the miltons , of milton , near abington in oxfordshire ; where they had been a long time seated , as appears by the monuments still to be seen in milton-church , till one of the family having taken the wrong side , in the contests between the houses of york and lancaster , was sequestred of all his estate , but what he held by his wife . however , certain it is , that this vocation he followed for many years , at his said house in breadstreet , with success suitable to his industry , and prudent conduct of his affairs ; yet did he not so far quit his own generous and ingenious inclinations , as to make himself wholly a slave to the world ; for he sometimes found vacant hours to the study ( which he made his recreation ) of the noble science of musick , in which he advanc'd to that perfection , that as i have been told , and as i take it , by our author himself , he composed an in nomine of forty parts : for which he was rewarded with a gold medal and chain by a polish prince , to whom he presented it . however , this is a truth not to be denied , that for several songs of his composition , after the way of these times , three or four of which are still to be seen in old wilby's set of ayres , besides some compositions of his in ravenscrofs psalms , he gained the reputation of a considerable master in this most charming of all the liberal sciences : yet all this while , he managed his grand affair of this world with such prudence and diligence , that by the assistance of divine providence favouring his honest endeavours , he gained a competent estate , whereby he was enabled to make a handsom provision both for the education and maintenance of his children ; for three he had , and no more , all by one wife , sarah , of the family of the castons , derived originally from wales . a woman of incomparable vertue and goodness ; john the eldest , the subject of our present work. christopher , and an onely daughter ann ; christopher being principally designed for the study of the common law of england , was entered young a student of the inner-temple , of which house he lived to be an ancient bencher , and keeping close to that study and profession all his life-time , except in the time of the civil wars of england ; when being a great favourer and assertor of the king's cause , and obnoxious to the parliament's side , by acting to his utmost power against them , so long as he kept his station at reading ; and after that town was taken by the parliament forces , being forced to quit his house there , he steer'd his course according to the motion of the king's army . but when the war was ended with victory and success to the parliament party , by the valour of general fairfax , and the craft and conduct of cromwell ; and his composition made by the help of his brother's interest , with the then prevailing power ; he betook himself again to his former study and profession , following chamber-practice every term , yet came to no advancement in the world in a long time , except some small employ in the town of ipswich , where ( and near it ) he lived all the latter time of his life . for he was a person of a modest quiet temper , preferring justice and vertue before all worldly pleasure or grandeur : but in the beginning of the reign of k. james the ii. for his known integrity and ability in the law , he was by some persons of quality recommended to the king , and at a call of serjeants received the coif , and the same day was sworn one of the barons of the exchequer , and soon after made one of the judges of the common pleas ; but his years and indisposition not well brooking the fatigue of publick imployment , he continued not long in either of these stations , but having his quietus est , retired to a country life , his study and devotion . ann , the onely daughter of the said john milton the elder , had a considerable dowry given her by her father , in marriage with edward philips , ( the son of edward philips of shrewsbury , ) who coming up young to town , was bred up in the crown-office in chancery , and at length came to be secondary of the office under old mr. bembo ; by him she had , besides other children that dyed infants , two sons yet surviving , of whom more hereafter ; and by a second husband , mr. thomas agar , who ( upon the death of his intimate friend mr. philips ) worthily succeeded in the place , which except some time of exclusion before and during the interregnum , he held for many years , and left it to mr. thomas milton ( the son of the aforementioned sir christopher ) who at this day executes it with great reputation and ability . two daughters , mary who died very young , and ann yet surviving . but to hasten back to our matter in hand ; john our author , who was destin'd to be the ornament and glory of his countrey , was sent , together with his brother , to paul's school , whereof dr. gill the elder was then chief master ; where he was enter'd into the first rudiments of learning , and advanced therein with that admirable success , not more by the discipline of the school and good instructions of his masters , ( for that he had another master possibly at his father's house , appears by the fourth elegy of his latin poems written in his th year , to thomas young pastor of the english company of merchants at hamborough , wherein he owns and stiles him his master ) than by his own happy genius , prompt wit and apprehension , and insuperable industry ; for he generally sate up half the night , as well in voluntary improvements of his own choice , as the exact perfecting of his school-exercises : so that at the age of he was full ripe for academick learning , and accordingly was sent to the university of cambridge ; where in christ's college , under the tuition of a very eminent learned man , whose name i cannot call to mind , he studied seven years , and took his degree of master of arts ; and for the extraordinary wit and reading he had shown in his performances to attain his degree , ( some whereof spoken at a vacation-exercise in his th . year of age , are to be yet seen in his miscellaneous poems ) he was lov'd and admir'd by the whole university , particularly by the fellows and most ingenious persons of his house . among the rest there was a young gentleman , one mr. king , with whom , for his great learning and parts he had contracted a particular friendship and intimacy ; whose death ( for he was drown'd on the irish seas in his passage from chester to ireland ) he bewails in that most excellent monody in his forementioned poems ) intituled lycidas . never was the loss of friend so elegantly lamented ; and among the rest of his juvenile poems , some he wrote at the age of , which contain a poetical genius scarce to be parallel'd by any english writer . soon after he had taken his master's degree , he thought fit to leave the university : not upon any disgust or discontent for want of preferment , as some ill-willers have reported ; nor upon any cause whatsoever forc'd to flie , as his detractors maliciously feign ; but from which aspersion he sufficiently clears himself in his second answer to alexander morus , the author of a book call'd , clamor regii sanguinis ad caelum , the chief of his calumniators ; in which he plainly makes it out , that after his leaving the university , to the no small trouble of his fellow-collegiates , who in general regretted his absence , he for the space of five years lived for the most part with his father and mother at their house at horton near colebrook in barkshire ; whither his father , having got an estate to his content , and left off all business , was retir'd from the cares and fatigues of the world . after the said term of five years , his mother then dying , he was willing to add to his acquired learning the observation of foreign customs , manners , and institutions ; and thereupon took a resolution to travel , more especially designing for italy ; and accordingly , with his father's consent and assistance , he put himself into an equipage suitable to such a design ; and so intending to go by the way of france , he set out for paris accompanied onely with one man , who attended him through all his travels ; for his prudence was his guide , and his learning his introduction and presentation to persons of most eminent quality . however , he had also a most civil and obliging letter of direction and advice from sir henry wootton then provost of eaton , and formerly resident embassador from king james the first to the state of venice ; which letter is to be seen in the first edition of his miscellaneous poems . at paris being recommended by the said sir henry and other persons of quality , he went first to wait upon my lord scudamore , then embassador in france from king charles the first . my lord receiv'd him with wonderful civility ; and understanding he had a desire to make a visit to the great hugo grotius , he sent several of his attendants to wait upon him , and to present him in his name to that renowned doctor and statesman , who was at that time embassador from christina queen of sweden , to the french king. grotius took the visit kindly , and gave him entertainment suitable to his worth , and the high commendations he had heard of him . after a few days , not intending to make the usual tour of france , he took his leave of my lord , who at his departure from paris , gave him letters to the english merchants residing in any part through which he was to travel , in which they were requested to shew him all the kindness , and do him all the good offices that lay in their power . from paris he hastened on his journey to nicaea , where he took shipping , and in a short space arrived at genoa ; from whence he went to leghorn , thence to pisa , and so to florence : in this city he met with many charming objects , which invited him to stay a longer time then he intended ; the pleasant scituation of the place , the nobleness of the structures , the exact humanity and civility of the inhabitants , the more polite and refined sort of language there , than elsewhere . during the time of his stay here , which was about two months , he visited all the private academies of the city , which are places establish'd for the improvement of wit and learning , and maintained a correspondence and perpetual friendship among gentlemen fitly qualified for such an institution : and such sort of academies there are in all or most of the most noted cities in italy . visiting these places , he was soon taken notice of by the most learned and ingenious of the nobility , and the grand wits of florence , who caress'd him with all the honours and civilities imaginable , particularly jacobo gaddi , carolo dati , antonio francini , frescobaldo , cultelino , banmatthei and clementillo : whereof gaddi hath a large elegant italian canzonet in his praise : dati , a latin epistle ; both printed before his latin poems , together with a latin distich of the marquess of villa , and another of selvaggi , and a latin tetrastick of giovanni salsilli a roman . from florence he took his journey to siena , from thence to rome ; where he was detain'd much about the same time he had been at florence ; as well by his desire of seeing all the rarities and antiquities of that most glorious and renowned city , as by the conversation of lucas holstenius , and other learned and ingenious men ; who highly valued his acquaintance , and treated him with all possible respect . from rome he travelled to naples , where he was introduced by a certain hermite , who accompanied him in his journey from rome thither , into the knowledge of giovanni baptista manso , marquess of villa , a neapolitan by birth , a person of high nobility , vertue , and honour , to whom the famous italian poet , torquato tasso , wrote his treatise de amicitia ; and moreover mentions him with great honour in that illustrious poem of his , intituled , gieruemme liberata : this noble marquess received him with extraordinary respect and civility , and went with him himself to give him a sight of all that was of note and remark in the city , particularly the viceroys palace , and was often in person to visit him at his lodging . moreover , this noble marquess honoured him so far , as to make a latin distich in his praise , as hath been already mentiontd ; which being no less pithy then short , though already in print , it will not be unworth the while here to repeat . vt mens , forma , decor , facies , si * pietas , sic , non anglus verum hercle angelus ipse foret . in return of this honour , and in gratitude for the many favours and civilities received of him , he presented him at his departure with a large latin eclogue , intituled , mansus , afterward's published among his latin poems . the marquess at his taking leave of him gave him this complement , that he would have done him many more offices of kindness and civility , but was therefore rendered incapable in regard he had been over-liberal in his speech against the religion of the country . he had entertain'd some thoughts of passing over into sicily and greece , but was diverted by the news he receiv'd from england , that affairs there were tending towards a civil war ; thinking it a thing unworthy in him to be taking his pleasure in foreign parts , while his countreymen at home were fighting for their liberty : but first resolv'd to see rome once more ; and though the merchants gave him a caution that the jesuits were hatching designs against him , in case he should return thither , by reason of the freedom he took in all his discourses of religion ; nevertheless he ventured to prosecute his resolution , and to rome the second time he went , determining with himself not industriously to begin to fall into any discourse about religion ; but , being ask'd , not to deny or endeavour to conceal his own sentiments ; two months he staid at rome ; and in all that time never flinch'd , but was ready to defend the orthodox faith against all opposers ; and so well he succeeded therein , that good providence guarding him , he went safe from rome back to florence , where his return to his friends of that city was welcomed with as much joy and affection , as had it been to his friends and relations in his own countrey , he could not have come a more joyful and welcome guest . here , having staid as long as at his strfi coming , excepting an excursion of a few days to luca , crossing the apennine , and passing through bononia and ferrara , he arriv'd at venice , where when he had spent a month's time in viewing of that stately city , and shipp'd up a parcel of curious and rare books which he had pick'd up in his travels ; particularly a chest or two of choice musick-books of the best masters flourishing about that time in italy , namely , luca marenzo , monte verde , horatio vecchi , cifa , the prince of venosa and several others , he took his course through verona , milan , and the poenine alps , and so by the lake leman to geneva , where he staid for some time , and had daily converse with the most learned giovanni deodati , theology-professor in that city , and so returning through france , by the same way he had passed it going to italy , he , after a peregrination of one compleat year and about three months , arrived safe in england , about the time of the kings making his second expedition against the scots . soon after his return , and visits paid to his father and other friends , he took him a lodging in s. brides church-yard , at the house of one russel a taylor , where he first undertook the education and instruction of his sister 's two sons , the younger whereof had been wholly committed to his charge and care. and here by the way , i judge it not impertinent to mention the many authors both of the latin and greek , which through his excellent judgment and way of teaching , far above the pedantry of common publick schools ( where such authors are scarce ever heard of ) were run over within no greater compass of time , then from ten to fifteen or sixteen years of age. of the latin the four grand authors , de re rustica , cato , varro , columella , and palladius ; cornelius celsus , an ancient physician of the romans ; a great part of pliny's natural history , vitruvius his architecture , frontinus his stratagems , with the two egregious poets , lucretius , and manilius . of the greek ; hesiod , a poet equal with homer ; aratus his phaenomena , and diosemeia , dionysius afer de situ orbis , oppian's cynegeticks & halieuticks . quintus calaber his poem of the trojan war , continued from homer ; apollonius , rhodius his argonuticks , and in prose , plutarch's placita philosophorum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 geminus's astronomy ; xenophon's cyri institutio & anabasis , aelians tacticks , and polyaenus his warlike stratagems ; thus by teaching he in some measure increased his own knowledge , having the reading of all these authors as it were by proxy ; and all this might possibly have conduced to the preserving of his eye-sight , had he not , moreover , been perpetually busied in his own laborious undertakings of the book or pen. nor did the time thus studiously imployed in conquering the greek and latin tongues , hinder the attaining to the chief oriental languages , viz. the hebrew , caldee and syriac , so far as to go through the pentateuch , or five books of moses in hebrew , to make a good entrance into the targum or chaldee paraphrase , and to understand several chapters of st. matthew in the syriac testament , besides an introduction into several arts and sciences , by reading vrstisius his arithmetick , riffs geometry , petiscus his trigonometry , joannes de sacro bosco de sphaera ; and into the italian and french tongues , by reading in italian , giovan villani's history of the transactions between several petty states of italy ; and in french a great part of pierre davity , the famous geographer of france in his time . the sunday's work was for the most part the reading each day a chapter of the greek testament , and hearing his learned exposition upon the same , ( and how this savoured of atheism in him , i leave to the courteous backbiter to judge ) . the next work after this , was the writing from his own dictation , some part , from time to time , of a tractate which he thought fit to collect from the ablest of divines , who had written of that subject ; amesius , wollebius , &c. viz. a perfect system of divinity , of which more hereafter . now persons so far manuducted into the highest paths of literature both divine and human , had they received his documents with the same acuteness of wit and apprehension , the same industry , alacrity , and thirst after knowledge , as the instructer was indued with , what prodigies of wit and learning might they have proved ! the scholars might in some degree have come near to the equalling of the master , or at least have in some sort made good what he seems to predict in the close of an elegy he made in the seventeenth year of his age , upon the death of one of his sister's children ( a daughter ) who died in her infancy . then thou the mother of so sweet a child , her false imagin'd loss cease to lament , and wisely learn to curb thy sorrows wild ; this if thou do , he will an offspring give , that to the worlds last end , shall make thy name to live . but to return to the thread of our discourse ; he made no long stay in his lodgings in st. brides church-yard ; necessity of having a place to dispose his books in , and other goods fit for the furnishing of a good handsome house , hastning him to take one ; and accordingly a pretty garden-house he took in aldersgate-street , at the end of an entry ; and therefore the fitter for his turn , by the reason of the privacy , besides that there are few streets in london more free from noise then that . here first it was that his academick erudition was put in practice , and vigorously proceeded , he himself giving an example to those under him , ( for it was not long after his taking this house , e're his elder nephew was put to board with him also ) of hard study , and spare diet ; only this advantage he had , that once in three weeks or a month , he would drop into the society of some young sparks of his acquaintance , the chief whereof were mr. alphry , and mr. miller , two gentlemen of gray's-inn , the beau's of those times , but nothing near so bad as those now-a-days ; with these gentlemen he would so far make bold with his body , as now and then to keep a gawdy day . in this house he continued several years , in the one or two first whereof , he set out several treatises , viz. that of reformation ; that against prelatical episcopacy ; the reason of church-government ; the defence of smectimnuus , at least the greatest part of them , but as i take it , all ; and some time after , one sheet of education , which he dedicated to mr. samuel hartlib , he that wrote so much of husbandry ; this sheet is printed at the end of the second edition of his poems ; and lastly , areopagitica . during the time also of his continuance in this house , there fell out several occasions of the increasing of his family . his father , who till the taking of reading by the earl of essex his forces , had lived with his other son at his house there , was upon that son's dissettlement necessitated to betake himself to this his eldest son , with whom he lived for some years , even to his dying day . in the next place he had an addition of some scholars ; to which may be added , his entring into matrimony ; but he had his wife's company so small a time , that he may well be said to have become a single man again soon after . about whitsuntide it was , or a little after , that he took a journey into the country ; no body about him certainly knowing the reason , or that it was any more than a journey of recreation : after a month's stay , home he returns a married-man , that went out a batchelor ; his wife being mary the eldest daughter of mr. richard powell , then a justice of peace , of forresthil , near shotover in oxfordshire ; some few of her nearest relations accompanying the bride to her new habitation ; which by reason the father nor any body else were yet come , was able to receive them ; where the feasting held for some days in celebration of the nuptials , and for entertainment of the bride's friends . at length they took their leave , and returning to forresthill , left the sister behind ; probably not much to her satisfaction ; as appeared by the sequel ; by that time she had for a month or thereabout led a philosophical life , ( after having been used to a great house , and much company and joviality ) her friends , possibly incited by her own desire , made earnest suit by letter , to have her company the remaining part of the summer , which was granted , on condition of her return at the time appointed , michalemas , or thereabout : in the mean time came his father , and some of the foremention'd disciples . and now the studies went on with so much the more vigour , as there were more hands and heads employ'd ; the old gentleman living wholly retired to his rest and devotion , without the least trouble imaginable : our author , now as it were a single man again , made it his chief diversion now and then in an evening to visit the lady margaret lee , daughter to the — lee , earl of marlborough , lord high treasurer of england , and president of the privy councel to king james the first . this lady being a woman of great wit and ingenuity , had a particular honour for him , and took much delight in his company , as likewise her husband captain hobson , a very accomplish'd gentleman ; and what esteem he at the same time had for her , appears by a sonnet he made in praise of her , to be seen among his other sonnets in his extant poems . michalemas being come , and no news of his wife's return , he sent for her by letter , and receiving no answer , sent several other letters , which were also unanswered ; so that at last he dispatch'd down a foot-messenger with a letter , desiring her return ; but the messenger came back not only without an answer , at least a satisfactory one , but to the best of my remembrance , reported that he was dismissed with some sort of contempt ; this proceeding , in all probability , was grounded upon no other cause but this , namely , that the family being generally addicted to the cavalier party , as they called it , and some of them possibly ingaged in the king's service , who by this time had his head quarters at oxford , and was in some prospect of success , they began to repent them of having matched the eldest daughter of the family to a person so contrary to them in opinion ; and thought it would be a blot in their escutcheon , when ever that court should come to flourish again ; however , it so incensed our author , that he thought it would be dishonourable ever to receive her again , after such a repulse ; so that he forthwith prepared to fortify himself with arguments for such a resolution , and accordingly wrote two treatises , by which he undertook to maintain . that it was against reason ( and the enjoynment of it not proveable by scripture ) for any married couple disagreeable in humour and temper , or having an aversion to each , to be forc'd to live yok'd together all their days . the first was , his doctrine and discipline of divorce ; of which there was printed a second edition , with some additions . the other in prosecution of the first , was styled , tetrachordon . then the better to confirm his own opinion , by the attestation of others , he set out a piece called the judgement of martin bucer , a protestant minister , being a translation , out of that reverend divine , of some part of his works , exactly agreeing with him in sentiment . lastly , he wrote in answer to a pragmatical clerk , who would needs give himself the honour of writing against so great a man , his colasterion or rod of correction for a sawcy impertinent . not very long after the setting forth of these treatises , having application made to him by several gentlemen of his acquaintance , for the education of their sons , as understanding haply the progress he had infixed by his first undertakings of that nature , he laid out for a larger house , and soon found it out ; but in the interim before he removed , there fell out a passage , which though it altered not the whole course he was going to steer , yet it put a stop or rather an end to a grand affair , which was more than probably thought to be then in agitation : it was indeed a design of marrying one of dr. davis's daughters , a very handsome and witty gentlewoman , but averse as it is said to this motion ; however , the intelligence hereof , and the then declining state of the king's cause , and consequently of the circumstances of justice powell's family , caused them to set all engines on work , to restore the late married woman to the station wherein they a little before had planted her ; at last this device was pitch'd upon . there dwelt in the lane of st. martins-l-grand , which was hard by , a relation of our author's , one blackborough , whom it was known he often visited , and upon this occasion the visits were the more narrowly observ'd , and possibly there might be a combination between both parties ; the friends on both sides concentring in the same action though on different behalfs . one time above the rest , he making his usual visit , the wife was ready in another room , and on a sudden he was surprised to see one whom he thought to have never seen more , making submission and begging pardon on her knees before him ; he might probably at first make some shew of aversion and rejection ; but partly his own generous nature , more inclinable to reconciliation than to perseverance in anger and revenge ; and partly the strong intercession of friends on both sides , soon brought him to an act of oblivion , and a firm league of peace for the future ; and it was at length concluded , that she should remain at a friend's house , till such time as he was settled in his new house at barbican , and all things for her reception in order ; the place agreed on for her present abode , was the widow webber's house in st. clement's church-yard , whose second daughter had been married to the other brother many years before ; the first fruits of her return to her husband was a brave girl , born within a year after ; though , whether by ill constitution , or want of care , she grew more and more decrepit . but it was not only by children that she increas'd the number of the family , for in no very long time after her coming , she had a great resort of her kindred with her in the house , viz. her father and mother , and several of her brothers and sisters , which were in all pretty numerous ; who upon his father's sickning and dying soon after went away . and now the house look'd again like a house of the muses only , tho the accession of scholars was not great . possibly his proceeding thus far in the education of youth may have been the occasion of some of his adversaries calling him paedagogue and schoolmaster : whereas it is well known he never set up for a publick school to teach all the young fry of a parish , but only was willing to impart his learning and knowledge to relations , and the sons of some gentlemen that were his intimate friends ; besides , that neither his converse , nor his writings , nor his manner of teaching ever savour'd in the least any thing of pedantry ; and probably he might have some prospect of putting in practice his academical institution , according to the model laid down in his sheet of education . the progress of which design was afterwards diverted by a series of alteration in the affairs of state ; for i am much mistaken , if there were not about this time a design in agitation of making him adjutant-general in sir william waller's army ; but the new modelling of the army soon following , prov'd an obstruction to that design ; and sir william , his commission being laid down , began , as the common saying is , to turn cat in pan. it was not long after the march of fairfax and comwel through the city of london with the whole army , to quell the insurrections brown and massy , now malecontents also , were endeavouring to raise in the city against the armies proceedings , ere he left his great house in barbican , and betook himself to a smaller in high holbourn , among those that open backward into lincolns-inn fields , here he liv'd a private and quiet life , still prosecuting his studies and curious search into knowledge , the grand affair perpetually of his life ; till such time as the war being now at an end , with compleat victory to the parliament's side , as the parliament then stood purg'd of all it 's dissenting members , and the king after some treaties with the army , re infecta , brought to his tryal ; the form of government being now chang'd into a free state , he was hereupon oblig'd to write a treatise , call'd the tenure of kings and magistrates . after which his thoughts were bent upon retiring again to his own private studies , and falling upon such subjects as his proper genius prompted him to write of , among which was the history of our own nation from the beginning till the norman conquest , wherein he had made some progress . when for this his last treatise , reviving the fame of other things he had formerly published , being more and more taken notice of for his excellency of stile , and depth of judgement , he was courted into the service of this new commonwealth , and at last prevail'd with ( for he never hunted after preferment , nor affected the tintamar and hurry of publick business ) to take upon him the office of latin secretary to the counsel of state for all their letters to foreign princes and states ; for they stuck to this noble and generous resolution , not to write to any , or receive answers from them , but in a language most proper to maintain a correspondence among the learned of all nations in this part of the world ; scorning to carry on their affairs in the wheedling lisping jargon of the cringing french , especially having a minister of state able to cope with the ablest any prince or state could imploy for the latin tongue ; and so well he acquitted himself in this station , that he gain'd from abroad both reputation to himself , and credit to the state that employed him ; and it was well the business of his office came not very fast vpon him , for he was scarce well warm in his secretaryship before other work flow'd in upon him , which took him up for some considerable time . in the first place there came out a book said to have been written by the king , and finished a little before his death , entituled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the royal image ; a book highly cryed up for it's smooth style , and pathetical composure ; wherefore to obviate the impression it was like to make among the many , he was obliged to write an answer , which he entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or image-breaker ; and upon the heels of that , out comes in publick the great kill-cow of christendom , with his defensio regis contra populum anglicanum ; a man so famous and cryed up for his plinian exercitations , and other pieces of reputed learning , that there could no where have been found a champion that durst lift up the pen against so formidable an adversary , had not our little english david had the courage to undertake this great french goliah , to whom he gave such a hit in the forehead , that he presently staggered , and soon after fell ; for immediately upon the coming out of the answer . entituled , defensio populi anglicani , contra claudium anonymum , &c. he that till then had been chief minister and superintendant in the court of the learned christina queen of sweden , dwindled in esteem to that degree , that he at last vouchsafed to speak to the meanest servant . in short , he was dismiss'd with so cold and slighting an adieu , that after a faint dying reply , he was glad to have recourse to death , the remedy of evils , and ender of controversies : and now i presume our author had some breathing space ; but it was not long ; for though salmasius was departed , he left some stings behind , new enemies started up , barkers , though no great biters ; who the first assertor of salmasius his cause was , is not certainly known , but variously conjectur'd at , some supposing it to be one janus a lawyer of grays-inn , some dr. bramhal , made by king charles the second after his restauration archbishop of armagh in ireland ; but whoever the author was , the book was thought fit to be taken into correction , and our author not thinking it worth his own undertaking , to the disturbing the progress of whatever more chosen work he had then in hands , committed this task to the youngest of his nephews , but with such exact emendations before it went to the press , that it might have very well have passed for his , but that he was willing the person that took the pains to prepare it for his examination and polishment , should have the name and credit of being the author ; so that it came forth under this title , joannis philippi angli defensio pro populo anglicano contra , &c. during the writing and publishing of this book , he lodg'd at one thomson's next door to the bull-head tavern at charing-cross , opening into the spring-garden , which seems to have have been only a lodging taken , till his designed apartment in scotland-yard was prepared for him ; for hither he soon removed from the foresaid place ; and here his third child , a son was born , which through the ill usage , or bad constitution of an ill chosen nurse , died an infant ; from this apartment , whether he thought it it not healthy , or otherwise convenient for his use , or whatever else was the reason , he soon after took a pretty garden-house in petty-france in westminster , next door to the lord scudamore's and opening into st. james's park ; here he remain'd no less than eight years , namely , from the year , till within a few weeks of king charles the d's . restoration . in this house his first wife dying in childbed , he married a second , who after a year's time died in childbed also ; this his second marriage was about two or three years after his being wholly depriv'd of sight , which was jusst going , about the time of his answering salmasius ; whereupon his adversaries gladly take occasion of imputing his blindness as a judgment upon him for his answering the king's book , &c. whereas it is most certainly known , that his sight , what with his continual study , his being subject to the head-ake , and his perpetual tampering with physick to preserve it , had been decaying for above a dozen years before , and the sight of one for a long time clearly lost . here he wrote , by his amanuensis , his two answers to alexander more ; who upon the last answer quitted the field . so that being now quiet from state-adversaries and publick contests , he had leisure again for his own studies and private designs ; which were his foresaid history of england , and a new thesaurus linguae latinae , according to the manner of stephanus ; a work he had been long since collecting from his own reading , and still went on with it at times , even very near to his dying day ; but the papers after his death were so discomposed and deficient , that it could not be made fit for the press ; however , what there was of it , was made use of for another dictionary . but the heighth of his noble fancy and invention began now to be seriously and mainly imployed in a subject worthy of such a muse , viz. a heroick poem , entituled , paradise lost ; the noblest in the general esteem of learned and judicious persons , of any yet written by any either ancient or modern : this subject was first designed a tragedy , and in the fourth book of the poem there are ten verses , which several years before the poem was begun , were shewn to me , and some others , as designed for the very beginning of the said tragedy . the verses are these ; o thou that with surpassing glory crown'd ! look'st from thy sole dominion , like the god of this new world ; at whose sight all the stars hide their diminish'd heads ; to thee i call , but with no friendly voice ; and add thy name , o sun ! to tell thee how i hate thy beams that bring to my remembrance , from what state i fell ; how glorious once above thy sphere ; till pride and worse ambition threw me down , warring in heaven , against heaven's glorious king. there is another very remarkable passage in the composure of this poem , which i have a particular occasion to remember ; for whereas i had the perusal of it from the very beginning ; for some years as i went from time to time to visit him , in a parcel of ten , twenty , or thirty verses at a time , which being written by whatever hand came next , might possibly want correction as to the orthography and pointing ; having as the summer came on , not been shewed any for a considerable while , and desiring the reason thereof , was answered , that his vein never happily flow'd , but from the autumnal equinoctial to the vernal , and that whatever he attempted was never to his satisfaction , though he courted his fancy never so much ; so that in all the years he was about this poem , he may be said to have spent but half his time therein . it was but a little before the king's restoration that he wrote and published his book in defence of a commonwealth ; so undaunted he was in declaring his true sentiments to the world ; and not long before , his power of the civil magistrate in ecclesiastical affairs ; and his treatise against hirelings , just upon the king 's coming over ; having a little before been sequestred from his office of latin secretary , and the salary thereunto belonging , he was forc'd to leave his house also , in petty france , where all the time of his abode there , which was eight years , as above-mentioned , he was frequently visited by persons of quality , particularly my lady ranala , whose son for some time he instructed ; all learned foreigners of note , who could not part out of this city , without giving a visit to a person so eminent ; and lastly , by particular friends that had a high esteem for him , viz. mr. andrew marvel , young laurence ( the son of him that was president of oliver's council ) to whom there is a sonnet among the rest , in his printed poems ; mr. marchamont needham , the writer of politicus ; but above all , mr. cyriak skinner whom he honoured with two sonnets , one long since publick among his poems ; the other but newly printed . his next removal was , by the advice of those that wisht him well , and had a concern for his preservation , into a place of retirement and abscondence , till such time as the current of affairs for the future should instruct him what farther course to take ; it was a friend's house in bartholomew-close , where he liv'd till the act of oblivion came forth ; which it pleased god , prov'd as favourable to him as could be hop'd or expected , through the intercession of some that stood his friends both in council and parliament ; particularly in the house of commons , mr. andrew marvel , a member for hull , acted vigorously in his behalf , and made a considerable party for him ; so that , together with john goodwin of coleman-street , he was only so far excepted as not to bear any office in the commonwealth . soon after appearing again in publick , he took a house in holborn near red lyon fields , where he stayed not long before his pardon having pass'd the seal , he remov'd to jewin street ; there he liv'd when he married his d. wife , recommended to him by his old friend dr. paget in coleman-street ; but he stay'd not long after his new marriage , ere he remov'd to a house in the artillery-walk leading to bunhill fields . and this was his last stage in this world , but it was of many years continuance , more perhaps than he had had in any other place besides . here he finisht his noble poem , and publisht it in the year . the first edition was printed in quarto by one simons a printer in aldersgate-street , the other in a large octavo , by starky near temple-bar , amended , enlarg'd , and differently dispos'd as to the number of books , by his own hand , that is by his own appointment ; the last set forth many years since his death in a large folio with cuts added by jacob tonson . here it was also that he finisht and publisht his history of our nation till the conquest , all compleat so far as he went , some passages only excepted , which being thought too sharp against the clergy , could not pass the hand of the licencer , were in the hands of the late earl of anglesey while he liv'd ; where at present is uncertain . it cannot certainly be concluded when he wrote his excellent tragedy entitled samson agonistes , but sure enough it is that it came forth afert his publication of paradice lost , together with his other poem call'd paradice regain'd which doubtless was begun and finisht and printed after the other was publisht , and that in a wonderful short space considering the sublimeness of it ; however it is generally censur'd to be much inferiour to the other ▪ though he could not hear with patience any such thing when related to him ; possibly the subject may not afford such variety of invention , but it is thought by the most judicious to be little or nothing inferiour to the other for stile and decorum . the said earl of anglesy whom he presented with a copy of the unlicens'd papers of his history , came often here to visit him , as very much coveting his society and converse ; as likewise others of the nobility , and many persons of eminent quality ; nor were the visits of foreigners ever more frequent than in this place , almost to his dying day . his treatise of true religion , heresy , schism and toleration , &c. was doubtless the last thing of his writing that was publisht before his death . he had , as i remember , prepared for the press an answer to some little scribing quack in london , who had written a scurrilons libel against him , but whether by the disswasion of friends , as thinking him a fellow not worth his notice , or for what other cause i know not , this answer was never publisht . he died in the year . towards the latter end of the summer , and had a very decent interment according to his quality , in the church of st. giles cripplegate , being attended from his house to the church by several gentlemen then in town , his principal wellwi-shers and admirers he had three daughters who surviv'd him many years ( and a son ) all by his first wife ( of whom sufficient mention hath been made . ) anne his eldest as abovesaid , and mary his second , who were both born at his house in barbican ; and debora the youngest , who is yet living , born at his house in petty-france ; between whom and his second daughter , the son , named john , was born as above-mention'd , at his apartment in scotland yard . by his second wife , catharine the daughter of captain woodcock of hackney , he had only one daughter , of which the mother the first year after her marriage died in child bed , and the child also within a month after . by his third wife elizabeth the daughter of one mr. minshal of cheshire , ( and kinswoman to dr. paget ) who surviv'd him , and is said to be yet living , he never had any child ; and those he had by the first he made serviceable to him in that very particular in which he most wanted their service , and supplied his want of eye-sight by their eyes and tongue ; for though he had daily about him one or other to read to him , some persons of man's estate , who of their own accord greedily catch'd at the opportunity of being his readers , that they might as well reap the benefit of what they read to him , as oblige him by the benefit of their reading ; others of younger years sent by their parents to the same end , yet excusing only the eldest daughter by reason of her bodily infirmity , and difficult utterance of speech , ( which to say truth i doubt was the principal cause of excusing her ) the other two were condemn'd to the performance of reading , and exactly pronouncing of all the languages of what ever book he should at one time or other think fit to peruse . viz. the hebrew ( and i think the syriac ) the greek , the latin , the italian , spanish and french. all which sorts of books to be confined to read , without understanding one word , must needs be a tryal of patience , almost beyond endurance ; yet it was endured by both for a long time , yet the irksomeness of this imployment could not be always concealed , but broke out more and more into expressions of uneasiness ; so that at length they were all ( even the eldest also ) sent out to learn some curious and ingenious sorts of manufacture , that are proper for women to learn , particularly imbroideries in gold or silver . it had been happy indeed if the daughters of such a person had been made in some measure inheritrixes of their father's learning ; but since fate otherwise decreed , the greatest honour that can be ascribed to this now living ( and so would have been to the others had they lived ) is to be daughter to a man of his extraordinary character . he is said to have dyed worth l. in money ( a considerable estate , all things considered ) besides houshold goods ; for he sustained such losses as might well have broke any person less frugal and temperate then himself ; no less then l. which he had put for security and improvement into the excise office , but neglecting to recal it in time , could never after get it out , with all the power and interest he had in the great ones of those times ; besides another great sum , by mismanagement and for want of good advice . thus i have reduced into form and order what ever i have been able to rally up , either from the recollection of my own memory , of things transacted while i was with him , or the information of others equally conversant afterwards , or from his own mouth by frequent visits to the last . i shall conclude with two material passages , which though they relate not immediately to our author , or his own particular concerns ; yet in regard they hapned during his publick employ , and consequently fell most especially under his cognisance ; it will not be amiss here to subjoin them the first was this , before the war broke forth between the states of england , and the dutch , the hollanders sent over three embassadours in order to an accommodation ; but they returning re infecta , the dutch sent away a plenipotentiary , to offer peace upon much milder terms , or at least to gain more time but this plenipotentiary could not make such haste , but that the parliament had procured a copy of their instructions in holland , which were delivered by our author to his kinsman that was then with him , to translate for the council to view , before the said plenipotentiary had taken shipping for england ; an answer to all he had in charge lay ready for him , before he made his publick entry into london . in the next place there came a person with a very sumptuous train , pretending himself an agent from the prince of conde , then in arms against cardinal mazarine : the parliament mistrusting him , set their instrument so busily at work , that in four or five days they had procured intelligence from paris , that he was a spy from k. charles ; whereupon the very next morning our author's kinsman was sent to him , with an order of councel commanding him to depart the kingdom within three days , or expect the punishment of a spy. by these two remarkable passages , we may clearly discover the industry and good intelligence of those times . here is a catalogue added of every book of his that was ever publish'd , which to my knowledge is full and compleat . to oliver cromwell . cromwell our chief of men , that through a croud , not of war only , but distractions rude ; guided by faith , and matchless fortitude : to peace and truth , thy glorious way hast plough'd , and fought god's battels , and his work pursu'd , while darwent streams with blood of scots imbru'd ; and dunbarfield resound thy praises loud , and worcester's laureat wreath ; yet much remains to conquer still ; peace hath her victories no less than those of war ; new foes arise threatning to bind our souls in secular chains , help us to save free conscience from the paw of hireling wolves , whose gospel is their maw . to my lord fairfax . fairfax , whose name in arms through europe rings , and fills all mouths with envy or with praise , and all her jealous monarchs with amaze . and rumours loud which daunt remotest kings , thy firm unshaken valour ever brings victory home , while new rebellions raise their hydra-heads , and the false north displays her broken league to imp her serpent wings : o yet ! a nobler task awaits thy hand , for what can war , but acts of war still breed , till injur'd truth from violence be freed ; and publick faith be rescu'd from the brand of publick fraud ; in vain doth valour bleed , while avarice and rapine shares the land. to sir henry vane . vane , young in years , but in sage councels old , then whom a better senator ne're held the helm of rome , when gowns , not arms , repell'd the fierce epirote , and the african bold , whether to settle peace , or to unfold the drift of hollow states , hard to be spell'd ; then to advise how war may best be upheld , mann'd by her two main nerves , iron and gold , in all her equipage : besides , to know both spiritual and civil , what each means , what serves each , thou hast learn'd , which few have done . the bounds of either sword to thee we owe ; therefore on thy right hand religion leans , and reckons thee in chief her eldest son. to mr. cyriac skinner upon his blindness . cyriac this three years day , these eyes though clear to outward view of blemish or of spot , bereft of sight , their seeing have forgot : nor to their idle orbs doth day appear , or sun , or moon , or star , throughout the year ; or man , or woman ; yet i argue not against heaven's hand , or will , nor bate one jot of heart or hope ; but still bear up , and steer right onward . what supports me , dost thou ask ? the conscience , friend , to have lost them over ply'd in liberties defence , my noble task ; of which all europe rings from side to side . this thought might lead me through this world 's vain mask content , though blind , had i no other guide . a catalogue of mr. john milton's works . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in answer to a book , entituled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the portraiture of his sacred majesty in his solitudes and sufferings . the tenure of kings and magistrates ; proving , that it is lawful , and hath been held so through all ages , for any who have the power , to call to account a tyrant , or wicked king ; and after due conviction to depose and put him to death , if the ordinary magistrate have neglected or denied to do it ; and that they who of late so much blame deposing , are the men that did it themselves . to . observations upon the articles of peace with the irish rebels , on the letter of ormond to collonel jones , and the representation of the presbytery of belfast . to . the ready and easie way to establish a free commonwealth ; and the excellency thereof compared with the inconveniencies and dangers of readmitting kingship in this nation . to . areopagitica ; a speech of john milton for the liberty of unlicensed printing , to the parliament of england . to . brief notes upon a sermon entitled , the fear of god and the king , preach'd and since publish'd by matthew griffeth , d. d. and chaplain to the late king ; wherein many notorious wrestings of scripture , and other falsities are observed : by j. m. to . of reformation touching church-discipline in england , and the causes that hitherto have hindred it . two books written to a friend . to . of prelatical episcopacy , and whether it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledged to that purpose in some late treatises ; one whereof goes under the name of james archbishop of armagb . to . animadversions upon the remonstrants defence against smectymnuus . to . an apology for smectymnuus , with the reason of church-government . to . the reason of church-government urged against prelacy . in two books . to . of true religion , heresie , schism , toleration , and what best means may be used against the growth of popery . to . the doctrine and discipline of divorce , restored , to the good of both sexes , from the bondage of canon law and other mistakes , to the true meaning of scripture in the law and gospel compared . wherein also are set down the bad consequences of abolishing , or condemning of sin , that which the law of god allows , and christ abolisht not . now the second time revised , and much augmented in two books . to the parliament of england , with the assembly . in to . colasterion . a reply to a nameless answer against the doctrine and discipline of divorce . wherein the trivial author of that answer is discovered , the licenser conferr'd with , and the opinion which they traduce defended . to . tetrachordon : expositions upon the four chief places in scripture , which treat of marriage , or nullities in marriage , on genesis , . compar'd and explain'd by genesis . , , . deut. . , . matt. . , . with matt. . from the d. to the . verse . cor. . from the th . to the th . wherein the doctrine and discipline of divorce , as was lately published , is confirmed by explanation of scripture , by testimony of ancient fathers , of civil laws , in the primitive church , of famousest reformed divines : and lastly , by an intended act of the parliament and church of england in the last year of edward the sixth . to . the judgment of martin bucer concerning divorce , written to edward the sixth , in his second book of the kingdom of christ , and now englished ; wherein a late book restoring the doctrine and discipline of divorce is here confirmed and justified by the authority of martin bucer . to the parliament of england . to . the history of brittain , that part especially now called england : from the first traditional beginning , continued to the norman conquest . collected out of the ancientest and best authors thereof , in to . paradice lost , a poem in twelve books in to . paradice regain'd , a poem in four books ; to which is added samson agonistes . octav. poems upon several occasions , both english and latin , &c. composed at several times . a brief history of muscovia , and of other less known countries , lying eastward of prussia , as far as cathay ; gathered from the writings of several eye-witnesses . oct. a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes , shewing that it is not lawful for any power on earth , to compel in matters of religion . twelves . considerations touching the likeliest means to remove hirelings out of the church ; wherein is also discours'd , of tythes , church-fees , and church-revenues ; and whether any maintenance of ministers can be setled by law. twelves . a declaration , or letters patents of the election of john king of poland . a translation . opera latina , viz. defensio pro populo anglicano . the same lately translated into english . defensio secunda . defensio pro se . defensio miltoni per johannem philippum . literae pseudo-senatûs cromwellii reliquorumque perduellium nomine ac jussu conscriptae a j. m. twelves . johannis miltoni angli epistolarum familiarium liber unus : quibus accesserunt , jam olim in collegio adolescentis , prolusiones quaedam oratoriae . octavo . accidence commenet gramar . johannis miltoni angli artis logicae plenior institutio ad petri rami methodum concinnata : adjecta est praxis annalytica & petri rami vita libris duobus . twelves . letters written in the name of the parlament . the senate and people of england , to the most noble senate of the city of hamborough . for how long a series of past years , and for what important reasons the friendship enter'd into by our ancestors with your most noble city has continu'd to this day , we both willingly acknowledge , together with your selves ; nor is it a thing displeasing to us , frequently also to call to our remembrance . but as to what we understand , by your letters dated the th . of june , that some of our people deal not with that fidelity and probity , as they were wont to do in their trading and commerce among ye ; we presently referr'd it to the consideration of certain persons well skill'd in those matters , to the end they might make a more strict enquiry into the frauds of the clothiers and other artificers of the woollen manufacture . and we farther promise , to take such effectual care , as to make you sensible of our unalterable intentions , to preserve sincerity and justice among our selves , as also never to neglect any good offices of our kindness that may redound to the welfare of your commonwealth . on the other hand , there is something likewise which we not only require , but which equity it self , and all the laws of god and man , demand of your selves , that you will not only conserve inviolable to the merchants of our nation their privileges , but by your authority and power defend and protect their lives and estates , as it becomes your city to do . which as we most earnestly desir'd in our former letters , so upon the repeated complaints of our merchants that are daily made before us , we now more earnestly sollicite and request it : they complaining , that their safety , and all that they have in the world , is again in great jeopardy among ye . for although they acknowledge themselves to have reap'd some benefit for a short time of our former letters sent you , and to have had some respite from the injuries of a sort of profligate people ; yet since the coming of the same coc — m to your city ( of whom we complain'd before ) who pretends to be honour'd with a sort of embassy from — the son of the lately deceas'd king , they have been assaulted with all manner of ill language , threats and naked swords of ruffians and homicides , and have wanted your accustom'd protection and defence ; insomuch , that when two or three of the merchants , together with the president of the society , were hurry'd away by surprize aboard a certain privateer , and that the rest implor'd your aid , yet they could not obtain any assistance from you , till the merchants themselves were forc'd to embody their own strength , and rescue from the hands of pyrates the persons seiz'd on in that river , of which your city is the mistress , not without extream hazard of their lives . nay , when they had fortunately brought 'em home again , and as it were by force of arms recover'd 'em from an ignominious captivity , and carry'd the pyrates themselves into custody ; we are inform'd that coc — m was so audacious , as to demand the release of the pyrates , and that the merchants might be deliver'd prisoners into his hands . we therefore again , and again , beseech and adjure ye , if it be your intention that contracts and leagues , and the very ancient commerce between both nations should be preserv'd , the thing which you desire , that our people may be able to asiure themselves of some certain and firm support and reliance upon your word , your prudence and authority ; that you would lend 'em a favourable audience concerning these matters ; and that you would inflict deserved punishment as well upon coc — m , and the rest of his accomplices in that wicked act , as upon those who lately assaulted the preacher , hitherto unpunish'd , or command 'em to depart your territories ; nor that you would believe that expell'd and exil'd tarquins are to be preferr'd before the friendship , and the wealth , and power of our republick . for if you do not carefully provide to the contrary , but that the enemies of our republick shall presume to think lawful the committing of any violences against us in your city , how unsafe , how ignominious the residence of our people there will be , do you consider with your selves . these things we recommend to your prudence and equity , your selves to the protection of heaven . westminster , aug. . . to the senate of hamborough . your conspicuous favour in the doubtful condition of our affairs , is now the reason , that after victory and prosperous success , we can no longer question your good will and friendly inclination towards us . as for our parts , the war being almost now determin'd , and our enemies every where vanquish'd , we have deem'd nothing more just , or more conducing to the firm establishment of the republick , then that they who by our means ( the almighty being always our captain and conductor ) have either recover'd their liberty , or obtain'd their lives and fortunes , after the pernicious ravages of a civil war , of our free gift and grace , should testifie and pay in exchange to their magistrates allegiance and duty in a solemn manner , if need requir'd . more especially , when so many turbulent and exasperated persons , more then once receiv'd into protection , will make no end , either at home or abroad , of acting perfidiously , and raising new disturbances . to that purpose we took care to enjoin a certain form of an oath , by which all who held any office in the common-wealth , or being fortify'd with the protection of the law , enjoy'd both safety , ease , and all other conveniences of life , should bind themselves to obedience in words prescrib'd . this we also thought proper to be sent to all colonies abroad , or where-ever else our people resided for the convenience of trade ; to the end that the fidelity of those over whom we are set , might be prov'd and known to us , as it is but reasonable and necessary . which makes us wonder so much the more at what our merchants write from your city , that they are not permitted to execute our commands by some or other of your order and degree . certainly what the most potent united provinces of the low countries , most jealous of their power and their interests , never thought any way belonging to their inspection , namely whether the english foreigners swore fidelity and allegiance to their magistrates at home , either in these or those words , how that should come to be so suspected and troublesome to your city , we must plainly acknowledge that we do not understand . but this proceeding from the private inclinations or fears of some , whom certain vagabond scots , expell'd their countrey , are said to have enforc'd by menaces , on purpose to deter our merchants from swearing fidelity to us , we impute not to your city . most earnestly therefore we intreat and conjure ye ( for it is not now the interest of trade , but the honour of the republick it self that lies at stake ) not to suffer any one among ye , who can have no reason to concern himself in this affair , to interpose his authority , whatever it be , with that supremacy which we challenge over our own subjects , not by the judgment and opinion of foreigners , but by the laws of our country ; for who would not take it amiss , if we should forbid your hamburghers , residing here , to swear fidelity to you that are their magistrates at home ? farewel . jan. . . to the most serene and potent prince philip the fourth , king of spain . the parliament of the common-wealth of england , greeting . we send to your majesty anthony ascham , a person of integrity , learned , and descended of an ancient family , to treat of matters very advantageous , as we hope , as well to the spanish , as the english nation . wherefore in freindly manner , we desire that you would be pleas'd to grant , and order him a safe and honourable passage to your royal city , and the same in his return from thence , readily prepar'd to repay the kindness when occasion offers . or if your majesty be otherwise inclin'd , that it may be signify'd to him with the soonest , what your pleasure is in this particular , and that he may be at liberty to depart without molestation . feb. . . to the most serene and potent prince , philip the fourth , king of spain . the parliament of the common-wealth of england , greeting . what is the condition of our affairs , and by what heinous injuries provok'd and broken , at length we began to think of recovering our liberty by force of arms ; what constituted form of government we now make use of , can neither be conceal'd from your majesty , nor any other person who has but cast an impartial eye upon our writings publish'd upon these occasions . neither ought we to think it a difficult thing , among fit and proper judges of things , to render our fidelity , our equity , and patience , manifest to all men , and justly meriting their approbation , as also to defend our authority , honour , and grandeur , against the infamous tongues of exiles and fugitives . now then , as to what is more the concern of foreign nations , after having subdu'd and vanquish'd the enemies of our countrey through the miraculous assistance of heaven , we openly and cordially profess our selves readily prepar'd to have peace and friendship , more desirable then all enlargement of empire , with our neighbour nations . for these reasons we have sent into spain to your majesty , antony ascham , of approv'd dexterity and probity , to treat with your majesty , concerning friendship and the accustom'd commerce between both nations ; or else , if it be your pleasure , to open a way for the ratifying of new articles and alliances . our request therefore is , that you will grant him free liberty of access to your majesty , and give such order , that care may be taken of his safety and his honour , while he resides a publick minister with your majesty ; to the end he may freely propose what he has in charge from us , for the benefit , as we hope of both nations ; and certifie to us with the soonest , what are your majesty's sentiments concerning these matters . westminster , feb. . . to the most serene prince , john the fourth , king of portugal . the parliament of the commonwealth of england , greeting . after we had suffer'd many , and those the utmost mischiefs of a faithless peace , and intestine war , our being reduc'd to those exigences , that if we had any regard to the safety of the republick , there was a necessity of altering for the chiefest part the form of government , is a thing which we make no question is well known to your majesty , by what we have both publickly written and declar'd in justification of our proceedings . to which , as it is but reason , if credit might be rather given , then to the most malicious calumnies of loose and wicked men ; perhaps we should find those persons more amicably inclin'd , who now abroad have the worst sentiments of our actions . for as to what we justifie our selves to have justly and strenuously perform'd after the example of our ancestors , in pursuance of our rights , and for recovery of the native liberty of english-men , certainly it is not the work of human force or wit to eradicate the perverse and obstinate opinions of people wickedly inclin'd concerning what we have done . but after all , in reference to what is common to us with all foreign nations , and more for the general interest on both sides , we are willing to let the world know , that there is nothing which we more ardently desire , then that the friendship and commerce which our people have been accustom'd to maintain with all our neighbours , should be enlarg'd and settled in the most ample and solemn manner . and whereas our people have always driven a very great trade , and gainful to both nations , in your kingdom ; we shall take care , as much as in us lies , that they may not meet with any impediment to interrupt their dealings . however , we foresee that all our industry will be in vain , if , as it is reported , the pyrates and revolters of our nation shall be suffer'd to have refuge in your ports , and after they have taken and plunder'd the laden vessels of the english , shall be permitted to sell their goods by publick outcries at lisbon . to the end therefore that a more speedy remedy may be apply'd to this growing mischief , and that we may be more clearly satisfy'd concerning the peace which we desire , we have sent to your majesty the most noble charles vane , under the character of our agent , with instructions and a commission , a plenary testimonial of the trust we have repos'd , and the employment we have conferr'd upon him . him therefore we most earnestly desire your majesty graciously to hear , to give him credit , and to take such order , that he may be safe in his person and his honour within the bounds of your dominions . these things , as they will be most acceptable to us , so we promise , whenever occasion offers , that the same offices of kindness to your majesty shall be mutually observ'd on all our parts . westminster , feb. . . to the most serene prince , john the fourth , king of portugal . the parliament of the commonwealth of england , greeting . almost daily and most grievous complaints are brought before us , that certain of our seamen and officers , who revolted from us the last year , and treacherously and wickedly carry'd away the ships with the command of which they were entrusted , and who having made their escape from the port of ireland , where being blockt up for almost a whole summer together , they very narrowly avoided the punishment due to their crimes , have now betaken themselves to the coast of portugal , and the mouth of the river tagus ; that there they practice furious pyracy , taking and plundering all the english vessels they meet with sailing to and fro upon the account of trade , and that all the adjoining seas are become almost impassible by reason of their notorious and infamous robberies . to which increasing mischief , unless a speedy remedy be apply'd , who does not see but that there will be a final end of that vast trade so gainful to both nations , which our people were wont to drive with the portugueses ? wherefore we again and again request your majesty , that you will command those pyrates and revolters to depart the territories of portugal : and that if any pretended embassadors present themselves from ******* that you will not vouchsafe to give them audience ; but that you will rather acknowledge us , upon whom the supream power of england , by the conspicuous favour and assistance of the almighty , is devolv'd ; and that the ports and rivers of portugal , may not be barr'd and defended against your friends and confederates fleet , no less serviceable to your emolument , then the trade of the english . to philip the fourth , king of spain . how heinously , and with what detestation your majesty resented the villanous murder of our agent , anthony ascham , and what has hitherto been done in the prosecution and punishment of his assassinates , we have been given to understand , as well by your majesty 's own letters , as from your embassador don alphonso de cardenos . nevertheless , so often as we consider the horridness of that bloody fact , which utterly subverts the very foundations of correspondence and commerce and of the privilege of embassadors , most sacred among all nations , so villanously violated without severity of punishment , we cannot but with utmost importunity repeat our most urgent suit to your majesty , that those parricides may with all the speed imaginable be brought to justice , and that you would not suffer their merited pains to be suspended any longer by any delay or pretence of religion . for tho most certainly we highly value the friendship of a potent prince ; yet it behoves us to use our utmost endeavours , that the authors of such an enormous parricide should receive the deserved reward of their impiety . indeed , we cannot but with a grateful mind acknowledge that civility , of which by your command , our people were not unsensible , as also your surpassing affection for us , which lately your embassador at large unfolded to us : nor will it be displeasing to us to return the same good offices to your majesty , and the spanish nation , whenever opportunity offers . nevertheless , if justice be not satisfy'd without delay , which we still most earnestly request , we see not upon what foundations a sincere and lasting friendship can subsist . for the preservation of which , however , we shall omit no just and laudable occasion ; to which purpose we are likewise apt to believe that the presence of your ambassador does not a little conduce . to the spanish embassador . most eccellent lord , the council of state , so soon as their weighty affairs would permit 'em , having carried into parlament the four writings , which it pleas'd your excellency to impart to the council upon the th of december last , have receiv'd in command from the parlament to return this answer to the first head of those writings , touching the villanous assassinates of their late agent , anthony ascham . the parlament have so long time , so often , and so justly demanded their being brought to deserved punishment , that there needs nothing further to be said on a thing of so great importance , wherein ( as your excellency well observ'd ) his royal majesty's authority it self is so deeply concern'd , that unless justice be done upon such notorious offenders , all the foundations of humane society , all the ways of preserving friendship among nations , of necessity must be overturn'd and abolish'd . nor can we apprehend by any argument drawn from religion , that the blood of the innocent , shed by a propensely malicious murder , is not to be aveng'd . the parlament therefore once more most urgently presses , and expects from his royal majesty , according to their first demands , that satifaction be given 'em effectually , and sincerely in this matter . to the most serene prince leopold , archduke of austria , governor of the spanish low-countries , under king philip. so soon as word was brought us , not without a most grevious complaint , that jane puckering , an heiress of an illustrious and opulent family , while yet by reason of her age , she was under guardians , not far from the house wherein she then liv'd at greenwich , was violently forc'd from the hands and embraces of her attendants ; and of a sudden in a vessel to that purpose ready prepar'd , carri'd off into flanders , by the treachery of one walsh , who has endeavour'd all the ways imaginable , in contempt of law both human and divine , to constrain a wealthy virgin to marriage , even by terrifying her with menaces of present death . we deeming it proper to apply some speedy remedy to so enormous and unheard-of a piece of villany , gave order to some persons to treat with the governours of newport and ostend ( for the unfortunate captive was said to be landed in one of those two places ) about rescuing the free-born lady out of the hands of the ravisher . who , both out of their singular humanity and love of virtue , lent their assisting aid to the young virgin in servitude , and by down-right robbery rifl'd from her habitation : so that to avoid the violence of her imperious masters , she was as it were deposited in a nunnery , and committed to the charge of the governess of the society . wherefore the same walsh to get her again into his clutches , has commenc'd a suit against her in the ecclesiastical court of the bishop of ypre , pretending a matrimonial contract between him and her . now in regard that both the ravisher and the ravish'd person are natives of our countrey , as by the witnesses upon their oaths abundantly appears ; as also for that the splendid inheritance after which most certainly the criminal chiefly gape , lies within our territories ; so that we conceive that the whole cognizance and determination of this cause belongs solely to our selves . therefore let him repair hither , he who calls himself the husband , here let him commence his suit , and demand the delivery of the person whom he claims for his wife . in the mean time , this it is that we most earnestly request from your highness , which is no more then what we have already requested by our agent residing at brussels , that you will permit an afflicted and many ways misus'd virgin , born of honest parents , but pyrated out of her native countrey , to return , as far as lies in your power , with freedom and safety home agen . this not only we , upon all opportunities offer'd , as readily prepar'd to return the same favour and kindness to your highness , but also humanity it self , and that same hatred of infamy , which ought to accompany all persons of vertue and courage , in defending the honour of the female sex , seem altogether joyntly to require at your hands . westminster , march . . to the most serene prince , john the fourth , king of portugal . understanding that your majesty had both honourably receiv'd our agent , and immediately given him a favourable audience , we thought it became us to assure your majesty without delay , by speedy letters from us , that nothing could happen more acceptable to us , and that there is nothing which we have decreed more sacred , then not to violate by any word or deed of ours , not first provok'd , the peace , the friendship and commerce , now for some time settl'd between us and the greatest number of other foreign nations , and amongst the rest with the portugheses . nor did we send the english fleet to the mouth of the river tagus with any other intention or design , then in pursuit of enemies so often put to flight , and for recovery of our vessels , which being carry'd away from their owners by force and treachery , the same rabble of fugitives conducted to your coasts , and even to lisbon it self , as to the most certain fairs for the sale of their plunder . but we are apt to believe that by this time almost all the portugheses are abundantly convinc'd , from the flagitious manners of those people , of their audaciousness , their fury and their madness . which is the reason we are in hopes that we shall more easily obtain from your majesty ; first , that you will , as far as in you lies , be assistant to the most illustrious edward popham , whom we have made admiral of our new fleet , for the subduing those detested freebooters ; and that you will no longer suffer 'em together with their captain , not guests , but pyrates ; not merchants , but the pests of commerce , and violaters of the law of nations , to harbour in the ports and under the shelter of the fortresses of your kingdom ; but that where-ever the confines of portugal extend themselves , you will command 'em to be expell'd as well by land as by sea. or if you are unwilling to proceed to that extremity , at least that with your leave it may be lawful for us with our proper forces to assail our own revolters and sea robbers , and if it be the pleasure of heaven , to reduce 'em into our power . this , as we have earnestly desired in our former letters , so now again with the greatest ardency and importunity we request of your majesty . by this , whether equity , or act of kindness , you will not only enlarge the fame of your justice over all well govern'd and civil nations , but also in a greater measure bind both us and the people of england , who never yet had other then a good opinion of the portugheses , to your self and to your subjects . farewel . westminster , . april . . to the hamburghers . more then once we have written concerning the controversies of the merchants , and some other things which more nearly concern the dignity of our republick , yet no answer has been return'd . but understanding that affairs of that nature can hardly be determin'd by letters onely , and that in the mean time certain seditious persons have been sent to your city by ******* authoriz'd with no other commission then that of malice and audaciousness , who make it their business utterly to extirpate the ancient trade of our people in your city , especially of those whose fidelity to their countrey is most conspicuous ; therefore we have commanded the worthy and most eminent richard bradshaw to reside as our agent among ye ; to the end he may be able more at large to treat and negotiate with your lordships such matters and affairs , as are interwoven with the benefit and advantages of both republicks . him therefore we request ye , with the soonest to admit to a favourable audience ; and that in all things that credit may be given to him , that honour paid him , as is usually in all countries , and among all nations paid to those that bear his character . farewel . westminster , april . . to the hamburghers . most noble , magnificent , and illustrious , our dearest friends . that your sedulities in the reception of our agent were so cordial and so egregious , we both gladly understand , and earnestly exhort ye , that you would persevere in your good will and affection toward us . and this we do with so much the greater vehemence , as being inform'd that the same exiles of ours , concerning whom we have so frequently written , now carry themselves more insolently in your city then they were wont to do , and that they not only openly affront , but give out threatning language in a most despiteful manner against our resident . therefore once more by these our letters we would have the safety of his person , and the honour due to his quality , recommended to your care. on the other side , if you inflict severe and timely punishment upon those fugitives and ruffians , as well the old ones as the new comers ; it will be most acceptable to us , and becoming your authority and prudence . westminster , may . . to philip the fourth , king of spain . to our infinite sorrow we are given to understand , that antony ascham , by us lately sent our agent to your majesty , and under that character most civilly and publickly receiv'd by your governours ; upon his first coming to your royal city , naked of all defence and guard , was most bloodily murther'd in a certain inn , together with john baptistade ripa his interpreter , butchered at the same time . wherefore we most earnestly request your majesty , that deserved punishment may be speedily inflicted upon those parricides already apprehended , as it is reported , and committed to custody , who have not only presum'd to wound our selves through his sides , but have also dar'd to stabb , as it were , to the very heart ▪ your faith of word and royal honour . so that we make no question but what we so ardently desire would nevertheless be done effectually by a prince of his own accord so just and pious , though no body requir'd it . as to what remains , we make it our farther suit , that the breathless carkass may be deliver'd to his friends and attendants to be brought back and enterr'd in his own countrey , and that such care may be taken for the security of those that remain alive , as is but requisite , till having obtain'd an answer to these letters , if it may be done , they shall return to us the witnesses of your piety and justice . westminster , june . . to the most excellent lord , anthony john lewis dela cerda , duke of medina celi , governor of andalusia . the council of state constituted by authority of parliament : greeting . we have receiv'd advice from those most accomplish'd persons , whom we lately sent with our fleet into portugal in pursuit of traytors , and for the recovery of our vessels , that they were most civilly receiv'd by your excellency , as often as they happen'd to touch upon the coast of gallaecia , which is under your government , and assisted with all things necessary to those that perform long voyages . this civility of yours , as it was always most accept●ble to us , so it is now more especially at this time , while we are sensible of the ill will of others in some places towards us without any just cause giv'n on our side . therefore we make it our request to your illustrious lordship , that you will persevere in the same good will and affection to us , and that you would continue your favour and assistance to our people , according to your wonted civility , as often as our ships put in to your harbours : and be assur'd that there is nothing which we desire of your lordship in the way of kindness , which we shall not be ready to repay both to you and yours , whenever the like occasion shall be offer'd us . westminster , nov. . . seal'd with the seal of the council , j. bradshaw , president . to the illustrious and magnificent senate of the city of dantzick . magnificent and most noble lords , our dearest friends , many letters are brought us from our merchants trading upon the coast of borussia , wherein they complain of a grievous tribute impos'd upon 'em in the grand council of the polanders , enforcing 'em to pay the tenth part of all their goods for the relief of the king of scots , our enemy . which in regard it is plainly contrary to the law of nations , that guests and strangers should be dealt withal in such a manner ; and most unjust that they should be compell'd to pay publick stipends in a foreign common-wealth to him from whom they are , by god's assistance , deliver'd at home ; we make no question but that out of respect to that liberty , which as we understand you your selves enjoy , you will not suffer so heavy a burthen to be laid upon merchants in your city , wherein they have maintain'd a continual amity and commerce , to the extraordinary advantage of the place for many years together . if therefore you think it convenient to undertake the protection of our merchants trading among ye , which we assuredly expect as well from your prudence and equity , as from the dignity and grandure of your city ; we shall take that care , that you shall be sensible from time to time , of our grateful acceptance of your kindness , as often as the dantzichers shall have any dealings within our territories , or their ships , as frequently it happens , put into our ports . westminster , febr. . . to the portugal agent . most illustrious lord , we receiv'd your letters dated from hampton the th of this month , wherein you signify , that you are sent by the king of portugal to the parlament of the commonwealth of england ; but say not under what character , whether of embassador , or agent , or envoy , which we would willingly understand by your credential letters from the king , a copy of which you may send us with all the speed you can . we would also further know , whether you come with a plenary commission , to give us satisfaction for the injuries , and to make reparation for the damages which your king has done this republick , protecting our enemy all the last summer in his harbours , and prohibiting the english fleet , then ready to assail rebels and fugitives , which our admiral had pursu'd so far ; but never restraining the enemy from falling upon ours . if you return us word that you have ample and fu●l commission to give us satisfaction concerning all these matters , and send us withal a copy of your recommendatory letters , we shall then take care , that you may with all speed repair to us upon the publ●ck faith : at what time , when we have read the king's letters , you shall have liberty freely to declare what further commands you have brought along with you . the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince d. ferdinand , grand duke of tuscany , &c. we have receiv'd your highness's letters , dated april . . and deliver'd to us by your resident , signor almerick salvetti , wherein we readily perceive how greatly your highness favours the english name , and the value you have for this nation , which not only our merchants , that for many years have traded in your ports , but also certain of our young nobility , either travelling through your cities , or residing there for the improvements of their studies , both testify and confirm . which as they are things most grateful and acceptable to us , we also on our parts make this request to your highness , that your serenity will persevere in your accustom'd good will and affection towards our merchants , and other citizens of our republick , travelling through the tuscan territories . on the other side we promise and undertake , that as to what concerns the parlament , that nothing shall be wanting which may any way conduce to the confirmation and establishment of that commerce and mutual friendship that now has been of long continuance between both nations , and which it is our earnest wish and desire should be preserv'd to perpetuity by all offices of humanity , civility and mutual observance . westminster , jan. . . seal'd with the seal of the parlament , and subscribed by william lenthal , speaker of the parlament of the common-wealth of england . the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the illustrious and magnificent senate of the city of hamborough . most noble , magnificent , and illustrious , our dearest friends . the parlament of the commonwealth of england , out of their earnest desire to continue and preserve the ancient friendship and mutual commerce between the english nation and your city , not long since sent thither richard bradshaw , esquire , with the character of our resident ; and among other instructions tending to the same purpose , gave him an express charge to demand justice against cert in persons within your jurisdiction , who endeavour'd to murther the preacher belonging to the english society , and who likewise laid impious hands upon the deputy president , and some of the principal merchants of the same company , and hurri'd 'em away aboard a privateer . and although the aforesaid resident upon his first reception and audience made known to your lordships in a particular manner the commands which he receiv'd from us , upon which it was expected that you would have made those criminals ere this a severe example of your justice ; yet when we understood our expectations were not answer'd , considering with our selves what danger both our people and their estates were in if sufficient provision were not made for their security and protection against the malice of their enemies ; we again sent orders to our afore said resident to represent to your lordships our judgment upon the whole matter ; as also to exhort and perswade ye in the name of this republick to be careful of preserving the friendship and alliance contracted between this commonwealth and your city , as also the traffick and commerce no less advantagious for the interest of both ; and to that end , that you would not fail to protect our merchants , together with their priviledges from all violation , and more particularly against the insolencies of one garmes who has carry'd himself contumeliously toward this republick , and publickly cited to the chamber of spire certain merchants of the english company residing in your city , to the great contempt of this commonwealth , and trouble of our merchants ; for which we expect such reparation , as shall be consentaneous to equity and justice . to treat of these heads , and whatever else more largely belongs to the common friendship of both republicks , we have order'd our resident aforesaid to attend your lordships , requesting that ample credit may be given to him in such matters as he shall propose relating to these affairs . westminster mar. . . seal'd with the parlament seal , and subscrib'd . speaker , &c. the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene christiana , queen of the swedes , goths , and vandals , &c. greeting . most serene queen , we have receiv'd and read your majesty's letters to the parlament of england , dated from stockholm the th . of september last , and deliver'd by peter spering silvercroon ; and there is nothing which we more vehemently and cordially desire , then that the ancient peace , traffick and commerce of long continuance between the english and swedes may prove diuturnal , and every day encrease . nor did we question but that your majesty's embassador was come amply instructed to make those proposals chiefly which should be most for the interest and honour of both nations , and which we were no less readily prepar'd to have heard , and to have done effectually that which should have been thought most secure and beneficial on both sides . but it pleas'd the supreme moderator and governour of all things , that before he had desir'd to be heard as to those matters which he had in charge from your majesty to propound to the parlament , he departed this life ( whose loss we took with that heaviness and sorrow , as became persons whom it no less behov'd to acquiesce in the will of the almighty ) whence it comes to pass that we are prevented hitherto from knowing your majesty's pleasure , and that there is a stop at present put to this negotiation . wherefore we thought we could do no less then by these our letters , which we have given to our messenger on purpose sent with these unhappy tydings , to signifie to your majesty , how acceptable your letters , how grateful your publick minister were to the parlament of the commonwealth of england ; as also how earnestly we expect your friendship , and how highly we shall value the amity of so great a princess ; assuring your majesty , that we have those thoughts of encreasing the commerce between this republick and your majesty's kingdom , as we ought to have of a thing of the highest importance , which for that reason will be most acceptable to the parlament of the commonwealth of england . and so we recommend your majesty to the protection of the divine providence . westminster , march — . seal'd with the parlament seal , and subscrib'd , speaker , &c. the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene and potent prince , philip the fourth , king of spain , greeting . the merchants of this commonwealth who trade in your majesties territories , make loud complaints of extraordinary violence and injuries offer'd 'em , and of new tributes impos'd upon 'em by the governors and other officers of your ports and places where they traffick , and particularly in the canary islands , and this against the articles of the league which both nations have solemnly ratifi'd upon the account of trade : the truth of which complaints they have confirm'd by oath . and they make it out before us , that unless they can enjoy their privileges , and that their losses be repair'd : lastly , that except they may have some certain safeguard and protection for themselves and their estates against those violences and injuries , they can no longer traffick in those places . which complaints of theirs being duly weigh'd by us , and believing the unjust proceedings of those ministers either not at all to have reach'd your knowledge , or else to have been untruly represented to your majesty , we deem'd it convenient to send the complaints themselves , together with these our letters to your majesty . nor do we question but that your majesty , as well out of your love of justice , as for the sake of that commerce no less gainful to your subjects then our people , will command your governors to desist from those unjust oppressions of our merchants , and so order it that they may obtain speedy justice , and due satisfaction for those injuries done 'em by don pedro de carillo de guzman , and others , and that your majesty will take care that the merchants aforesaid may reap the fruit of those articles ; and be so far under your protection , that both their persons and their estates may be secure and free from all manner of injury and vexation . and this they believe they shall for the greatest part obtain , if your majesty will be pleas'd to restore 'em that expedient , taken from 'em , of a judge conservator , who may be able to defend 'em from a new consulship more uneasie to 'em ; least if no shelter from injustice be allow'd 'em , there should follow a necessity of breaking off that commerce which has hitherto brought great advantages to both nations , while the articles of the league are violated in such a manner . west . aug. — . to the most serene prince the duke of venice , and the most illustrious senate . most serene prince , most illustrious senate , our dearest friends , certain of our merchants , by name john dickins , and job throckmorton , with others , have made their complaints unto us , that upon the th . of november , . having seiz'd upon a hunder'd butts of caveare in the vessel call'd the swallow , riding in the downs , isaac taylour master , which were their own proper goods , and laden aboard the same ship in the muscovite bay of archangel , and this by the authority of our court of admiralty ; in which court , the suit being there depending , they obtain'd a decree for the delivery of the said butts of caveare into their possession , they having first given security to abide by the sentence of that court ; and that the said court , to the end the said suit might be brought to a conclusion , having written letters , according to custom , to the magistrates and judges of venice , wherein they requested liberty to cite john piatti to appear by his proctor in the english court of admiralty , where the suit depended , and prove his right , nevertheless that the said piatti and one david rutts a hollander , while this cause depends here in our court , put the said john dickins , and those other merchants to a vast deal of trouble about the said caveare , and solicite the seizure of their goods and estates as forfeited for debt : all which things , and whatever else has hitherto bin done in our foresaid court , is more at large set forth in those letters of request aforemention'd ; which after we had view'd , we thought proper to be transmitted to the most serene republick of venice , to the end they might be assistant to our merchants in this cause . upon the whole therefore , it is our earnest request to your highness , and the most illustrious senate , that not only those letters may obtain their due force and weight , but also that the goods and estates of the merchants which the foresaid piatti and david rutts , have endeavour'd to make lyable to forfeiture , may be discharg'd ; and that the said defendants may be referr'd hither to our court , to try what right they have in their claim to this caveare . wherein your highness , and the most serene republick will do as well what is most just in it self , as what is truly becoming the spotless amity between both republicks ; and lastly , what will gratefully be recompenc'd by the good will and kind offices of this republick , whenever occasion offers . white-hall , feb. — . seal'd with the seal of the council , and subscrib'd , president of the councel . to the spanish embassador . most excellent lord , the council of state , according to a command from the parlament , dated the d . of march , having taken into serious deliberation your excellencies paper of the th . of february , deliver'd to the commissioners of this council , wherein it seem'd good to your excellency to propose that a reply might be given to two certain heads therein specify'd as previous , returns the following answer to your excellency . the parlament when they gave an answer to those things which were propos'd by your excellency at your first audience , as also in those letters which they wrote to the most serene king of spain , gave real and ample demonstrations how grateful and how acceptable that friendship and that mutual alliance which was offer'd by his royal majesty , and by your self in his name , would be to 'em ; and how fully they were resolv'd , as far as in them lay , to make the same returns of friendship and good offices . after that , it seem'd good to your excellency , at your first audience in council upon the th . of december , oldstile , to propound to this council , as a certain ground or method for an auspitious commencement of a stricter amity , that some of their body might be nominated , who might hear what your excellency had to propose , and who having well weigh'd the benefit that might redound from thence , should speedily report the same to the council . to which request of yours that satisfaction might be given , the council appointed certain of their number to attend your excellency , which was done accordingly . but instead of those things which were expected to have bin propounded , the conference produc'd no more then the abovemention'd paper , to which the answer of the council is this . when the parlament shall have declar'd their minds , and your excellency shall have made the progress as above expected , we shall be ready to confer with your excellency , and to treat of such matters as you shall propose in the name of the king your master , as well in reference to the friendship already concluded , as the entring into another more strict and binding ; or as to any thing else which shall be offer'd by our selves in the name of this republick : and when we descend to particulars , we shall return such answers as are most proper , and the nature of the thing propos'd shall require . white-hall , march . . the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince , frederick the third , king of danemark , &c. greeting . most serene and potent king , we have receiv'd your majesty's letters , dated from copenhagen the st . of december last , and deliver'd to the parlament of the commonwealth of england by the noble henry willemsem rosenwyng de lynsacker , and most gladly perus'd 'em , with that affection of mind which the matters therein propounded justly merit , and request your majesty to be fully perswaded of this , that the same inclinations , the same desires of continuing and preserving the ancient friendship , commerce , and allyance for so many years maintain'd between england and danemark , which are in your majesty , are also in us . not being ignorant , that though it has pleas'd divine providence , beholding this nation with such a benign and favourable aspect , to change for the better the receiv'd form of the former government among us ; nevertheless , that the same interests on both sides , the same common advantages , the same mutual allyance and free traffick which produc'd the former leagues and confederacies between both nations , still endure and obtain their former force and virtue , and oblige both to make it their common study , by rendring those leagues the most beneficial that may be to each other , to establish also a nearer and sounder friendship for the time to come . and if your majesty shall be pleas'd to pursue those counsels which are manifested in your royal letters , the parlament will be ready to embrace the same with all alacrity and fidelity , and to contribute all those things to the utmost of their power , which they shall think may conduce to that end . and they perswade themselves that your majesty for this reason , will take those counsels in reference to this republick , which may facilitate the good success of those things propounded by your majesty to our selves so desirous of your amity . in the mean time the parlament wishes all happiness and prosperity to your majesty and people . westminster , april — . under the seal of the parlament , and subscrib'd in its name and by the authority of it , speaker , &c. the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most illustrious and magnificent the proconsuls and senators of the hanse-towns , greeting . most noble , magnificent , and illustrious , our dearest friends , the parlament of the commonwealth of england has both receiv'd and perus'd your letthrs of the th . of january last , deliver'd by your publick minister leo ab aysema , and by their authority have given him audience ; at what time he declar'd the cordial and friendly inclinations of your cities toward this republick , and desir'd that the ancient friendship might still remain on both sides . the parlament therefore , for their parts , declare and assure your lordships , that they deem nothing more grateful to themselves , then that the same friendship and allyance which has hitherto bin maintain'd between this nation and those cities , should be renew'd , and firmly ratify'd ; and that they will be ready upon all occasions fitly offer'd , what they promise in words solidly to perform in real deeds ; and expect that their ancient friends and confederates should deal by them with the same truth and integrity . but as to those things which your resident has more particularly in charge , in regard they were by us referr'd entire to the council of state , and his proposals were to be there consider'd , they transacted with him there , and gave him such answers , as seem'd most consentaneous to equity and reason , of which your resident is able to give you an account ; whose prudence and conspicuous probity proclaim him worthy the publick character by you conferr'd upon him . westminster , april , — . under the seal of the parlament , in the name , and by the authority of it , subscrib'd , speaker , &c. the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the illustrious and magnificent senate of the city of hamborough , greeting . most noble , magnificent , and illustrious , our dearst friends , the parlament of the commonwealth of england has receiv'd and perus'd your letters , dated from hamborough the th . of january last , and deliver'd by the noble leo ab aysenia , yours and the rest of the hanseatic cities resident , and by their own authority gave him audience , and as to what other particular commands he had from your city , they have referr'd 'em to the council of state , and gave 'em orders to receive his proposals and to treat with him as soon as might be , concerning all such things as seem'd to be just and equal : which was also done accordingly . and as the parlament has made it manifest , that they will have a due regard to what shall be propos'd by your lordships , and have testify'd their singular good will toward your city , by sending their resident thither and commanding his abode there ; so on the other side they expect and deservedly require from your lordships , that the same equity be return'd to them , in things which are to the benefit of this republick , either already propos'd , or hereafter to be propounded by our said resident in their name to your city , anciently our friend and confederate . westminster , april , — . under the seal of the parlament in the name , and by the authority of it , subscrib'd , speaker , &c. the council of state of the republick of england , to the most serene prince ferdinand the second , grand duke of tuscany , greeting , the council of state being inform'd by letters from charles longland , who takes care of the affairs of the english in your highnesses court of leghorne , that lately fourteen men of war , belonging to the vnited provinces , came into that harbour , and openly threatned to sink , or burn the english ships that were riding in your port ; but that your serenity , whose protection and succour the english merchants implor'd , gave command to the governour of leghorn , that he should assist and defend the english vessels ; they deem'd it their duty to certify to your highness how acceptable that kindness and protection which you so favourably afforded the english nation , was to this republick ; and do promise your highness that they will always keep in remembrance the merit of so deserving a favour , and will be ready upon all occasions to make the same returns of friendship and good offices to your people , and to do all things else which may conduce to the preservation and continuance of the usual amity and commerce between both nations . and whereas the dutch men of war , even in the time of treaty offer'd by themselves , were so highly perfidious , as to fall upon our fleet in our own roads , ( in which foul attempt , god as a most just arbiter , shew'd himself offended and opposite to their design ) but also in the ports of foreigners endeavour'd to take or sink our merchants vessels ; we thought it also necessary to send this declaration also of the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to your highness , the publishing of which was occasion'd by the controversies at present arisen between this republick and the vnited provinces . by which your highness may easily perceive how unjust and contrary to all the laws of god and of nations those people have acted against this republick ; and how cordially the parlament labour'd , for the sake of publick tranquility , to have retain'd their pristin friendship and allyance . white-hall , july . . in the name , and by the authority of the council , subscrib'd , president . to the spanish embassador . most excellent lord , the council of state , upon mature deliberation of that paper which they receiv'd from your excellency , may of june . as also upon that which your excellency at your audience the / of this month deliver'd to the council , return this answer to both those papers . that the parlament , &c. was always very desirous of preserving the firm friendship and good peace setled at present between this republick and his royal majesty of spain , from the time that first your excellency signify'd the tendency of his majesty's inclinations that way , and was always ready to ratify and confirm the same to the benefit and advantage of both nations . and this , the councel of state in the name , and by command of the parlament , in their papers oftimes made known to your excellency ; and particularly , according to your excellency's desire , made choice of commissioners to attend and receive from your excellency such proposals as might conduce to the same purpose . at which meeting . instead of making such proposals , it seem'd good to your excellency onely to propound some general matters , as it were previous to a future conference , concerning which it seem'd to the council that the parlament had in former papers fully made known their sentiments . nevertheless , for more ample and accumulative satisfaction , and to remove all scruples from your excellency concerning those matters which they at that time propos'd , the council in that paper , dated march , april , declar'd themselves ready to come to a conference with your excellency concerning those things which you had in charge from his royal majesty , as well in reference to the pristin amity , as to any farther negotiation ; as also touching such matters as should be exhibited by us , in the name of this republick ; and when we came to such particulars as were to the purpose , and the nature of the thing requir'd , then to give convenient answers . to which it seem'd good to your excellency to make no reply , nor to proceed any farther in that affair for almost two months . about that time the council receiv'd from your excellency your first paper , dated may , june , wherein you onely made this proposal , that the articles of peace and league between the late king charles and your master , dated the / . of novemb. . might be review'd , and that the several heads of it might be either enlarg'd or left out according to the present condition of times and things , and the late alteration of government . which being no more then what we our selves briefly and clearly signify'd in our foresaid paper of the march , april , the council expected that some particular articles would have bin propounded out of that league , with those amplifications and alterations of which you made mention ; since otherwise it is impossible for us to return any other answer concerning this matter then what we have already given . and whereas your excellency in your last paper seems to charge us with delay , the council therefore took a second review of your foresaid paper of the of may , of june , and of what was therein propounded , and are still of opinion , that they have fully satisfy'd your excellency in that former paper , to which they can only farther add , that so soon as your excellency shall be pleas'd , either out of the leagues already made , or in any other manner , to frame such conditions , as shall be accommodated to the present state of things and times , upon which you desire to have the foundations of friendship laid on your side , they will immediately return you such answers as by them shall be thought just and reasonable , and which shall be sufficient testimonials that the parlament still perseveres in the same desires of preserving an untainted and firm amity with the king your master , and that on their parts they will omit no honest endeavours , and worthy of themselves , to advance it to the highest perfection . furthermore the council deems it to be a part of their duty , that your excellency should be put in mind of that paper of ours , dated jan. . . to which in regard your excellency has return'd no answer as yet , we press and expect that satisfaction be given to the parlament , as to what is therein mention'd . the answer of the council of state to the reply of the lords embassadors extraordinary from the king of danemark and norway , deliver'd to the commissioners of the council , to the answer which the council gave to their fourteen demands . to the end that satisfaction may be given to the foresaid lords embassadors in reference to the answer of the council to the fifth , sixth , seventh , eigth and ninth article , the council consents that this following clause shall be added at the end of their answers : that is to say , besides such colonies , islands , ports and places under the dominion of either party , to which it is by law provided that no body shall resort upon the account of trade or commerce , unless upon special leave first obtain'd of that party to which that colony , island , port or places belong . the receiving of any person into any ship that shall be driven in by stress of weather into the rivers , ports or bays belonging to either party , shall not render that vessel lyable to any trouble or search , by the answer of the council to the eleventh article , as the foresaid lords embassadors in their reply seem to have understood , unless it be where such a receiving shall be against the laws , statutes , or custom of that place where the vessel put in ; wherein it seems to the council , that there is nothing of severity ordain'd , but what equally conduces to the security of both republicks . as to the proving the property of such ships and goods as shall be cast ashore by shipwrack , the council deems it necessary that an oath be administred in those courts which are already , or shall hereafter be constituted , where the claimers may be severally heard , and every body's right be determin'd and adjudg'd ; which cannot be so clearly and distinctly done by written certificates , whence many scruples and doubts may arise , and many frauds and deceits creep into that sort of proof , which it concerns both parties to prevent . the council also deems it just , that a certain time be prefix'd , before which time whoever does not prove himself the lawful owner of the said goods , shall be excluded , to avoid suits . but as to the manner of putting perishable goods to sale that are cast a shore by shipwrack , the council thinks it meet to propose the way of selling by inch of candle , as being the most probable means to procure the true value of the goods for the best advantage of the proprietors . nevertheless , if the foresaid lords embassadours shall propose any other method already found out which may more properly conduce to this end , the council will be no hinderance , but that what is just may be put in practice . neither is it to be understood , that the consideration of this matter shall put any stop to the treaty . as to the punishment of those that shall violate the propounded treaty , the council has made that addition which is mention'd in their answer to the fourteenth article for the greater force and efficacy of that article , and thereby to render the league it self more firm and lasting . as to the last clause of the fourteenth article , we think it not proper to give our assent to those leagues and alliances , of which mention is made in the foresaid answers , and which are only generally propounded , before it be more clearly apparent to us what they are . but when your excellencies shall be pleas'd to explain those matters more clearly to the council , we may be able to give a more express answer to those particulars . a reply of the council of state to the answer of the foresaid lords embassodours , which was return'd to the six articles propounded by the council aforesaid , in the name of the republick of england . the council having view'd the commissions of the foresaid lords embassadors , giving them power to transact with the parlament or their commissioners , concerning all things expedient to be transacted in order to the reviving the old leagues or adding new ones , believ'd indeed the foresaid lords to have bin furnish'd with that authority as to be able to return answers , and negotiate all things , as well such as should be propounded by this republick , as on the behalf of the king of danemark and norway , and so did not expect the replies which it has pleas'd the foresaid lords embassadors to give to the first , second , third and fifth demand of the council ; whereby of necessity a stop will be put to this treaty , in regard it is but just in it self , and so resolv'd on in council , to comprehend the whole league , and to treat at the same time as well concerning those things which regard this republick , as those other matters which concern the king of danemark and norway . wherefore it is the earnest desire of the council , that your excellencies would be pleasd to return an answer to our first , second , third , and fifth demand . as to the fourth article concerning the customs of gluckstadt , in regard they are now abolish'd , as your excellencies have mention'd in your answer , the council presses that their abrogation may be ratifi'd by this treaty , lest they should be reimpos'd hereafter . as to the sixth article concerning pyracy , the counil inserted it , as equally appertaining to the benefit of both , and to the establishing of trade in common , which is much disturb'd by pyrates and sea-robbers . and whereas the answer of the lords embassadors , as to this article , relates onely to enemies , but makes no mention of pyrates , the council therefore desires a more distinct reply to it . and whereas the foresaid lords embassadors in their reply to the answer of the council , have pass'd over both their tenth article and the answer of the council to it , the council have thought it necessary to add this following article to their following demands . that the people and inhabitants of the republick of england trading into any kingdoms , regions , or territories of the king of danemark and norway , shall not for the future pay any more customs , tribute , taxes , duties or stipends , or in any other manner , then the people of the vnited provinces , or any other foreign nation that pays the least , coming in or going out of harbour ; and shall enjoy the same and as equally ample freedom , privileges and immunities , both coming and going , and so long as they shall reside in the countrey , as also in fishing , tradeing , or in any other manner , which any other people of a foreign nation enjoys , or may enjoy in the foresaid kingdoms , and throughout the whole dominions of the said king of danemark and norway . which privileges also the subjects of the king of danemark and norway shall equally enjoy throughout all the territories and dominions of the republick of england . the council of state of the republick of england , to the most serene prince , ferdinand the second , grand duke of tuscany , greeting . most serene prince , our dearest friend , the council of state understanding as well by your highness's agent here residing , as by charles longland , chief factor for the english at leghorn , with what affectiou and fidelity your highness undertook the protection of the english vessels , putting in to the port of leghorn for shelter , against the dutch men of war threatning 'em with nothing but ransack and destruction , by their letters of the th . of july ( which they hope are by this time come to your highness's hands ) have made known to your highness how grateful and how acceptable it was to 'em ; and at the same time sent to your serenity a declaration of the parlament of the commonwealth of england concerning the present differences between this republick and the vnited provinces . and whereas the council has again bin inform'd by the same charles longland , what further commands your highness gave for the security and defence of the english vessels , notwithstanding the opposite endeavours of the dutch , they deem'd this opportunity not to be pass'd over , to let your highness understand once more , how highly they esteem your justice and singular constancy in defending their vessels , and how acceptable they took so great a piece of service . which being no mean testimony of your solid friendship and affection to this republick ; your highness may assure your self , that the same offices of kindness and good will toward your highness shall never be wanting in us ; such as may be able to demonstrate how firmly we are resolv'd to cultivate both long and constantly , to the utmost of our power , that friendship which is between your serenity and this republick . in the mean time we have expresly commanded all our ships upon their entrance into your ports not to fail of paying the accustom'd salutes by firing their guns , and to give all other due honours to your highness . white hall , sep. — . seal'd with the council seal , and subscrib'd . president . to the spanish embassador , alphonso de cardenas . most excellent lord , your excelleny's letters of the / of november , . deliver'd by your secretary , together with two petitions inclos'd , concerning the ships , the sampson and sun salvadore , were read in council . to which the council returns this answer , that the english man of war meeting with the foresaid ships , not in the downes , as your excellency writes , but in the open sea , brought 'em into port as enemies ships , and therefore lawful prize ; and the court of admiralty , to which it properly belongs to take cognizance of all causes of this nature , have undertaken to determin the right in dispute . where all parties concern'd on both sides shall be fully and freely heard , and you may be assur'd that right shall take place . we have also sent your excellency's request to the judges of that court , to the end we may more certainly understand what progress they have made in their proceeding to judgement . of which so soon as we are rightly inform'd , we shall take care that such orders shall be given in this matter , as shall correspond with justice , and become the friendship that is between this republick and your king. nor are we less confident , that his royal majesty will by no means permit the goods of the enemies of this commonwealth to be conceal'd and escape due confiscation under the shelter of being own'd by his subjects . white-hall , nov. . . seal'd with the council seal , and subscrib'd , william masham , president . to the spanish embassador . most excellent lord , but lately the council has bin inform'd by captain badiley , admiral of the fleet of this republick in the streights , that after he himself , together with three other men of war , had for two days together engag'd eleven of the dutch , put into porto longone , as well to repair the damages he had receiv'd in the fight , as also to supply himself with warlike ammunition ; where the governor of the place perform'd all the good offices of a most just and courteous person , as well toward his own , as the rest of the men of war under his conduct . now in regard that that same place is under the dominion of the most serene king of spain , the council cannot but look upon the singular civility of that garison to be the copious fruit of that stricter mutual amity so auspiciously commenc'd ; and therefore deem it to be a part of their duty to return their thanks to his majesty for a kindness so opportunely receiv'd , and desire your excellency to signify this to your most serene king , and to assure him that the parlament of the common-wealth of england will be always ready to make the same returns of friendship and civility upon all occasion offer'd . westminster , nov. . . seal'd with the councel seal , and subscrib'd , william masham , president . the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince , ferdinand the second , grand duke of tuscany , greeting . most serene prince , our dearest friend , the parlament of the commonwealth of england has receiv'd your letters dated from florence , august . concerning the restitution of a certain ship laden with rice , which ship is claim'd by captain cardi of leghorn . and though the judges of our admiralty have already pronounc'd sentence in that cause against the foresaid cardi , and that there be an appeal depending before the delegates ; yet upon your highness's request , the parlament , to testify how much they value the good will and alliance of a prince so much their friend , have given order to those who are entrusted with this affair , that the said ship , together with the rice , or at least the full price of it , be restor'd to the foresaid captain cardi ; the fruit of which command his proctor here has effectually already reap'd . and as your highness by favourably affording your patronage and protection to the ships of the english in your port of leghorn , has in a more especial manner ty'd the parlament to your serenity ; so will they , on the other side , take care , as often as opportunity offers , that all their offices of sincere friendship and good-will toward your highness may be solidly effectual and permanent ; withal recommending your highness to the divine benignity and protection of the almighty . westminster , nov. . seal'd with the seal of the common-wealth , and subscrib'd , speaker , &c. the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene and potent prince , king of danemark . &c. most serene and potent king , the parlament of the commonwealth of england have received information from their admiral of that fleet so lately sent to copenhagen , your majesty's port , to convoy our merchants homeward bound , that the foresaid ships are not permitted to return along with him , as being detain'd by your majesty's command ; and upon his producing your royal letters declaring your justifications of the matter of fact , the parlament denies that the reasons laid down in those letters for the detaining of those ships are any way satisfactory to ' em . therefore that some speedy remedy may be appli'd in a matter os so great moment , and so highly conducing to the prosperity of both nations , for preventing a greater , perhaps , ensuing mischief , the parlament have sent their resident at himborough , richard bradshaw , esquire , a person of great worth and known fidelity , with express commands to treat with your majesty , as their agent also in danemark , concerning this affair . and therefore we entreat your majesty to give him a favourable audience and ample credit in whatever he shall propose to your majesty on our behalf , in reference to this matter . in the mean time recommending your majesty to the protection of divine providence . westminster , nov. . . under the seal of the parlament , and in their name , and by their authority , subscrib'd , speaker , &c. the parlament of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince the duke of venice , greeting . the parlament of the common-wealth of england has receiv'd your highness's letters , dated june . . and deliver'd by lorenzo pallutio , wherein they not onely , gladly perceive both yours , and the cordial inclinations of the senate toward this republick , but have willingly laid hold of this opportunity to declare their singular affection and good will toward the most serene republick of venice ; which they shall be always ready to make manifest both really and sincerely , as often as opportunity offers . to whom also all the ways and means that shall be propounded to 'em for the preserving or encreasing mutual friendship and alliance , shall be ever most acceptable . in the mean time we heartily pray that all things prosperous , all things favourable , may befall your highness and the most serene republick . westminster , december , . seal'd with the parlament seal , and subscrib'd , speaker , &c. the parlament of the republick of england , to the most serene prince , ferdinand the second , grand duke of tuscany , greeting . although the parlament of the republick of england some time since redoubl'd their commands to all the chief captains and masters of ships arriving in the ports belonging to your highness , to carry themselves peacefully and civilly , and with becoming observance and duty to a most serene prince , whose friendship this republick so earnestly endeavours to preserve , as having bin oblig'd by so many great kindnesses ; an accident altogether unexpected has fallen out , through the insolence , as they hear , of captain appleton in the port of leghorn , who offer'd violence to the sentinel then doing his duty upon the mole , against the faith and duty which he ows this republick , and in contempt of the reverence and honour which is justly owing to your highness : the relation of which action , as it was really committed , the parlament has understood by your letters of the th . and th . of december , dated from florence ; as also more at large by the most worthy almeric salvetti , your resident here . and they have so sincerely laid to heart your highness's honour , which is the main concern of this complaint , that they have referr'd it to the council of state , to take care that letters be sent to captain appleton , to come away without stop or stay by land , in order to his giving an account of this unwonted and extraordinary act ( a copy of which letters is sent herewith enclos'd ) who so soon as he shall arrive , and be accus'd of the fact , we promise that such a course shall be taken with him , as may sufficiently testify that we no less heinoussy brook the violation of your right , then the infringement of our own authority . moreover , upon mature debate concerning the recover'd ship , call'd the phoenix of leghorn , which affair is also related and press'd by your highness and your resident here , to have bin done by captain appleton , contrary to promise given , whereby he was oblig'd not to fall upon even the hollanders themselves within sight of the lanthorn ; and that your highness , trusting to that faith , promis'd security to the hollanders upon your word ; and therefore that we ought to take care for the satisfaction of those who suffer damage under the protection of your promise ; the parlament begs of your excellency to be assur'd , that this fact , as it was committed without their advice or command , so it is most remote from their will and intention that your highness should undergo any detriment or diminution of your honour by it . rather they will make it their business , that some expedient may be found out for your satisfaction , according to the nature of the fact upon examination of the whole matter . which that they may so much the more fully understand , they deem it necessary that captain appleton himself should be heard , who was bound by the same faith , and is thought by your excellency at least to have consented to the violation of it ; especially since he is so suddenly to return home . and so soon as the parlament has heard him , and have more at large conferr'd with your resident concerning this matter of no small moment , they will pronounce that sentence that shall be just , and consentaneous to that extream good-will which they bear to your highness , and no way unworthy the favours by you conferr'd upon ' em . of which , that your highness might not make the least question in the mean time , we were willing to certify your highness by this express on purpose sent , that we shall omit no opportunity to testify how greatly we value your friendship . westminster , dec. . . seal'd with the parlament seal , and subscrib'd , speaker , &c. the council of state of the republick of england , to the most serene prince , frederick , heire of norway , duke of sleswick , holsatia , stormaria , ditmarsh , count in oldenburgh and delmenhort , greeting . though it has pleas'd the most wise god , and most merciful moderator of all things , besides the burthen which he laid upon us in common with our ancestors , to wage most just wars in defence of our liberty against tyrannical usurpation , signally also to succour us with those auspices and that divine assistance , beyond what he afforded to our predecessors , that we have bin able not only to extinguish a civil war , but to extirpate the causes of it for the future , as also to repel the unexpected violences of foreign enemies ; nevertheless , with grateful minds , as much as in us lies , acknowledging the same favour and benignity of the supreme deity toward us , we are not so puft up with the success of our affairs , but that rather instructed in the singular justice and providence of god , and having had long experience our selves , we abominate the thoughts of war , if possible to be avoided , and most eagerly embrace peace with all men . therefore as hitherto we never were the first that violated or desir'd the violation of that friendship , or those ancient privileges of leagues that have bin ratifi'd between us and any princes or people whatever ; so your highness , in consideration of your ancient amity with the english , left us by our ancestors , may with a most certain assurance promise both your self and your people all things equitable , and all things friendly from us . lastly , as we highly value , which is no more then what is just and reasonable , the testimonies of your affection and good offices offer'd us , so we shall make it our business that you may not at any time be sensible of the want of ours either to your self or yours . and so we most heartily recommend your highness to the omnipotent protection of the almighty god. white-hall , july — . seal'd with the council-seal , and subscrib'd , president . to the count of oldenburgh . most illustrious lord , the parlament of the common-wealth of england have receiv'd an extraordinary congratulation from your excellency , most kindly and courteously deliver'd to us by word of mouth by herman mylius , your councellor and doctor of laws ; who wish'd all things lucky and prosperous , in your name , to the parlament and english interest , and desir'd that the friendship of this republick might remain inviolable within your territories . he also desir'd letters of safe conduct , to the end your subjects may the more securely trade and sail from place to place ; together with our orders to our publick ministers abroad , to be aiding and assisting to your excellency and your interests with their good offices and counsels . to which requests of his we willingly consented , and granted both our friendship , the letters desir'd , and our orders to our publick ministers under the seal of the parlament . and though it be some months ago since your publick minister first came to us , however that delay neither arose from any unwillingness on our part , to assent to the request made in your excellency's name , or that your deputy was at any time wanting in his sedulity ( whose solicitations were daily and earnest with all the diligence and importunity that became him , to the end he might be dispatch'd ) but onely it happen'd so , that at that time the greatest and most weighty affairs of the republick were under debate and serious negotiation . of which we thought meet to certifie your illustrious lordship , lest any body through a false construction of this delay , should think those favours unwillingly or hardly obtain'd , which were most gladly granted by the parlament of the common-wealth of england . in whose name these are commanded to be sign'd , henry scobel , clerk of the parlament . to the most illustrious and noble senators , scultets , landam . , and senators of the evangelick cantons of switzerland , zurick , bern , glaris , bale , schaffhusen , appenzel , also of the confederates of the same religion in the countrey of the grisons , of geneva , st. gall , mulhausen and bienne ; our dearest friends . your letters , most illustrious lords and dearest confederates , dated december . full of civility , good-will , and singular affection toward us and our republick , and what ought always to be greater and more sacred to us , breathing fraternal and truly christian charity , we have receiv'd . and in the first place we return thanks to almighty god , who has rais'd and establish'd both you and so many noble cities , not so much intrench'd and fortifi'd with those enclosures of mountains , as with your innate fortitude , piety , most prudent and just administration of government , and the faith of mutual confederacies , to be a firm and inaccessible shelter for all the truly orthodox . now then that you , who over all europe were the first of mortals who after deluges of barbarous tyrants from the north , heaven prospering your valour , recover'd your liberty , and being obtain'd , for so many years have preserv'd it untainted , with no less prudence and moderation ; that you should have such noble sentiments of our liberty recover'd ; that you , such sincere worshippers of the gospel , should be so constantly perswaded of our love and affection for the orthodox faith , is that which is most acceptable and wellcome to us . but as to your exhorting us to peace , with a pious and affectionate intent , as we are fully assur'd , certainly such an admonition ought to be of great weight with us ; as well in respect of the thing it self which you perswade , and which of all things is chiefly to be desir'd , as also for the great authority which is to be allow'd your lordships above others in this particular , who in the midst of loud tumultuons wars on every side , enjoy the sweets of peace both at home and abroad , and have approv'd your selves the best example to all others of embracing and improving peace ; and lastly , for that you perswade us to the very thing which we our selves of our own accords , and that more then once , consulting as well our own , as the interest of the whole evangelical communion , have begg'd by embassadors , and other publick ministers , namely , friendship and a most strict league with the vnited provinces . but how they treated our embassadors sent to 'em to negotiate , not a bare peace , but a brotherly amity and most strict league ; what provocations to war they afterwards gave us , how they fell upon us in our own roads in the midst of their embassadors negotiations for peace and alliance , little dreaming any such violence , you will abundantly understand by our declaration set forth upon this subject , and sent you together with these our letters . but as for our parts , we are wholly intent upon this , by god's assistance , though prosperous hitherto , so to carry our selves , that we may neither attribute any thing to our own strength or forces , but all things to god alone , nor be insolently puft up with our success ; and we still retain the same ready inclinations to embrace all occasions of making a just and honest peace . in the mean time your selves , illustrious and most excellent lords , in whom this pious and noble sedulity , out of meer evangelical affection , exerts it self , to reconcile and pacifie contending brethren , as ye are worthy of all applause among men , so doubtless will ye obtain the celestial reward of peace-makers with god ; to whose supreme benignity and favour we heartily recommend in our prayers both you and yours , no less ready to make returns of all good offices both of friends and brethren , if in any thing we may be serviceable to your lordships . westminster , october , . seal'd with the parlament seal , and subscrib'd , speaker , &c. to the spanish embassador . most illustrious lord , upon grievous complaints . brought before us by philip niel , john godal , and the society of merchants of foy in england , that a certain ship of theirs , call'd the ann of foy , an english ship by them fitted out , and laden with their own goods , in her return home to the port of foy about michaelmas last , was unjustly and without any cause set upon and taken by a certain privateer of ostend , erasmus bruer commander , and the seamen unworthily and barbarously us'd ; the council of state wrote to the marquis of leda concerning it ( a copy of which letter we also send enclos'd to your excellency ) and expected from him , that without delay orders would have bin given for the doing of justice in this matter . nevertheless after all this , the foresaid noel . together with the said company make further heavy complaint , that altho our letters were deliver'd to the marquess , and that those merchants from that time forward betook themselves to bruges to the court there held for maritime causes , and there asserted and prov'd their right and the verity of their cause , yet that justice was deni'd 'em ; and that they were so hardly dealt with , that though the cause had bin ripe for tryal above three months , nevertheless they could obtain no sentence from that court , but that their ship and goods are still detain'd , notwithstanding the great expences they have bin at in prosecuting their claim . now your excellency well knows it to be contrary to the law of nations , of traffick , and that friendship which is at present settl'd betwen the english and flemings , that any ostender should take any english vessel , if bound for england with english goods ; and that whatever was inhumanly and barbarously done to the english seamen by that commander deserves a rigorous punishment . the council therefore recommends the whole matter to your excellency , and makes it their request that you would write into flanders concerning it , and take such speedy care , that this business may no longer be delai'd ; but that justice may be done in such a manner , that the foresaid ship , together with the damages , costs and interest , which the english have sustain'd and bin out of purse , by reason of that illegal seizure , may be restor'd and made good to 'em , by the authority of the court , or in some other way ; and that care be taken that hereafter no such violence may be committed , but that the amity between our people and the flemings may be preserv'd without any infringement . sign'd in the name , and by the command of the council of state , appointed by authority of parlament . to the marquiss of leda . great complaints are brought before us by philip noel , john godal , and the company of foy merchants , concerning a ship of theirs , call'd the ann of foy , which being an english vessel , by them fitted out , and laden with their own goods , in her return home to her own port about michaelmas last , was taken unawares by a freebooter of ostend , erasmus brewer commander . it is also further related , that the ostenders , when the ship was in their power , us'd the seamen too inhumanly , by setting lighted match to their fingers , and plunging the master of the ship in the sea till they had almost drown'd him , on purpose to extort a false confession from him , that the ship and goods belong'd to the french. which though the master and the rest of the ship 's crue resolutely deni'd , nevertheiess the ostenders carri'd away the ship and goods to their own port. these things , upon strict enquiry and examination of witnesses have bin made manifest in the admiralty court in england , as will appear by the copies of the affidavits herewith sent your lordship . now in regard that that same ship , call'd the ann of foy , and all her lading of merchandize and goods belongs truly and properly to the english , so that there is no apparent reason why the ostenders should seize by force either the one or the other , much less carry away the master of the ship , and use the seamen so unmercifully ; and whereas according to the law of nations , and in respect to the friendship between the flemings and english , that ship and goods ought to be restor'd , we make it our earnest request to your excellency , that the english may have speedy justice done , and that satisfaction may be given for their losses , to the end the traffick and friendship which is between the english and flemings may be long and inviolably preserv'd . to the spanish embassador . the parlament of the commonwealth of england understanding that several of the people of this city daily resort to the houses of your excellency and other embassadors and publick ministers from foreign nations here residing , meerly to hear mass , gave order to the council of state to let your excellency understand , that whereas such resort is prohibited by the laws of the nation , and of very evil example in this our republick , and extreamly scandalous , that they deem it their duty to take care that no such thing be permitted henceforward , and to prohibit all such assemblies for the future . concerning which , 't is our desire that your excellency should have a fair advertisement , to the end that henceforth your excellency may be more careful of admitting any of the people of this republick to hear mass in your house . and as the parlament will diligently provide that your excellencies rights and privileges shall be preserv'd inviolable , so they perswade themselves , that your excellency , during your abode here , would by no means that the laws of this republick should be violated by your self or your attendants . a summary of the particular real damages sustaiu'd by the english company , in many places of the east-indies , from the dutch company in holland . . the damages comprehended in sixteen articles and formerly exhibited , amounting to royals ½ which is of our money — l. s. d. . we demand satisfaction to be given for the incomes of the island of pularon , from the year . to this time , of two hundred thousand royals ½ , besides the future expence , till the right of jurisdiction over that island be restor'd , in the same condition as when it was wrestest out of our hands , as was by league agreed to , amounting of our money to — l. s. d. . we demand satisfaction for all the merchandize , provision and furniture taken away by the agents of the dutch company in the indies , or to them deliver'd , or to any of their ships bound thither , or returning home ; which sum amounts to royals , of our money — l. s. d. . we demand satisfaction for the customs of dutch merchandize laden on board their ships in persia , or landed there from the year , as was granted us by the king of persia , which we cannot value at less then fourscore thousand royals , — — l. s. d. . we demand satisfaction for four houses maliciously and unjustly burnt at jocatra , together with the warehouses , magazines and furniture , occasion'd by the dutch governour there , of all which we had information from the place it self , after we had exhibited our first complaints ; the total of which damage we value at — l. s. d. we demand satisfaction for pound of pepper taken out of the ship endymion in , the total of which damage amounts to — l. s. d. — l. s. d. a summary of some particular damages sustain'd also from the dutch east-india company . . for damages sustain'd by those who besieg'd bantam , whence it came to pass that for six years together we were excluded from that trade , and consequently from an opportunity of laying out in pepper six hundred thousand royals , with which we might have laden our homeward bound ships , sor want of which lading they rotted upon the coast of india . in the mean time our stock in india was wasted and consum'd in mariners wages , provision and other furniture ; so that they could not value their loss at less then twenty hunder'd and four thousand royals — l. s. d. . more for damages by reason of our due part lost of the fruits in the molucca islands , banda and amboyna , from the time that by the slaughter of our men we were thence expell'd , till the time that we shall be satisfi'd for our loss and expences , which space of time from the year . to this present year . for the yearly revenue of lib. amounts in years to — l. s. d. . we demand satisfaction for one hunder'd and two thousand nine hunder'd fifty nine royals , taken from us by the mogul's people , whom the dutch protected in such a manner , that we never could repair our losses out of the money or goods of that people which lay in their junks , which we endeavour'd to do , and was in our power had not the dutch unjustly defended ' em . which lost money we could have trebled in europe , and value at — l. s. d. . for the customs of persia , the half part of which was by the king of persia granted to the english , anno . which to the year . is vrlued at eight thousand royals , to which add the four thousand lib. which they are bound to pay since . which is now one and twenty years , and it makes up the sum of — l. s. d. — from the first account l. s. sum total — l. s. the interest from that time will far exceed the principal . letters written in the name of oliver the protector . to the count of oldenburgh . most illustrious lord , by your letters , dated january . . i have bin given to understand , that the noble frederick matthias wolisog , and chirstopher griphiander were sent with certain commands from your illustrious lordship into england , who when they came to us , not onely in your name congratulated our having taken upon us the government of the eoglish republick , but also desir'd that you and your territories might be comprehended in the peace which we are about to make with the low countries , and that we would confirm by our present authority the letters of safe conduct lately granted your lordship by the parlament . therefore in the first place we return your lordship our hearty thanks for your friendly congratulation , as it becomes us ; and these will let you know that we have readily granted your two requests . nor shall you find us wanting upon any opportunity , which may at any time make manifest our affection to your lordship . and this we are apt to believe you will understand more at large from your agents , whose fidelity and diligence in this affair of yours , in our court , has bin eminently conspicuous . as to what remains , we most heartily wish the blessings of prosperity and peace , both upon you and your affairs . your illustrious lordship's most affectionate , oliver protector of england , scotland , and ireland , &c. to the count of oldenburgh . most illustrious lord , we receiv'd your letters , dated may from oldenburgh , most welcome upon more then one account ; as well for that they were full of singular civility and good-will toward us , as because they were deliver'd by the hand of the most illustrious count antony , your beloved son. which we look upon as so much the greater honour , as not having trusted to report , but with our own eyes , and by our own observation discern'd his vertues becoming such an illustrious extraction , his noble manners and inclinations , and lastly his extraordinary affection toward our selves . nor is it to be question'd but he displays to his own people the same fair hopes at home , that he will approve himself the son of a most worthy and most excellent father , whose signal vertue and prudence has all along so manag'd affairs , that rhe whole territory of oldenburgh for many years , has enjoy'd a profound peace and all the blessings of tranquility in the midst of the raging confusions of war thundring on every side . what reason therefore why we should not value such a friendship that can so wisely and providently shun the enmity of all men ? lastly , most illustrious lord , 't is for your magnificent * present that we return you thanks ; but 't is of right , and your merits claim , that we are cordially westminster , june . . your illustrious lordship's most affectionate , oliver , &c. superscrib'd , to the most illustrious lord , anthony gunther , count in oldenburgh , and delmenhorst , lord in jehvern and kniphausen . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , scotland , and ireland , &c. to the most serene prince , charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandals , great prince of finland , duke of esthonia , carelia , breme , verden , stettin in pomerania , cassubia and vandalia . prince of rugia , lord of ingria , wismaria , as also count palatine of the rhine , and duke of bavaria , cleves and monts , &c. greeting . most serene king , though it be already divulg'd over all the world that the kingdom of the swedes is translated to your majesty with the extraordinary applause and desires of the people , and the free suffrages of all the orders of the realm , yet that your majesty should rather chuse that we should understand the welcome news by your most friendly letters , then by the common voice of fame , we thought no small argument both of your good-will toward us , and of the honour done us among the first . voluntary therefore , and of right we congratulate this accession of dignity to your egregious merits , and the most worthy guerdon of so much vertue . and that it may be lucky and prosperous to your majesty , to the nation of the swedes , and the true christian interest , which is also what you chiefly wish , with joynt supplications we implore of god. and whereas your majesty assures us , that the preserving entire the league and alliance lately concluded between this republick and the kingdom of sweden shall be so far your care , that the present amity may not only continue firm and inviolable , but if possible , every day encrease and grow to a higher perfection , to call it into question would be a piece of impiety , after the word of so great a prince once interpos'd , whose surpassing fortitude has not only purchas'd your majesty a hereditary kingdom in a foreign land , but also could so far prevail , that the most august queen , the daughter of gustavus , and a heroess so matchless in all degrees of praise and masculine renown , that many ages backward have not produc'd her equal , surrender'd the most just possession of her empire to your majesty , neither expecting nor willing to accept it . now therefore 't is our main desire , your majesty should be every way assur'd , that your so singular affection toward us , and so eminent a signification of your mind can be no other then most dear and welcome to us , and that no combat can offer it self to us more glorious , then such a one wherein we may , if possible , prove victorious in out-doing your majesty's civility by our kind offices that never shall be wanting . westminster , july . . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , scotland , and ireland , &c. to the most illustrious lord , lewis mendez de haro . what we have understood by your letters , most illustrious lord , that there is an embassador already nominated and appointed by the most serene king of spain , on purpose to come and congratulate our having undertaken the government of the republick , is not onely deservedly acceptable of it self , but render'd much more wellcome and pleasing to us by your singular affection and the speed of your civility , as being desirous we should understand it first of all from your self . for , to be so belov'd and approv'd by your lordship , who by your vertue and prudence have obtain'd so great authority with your prince , as to preside , his equal in mind , over all the most important affairs of that kingdom , ought to be so much the more pleasing to us , as well understanding that the judgement of a surpassing person , cannot but be much to our honour and ornament . now as to our cordial inclinations toward the king of spain , and ready propensity to hold friendship with that kingdom , and encrease it to a stricter perfection , we hope we have already satisfi'd the present embassador , and shall more amply satisfie the other , so soon as he arrives . as to what remains , most illustrious lord , we heartily wish the dignity and favour wherein you now flourish with your prince , perpetual to your lordship ; and that whatever affairs you carry on for the publick good , may prosperously and happily succeed . white-hall , september . . your illustrious lordship's most affectionate , oliver , &c. to the most serene prince charles gustavus adolphus , king of the swedes , goths , and vandals , &c. being so well assur'd of your majesty's good-will towards me by your last letters , in answer to which i wrote back with the same affection , methinks i should do no more then what our mutual amity requires , if as i communicate my grateful tydings to reciprocal joy , so when contrary accidents fall out , that i should lay open the sence and grief of my mind to your majesty , as my dearest friend . for my part this is my opinion of my self , that i am now advanc'd to this degree in the commonwealth , to the end i should consult in the first place , and as much as in me lies , for the common peace of the protestants . which is the reason , that of necessity it behooves me more grievously to lay to heart what we are sorry to hear concerning the bloody conflicts and mutual slaughters of the bremeners and swedes . but this i chiefly bewail , that being both our friends , they should so despitefully combat one against another , and with so much danger to the interests of the protestants ; and that the peace of munster , which it was thought would have prov'd an asylum and safeguard to all the protestants , should be the occasion of such an unfortunate war , that now the arms of the swedes are turn'd upon those whom but a little before , among the rest , they most stoutly defended for religions sake ; and that this should be done more especially at this time when the papists are said to persecute the reformed all over germany , and to return to their intermitted for some time oppressions , and their pristin violencies . hearing therefore that a truce for some days was made at breme , i could not forbear signifying to your majesty , upon this opportunity offer'd , how cordially i desire , and how earnestly i implore the god of peace , that this truce may prove successfully happy for the good of both parties , and that it may conclude in a most firm peace , by a commodious accommodation on both sides . to which purpose , if your majesty judges that my assistance may any ways conduce , i most willingly offer and promise it , as in a thing , without question , most acceptable to the most holy god. in the mean time , from the bottom of my heart , i beseech the almighty to direct and govern all your counsels for the common welfare of the christian interest , which i make no doubt , but that your majesty chiefly desires . white-hall , octob. . . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver , &c. to the magnificent and most noble , the consuls and senators of the city of breme . by your letters deliver'd to us by your resident henry oldenburgh , that there is a difference kindled between your city and a most potent neighbour , and to what streights you are thereby reduc'd , with so much the more trouble and grief we understand , by how much the more we love and embrace the city of breme , so eminent , above others , for their profession of the orthodox faith. neither is there any thing which we account more sacred in our wishes , then that the whole protestant name would knit and grow together in brotherly unity and concord . in the mean time , most certain it is , that the common enemy of the reformed rejoyces at these our dissentions , and more haughtily every where exerts his fury . but in regard the controversie which at present exercises your contending arms , is not within the power of our decision , we implore the almighty god , that the truce begun may obtain a happy issue . assuredly , as to what you desir'd , we have written to the king of the swedes , exhorting him to peace and agreement , as being most chiefly grateful to heaven , and have offer'd our assistance in so pious a work. on the other side we likewise exhort your selves to bear an equal mind , and by no means to refuse any honest conditions of reconciliation . and so we recommend your city to divine protection and providence . white-hall , octob. . . your lordships most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the republick of england , to the most illustrious prince of tarentum . your love of religion , apparently made known in your letters to us deliver'd , and your excelling piety and singular affection to the reformed churches , more especially considering the nobility and splendor of your character , and in a kingdom too , wherein there are so many and such abounding hopes propos'd to all of eminent quality that revolt from the orthodox faith , so many miseries to be undergone by the resolute and constant , gave us an occasion of great joy and consolation of mind . nor was it less grateful to us that we had gain'd your good opinion , upon the same account of religion , which ought to render your highness most chiefly belov'd and dear to our selves . we call god to witness , that whatever hopes or expectations the churches , according to your relation , had of us , we may be able one day to give them satisfaction , if need require , or at least to demonstrate to all men how much it is our desire never to fail 'em nor should we think any fruit of our labours , or of this dignity or supream employment which we hold in our republick , greater , then that we might be in a condition to be serviceable to the enlargement , or the welfare , or which is more sacred , to the peace of the reformed church . in the mean time , we exhort and beseech your lordship to remain stedfast to the last minute in the orthodox religion , with the same resolution and constancy , as you profess it receiv'd from your ancestors with piety and zeal . nor indeed , can there be any thing more worthy your self , or your religious parents , nor in consideration of what you have deserv'd of us , though we wish all things for your own sake , that we can wish more noble or advantagious to your lordship , then that you would take such methods and apply your self to such studies , that the churches , especially of your native countrey , under the discipline of which your birth and genius have render'd you illustriously happy , may be sensible of so much the more assur'd security in your protection , by how much you excel others in lustre and ability . white-hall , april — . oliver the protector , &c. to the most serene prince , immanuel duke of savoy , prince of piemont , greeting . most serene prince , letters have bin sent us from geneva , as also from the dauphinate , and many other places bordering upon your territories , wherein we are given to understand , that such of your royal highness's subjects as profess the reformed religion , are commanded by your edict , and by your authority , within three days after the promulgation of your edict , to depart their native seats and habitations , upon pain of capital punishment , and forfeiture of all their fortunes and estates , unless they will give security to relinquish their religion within twenty days , and embrace the roman catholick faith. and that when they appli'd themselves to your royal highness in a most suppliant manner , imploring a revocation of the said edict , and that being receiv'd into pristin favour , they might be restor'd to the liberty granted 'em by your predecessors , a part of your army fell upon 'em , most cruelly slew several , put others in chains , and compell'd the rest to flye into desert places and to the mountains cover'd with snow , where some hundreds of families are reduc'd to such distress , that 't is greatly to be fear'd , they will in a short time all miserably perish through cold and hunger . these things , when they were related to us , we could not chuse but be touch'd with extream grief and conpassion for the sufferings and calamities of this afflicted people . now in regard we must acknowledge our selves link'd together not onely by the same tye of humanity , but by joynt communion of the same religion , we thought it impossible for us to satisfie our duty to god , to brotherly charity , or our profession of the same religion , if we should onely be affected with a bare sorrow for the misery and calamity of our brethren , and not contribute all our endeavours to relieve and succour 'em in their unexpected adversity , as much as in us lies . therefore in a greater measure we most earnestly beseech and conjure your royal highness , that you would call back to your thoughts the moderation of your most serene predecessors , and the liberty by them granted and confirm'd from time to time to their subjects the vaudois . in granting and confirming which , as they did that , which without all question was most grateful to god , who has bin pleas'd to reserve the jurisdiction and power over the conscience to himself alone , so there is no doubt but that they had a due consideration of their subjects also , whom they found stout and most faithful in war , and always obedient in peace . and as your royal serenity in other things most laudably follows the footsteps of your immortal ancestors , so we again and again beseech your royal highness not to swerve from the path wherein they trod in this particular ; but that you would vouchsafe to abrogate both this edict , and whatsoever else may be decreed to the disturbance of your subjects upon the account of the reform'd religion ; that you would ratifie to 'em their conceded privileges and pristin liberty , and command their losses to be repair'd , and that an end be put to their oppressions . which if your royal highness shall be pleas'd to see perform'd , you will do a thing most acceptable to god , revive and comfort the miserable in dire calamity , and most highly oblige all your neighbours that profess the reformed religion , but more especially our selves , who shall be bound to look upon your clemency and benignity toward your subjects as the fruit of our earnest solicitation . which will both engage us to a reciprocal return of all good offices , and lay the solid foundations not only of establishing , but encreasing alliance and friendship between this republick and your dominions . nor do we less promise this to our selves from your justice and moderation ; to which we beseech almighty god to encline your mind and thoughts . and so we cordially implore just heaven to bestow upon your highness and your people the blessings of peace and truth , and prosperous success in all your affairs . white-hall , may — . oliver protector of the republick of england , to the most serene prince of transilvania , greeting . most serene prince , by your letters of the th . of nov. . you have made us sensible of your singular good-will and affection toward us ; and your envoy , who deliver'd those letters to us , more amply declar'd your desire of contracting alliance and friendship with us . certainly for our parts , we do not a little rejoyce at this opportunity offer'd us to declare and make manifest our affection to your highness , and how great a value we justly set upon your person . but after fame had reported to us your egregious merits and labours undertaken in behalf of the christian republick , when you were pleas'd that all these things , and what you have farther in your thoughts to do in the defence and for promoting the christian interest , should be in friendly manner imparted to us by letters from your self , this afforded us a more plentiful occasion of joy and satisfaction , to hear , that god , in those remoter regions , had rais'd up to himself so potent and renowned a minister of his glory and providence : and that this great minister of heaven so fam'd for his courage and success , should be desirous to associate with us in the common defence of the protestant religion , at this time wickedly assail'd by words and deeds . nor is it to be question'd but that god , who has infus'd into us both , though separated by such a spacious interval of many climates , the same desires and thoughts of defending the orthodox religion , will be our instructor and author of the ways and means whereby we may be assistant and useful to our selves and the rest of the reformed cities , provided we watch all opportunities that god shall put into our hands , and be not wanting to lay hold of ' em . in the mean time we cannot without an extream and penetrating sorrow forbear putting your highness in mind how unmercifully the duke of savoy has persecuted his own subjects , professing the orthodox faith , in certain valleys at the feet of the alps. whom he has not only constrain'd by a most severe edict as many as refuse to embrace the catholick religion , to forsake their native habitations , goods and estates , but has fall'n upon 'em with his army , put several most cruelly to the sword , others more barbarously tormented to death , and driven the greatest number to the mountains , there to be consum'd with cold and hunger , exposing their houses to the fury , and their goods to the plunder of his executioners . these things as they have already bin related to your highness , so we readily assure our selves , that so much cruelty cannot but be grievously displeasing to your ears , and that you will not be wanting to afford your aid and succour to those miserable wretches , if there be any that survive so many slaughters and calamities . for our parts we have written to the duke of savoy , beseeching him to remove his insenc'd anger from his subjects ; as also to the king of france , that he would vouchsafe to do the same ; and lastly to the princes of the reformed religion , to the end they might understand our sentiments concerning so fell and savage a piece of cruelty . which though first begun upon those poor and helpless people , however threatens all that profess the same religion , and therefore imposes upon all a greater necessity of providing for themselves in general , and consulting the common safety ; which is the course that we shall always follow , as god shall be pleas'd to direct us . of which your highness may be assur'd , as also of our sincerity and affection to your serenity , whereby we are engag'd to wish all prosperous success to your affairs , and a happy issue of all your enterprizes and endeavours , in asserting the liberty of the gospel and the worshippers of it . white-hall , may — . oliver protector , to the most serene prince , charles gustavus adolphus , king of the swedes , greeting . we make no question but that the same of that most rigid edict has reach'd your dominions , whereby the duke of savoy has totally ruin'd his protestant subjects inhabiting the alpine valleys , and commanded 'em to be extirminated from their native seats and habitations , unless they will give security to renounce their religion receiv'd from their forefathers , in exchange for the roman catholick superstition , and that within twenty days at farthest ; so that many being kill'd , the rest strip to their skins and expos'd to most certain destruction , are now forc'd to wander over desert mountains and through perpetual winter , together with their wives and children , half dead with cold and hunger ; and that your majesty has laid it to heart with a pious sorrow and compassionate consideration we as little doubt . for that the protestant name and cause , although they differ among themselves in some things of little consequence , is nevertheless the same in general and united in one common interest , the hatred of our adversaries , alike insenc'd against protestants , very easily demonstrates . now there is no body can be ignorant , that the kings of the swedes have always joyn'd with the reformed , carrying their victorious arms into germany in defence of the protestants without distinction . therefore we make it our chief request , and that in a more especial manner to your majesty , that you would solicit the duke of savoy by letters , and by interposing your intermediating authority , endeavour to avert the horrid cruelty of this edict , if possible , from people no less innocent then religious . for we think it superfluous to admonish your majesty , whither these rigorous begininnings tend , and what they threaten to all the protestants in general . but if he rather chuse to listen to his anger then to our joynt intreaties and intercessions , if there be any tye , any charity or communion of religion to be believ'd and worshipp'd , upon consultations duly first communicated to your majesty and the chief of the protestant princes , some other course is to be speedily taken , that such a numerous multitude of our innocent brethren may not miserably perish for want of succour and assistance . which in regard we make no question but that it is your majesties opinion and determination , there can be nothing in our opinion more prudently resolv'd , then to joyn our reputation , authority , councels , forces , and whatever else is needful , with all the speed that may be , in pursuance of so pious a design . in the mean time we beseech almighty god to bless your majesty . oliver protector , &c. to the high and mighty lords , the states of the united provinces . we make no question but that you have already bin inform'd of the duke of savoy's edict , set forth against his subjects inhabiting the valleys at the feet of the alps , ancient professors of the orthodox faith ; by which edict they are commanded to abandon their native habitations , stript of all their fortunes , unless within twenty days they embrace the roman faith ; and with what cruelty the authority of this edict has rag'd against a needy and harmless people ; many being slain by the soldiers , the rest plunder'd and driven from their houses together with their wives and children , to combat cold and hunger among desert mountains , and perpetual snow . these things with what commotion of mind you heard related , what a fellow-feeling of the calamities of brethren pierc'd your breasts , we readily conjecture from the depth of our own sorrow , which certainly is most heavy and afflictive . for being engag'd together by the same tye of religion , no wonder we should be so deeply mov'd with the same affections upon the dreadful and undeserved sufferings of our brethren . besides , that your conspicuous piety and charity toward the orthodox , where-ever overborn and oppress'd , has bin frequently experienc'd in the most urging streights and calamities of the churches . for my own part , unless my thoughts deceive me , there is nothing wherein i should desire more willingly to be overcome , then in good will and charity toward brethren of the same religion afflicted and wrong'd in their quiet enjoyments ; as being one that would be accounted always ready to prefer the peace and safety of the churches before my particular interests . so far therefore as hitherto lay in our power , we have written to the duke of savoy , even almost to supplication , beseeching him that he would admit into his breast more placid thoughts and kinder effects of his favour toward his most innocent subjects and suppliants ; that he would restore the miserable to their habitations and estates , and grant 'em their pristin freedom in the exercise of their religion . moreover we wrote to the chiefest princes and magistrates of the protestants , whom we thought most nearly concern'd in these matters , that they would lend us their assistance to intreat and pacifie the duke of savoy in their behalf . and we make no doubt now but you have done the same , and perhaps much more . for this so dangerous a president , and lately renew'd severity of utmost cruelty toward the reformed , if the authors of it meet with prosperous success , to what apparent dangers it reduces our religion , we need not admonish your prudence . on the other side , if the duke shall once but permit himself to be atton'd and won by our united applications , not onely our afflicted brethren , but we our selves shall reap the noble and abounding harvest and reward of this laborious undertaking . but if he still persist in the same obstinate resolutions of reducing to utmost extremity those people , among whom our religion was either disseminated by the first , doctors of the gospel , and preserv'd from the defilement of superstition , or else restor'd to its pristin sincerity long before other nations obtain'd that felicity ; and determins their utter extirpation and destruction ; we are ready to take such other course and counsels with your selves , in common with the rest of our reformed friends and confederates , as may be most necessary for the preservation of just and good men upon the brink of inevitable ruin , and to make the duke himself sensible , that we can no longer neglect the heavy oppressions and calamities of our orthodox brethren . farewel . to the evangelick cities of switzerland . we make no question but the late calamity of the piemontois , professing our religion , reached your ears , before the unwelcome news of it arriv'd with us . who being a people under the protection and jurisdiction of the duke of savoy , and by a severe edict of their prince commanded to depart their native habitations , unless within three days they gave security to embrace the roman religion , soon after were assail'd by armed violence , that turn'd their dwellings into slaughter-houses , while others , without number , were terrifi'd into banishment , where now naked and afflicted , without house or home , or any covering from the weather , and ready to perish through hunger and cold , they miserably wander thorough desert mountains , and depths of snow , together with their wives and children . and far less reason have we to doubt , but that , so soon as they came to your knowledge , you laid these things to heart , with a compassion no less sensible of their multipli'd miseries , then our selves ; the more deeply imprinted perhaps in your minds , as being next neighbours to the sufferers . besides , that we have abundant proof of your singular love and affection for the orthodox faith , of your constancy in retaining it , and your fortitude in defending it . seeing then , by the most strict communion of religion , that you , together with our selves , are all brethren alike , or rather one body with those unfortunate people , of which no member can be afflicted without the feeling , without pain , without the detriment and hazard of the rest ; we thought it convenient to write to your lordships concerning this matter , and let you understand , how much we believe it to be the general interest of us all , as much as in us lies , with our common aid and succour , to relieve our extirminated and indigent brethren ; and not only to take care for removing their miseries and afflictions , but also to provide , that the mischief spread no farther , nor incroach upon our selves in general , encourag'd by example and success . we have written letters to the duke of savoy , wherein we have most earnestly besought him out of his wonted clemency , to deal more gently and mildly with his most faithful subjects , and to restore 'em , almost ruin'd as they are , to their goods and habitations . and we are in hopes , that by these our intreaties , or rather by the united intercessions of us all , the most serene prince at length will be atton'd , and grant what we have requested with so much importunity . but if his mind be obstinately bent to other determinations , we are ready to communicate our consultations with yours , by what most prevalent means to relieve and re-establish most innocent men , and our most dearly beloved brethren in christ , tormented and overlaid with so many wrongs and oppressions ; and preserve 'em from inevitable and undeserved ruin. of whose welfare and safety , as i am assur'd , that you according to your wonted piety , are most cordially tender , so , for our own parts , we cannot but in our opinion prefer their preservation before our most important interests , even the safeguard of our own life . farewel . westminster , may , . . o. p. superscrib'd , to the most illustrious and potent lords , the consuls and senators of the protestant cantons and confederate cities of switzerland , greeting . to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france , most serene and potent king , by your majesty's letters which you wrote in answer to ours of the th of may , we readily understand , that we fail'd not in our judgement , that the inhuman slaughter and barbarous massacres of those men , who profess the reformed religion in savoy , perpetrated by some of your regiments , were the effects neither of your orders nor commands . and it afforded us a singular occasion of joy , to hear that your majesty had so timely signifi'd to your collonels and officers , whose violent precipitancy engag'd 'em in those inhuman butcheries without the encouragement of lawful allowance , how displeasing they were to your majesty ; that you had admonish'd the duke himself to forbear such acts of cruelty ; and that you had interpos'd with so much fidelity and humanity , all the high veneration paid you in that court , your near alliance and authority , for restoring to their ancient abodes those unfortunate exiles . and it was our hopes , that that prince would in some measure have condescended to the good pleasure and intercessions of your majesty . but finding not any thing obtain'd either by your own , nor the intreaties and importunities of other princes in the cause of the distressed , we deem'd it not foreign from our duty , to send this noble person , under the character of our extraordinary envoy , to the duke of savoy , more amply and , fully to lay before him , how deeply sensible we are of such exasperated cruelties inflicted upon the professors of the same religion with our selves , and all this too out of a hatred of the same worship . and we have reason to hope a success of this negotiation so much the more prosperous , if your majesty would vouchsafe to employ your authority and assistance once again with so much the more urgent importunity ; and as you have undertaken for those indigent people that they will be faithful and obedient to their prince , so you would be gratiously pleas'd to take care of their welfare and safety , that no farther oppressions of this nature , no more such dismal calamities may be the portion of the innocent and peaceful . this being truly royal and just in it self , and highly agreeable to your benignity and clemency , which every where protects in soft security so many of your subjects professing the same religion , we cannot but expect , as it behoves us , from your majesty . which act of yours , as it will more closely bind to your subjection all the protestants throughout your spacious dominions , whose affection and fidelity to your predecessors and your self in most important distresses have bin often conspicuously made known ; so will it fully convince all foreign princes , that the advice or intention of your majesty were no way contributory to this prodigious violence , whatever inflam'd your ministers and officers to promote it . more especially , if your majesty shall inflict deserved punishment upon those captains and ministers , who of their own authority , and to gratifie their own wills , adventur'd the perpetrating such dreadful acts of inhumanity . in the mean while , since your majesty has assur'd us of your justly merited aversion to these most inhuman and cruel proceedings , we doubt not but you will assord a secure sanctuary and shelter within your kingdom to all those miserable exiles that shall flye to your majesty for protection ; and that you will not give permission to any of your subjects to assist the duke of savoy to their prejudice . it remains that we make known to your majesty , how highly we esteem and value your friendship : in testimony of which , we farther affirm there shall never be wanting upon all occasions the real assurances and effects of our protestation . white-hall , july . . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most eminent lord , cardinal mazarine . most eminent lord cardinal , having deem'd it necessary to send this noble person to the king with letters , a copy of which is here enclos'd , we gave him also farther in charge to salute your excellency in our name , as having entrusted to his fidelity certain other matters to be communicated to your eminency . in reference to which affairs , i intreat your eminency , to give him entire credit , as being a person in whom i have repos'd a more then ordinary confidence . white-hall , july . . your eminencies most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of . england . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince , frederick iii. king of danemark , norway , &c. with what a severe and unmerciful edict immanuel duke of savoy has expell'd from their native seats his subjects inhabiting the valleys of piemont , men otherwise harmless , onely for many years remarkably famous for embracing the purity of religion ; and after a dreadful slaughter of some numbers , how he has expos'd the rest to the hardships of those desert mountains , stript to their skins , and barr'd from all relief , we believe your majesty has long since heard , and doubt not but that your majesty is touch'd with a real commiseration of their sufferings , as becomes so puissant a defender and prince of the reformed faith. for indeed the institutions of christian religion require , that whatever mischiefs and miseries any part of us undergo , it should behove us all to be deeply sensible of the same : nor does any man better then your majesty foresee , if we may be thought able to give a right conjecture of your piety and prudence , what dangers the success and example of this fact portend to our selves in particular , and to the whole protestant name in general . we have written the more willingly to your self , to the end we might assure your majesty , that the same sorrow which we hope you have conceiv'd for the calamity of our most innocent brethren , the same opinion , the same judgment you have of the whole matter , is plainly and sincerely our own . we have therefore sent our letters to the duke of savoy , wherein we have most importunately besought him to spare those miserable people that implore his mercy , and that he would no longer suffer that dreadful edict to be in force . which if your majesty and the rest of the reformed princes would vouchsafe to do , as we are apt to belive they have already done , there is some hope that the anger of the most serene duke may be asswag'd , and that his indignation will relent upon the intercession and importunities of his neighbour princes . or if he persist in his determinations , we protest our selves ready , together with your majesty , and the rest of our confederates of the reformed religion , to take such speedy methods as may enable us , as far in us lies , to relieve the distresses of so many miserable creatures , and provide for their liberty and safety . in the mean time we beseech almighty god to bless your majesty with all prosperity . white hall , may — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most noble the consuls and senators of the city of geneva . we had before made known to your lordships our excessive sorrow for the heavy and unheard of calamities of the protestants inhabiting the valleys of piemont , whom the duke of savoy persecutes with so much cruelty , but that we made it our business that you should at the same time understand , that we are not onely affected with the multitude of their sufferings , but are using the utmost of our endeavours to relieve and comfort 'em in their distresses . to that purpose we have taken care for a gathering of alms to be made throughout this whole republick ; which upon good grounds we expect will be such , as will demonstrate the affection of this nation toward their brethren labouring under the burthen of such horrid inhumanities ; and that as the communion of religion is the same between both people , so the sence of their calamities is no less the same . in the mean time while the collections of the money go forward , which in regard they will require some time to accomplish , and for that the wants and necessities of those deplorable people will admit of no delay , we thought it requifite to remit beforehand two thousand pounds of the value of england , with all possible speed to be distributed among such as shall be judg'd to be most in present need of comfort and succour . now in regard we are not ignorant how deeply the miseries and wrongs of those most innocent people have affected your selves , and that you will not think amiss of any labour or pains where you can be assisting to their relief , we made no scruple to commit the paying and distributing this sum of money to your care ; and to give ye this farther trouble , that according to your wonted piety and prudence , you would take care that the said money made be distributed equally to the most necessitous , to the end that though the sum be small , yet there may be something to refresh and revive the most poor and needy , till we can afford 'em a more plentiful supply . and thus , not making any doubt but you will take in good part the trouble impos'd upon ye , we beseech almighty god to stir up the hearts of all his people professing the orthodox religion , to resolve upon the common defence of themselves , and the mutual assistance of each other against their imbitter'd and most implacable enemies : in the prosecution of which we should rejoyce that our helping hand might be any way serviceable to the church . farewel . fifteen hundred pounds of the foresaid two thousand will be remitted by gerard hench from paris , and the other five hundred pounds will be taken care of by letters from the lord stoup . june . . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , the duke of venice . most serene prince , as it has bin always a great occasion of rejoycing to us when ever any prosperous success attended your arms , but more especially against the common enemy of the christian name ; so neither are we sorry for the late advantage gain'd by your fleet , though as we understand , it happen'd not a little to the detriment of our people . for certain of our merchants , william and daniel williams and edward beale , have set forth in a petition presented to us , that a ship of theirs , call'd the great prince , was lately sent by them with goods and merchandize to constantinople , where the said ship was detain'd by the ministers of the port , to carry soldiers and provisions to creet ; and that the said ship being constrain'd to sail along with the same fleet of the turks , which was set upon and vanquish'd by the gallies of the venetians , was taken , carri'd away to venice , and there adjudg'd lawful prize by the judges of the admiralty . now therefore in regard the said ship was press'd by the turks , and forc'd into their service without the knowledge or consent of the owners directly or indirectly obtain'd , and that it was impossible for her , being ship'd with soldiers , to withdraw from the engagement , we most earnestly request your serenity , that you will remit that sentence of your admiralty , as a present to our friendship , and take such care that the ship may be restor'd to the owners , no way deserving the displeasure of your republick by any act of theirs . in the obtaining of which request , more especially upon our intercession , while we find the merchants themselves so well assur'd of your clemency , it behoves us not to question it . and so we beseech the almighty god to continue his prosperous blessings upon your noble , designs and the venetian republick . westminster , december — . your serenity's , and the venetian republick's , most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , lewis king of france . most serene king , certain of our merchants , by name , samuel mico , william cockain , george poyner , and several others , in a petition to us have set forth , that in the year . they laded a ship of theirs , call'd the vnicorn , with goods of a very considerable value ; and that the said ship being thus laden with silk , oyl and other merchandize , amounting to above thirty four thousand of our pounds , was taken by the admiral and vice-admiral of your majesty's fleet in the mediterranean sea. now it appears to us , that our people who were then in the ship , by reason there was at that time a peace between the french and us , that never had bin violated in the least , were not willing to make any defence against your majesty's royal ships , and therefore over-rul'd besides by the fair promises of the captains paul , and terrery , who faithfully engag'd to dismiss our people , they paid their obedience to the maritime laws , and produc'd their bills of lading . moreover , we find that the merchants aforesaid , sent their agent into france to demand restitution of the said ship and goods : and then it was , that after above three years slipt away , when the suit was brought so far that sentence of restitution or condemnation was to have bin given ; that his eminency cardinal mazarine acknowledg'd to their factor hugh morel , the wrong that had bin done the merchants , and undertook that satisfaction should be given , so soon as the league between the two nations , which was then under negotiation , should be ratifi'd and confirm'd . nay , since that , his excellency m. de bourdeaux , your majesty's embassador , assur'd us in express words , by the command of your majesty and your council , that care should be taken of that ship and goods in a particular exception , a part from those controversies , for the decision of which a general provision was made by the league ; of which promise , the embassador , now opportunely arriv'd here to solicit some business of his own , is a testimony no way to be question'd . which being true , and the right of the merchants in redemanding their ship and goods so undeniably apparent , we most earnestly request your majesty , that they may meet with no delay in obtaining what is justly their due , but that your majesty will admit the grant of this favour , as the first fruits of our reviv'd amity and the lately renew'd league between us . the refusal of which , as we have no reason to doubt , so we beseech almighty god to bless with all prosperity both your majesty and your kingdom . westminster , decemb. — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , scotland , and ireland , &c. to the evangelic cities of switzerland . in what condition your affairs are , which is not the best , we are abundantly inform'd , as well by your publick acts transmitted to us by our agent at geneva , as also by your letters from zurick , bearing date the th . of december . whereby , although we are sorry to find your peace , and such a lasting league of confederacy broken ; nevertheless since it appears to have happen'd through no fault of yours , we are in hopes that the iniquity and perverseness of your adversaries are contriving new occasions for ye to make known your long-ago experienc'd fortitude and resolution in defence of the evangelick faith. for as for those of the canton of schwits , who account it a capital crime for any person to embrace our religion , what they are might and main designing , and whose instigations have incens'd 'em to resolutions of hostility against the orthodox religion , no body can be ignorant , who has not yet forgot that most detestable slaughter of our brethren in piemont . wherefore , most beloved friends , what you were always wont to be , with god's assistance still continue , magnanimous and resolute ; suffer not your privileges , your confederacies , the liberty of your consciences , your religion it self to be trampled under foot by the worshippers of idols ; and so prepare your selves , that you may not seem to be the defenders onely of your own freedom and safety , but be ready likewise to aid and succour , as far as in you lies , your neighbouring brethren , more especially those most deplorable piedmontois ; as being certainly convinc'd of this , that a passage was lately intended to have bin open'd over their slaughter'd bodies to your sides . as for our part , be assur'd , that we are no less anxious and solicitous for your welfare and prosperity , then if this conflagration had broken forth in our republick ; or as if the axes of the schwits canton had bin sharpen'd for our necks , or that their swords had bin drawn against our breasts , as indeed they were against the bosoms of all the reformed . therefore so soon as we were inform'd of the condition of your affairs , and the obstinate animosities of your enemies , advising with some sincere and honest persons , together with some mininisters of the church most eminent for their piety , about sending to your assistance such succour as the present posture of our affairs would permit , we came to those results , which our envoy pell will impart to your consideration . in the mean time we cease not to implore the blessing of the almighty upon all your counsels , and the protection of your most just cause as well in war as in peace . westminster , jan. — . your lordships and worships most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england &c. to the most serene prince charles gustavus , by the grace of god king of the swedes , goths and vandals , great prince of finland , &c. most serene king , seeing it is a thing well known to all men , that there ought to be a communication of concerns among friends , whether in prosperity or adversity ; it cannot be , but most grateful to us , that your majesty should vouchsafe to impart unto us by your letters the most pleasing and delightful part of your friendship , which is your joy . in regard it is a mark of singular civility , and truly royal , as not to live onely to a man's self , so neither to rejoyce alone , unless he be sensible that his friends and confederates partake of his gladness . certainly then , we have reason to rejoyce for the birth of a young prince born to such an excellent king , and sent into the world to be the heir of his father's glory and vertue ; and this at such a lucky season , that we have no less cause to congratulate the royal parent with the memorable omen that befel the famous philip of macedon , who at the same time receiv'd the tydings of alexander's birth , and the conquest of the illyrians . for we make no question , but the wresting of the kingdom of poland from papal subjection , as it were a horn dismembred from the head of the beast , and the peace so much desir'd by all good men , concluded with the duke of brandenburgh will be most highly conducing to the tranquility and advantage of the church . heaven grant a conclusion correspondent to such signal beginnings ; and may the son be like the father in vertue , piety , and renown , obtain'd by great atchievments . which is that we wish may luckily come to pass , and which we beg of the almighty , so propitious hitherto to your affairs . westminster , feb. — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the comonwealth of england , &c. to the king of danemark . most serene and potent prince , john freeman and philip travess , citizens of this republick , by a petition presented to us , in their own and the name of several other merchants of london , have made a complaint , that whereas about the month of march in the year . they freighted a certain ship of sunderburgh , call'd the saviour , nicolas weinskinks master , with woollen cloth , and other commodities to the value of above three thousand pound , with orders to the master , that he should sail directly up the baltick for dantzick , paying the usual tribute at elsenore , to which purpose in particulor they gave him money ; nevertheless that the said master , perfidiously and contrary to the orders of the said merchants , slipping by elsenore without paying the usual duty , thought to have proceeded in his voyage , but that the ship for this reason was immediately seiz'd and detain'd with all her lading . after due consideration of which complaints , we wrote in favour of the merchants to your majesty's embassador residing at london , who promis'd , as they say , that as soon as he return'd to your majesty , he would take care that the merchants should be taken into consideration . but he being sent to negotiate your majesty's affairs in other countries , the merchants attended upon him in vain , both before and after his departure , so that they were forc'd to send their agent to prosecute their right and claim at copenhagen , and demand restitution of the ship and goods ; but all the benefit they reap'd by it , was onely to add more expences to their former damages , and a great deal of labour and pains thrown away ; the goods being condemn'd , to confiscation , and still detain'd : whereas by the law of danemark , as they set forth in their petition , the master is to be punish'd for his offence , and the ship is to be condemn'd but not the goods . and they look upon this misfortune to lye the more heavy upon 'em , in regard the duty which is to be paid at elsenore , as they tell us , is but very small . wherefore seeing our merchants seem to have given no cause of proscription , and for that the master confess'd before his death , that this damage befel them onely through his neglect ; and the father of the master deceas'd , by his petition to your majesty , as we are given to understand , by laying all the blame upon his son , has acquitted the merchants , we could not but believe the detaining of the said ship and goods to be most unjust ; and therefore we are confident , that so soon as your majesty shall be rightly inform'd of the whole matter , you will not only disapprove of these oppressions of your ministers , but give command that they be call'd to an account , that the goods be restor'd to the owners or their factors , and reparation made 'em for the losses they have sustain'd . all which we most earnestly request of your majesty , as being no more then what is so just and consentaneous to reason , that a more equitable demand or more legal satisfaction cannot well be made , considering the justice of our merchants cause , and which your own subjects would think but fair and honest upon the like occasions . to the most serene prince , john the fourth , king of portugal , &c. most serene king , the peace and friendship which your majesty desir'd , by your noble and splendid embassy , sent to us some time since , after certain negotiations begun by the parlament , in whom the supreme power was vested at that time , as it was always most affectionately wish'd for by us , with the assistance of god , and that we might not be wanting in the administration of the government which we have now taken upon us , at length we brought to a happy conclusion , and as we hope , as a sacred act , have ratifi'd it to perpetuity . and therefore we send back to your majesty , your extraordinary embassador , the lord john roderigo de sita meneses , count of pennaguiada , a person both approv'd by your majesty's judgment , and by us experienc'd to excel in civility , ingenuity , prudence and fidelity , besides the merited applause which he has justly gain'd by accomplishing the ends of his embassy , which is the peace which he carries along with him to his country . but as to what we perceive by your letters dated from lisbon the second of april , that is to say , how highly your majesty esteems our amity , how cordially you favour our advancement , and rejoyce at our having taken the government of the republick upon us , which you are pleas'd to manifest by singular testimonies of kindness and affection , we shall make it our business , that all the world may understand , by our readiness at all times to serve your majesty , that there could be nothing more acceptable or grateful to us . nor are we less earnest in our prayers to god for your majesty's safety , the welfare of your kingdom , and the prosperous success of your affairs . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the high and mighty states of the united provinces . most high and mighty lords , our dearest friends , certain merchants , our countrey-men , thomas bassel , richard beare , and others their co-partners , have made their complaints before us , that a certain ship of theirs , the edmund and john , in her voyage from the coast of brasile to lisbon , was set upon by a privateer of flushing , call'd the red-lyon , commanded by lambert bartelson , but upon this condition , which the writing sign'd by lambert himself testifies , that the ship and whatsoever goods belong'd to the english should be restor'd at flushing : where when the vessel arriv'd , the ship indeed with what peculiarly belong'd to the seamen was restor'd , but the english merchants goods were detain'd and put forthwith to sale : for the merchants who had receiv'd the damage , when they had su'd for their goods in the court of flushing , after great expences for five years together , lost their suit , by the pronouncing of a most unjust sentence against 'em by those judges , of which some being interested in the privateer , were both judges and adversaries , and no less criminal altogether . so that now they have no other hopes but onely in your equity and uncorrupted faith , to which at last they fly for succour ; and which they believ'd they should find the more inclinable to do 'em justice , if assisted by our recommendation . and men are surely to be pardon'd , if afraid of all things in so great a struggle for their estates , they rather call to mind what they have reason to fear from your authority and high power , then what they have to hope well of their cause , especially before sincere and upright judges : though for our parts we make no question , but that induc'd by your religion , your justice , your integrity , rather then by our intreaties , you will give that judgment which is just and equal and truly becoming your selves . god preserve both you and your republick to his own glory and the defence and succour of his church . westminster , april . . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , scotland , and ireland , &c. to the most serene prince , charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandals , great prince of finland , duke of esthonia , carelia , breme , verden , stettin , pomerania , cassubia and vandalia , prince of rugia , lord of ingria and wismaria , count palatine of the rhine , duke of bavaria , juliers , cleves and monts . most serene prince , peter julius coict having accomplish'd the affairs of his embassy with us , and so acquitted himself , that he is not by us to be dismiss'd without the ornament of his deserved praises , is now returning to your majesty . for he was most acceptable to us , as well and chiefly for your own sake , which ought with us to be of high consideration , as for his own deserts in the diligent acquittal of his trust . the recommendation therefore which we receiv'd from you in his behalf , we freely testifie to have bin made good by him , and deservedly given by your self ; as he on the other side is able with the same fidelity and integrity to relate and most truly to declare our singular affection and observance toward your majesty . it remains for us to beseech the most merciful and all-powerful god to bless your majesty with all felicity , and a perpetual course of victory over all the enemies of his church . westminster , apirl . . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene prince , john dethic mayor of the city of london for this year , and william wakefield merchant , have made their addresses to us by way of petition complaining , that about the middle of october . they freighted a certain ship , call'd the jonas of london , jonas lightfoot master , with goods that were to be sent to ostend ; which vessel was taken in the mouth of the river thames , by one white of barking , a pyrate robbing upon the seas by vertue of a commission from the son of king charles deceas'd , and carri'd to dnnkirk , then under the jurisdiction of the french. now in regard that by your majesty's edict in the year . renew'd in . and by some other decrees in favour of the parlament of england , as they find it recorded , it was enacted , that no vessel or goods taken from the english , in the time of that war , should be carri'd into any of your majesty's ports to be there put to sale , they presently sent their factor hugh morel to dunkirk , to demand restitution of the said ship and goods from m. lestrade then governor of the town ; more especially finding them in the place for the most part untouch'd , and neither exchang'd or sold. to which the governor made answer , that the king had bestow'd that government upon him of his free gift for service done the king in his wars , and therefore he would take care to make the best of the reward of his labour . so that having little to hope from an answer so unkind and unjust , after a great expence of time and money , the factor return'd home . so that all the remaining hopes which the petitioners have , seem wholly to depend upon your majesty's justice and clemency , to which they thought they might have the more easie access by means of our letters . and therefore that neither your clemency nor your justice may be wanting to people despoil'd against all law and reason , and contrary to your repeated prohibitions , we make it our request . wherein , if your majesty vouchsafe to gratifie us , since there is nothing requir'd but what is most just and equitable , we shall deem it as obtain'd rather from your innate integrity , then any intreaty of ours . westminster , may — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords , the states of the united provinces . most high and mighty lords , our dearest friends , john brown , nicholas williams , and others , citizens of london , have set forth in their petition to us , that when they had every one brought in their proportions and freighted a certain ship call'd the good-hope of london , bound for the east-indies , they gave orders to their factor to take up at amsterdam two thousand four hunder'd dutch pounds , to insure the said ship ; that afterwards this ship in her voyage to the coast of india was taken by a ship belonging to the east-india company ; upon which they who had engag'd to insure the said vessel refus'd to pay the money , and have for this six years by various delays eluded our merchants , who with extraordinary diligence and at vast expences endeavour'd the recovery of their just right . which in regard it is an unjust grievance that lies so heavy upon the petitioners , for that some of those who oblig'd themselves are dead or become insolvent , therefore that no farther losses may accrue to their former damages , we make it our earnest request to your lordships , that you will vouchsafe your integrity to be the harbour and refuge for people toss'd so many years , and almost shipwrack'd in your courts of justice , and that speedy judgment may be given according to the rules of equity and honesty in their cause which they believe to be most just . in the mean time we wish you all prosperity to the glory of god and the welfare of his church . westminste , may — . your high and mighty lordships most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords , the states of the united provinces , most high and mighty lords , our dearest friends , the same persons in whose behalf we wrote to your lordships in september the last year , thomas and william lower , the lawful heirs of nicholas lower , deceas'd , make grievous complaints before us , that they are oppress'd either by the favour or wealth of their adversaries , notwithstanding the justice of their cause ; and when that would not suffice , although our letters often pleaded in their behalf , they have not bin able hitherto to obtain possession of the inheritance left 'em by their father's will. from the court of holland , where the suit was first commenc'd , they were sent to your court , and from thence hurri'd away into zealand ( to which three places they carry'd our letters ) and now they are remanded , not unwillingly , back again to your supream judicature ; for where the supream power is , there they expect supream justice . if that hope fail 'em , eluded and frustrated , after being so long toss'd from post to pillar for the recovery of their right , where at length to find a resting place they know not . for as for our letters , if they find no benefit of these the fourth time written , they can never promise themselves any advantage for the future from slighted papers . however , it would be most acceptable to us , if yet at length , after so many contempts , the injur'd heirs might meet with some relief by a speedy and just judgment , if not out of respect to any reputation we have among ye , yet out of a regard to your own equity and justice . of the last of which we make no question , and confidently presume you will allow the other to our friendship . westminster , may — . your high and mighty lordships most affectionate , oliver protector of the common-wealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , john king of portugal . most serene king , whereas there is a considerable sum of money owing from certain portugal merchants of the brasile company to several english merchants , upon the account of freightage and demorage , in the years and . which money is detain'd by the said company by your majesties command , the merchants before-mention'd expected that the said money should have bin paid long since according to the articles of the last league , but now they are afraid of being debarr'd all hopes and means of recovering their debts ; understanding your majesty has order'd , that what money is owing to 'em by the brasile company , shall be carri'd into your treasury , and that no more then one half of the duty of freightage shall be expended toward the payment of their debts ; by which means the merchants will receive no more then the bare interest of their money , while at the same time they utterly lose their principal . which we considering to be very severe and heavy upon 'em , and being overcome by their most reasonable supplications , have granted 'em these our letters to your majesty ; chiefly requesting this at your hands , to take care that the aforesaid brasile company may give speedy satisfaction to the merchants of this republick , and pay 'em not onely the principal money which is owing to 'em , but the five years interest ; as being both just in it self , and conformable to the league so lately concluded between us ; which on their behalf in most friendly manner we request from your majesty . your majesties most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth , &c. from our palace at westminster , july — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths , and vandals , &c most serene king , as it is but just that we should highly value the friendship of your majesty , a prince so potent , and so renown'd for great atchievements ; so is it but equally reasonable that your extraordinary embassador , the most illustrious lord christiern bond , by whose sedulity and care a strict alliance is most sacredly and solemnly ratifi'd between us , should be most acceptable to us , and no less deeply fix'd in our esteem . him therefore , having now most worthily accomplish'd his embassy , we thought it became us to send back to your majesty , though not without the high applause which the rest of his singular vertues merit ; to the end , that he who was before conspicuous in your esteem and respect , may now be sensible of his having reap'd still more abundant fruits of his sedulity and prudence from our recommendation . as for those things which yet remain to be transacted , we have determin'd in a short time to send an embassy to your majesty for the setling of those affairs . in the mean time almighty god preserve in safety so great a pillar of his church , and of swedeland's welfare . from our palace at westminster , july — . your majesties most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , lewis king of france . most serene king , our most dear friend and confederate . certain merchants of london , richard baker and others , have made their complaint in a petition to us , that a certain hir'd ship of theirs , call'd the endeavour , william jop master , laden at tenariff with three hundre'd pipes of rich canary , and bound from thence for london , in her voyage between palma and that island , upon the st . of november in the year . was taken by four - french vessels , seeming ships of burthen , but fitted and mann'd like privateers , under the command of giles de la roche their admiral , and carri'd with all her freight , and the greatest part of the seamen to the east-indies , whither he pretended to be bound ( fourteen excepted , who were put ashore upon the coast of guiney ) which the said giles affirm'd he did with that intent , that none of 'em might escape from so remote and barbarous a countrey to do him any harm by their testimony . for he confess'd he had neither any commission to take the english vessels , neither had he taken any , as he might have done before , well knowing there was a firm peace at that time between the french and our republick : but in regard he had design'd to revittle in portugal , from whence he was driven by contrary winds , he was constrain'd to supply his necessities with what he found in that vessel ; and believ'd the owners of his ships would satisfie the merchants for their loss . now the loss of our merchants amounts to sixteen thousand english pounds , as will easily be made appear by witnesses upon oath . but if it shall be lawful upon such trivial excuses as these , for pyrates to violate the most religious acts of princes , and make a sport of merchants for their particular benefits , certainly the sanctity of leagnes must fall to the ground , all faith and authority of princes will grow out of date and be trampl'd under foot . wherefore we not onely request your majesty , but believe it mainly to concern your honour , that they who have adventur'd upon so slight a pretence to violate the league and most sacred oath of their sovereign , should suffer the punishment due to so much perfidiousness and daring insolence ; and that in the mean time the owners of those ships , though to their loss , should be bound to satisfie our merchants for the vast detriment which they have so wrongfully sustain'd . so may the almighty long preserve your majesty , and support the interest of france against the common enemy of us both. from our palace at westminster , august — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , to his eminency cardinal mazarine . most eminent lord , having an occasion to send letters to the king , we thought it likewise an offer'd opportunity to write to your eminency . for we could not think it proper to conceal the subject of our writing from the sole and onely person , whose singular prudence governs the most important interests of the french nation , and the most weighty affairs of the kingdom with equal fidelity , council and vigilance . not without reason we complain , in short , to find that league by your self , as it were a crime to doubt , most sacredly concluded , almost the very same day contemn'd and violated by one giles a french-man , a petty admiral of four ships , and his associates equally concern'd , as your eminency will readily find by our letters to the king , and the demands themselves of our merchants : nor is it unknown to your excellency howmuch it concerns not only inferiour magistrates , but even royal majesty it self , that those first violators of solemn alliances should be severely punish'd . but they , perhaps , by this time being arriv'd in the east-indies , whither they pretended to be bound , enjoy in undisturb'd possession the goods of our people as lawful prize won from an enemy , which they robb'd and pilledg'd from the owners contrary to all law and the pledg'd faith of our late sacrd league . however , this is that which we request from your eminency , that whatever goods were taken from our merchants by the admiral of those ships , as necessary for his voyage , may be restor'd by the owners of the same vessels , which was no more then what the rovers themselves thought just and equal ; which , as we understand , it lies within your power to do , considering the authority and sway you bear in the kingdom . from our palace at westminster , august — . your eminencies most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most high and mighty lords , the states of the united provinces . most high and mighty lords , our dear friends and confederates . we make no doubt , but that all men will bear us this testimony , that no considerations , in contracting foreign alliances , ever sway'd us beyond those of defending the truth of religion , or that we accounted any thing more sacred , then to unite the minds of all the friends and protectors of the protestants , and of all others , who at least were not their enemies . whence it comes to pass , that we are touch'd with so much the more grief of mind , to hear that the protestant princes and cities , whom it so much behoves to live in friendship and concord together , should begin to be so jealous of each other , and so ill dispos'd to mutual affection ; more especially , that your lordships and the king of sweden , then whom the orthodox faith has not more magnanimous and couragious defenders , nor our republick confederates more strictly conjoyn'd in interests , should seem to remit of your confidence in each other ; or rather , that there should appear some too apparent signs of tottering friendship and growing discord between ye . what the causes are , and what progress this alienation of your affection has made , we protest our selves to be altogether ignorant . however , we cannot but conceive an extraordinary trouble of mind for these beginnings of the least dissention arisen among brethren , which infallibly must greatly endanger the protestant interests . which if they should gather strength , how prejudicial it would prove to the protestant churches , what an occasion of triumph it would afford our enemies , and more especially the spaniards , cannot be unknown to your prudence , and most industrious experience of affairs . as for the spaniards , it has already so enliven'd their confidence , and rais'd their courage , that they made no scruple by their embassador residing in your territories , boldly to obtrude their counsels upon your lordships , and that in reference to the highest concerns of your republick ; presuming partly with threats of renewing the war , to terrifie , and partly with a false prospect of advantage to sollicit your lordships to forsake your ancient and most faithful friends the english , french and danes , and enter into a strict confederacy with your old enemy , and once your domineering tyrant , now seemingly atton'd , but what is most to be fear'd , only at present treacherously fawning to advance his own designs . certainly he , who of an inveterate enemy , lays hold of so slight an occasion of a sudden to become your counsellor , what is it that he would not take upon him ? where would his insolency stop , if once he could but see with his eyes , what now he onely ruminates and labours in his thoughts ; that is to say , division and a civil war among the protestants ? we are not ignorant , that your lordships , out of your deep wisdom , frequently revolve in your minds what the posture of all europe is , and what more especially the condition of the protestants : that the cantons of switzerland adhering to the orthodox faith , are in daily expectation of new troubles to be rais'd by their countrey-men embracing the popish ceremonies ; scarcely recover'd from that war which for the sake of religion was kindled and blown up by the spaniards , who suppli'd their enemies both with commanders and money : that the councils of the spaniards are still contriving to continue the slaughter and destruction of the piemontois , which was cruelly put in execution the last year : that the protestants under the jurisdiction of the emperor are most grievously harass'd , having much ado to keep possession of their native homes : that the king of sweden , whom god , as we hope , has rais'd up to be a most stout defender of the orthodox faith , is at present waging with all the force of his kingdom a doubtful and bloody war with the most potent enemies of the reformed religion : that your own provinces are threatened with hostile confederacies of the princes your neighbours , headed by the spaniards ; and lastly , that we our selves are busied in a war proclaim'd against the king of spain . in this posture of affairs , if any contest should happen between your lordships and the king of sweden , how miserable would be the condition of all the reformed churches over all europe , expos'd to the cruelty and fury of unsanctifi'd enemies ? these cares not slightly seize us ; and we hope your sentiments to be the same ; and that out of your continu'd zeal for the common cause of the protestants , and to the end the present peace between brethren professing the same faith , the same hope of eternity , may be preserv'd inviolable , your lordships will accommodate your counsels to these considerations , which are to be preferr'd before all others ; and that you will leave nothing neglected that may conduce to the establishing tranquility and union between your lordships and the king of sweden . wherein if we can any way be useful , as far as our authority , and the favour you bear us will sway with your lordships , we freely offer our utmost assistance , prepared in like manner to be no less serviceable to the king of sweden , to whom we design a speedy embassie , to the end we may declare our sentiments at large concerning these matterso we hope , moreover , that god will bend your minds on both sides to moderate counsels and so restrain your animosities , that no provocation may be given either by the one or the other , to fester your differences to extremity : but that on the other side both parties will remove whatever may give offence , or occasion of jealousie to the other . which if you shall vouchsafe to do , you will disappoint your enemies , prove the consolation of your friends , and in the best manner provide for the welfare of your republick . and this we beseech you to be fully convinc'd of , that we shall use our utmost care to make appear , upon all occasions , our extraordinary affection and good-will to the states of the vnited provinces . and so we most earnestly implore the almighty god to perpetuate his blessings of peace , wealth and liberty upon your republick , but above all things to preserve it always flourishing in the love of the christian faith , and the true worship of his name . from our palace at westminster , aug. — . your high and mightinesses most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , to the most serene prince , john king of portugal . most serene prince , upon the th . of july last , old-stile , we receiv'd by thomas maynard the ratification of the peace negotiated at london , by your extraordinary embassador , as also of the private and preliminary articles , all now confirm'd by your majesty : and by our letters from philip medows , our agent at lisbon , dated the same time , we understand that our ratification also of the same peace and articles , was by him , according to our orders sent him , deliver'd to your majesty : and thus , the instruments of the foremention'd ratification being mutually interchang'd on both sides in the begining of june last , there is now a firm and settl'd peace between both nations . and this pacification has given us no small occasion of joy and satisfaction , as believing it will prove to the common benefit of both nations , and to the no slight detriment of our common enemies , who as they found out a means to disturb the former league , so they left nothing neglected to have hinder'd the renewing of this . nor do we question in the least , that they will omit any occasion of creating new matter for scandals and jealousies between us . which we however have constantly determin'd , as much as in us lies , to remove at a remote distance from our thoughts ; rather we so earnestly desire , that this our alliance may beget a mutual confidence greater every day then other , that we shall take them for our enemies , who shall by any artifices endeavour to molest the friendship by this peace establish'd between our selves and both our people . and we readily perswade our selves , that your majesty's thoughts and intentions are the same . and whereas it has pleas'd your majesty , by your letters dated the th . of june , and some days after the delivery by our agent of the interchang'd instrument of confirm'd peace , to mention certain clauses of the league , of which you desir'd some little alteration , being of small moment to this republick , as your majesty believes , but of great importance to the kingdom of portugal , we shall be ready to enter into a particular treaty in order to those proposals made by your majesty , or whatever else may conduce , in the judgment of both parties , to the farther establishment and more strongly fastning of the league : wherein we shall have those due considerations of your majesty and your subjects , as also of our own people , that all may be satisfi'd ; and it shall be in your choice , whether these things shall be negotiated at lisbon or at london . however , the league being now confirm'd , and duly seal'd with the seals of both nations , to alter any part of it , would be the same thing as to annul the whole ; which we are certainly assur'd your majesty by no means desires to do . we heartily wish all things lucky , all things prosperous to your majesty . from our palace at westminster , august — . your majesties most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , john king of portugal . most serene king , we have receiv'd the unwelcome news of a wicked and inhuman attempt to have murther'd our agent philip medows , residing with your majesty , and by us sent upon the blessed errand of peace ; the hainousness of which was such , that his preservation is onely to be attributed to the protection of heaven . and we are given to understand by your letters dated the th . of may last , and deliver'd to us by thomas maynard , that your majesty justly incens'd at the horridness of the fact , has commanded inquiry to be made after the criminals , to the end they may be brought to condign punishment : but we do not hear that any of the ruffians are yet apprehended , or that your commands have wrought any effect in this particular . wherefore we thought it our duty openly to declare how deeply we resent this barbarous outrage in part attempted , and in part committed : and therefore we make it our request to your majesty , that due punishment may be inflicted upon the authors , associates , and encouragers of this abominable fact. and to the end that this may be the more speedily accomplish'd , we farther demand , that persons of honesty and sincerity , well-wishers to the peace of both nations , may be entrusted with the examination of this business , that so a due scrutiny may be made into the bottom of this malicious contrivance , to the end both authors and assistants may be the more severely punish'd . unless this be done , neither your majesty's justice , nor the honour of this republick can be vindicated ; neither can there be any stable assurance of the peace between both nations . we wish your majesty all things fortunate and prosperous . from our palace at white-hall , august — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver , protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most illustrious lord , the conderd ' odemira . most illustrious lord , your singular good-will toward us and this republick , has laid no mean obligation upon us , nor slightly ti'd us to acknowledgment . we readily perceiv'd it by your letters of the th . of june last , as also by those which we receiv'd from our agent philip meadows , sent into portugal to conclude the peace in agitation ; wherein he inform'd us of your extraordinary zeal and diligence to promote the pacification , of which we most joyfully receiv'd the last ratification ; and we perswade our selves , that your lordship will have no cause to repent either of your pains and diligence in procuring this peace , or of your good-will to the english , or your fidelity toward the king , your sovereign ; more especially considering the great hopes we have , that this peace will be of high advantage to both nations , and not a little inconvenient to our enemies . the onely accident that fell out unfortunate and mournful in this negotiation , was that unhallow'd villanany nefariously attempted upon the person of our agent , philip medows . the conceal'd authors of which intended piece of inhumanity , ought no less diligently to be sought after , and made examples to posterity , then the vilest of most openly detected assassinates . nor can we doubt in the least of your king's severity and justice in the punishment of a crime so horrid , nor of your care and sedulity to see that there be no remissness of prosecution ; as being a person bearing due veneration to the laws of god , and sanctity among men , and no less zealous to maintain the peace between both nations ; which never can subsist if such inhuman barbarities as these escape unpunish'd and unreveng'd . but your abhorrency and detestation of the fact is so well known , that there is no need of insisting any more at present upon this unpleasing subject . therefore , having thus declar'd our good-will and affection to your lordship , of which we shall be always ready to give apparent demonstrations , there nothing remains , but to implore the blessings of divine favour and protection upon you , and all yours . from our palace at westm . aug. — . your lordship 's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england &c. to the most serene prince charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandals , &c. most serene king , our dearest friend and confederate , being assur'd of your majesty's concurrence both in thoughts and councels , for the defence of the protestant faith against the enemies of it , if ever , now at this time , most dangerously vexatious , though we cannot but rejoyce at your prosperous successes , and the daily tidings of your victories , yet on the other side we cannot but be as deeply afflicted to meet with one thing that disturbs and interrupts our joy ; we mean , the bad news , intermix'd with so many welcome tydings , that the ancient friendship between your majesty and the states of the vnited provinces , looks with a dubious aspect , and that the mischief is exasperated to that heighth , especially in the baltick sea , as seems to bode an unhappy rupture . we confess our selves ignorant of the causes ; but we too easily foresee that the events , which god avert , will be fatal to the interests of the protestants . and therefore , as well in respect to that most strict alliance between us and your majesty , as out of that affection and love to the reformed religion , by which we all of us ought chiefly to be swai'd , we thought it our duty , as we have most earnestly exhorted the states of the vnited provinces to peace and moderation , so now to perswade your majesty to the same . the protestants have enemies every where enow and to spare , inflam'd with inexorable revenge ; they never were known to have conspir'd more perniciously to our destruction , witness the valleys of piemont , still reaking with the blood and slaughter of the miserable ; witness austria , lately turmoil'd with the emperor's edicts and proscriptions ; witness switzerland ; but to what purpose is it in many words to call back the bitter lamentations and remembrance of so many calamities ? who so ignorant , as not to know that the counsels of the spaniards , and the roman pontiff , for these two years have fill'd all these places with conflagrations , slaughter , and vexation of the orthodox . if to these mischiefs there should happen an access of dissention among protestant brethren , more especially between two potent states , upon whose courage , wealth and fortitude , so far as human strength may be reli'd upon , the support and hopes of all the reformed churches depend , of necessity the protestant religion must be in great jeopardy , if not upon the brink of destruction . on the other side , if the whole protestant name would but observe perpetual peace among themselves with that same brotherly union as becomes their profession , there would be no occasion to fear what all the artifices or puissance of our enemies could do to hurt us , which our fraternal concord and harmony alone would easily repel and frustrate . and therefore we most earnestly request and beseech your majesty to harbour in your mind propitious thoughts of peace , and inclinations ready bent to repair the breaches of your pristin friendship with the vnited provinces , if in any part it may have accidentally suffer'd the decays of mistakes or misconstruction . if there be any thing wherein our labour , our fidelity and diligence may be useful toward this composure , we offer and devote all to your service . and may the god of heaven favour and prosper your noble and pious resolutions , which together with all felicity , and a perpetual course of victory we cordially wish to your majesty . from our palace at westm . aug. — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the states of holland . most high and mighty lords , our dearest friends , it has bin represented to us , by william cooper a minister of london , and our countrey-man , that john le maire of amsterdam , his father-in-law , about three and thirty years ago devis'd a project , by which the revenues of your republick might be very much advanc'd without any burthen to the people , and made an agreement with john vandenbrook to share between 'em the reward which they should obtain for their invention , which was the setling of a little seal to be made use of in all the provinces of your territories , and for which your high and mightinesses promis'd to pay the said vandenbrook and his heirs the yearly sum of gilders , or english pounds . now although the use and method of this little seal has bin found very easy and expeditious , and that ever since great incomes have thereby accru'd to your high and mightinesses and some of your provinces , nevertheless nothing of the said reward , tho with much importunity demanded , has bin paid to this day ; so that the said vandenbrook and le maire being tir'd out with long delays , the right of the said grant is devolv'd to the foresaid william cooper , our countrey-man ; who desirous to reap the fruit of his father-in-law's industry , has petition'd us , that we would recommend his just demands to your high and mightinesses , which we thought not reasonable to deny him . wherefore , in most friendly wise , we request your high and mightenesses favourably to hear the petition of the said william cooper , and to take such care , that the reward and stipend , so well deserv'd , and by contract agreed and granted , may be paid him annually from this time forward , together with the arrears of the years already pass'd . which not doubting but your high and mightinesses will vouchsafe to perform , as what is no more then just and becoming your magnificence , we shall be ready to shew the same favour to the petitions of your countrey-men upon any occasions of the same nature , whenever presented to us . from our palace at white-hall , september — . your high and mightinesses most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , lewis king of france . most serene king , our dearest friend and confederate , against our will it is that we so often trouble your majesty with the wrongs done by your subjects , after a peace so lately renew'd . but as we are fully perswaded that your majesty disapproves their being committed , so neither can we be wanting to the complaints of our people . that the ship anthony of dieppe was legally taken before the league , manifestly appears by the sentence of the judges of our admiralty court. part of the lading , that is to say , four thousand hides , robert brown , a merchant of london fairly bought of those who were entrusted with the sale , as they themselves testify . the same merchant , after the peace was confirm'd , carri'd to dieppe about two hundred of the same hides , and there having sold 'em to a currier , thought to have receiv'd his money , but found it stopt and attach'd in the hands of his factor ; and a suit being commenc'd against him , he could obtain no favour in that court. wherefore , we thought it proper to request your majesty , that the whole matter may be referr'd to your council , that so the said money may be discharg'd from an unjust and vexatious action . for if acts done and adjudg'd before the peace , shall after peace renew'd be call'd into question and controversy , we must look upon assurance of treaties to be a thing of little moment . nor will there be any end of these complaints , if some of these violators of leagues be not made severee and timely examples to others . which we hope your majesty will speedily take into your care. to whom god almighty in the mean time vouchsafe his most holy protection . from our palace at white-hall , september — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , john , king of portugal . most serene king , the peace being happily concluded between this republick and the kingdom of portugal , and what refers to trade being duly provided for and ratifi'd , we deem'd it necessary to send to your majesty thomas maynard , from whom you will receive these letters to reside in your dominions , under the character and employment of a consul , and to take care of the estates and interests of our merchants . now in regard it may frequently so fall out , that he may be enforc'd to desire the privilege of free admission to your majesty , as well in matters of trade , as upon other occasions for the interest of our republick , we make it our request to your majesty , that you will vouchsafe him favourable access and audience , which we shall acknowledge as a singular demonstration and testimony of your majesties good-will toward us . in the mean tlme we beseech almighty god to bless your majesty with all prosperity . from our court at westm . october — . your majesties most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the king of the swedes . most serene and potent king , although your majesty's wonted and spontaneous favour and good-will toward all deserving men be such , that all recommendations in their behalf may seem superfluous , yet we were unwilling to dismiss without our letters to your majesty , this noble person , william vavassour knight , serving under your banners , and now returning to your majesty : which we have done so much the more willingly , being inform'd , that formerly following your majesty's fortunate conduct , he had lost his blood in several combats to assert the noble cause for which you fight . insomuch , that the succeeding kings of swedeland in renumeration of his military skill , and bold atchievements in war , rewarded him with lands and annual pensions , as the guerdons of his prowess . nor do we question but that he may be of great use to your majesty in your present wars , who has bin so long conspicuous for his fidelity and experience in military affairs . 't is our desire therefore that he may be recommended to your majesty according to his merits , and we also farther request , that he may be paid the arrears that are due to him . this , as it will be most acceptable to us , so we shall be ready , upon the like occasion , whenever offer'd , to gratify your majesty , to whom we wish all happiness and prosperity . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , john king of portugal . most serene king , our dearest friend and confederate , thomas evans , a master of a ship , and our countrey-man , has presented a petition to us , wherein he sets forth , that in the years . and . he serv'd the brafile company with his ship the scipio , being a vessel of four hunder'd tuns , and of which he was master : that the said ship was taken from him , with all the lading and furniture by your majesties command ; by which he has receiv'd great damage , besides the loss of six years gain arising out of such a stock . the commissioners by the league appointed on both sides for the deciding controversies , valu'd the whole at seven thousand of our pounds , or twice as many milreys of portugal money , as they made their report to us . which loss falling so heavy upon the foresaid thomas , and being constrain'd to make a voyage to lisbon for the recovery of his estate , he humbly besought us that we would grant him our letters to your majesty in favour of his demands . we therefore , although we wrote the last year in behalf of our merchants in general to whom the brasile company was indebted , nevertheless that we may not be wanting to any that implore our aid , request your majesty , in regard to that friendship which is between us , that consideration may be had of this man in particular , and that your majesty would give such orders to all your ministers and officers , that no obstacle may hinder him from demanding and recovering without delay , what is owing to him from the brasile company , or any other persons . god almighty bless your majesty with perpetual felicity , and grant that our friendship may long endure . from our palace at westm . october — . your mrjesty's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the illustrious and magnificent senate of hamborough . most noble , magnificent , and right worshipful , james and patrick hays , subjects of this commonwealth , have made grievous complaint before us , that they being lawful heirs of their brother alexander , who dy'd intestate , were so declar'd by a sentence of your court pronounc'd in their behalf against their brother's widow ; and the estates of their deceas'd brother , together with the profits , onely the widow's dowre excepted , being adjudg'd to them by vertue of that sentence ; nevertheless , to this very day they could never reap any benefit of their pains and expences in obtaining the said judgment , notwithstanding their own declar'd right , and letters formerly written by king charles in their behalf ; for that the great power and wealth of albertvan eyzen , one of your chief magistrates , and with whom the greatest part of the goods was deposited , was an opposition too potent for them to surmount , whilst he strove all that in him lay that the goods might not be restor'd to the heirs . thus disappointed and tir'd out with delays , and at length reduc'd to utmost poverty , they are become suppliants to us that we would not forsake 'em , wrong'd and oppress'd as they are in a confederated city . we therefore believing it to be a chief part of our duty , not to suffer any countrey-man of ours in vain to desire our patronage and succour in distress , make this request to your lordships , which we are apt to think we may easily obtain from your city , that the sentence pronounc'd in behalf of the two brothers may be ratifi'd and duly executed according to the intents and purposes for which it was given ; and that you will not suffer any longer delay of justice , by any appeal to the chamber of spire , upon any pretence whatever : for we have requir'd the opinions of our lawyers , which we have sent to your lordships fairiy written and sign'd . but if intreaty and fair means will nothing avail , of necessity ( and which is no more then according to the customary law of nations , though we are unwilling to come to that extremity ) the severity of retaliation must take its course ; which we hope your prudence will take care to prevent . from our palace at westm . octob. . . your lordships most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent lewis , king of france . most serene and potent king , our dearest friend and confederate , we are apt to believe that your majesty receiv'd our letters dated the th of may , of the last year , wherein we wrote that john dethic , mayor of london that year , and william waterford , merchant , had by their petition set forth , that a certain vessel , call'd the jonas , freighted with goods upon their accompt , and bound for dunkirk , then under the jurisdiction of the french , was taken at the very mouth of the thames , by a sea-rover , pretending a commission from the son of the late king charles : which being directly contrary to your edicts , and the decrees of your council , that no english ship taken by the enemies of the parliament , should be admitted into any of your ports , and there put to sale , they demanded restitution of the said ship and goods from m. lestrade , then governor of the town , who return'd 'em an answer no way becoming a person of his quality , or who pretended obedience to his sovereign ; that the government was conferr'd upon him for his good service in the wars , and therefore he would make his best advantage of it , that is to say , by right or wrong ; for that he seem'd to drive at : as if he had receiv'd that government of your majesties free gift , to authorize him in the robbing your confederates , and contemning your edicts , set forth in their favour . for what the king of france forbids his subjects any way to have a hand in , that the king's governor has not only suffer'd to be committed in your ports , but he himself becomes the pirate , seizes the prey , and openly avouches the fact. with this answer therefore the merchants departed , altogether baffl'd and disappointed ; and this we signifi'd by our letters to your majesty the last year with little better success ; for as yet we have receiv'd no reply to those letters . of which we are apt to believe the reason was , because the governor was with the army in flanders ; but now he resides at paris , or rather flutters unpunish'd about the city , and at court enrich'd with the spoils of our merchants . once more therefore , we make it our request to your majesty , which it is your majesty's interest in the first place to take care of , that no person whatever may dare to justify the wrongs done to your majesty's confederates by the contempt of your royal edicts . nor can this cause be properly referr'd to the commissioners appointed for deciding common controversies on both sides ; since in this case , not only the rights of confederates , but your authority it self , and the veneration due to the royal name , are chiefly in dispute . and it would be a wonder , that merchants should be more troubled for their losses , then your majesty provok'd at incroachments upon your honour . which while you disdain to brook , with the same labour you will demonstrate that you neither repent of your friendly edicts in favour of our republick , nor conniv'd at the injuries done by your subjects , nor neglected to give due respect to our demands . from our court at westminster , novemb. — . your majesty's most bounden by good-will , by friendship and solemn league , oliver protector of the commonwealth , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , frederic iii. king of danemark , norway , the vandals and goths ; duke of sleswich , holsatia , stormatia and dithmarsh ; count in oldenburgh and delmenhorst , &c. most serene and potent king , our dearest friend and confederate , we receiv'd your majesty's letters , dated the th of february , from copenhagen , by the most worthy simon de pitkum , your majesty's agent here residing . which when we had perus'd , the demonstrations of your majesty's good-will towards us , and the importance of the matter concerning which you write , affected us to that degree , that we design'd forthwith to send to your majesty some person , who being furnish'd with ample instructions from us , might more at large declare to your majesty our counsels in that affair . and tho we have still the same resolutions , yet hitherto we have not been at leisure to think of a person proper to be entrusted with those commands , which the weight of the matter requires ; tho in a short time we hope to be more at liberty . in the mean while , we thought it not convenient any longer to delay the letting your majesty understand , that the present condition of affairs in europe has employ'd the greatest part of our care and thoughts ; while for some years , to our great grief , we have beheld the protestant princes and supream magistrates of the reformed republicks , ( whom it rather behoves , as being engag'd by the common tye of religion and safety , to combine and study all the ways imaginable conducing to mutual defence ) more and more at weakning variance among themselves , and jealous of each other's actions and designs ; putting their friends in fear , their enemies in hope , that the posture of affairs bodes rather enmity and discord , then a firm agreement of mind to defend and assist each other . and this sollicitude has fix'd it self so much the deeper in our thoughts , in regard there seems to appear some sparkles of jealousy between your majesty and the king of sweden ; at least , that there is not that conjunction of affections , which our love and good-will in general toward the orthodox religion so importunately requires ; your majesty , perhaps , suspecting that the trade of your dominions will be prejudic'd by the king of sweden ; and on the other side , the king of sweden being jealous , that by your means the war , which he now wages , is made more difficult , and that you oppose him in his contracting those alliances which he seeks . 't is not unknown to your majesty , so eminent for your profound wisdom , how great the danger is that threatens the protestant religion , should such suspicions long continue between two such potent monarchs ; more especially , which god avert , if any symptom of hostility should break forth . however it be , for our parts , as we have earnestly exhorted the king of sweden , and the states of the vnited provinces to peace , and moderate counsels ( and are beyond expression glad to behold peace and concord renew'd between them ; for that the heads of that league are transmitted to us by their lordships , the states-general ) so we thought it our duty , and chiefly becoming our friendship , not to conceal from your majesty what our sentiments are concerning these matters , ( more especially being so affectionately invited so to do by your majesty's most friendly letters ; which we look upon , and embrace , as a most singular testimony of your good-will toward us ) but to lay before your eyes , how great a necessity divine providence has impos'd upon us all , that profess the protestant religion , to study peace among our selves , and that chiefly at this time , when our most embittered enemies seem to have on every side conspir'd our destruction . there 's no necessity of calling to remembrance the valleys of piemont still besmear'd with the blood and slaughter of the miserable inhabitants ; nor austria , tormented at the same time with the emperor's decrees and proscriptions ; nor the impetuous onsets of the popish upon the protestant switzers . who can be ignorant , that the artifices and machinations of the spaniards , for some years last past , have fill'd all these places with the confus'd and blended havock of fire and sword ? to which unfortunate pile of miseries , if once the reformed brethren should come to add their own dissentions among themselves , and more especially two such potent monarchs , the chiefest part of our strength , and among whom so large a provision of the protestants security and puissance lies stor'd and hoarded up against times of danger , most certainly the interests of the protestants must go to ruine , and suffer a total and irrecoverable eclipse . on the other side , if peace continue firmly fix'd between two such powerful neighbours , and the rest of the orthodox princes ; if we would but make it our main study to abide in brotherly concord , there would be no cause , by god's assistance , to fear neither the force nor subtilty of our enemies ; all whose endeavours , and laborious toils , our union alone would be able to dissipate and frustrate . nor do we question , but that your majesty , as you are freely willing , so your willingness will be constant in contributing your utmost assistance to procure this blessed peace . to which purpose , we shall be most ready to communicate , and join our counsels with your majesty ; professing a real and cordial friendship , and not only determin'd inviolably to observe the amity so auspiciously contracted between us , but as god shall enable us , to bind our present alliance with a more strict and fraternal bond. in the mean time , the same eternal god grant all things prosperous and successful to your majesty . from our caurt at white-hall , decem. — . your majesties most closely united by friendship , alliance and good-will , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and illustrious prince and lord , the lord william , lantgrave of hess , prince of herefeldt , count in cutzenellebogen , decia ligenhain , widda and schaunburg , &c. most serene prince , we had return'd an answer to your letters sent us now near a twelvemonth since , for which we beg your highnesses pardon , had not many , and those the most important affairs of the republick under our care , constrain'd us to this unwilling silence . for what letters could be more grateful to us , then those which are written from a most religius prince , descended from religious ancestors , in order to settle the peace of religion , and the harmony of the church ? which letters attribute to us the same inclinations , the same zeal to promote the peace of christendom , not only in your own , but in the opinion and judgment of almost all the christian world , and which we are most highly glad to find so universally ascrib'd to our selves . and how far our endeavours have been signal formerly throughout these three kingdoms , and what we have effected by our exhortations , by our sufferings , by our conduct , but chiefly by divine assistance , the greatest part of our people both well know , and are sensible of , in a deep tranquility of their consciences . the same peace we have wish'd to the churches of germany , whose dissentions have been too sharp , and of too too long endurance ; and by our agent dury , for many years in vain endeavouring the same reconciliation , we have cordially offer'd whatever might conduce on our part to the same purpose . we still persevere in the same determinations , and wish the same fraternal charity one among another , to those churches . but how difficult a task it is to settle peace among those sons of peace , as they give out themselves to be , to our extream grief , we more then abundantly understand . for that the reformed , and those of the augustan confession , should cement together in a communion of one church , is hardly ever to be expected : 't is impossible by force to prohibit either from defending their opinions , whether in private disputes , or by publick writings . for force can never consist with ecclesiastical tranquility . this only were to be wish'd , that they who differ , would suffer themselves to be entreated , that they would disagree more civilly and with more moderation ; and notwithstanding their disputes , love one another ; not imbitter'd against each other as enemies , but as brethren , dissenting onely in trifles , though in the fundamentals of faith most cordially agreeing . with inculcating and perswading these things , we shall never be wearied ; beyond that , there is nothing allow'd to human force or counsels : god will accomplish his own work in his own time . in the mean while , you , most serene prince , have left behind ye a noble testimony of your affection to the churches , an eternal monument becoming the vertue of your ancestors , and an exemplar worthy to be follow'd by all princes . it only then remains for us to implore the merciful and great god to crown your highness with all the prosperity in other things which you can wish for ; but not to change your mind , then which you cannot have a better , since a better cannot be , nor more piously devoted to his glory . westm . march — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , the duke of curland . most serene prince , we have bin abundantly satisfi'd of your affection to us , as well at other times , as when you kindly entertain'd our embassador in his journey to the duke of muscovy , for some days together making a stop in your territories : now we are no less confident that your highness will give us no less obliging testimonies of your justice and equity , as well out of your own good nature , as at our request . for we are given to understand , that one john johnson , a scotchman , and master of a certain ship of yours , having faithfully discharg'd his duty for years together in the service of your highness , as to your highness is well known , at length deliver'd the said ship , call'd the whale , in the mouth of the river , according as the custome is , to one of your pilots , by him to be carried safe into harbour . but it so fell out , that the pilot being ignorant of his duty , though frequently warned and admonish'd by the said johnson , as he has prov'd by several witnesses , the said ship ran aground and split to pieces , not through any fault of the master , but through the want of skill , or obstinacy of the pilot. which being so , we make it our earnest request to your highness , that neither the said shipwrack may be imputed to the foremention'd johnson , the master , nor that he may upon that account be depriv'd of the wages due to him ; by the onely enjoyment of which , he having lately suffer'd another misfortune at sea , he hopes however to support and comfort himself in the extremity of his wants . from our court at westm . march — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most noble the consuls and senators of the republick of dantzick . most noble and magnificent , our dearest friends , we have always esteem'd your city , flourishing in industry , wealth , and studious care to promote all useful arts and sciences , fit to be compar'd with any the most noble cities of europe . now in regard that in this war , that has long bin hovering about your confines , you have rather chosen to side with the polanders , then with the swedes ; we are most heartily desirous , that for the sake of that religion which you embrace , and of your ancient commerce with the english , you would chiefly adhere to those counsels , which may prove most agreeable to the glory of god , and the dignity and splendour of your city . wherefore we intreat ye , for the sake of that friendship which has bin long establish'd between your selves and the english nation , and if our reputation have obtaine'd any favour or esteem among ye , to set at liberty count conismark , conspicuous among the principal of the swedish captains , and a person singularly fam'd for his conduct in war , but by the treachery of his own people surpris'd at sea ; wherein you will do no more then what the laws of war , not yet exasperated to the heighth , allow ; or if you think this is not so agreeable to your interests , that you will however deem him worthy a more easy and less severe confinement . which of these two favours soever you shall determin to grant us , you will certainly perform an act becoming the reputation of your city , and highly oblige besides the most famous warriers and most eminent captains of all parties ; and lastly , lay upon our selves an obligation not the meanest ; and perhaps it may be worth your interest to gratify us . from our court at westm . april — . your lordships most affectionate , oliver , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , scotland , and ireland , &c. to the most serene aud potent prince and lord , emperor and great duke of all russia , sole lord of volodomaria , moscow and novograge , king of cazan , astracan and syberia , lord of vobscow , great duke of smolensko , tuerscoy , and other places . lord and great duke of novogrod , and the lower provinces of chernigoy , rezansco and others . lord of all the northern climes ; also lord of eversco , cartalinsca , and many other places . all men know how ancient the friendship , and how vast the trade has bin for a long train of years between the english nation and the people of your empire : but that singular vertue , most august emperor , which in your majesty far outshines the glory of your ancestors ; and the high opinion which all the neighbouring princes have of it , more especially moves us to pay a more then ordinary veneration and affection to your majesty , and to desire the imparting of some things to your consideration , which may conduce to the good of christendome and your own interests . wherefore , we have sent the most accomplish'd richard bradshaw , a person of whose fidelity , integrity , prudence , and experience in affairs , we are well assur'd , as having bin imploy'd by us in several other negotiations of this nature , under the character of our agent to your majesty ; to the end he may more at large make known to your majesty our singular good will and high respect toward so puissant a monarch , and transact with your majesty concerning the matters above-mention'd . him therefore we request your majesty favourably to receive in our name , and as often as shall be requisite to grant him free access to your person , and no less gracious audience ; and lastly , to give the same credit to him in all things which he shall propose or negotiate , as to our selves if we were personally present . and so we beseech almighty god to bless your majesty and the russian empire with all prosperity . from our court at westm . april — . your majesty's most affectionate , oliver , protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths , and vandals , &c. most serene and potent king , our dearest friend and confederate , the most honourable william jepson , collonel of horse , and a senator in our parlament , who will have the honour to deliver these letters to your majesty , will make known to your majesty , with what disturbance and grief of mind we receiv'd the news of the fatal war broke out between your majesty and the king of danemark , and how much it is our cordial and real endeavour , not to neglect any labour or duty of ours , as far as god enables us , that some speedy remedy may be appli'd to this growing mischief , and those calamites averted , which of necessity this war will bring upon the common cause of religion ; more especially at this time , now that our adversaries unite their forces and pernicious counsels against the profession and professors of the orthodox faith. these and some other considerations of great importance to the benefit and publick interests of both nations , have induc'd us to send this gentleman to your majesty under the character of our extraordinary envoy . whom we therefore desire your majesty kindly to receive , and to give credit to him in all things which he shall have to impart to your majesty in our name ; as being a person in whose fidelity and prudence we very much confide . we also farther request , that your majesty will be pleas'd fully to assure your self of our good-will and most undoubted zeal , as well toward your majesty , as for the prosperity of your affairs . of which we shall be readily prepar'd with all imaginable willingness of mind to give unquestionable testimonies upon all occasions . from our court at westminster , august — . your majesty's friend , and most strictly co-united confederate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , the lord frederick william , marquess of brandenburgh , high chamberlain of the imperial empire , and prince elector , duke of magdeburgh , prussia , juliers , cleves , monts , stettin , pomerania , of the cassiubiands and vandals , as also of silesia , crosna , and carnovia , burgravae of norrinburgh . prince of halberstadt and minda , count of mark and ravensbergh , lord in ravenstein . most serene prince , our dearest friend and confederate such is the fame of your highness's vertue and prudence both in peace and war , and so loudly spread through all the world , that all the princes round about are ambitious of your friendship ; nor does any one desire a more faithful or constant friend and associate : therefore to the end your highness may know that we are also in the number of those that have the highest and most honourable thoughts of your person and merits , so well deserving of the commonwealth of christendome ; we have sent the most worthy col. will. jepson , a senator in our parlament , in our name to kiss your majesties hands , and with all to wish the continuance of all prosperity to your affairs , and in words at large to express our good-will and affection to your serenity ; and therefore make it our request , that you will vouchsafe to give him credit in those matters concerning which he has instructions to treat with your majesty , as if all things were attested and confirm'd by our personal presence . from our court at white-hall , august — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most noble the consuls and senators of the city of hamborough . most noble , most magnificent and worthy , the most accomplish'd , collonel william jepson , a senator in our parlament , being sent by us to the most serene king of sweden , is to travel through your city ; and therefore we have given him in command , not to pass by your lordships unsaluted in our name ; and withall to make it our request , that you will be ready to assist him upon whatsoever occasion he shall think it requisite to crave the aid of your authority and counsel . which the more willingly you shall do , the more you shall find you have acquir'd our favour . from our court at westminster , august — . to the most noble the consuls and senators of the city of breme . how great our affection is toward your city , how particular our good-will , as well upon the account of your religion , as for the celebrated splendor of your city , as formerly you have found , so when occasion offers , you shall be farther sensible . at present , in regard the most accomplish'd collonel , william jepson , a senator in our parlament , is to travel through bremen with the character of our envoy extraordinary to the king of sweden , 't is our pleasure that he salute your lordships lovingly and friendly in our name : and that if any accident fall out , wherein your assistance and friendship may be serviceable to him , that he may have free admission to desire it , upon the score of our alliance . wherein we are confident you will the less be wanting , by how much the more reason you will have to be assur'd of our singular love and kindness for your lordships . from our court at white-hall , august — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most noble the senators and consuls of the city of lubeck . most noble , magnificent , and right worshipful our dearest friends , collonel william jepson , a person of great honour , and a senator in our parlament , is to pass with the character of a publick minister from your city to the king of sweden , encamping not far from it . wherefore we desire your lordships , that if occasion require , upon the account of the friendship and commerce between us , you will be assistant to him in his journey through your city , and the territories under your jurisdiction . as to what remains , it is our farther pleasure , that you be saluted in our name , and that you be assur'd of our good-will and ready inclinations to serve your lordships . from our court at westminster , august — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the city of hamborough . most noble , magnificent , and right worshipful , philip meadows , who brings these letters to your lordships , is to travel through your city , with the character of our agent , to the king of danemark . therefore we most earnestly recommend him to your lordships , that if any occasion should happen for him to desire it , you would be ready to aid him with your authority and assistance : and we desire that this our recommendation may have the same weight at present with your lordships as formerly it wont to have ; nor shall we be wanting to your lordships , upon the same opportunities . from our court at white-hall , august — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england &c. to the most sereae prince frederick heir of norway , duke of sleswic , holsatia , and ditmarsh , count in oldenburgh and delmenhorst . most serene prince , our dearest friend , collonel william jepson , a person truly noble in his countrey , and a senator in our parlament , is sent by us , as our envoy extraordinary to the most serene king of sweden ; and may it prove happy and prosperous for the common peace and interests of christendome . we have given him instructions , among other things , that in his journey , after he has kiss'd your serenities hands in our name , and declar'd our former good-will and constant zeal for your welfare , to request of your serenity also , that being guarded with your authority , he may travel with safety and convenience through your territories . by which kind act of civility your highness will in a greater measure oblige us to returns of answerable kindness . from our court at westm . august — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , ferdinand great duke of tuscany . most serene great duke , our dearest friend , the company of our merchants , trading to the eastern coasts of the mediterranean sea , by their petition to us have set forth , that william ellis , master of a ship call'd the little lewis , being at alexandria in egypt , was hir'd by the basha of memphis , to carry rice , sugar , and coffee , either to constantinople or smyrna , for the use of the grand seignior ; but that contrary to his faith and promise given , he bore away privately from the ottoman fleet , and brought his ship and lading to leghorn ; where now he lives in possession of his prey . which villanous act , being of dangerous example , as exposing the christian name to scandal , and the fortunes of our merchants living under the turks to violence and ransack ; we therefore make it our request to your highness , that you will give command that the said master be apprehended and imprison'd , and that the vessel and goods may remain under seizure , till we shall have given notice of our care , for the restitution of those goods to the sultan : assuring your highness of our readiness to make suitable returns of gratitude whenever opportunity presents it self . from our court at westm . septemb. — . your highness's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , the lord frederic william marquiss of brandenburgh , &c. most serene prince , our most dear friend and confederate , by our last letters to your highness , either already or shortly to be deliver'd by our embassador william jepson , we have imparted the substance of our embassy to your highness ; which we could not do without some mention of your great vertues , and demonstration of our own good will and affection . nevertheless , that we may not seem too superficially to have glided over your transcending deservings of the protestant interests ; we thought it proper to resume the same subject , and pay our respect and veneration , not more willingly , or with a greater fervency of mind , but somewhat more at large , to your highness . and truly most deservedly , when daily information reaches our ears , that your faith and conscience , by all manner of artifices tempted and assail'd , by all manner of arts and devices solicited , yet cannot be shaken , or by any violence be rent from your friendship and alliance with a most magnanimous prince and your confederate : and this , when the affairs of the swedes are now reduc'd to that condition , that in adhering to their alliance , 't is manifest that your highness rather consults the common cause of the reformed religion , then your own advantage . and when your highness is almost surrounded and besieg'd by enemies , either privately lurking , or almost at your gates ; yet such is your constancy and resolution of mind , such your conduct and prowess becoming a great general , that the burthen and massy bulk of the whole affair , and the event of this important war , seems to rest and depend upon your sole determination . wherefore your highness has no reason to question but that you may rely upon our friendship and unfeigned affection ; who should think our selves worthy to be forsaken of all men's good word , should we seem careless in the least of your unblemish'd fidelity , your constancy , and the rest of your applauded vertues , or should we pay less respect to your highness upon the common score of religion . as to those matters propounded by the most accomplish'd john frederic schlever , your counsellor and agent here residing , if hitherto we could not return an answer , such as we desir'd to do , though with all assiduity and diligence labour'd by your agent ; we intreat your highness to impute it to the present condition of our affairs , and to be assur'd , that there is nothing which we account more sacred , or more earnestly desire , then to be serviceable and assisting to your interests , so bound up with the cause of religion . in the mean time we beseech the god of mercy and power , that so signal a prowess and fortitude may never languish or be oppress'd , nor be depriv'd the fruit and due applause of all your pious undertakings . from our court at westminster , september — . your highness's most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most excellent lord , m. d. 〈◊〉 , extraordinary embassador from the most serene king of france . most excellent lord , lvcas lucie merchant of london , has made his complaint to the most serene lord protector , concerning a certain ship of his , call'd the mary ; which in her voyage from ireland to bayonne , being driven by tempest into the port of st. john de luz , was there detain'd by vertue of an arrest , at the suit of one martin de lazan ; nor could she be discharg'd till the merchants had given security to stand a tryal for the property of the said ship and lading . for martin pretended to have a great sum of money owing to him by the parlament for several goods of his which in the year . were seiz'd by authority of parlament ▪ in a 〈◊〉 ship call'd the santa clar●●… 〈◊〉 in manifest , that martin 〈…〉 the owner of the said 〈…〉 that he prosecuted the 〈…〉 owners richard and 〈…〉 with his pa●●ner , whole 〈◊〉 was antonio fernandez ; and that upon the said mar●●n and antonio's falling out among themselves , the parlament decreed that the said goods should be stop'd till the law should decide to which of the two they were to be restor'd . upon this , antony was desirous that the action should proceed ; on the other side , neither martin , nor any body for him , has hitherto appear'd in court : all which is evidently apparent by luca's petition hereto annex'd . so that it seems most unreasonable , that he who refus'd to try his pretended title with antonio , to other mens goods , in our own courts , should compel our people and the true owners to go to law for their own in a foreign dominion . and that the same is apparent to your excellency's equity and prudence , the most serene lord protector makes no question ; by whom i am therefore commanded in a particular manner to recommend this fair and honest cause of lucas lucy to your excellency's consideration ; to the end that martin , who neglects to try his pretended right here , may not under that pretence have an opportunity in the french dominions to deprive others of their rightful claims . westm . octob. — . your excellency's most affectionate . oliver protector of the commonweolth of england , &c. to the most serene duke , and senate of the republick of venice . most serene duke and senate , our dearest friends , so numerous are the tydings brought us of your fortunate successes against the turks , that there is nothing wherein we have more frequent occasion to employ our pens , then in congratulating your serenities for some signal victory . for this so recently obtain'd , we give ye joy , as being not onely most auspicious and seasonable to your republick , but which is more glorious , so greatly tending to the deliverance of all the christians groaning under turkish servitude . more particularly we recommend to your serenity and the senate thomas galily , formerly master of the ship call'd the relief , who for these five years together has bin a slave ; tho this be not the first time we have interceded in his behalf ; yet now we do it the more freely , as in a time of more then ordinary exultation . he , having receiv'd your commands to serve your republick with his ship , and engaging alone with several of the enemies gallies , sunk some , and made a great havock among the rest ; but at length his ship being burnt , the brave commander , and so well deserving of the venetian republick , was taken , and ever since for five years together , has endur'd a miserable bondage under the barbarians . to redeem himself he had not wherewithall ; for whatsoever he had , that he makes out , was owing to him by your highness and the senate , upon the account either of his ship , his goods , or for his wages . now in regard he may not want relief , and for that the enemy refuses to discharge him upon any other condition , then by exchange of some other person of equal value and reputation to himself , we most earnestly intreat your highness and the most serene senate , and the afflicted old man , father of the said thomas , full of grief and tears , which not a little mov'd us , by our intercession begs , that in regard so many prosperous combats have made ye masters of so many turkish prisoners , you will exchange some one of their number , whom the enemy will accept for so stout a seaman taken in your service , our countreyman , and the onely son of a most sorrowful father . lastly , that whatsoever is due to him from the republick , upon the score of wages , or upon any other account , you will take care to see it paid to his father , or to whom he shall appoint to receive it . the effect of our first request , or rather of your equity was this , that the whole matter was examin'd , and upon an exact stating of the accounts the debt was agreed ; but perhaps by reason of more important business intervening , no payment ensu'd upon it ▪ now the condition of the miserable creature admits of no longer delay ; and therefore some endeavour must be us'd , if it be worth your while to desire his wellfare , that he may speedily be deliver'd from the noysome stench of imprisonment . which , as you flourish no less in justice , moderation and prudence , then in military fame and victorious success , we are confident you will see done , of your own innate humanity and free will , without any hesitation , without any incitement of ours . now that ye may long flourish , after a most potent enemy subdu'd , our daily prayers implore of the almighty . from our court at westminster , october — . your highnesses most affectionate , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords , the states of the united provinces . most high and mighty lords , our dearest friends and confederates , the most illustrious william nuport , your extraordinary embassador for some years residing with us , is now returning to your lordships ; but with this condition , that after this respit obtain'd from your lordships , he shall return again in a short time . for he has remain'd among us , in the discharge of his trust , with that fidelity , vigilance , prudence and equity , that neither you nor we could desire greater vertue and probity in an embassador , and a person of unblemished reputation ; with those inclinations and endeavours to preserve peace and friendship between us , without any fraud or dissimulation , that while he officiates the duty of your embassador , we do not find what occasion of scruple or offence can arise in either nation . and we should brook his departue with so much the more anxiety of mind , considering the present juncture of times and affairs , were we not assur'd , that no man can better or more faithfully declare and represent to your lordships , either the present condition of affairs , or our good-will and affection to your government . being therefore every way so excellent a person , and so well deserving both of yours and our republick , we request your lordships to receive him returning , such as we unwillingly dismiss him , laden with the real testimonials of our applauses . almighty god grant all prosperity to your affairs and perpetuate our friendship , to his glory , and the support of his orthodox church . from our court at westminster november — . your high and mightinesses most devoted . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords the states of the united provinces . most high and mighty lords , our dearest friends and confederates , george downing is a person of eminent quality , and after a long trial of his fidelity , probity and diligence , in several and various negotiations , well approv'd and valu'd by us . him we have thought fitting to send to your lordships , dignify'd with the character of our agent , and amply furnish'd with our instructions . we therefore desire your lordship to receive him kindly , and that so often as he shall signify that he has any thing to impart in our name to your lordships , you will admit him free audience , and give the same credit to him , and entrust him with whatsoever you have to communicate to us : which you may safely do , as if our selves were personally present . and so we beseech almighty god to bless your lordships , and your republick with all prosperity , to the glory of god , and the support of his church . from our court at white-hall , decemb. — . your high and mightinesses most affectionate oliver , &c. to the states of holland . there being an alliance between our republick and yours , and those affairs to be transacted on both sides , that without an agent and interpreter , sent either by your selves , or from us , matters of such great moment can hardly be adjusted to the advantage of both nations , we thought it conducing to the common good of both republicks to send geroge downing , a person of eminent quality , and long in our knowledge and esteem for his undoubted fidelity , probity and diligence , in many and various negotiations , dignifi'd with the character of our agent , to reside with your lordships , and chiefly to take care of those things , by which the peace between us may be preserv'd entire and diuturnal . concerning which we have not onely written to the states , but also thought it requisite to give notice also of the same to your lordships , supreme in the government of your province , and who make so considerable a part of the vnited provinces ; to the end you may give that reception to our resident which becomes him , and that whatever he transacts with your high and mighty states , you may assure your selves shall be as firm and irrevocable , as if our selves had bin present in the negotiation . now the most merciful god direct all your counsels and actions to his glory and the peace of his church . westm . decemb. — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , ferdinand great duke of tuscany . most serene great duke , our much honour'd friend , your highness's letters , bearing date from florence the th . of novemb. gave us no small occasion of content and satisfaction ; finding therein your good will toward us , so much the more conspicuous , by how much deeds then words , performances then promises , are the more certain marks of a cordial affection . for what we requested of your highness , that you would command the master of the little lewis , william ellis , who most ignominiously broke his faith with the turks , and the ship and goods to be seiz'd and detain'd , till restitution should be made to the turks , least the cnristian name should receive any blemish by thieveries of the like nature ; all those things , and that too with an extraordinary zeal , as we most gladly understood before , your highness writes that you have seen diligently perform'd . we therefore return our thanks for the kindness receiv'd , and make it our farther request , that when the merchants have given security to satisfie the turks , the master may be discharg'd , and the ship , together with her lading , be forthwith dismis'd , to the end we may not seem to have had more care perhaps of the turks interest , then our own countreymen . in the mean time we take so kindly this surpassing favour done us by your highness , and most acceptable to us , that we should not refuse to be branded with ingratitude , if we should not ardently desire a speedy opportunity , with the same promptitude of mind , to gratifie your highness , whereby we might be enabl'd to demonstrate our readiness to return the same good offices to so noble a benefactor upon all occasions . from our court at westm . decemb. — . your highnesses most affectionate , oliver , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths , and vandals , &c. most serene and potent prince , our most invincible friend and confederate , by your majesty's letters , dated the st . of february from your camp in seland , we found many reasons to be affected with no small joy , as well for our own particular , as in regard of the whole christian republick in general . in the first place , because the king of danemark , being become an enemy , not induc'd thereto , as we are apt to believe , by his own inclinations or interests , but deluded by the artifices of our common adversaries , is reduc'd to that condition by your sudden irruption into the very heart of his kingdom , with very little blood shed on either side , that what was really true , he will at length be perswaded that peace would have bin more beneficial to him , then the war which he has enter'd into against your majesty . then again , when he shall consider with himself , that he cannot obtain it by any more speedy means , then by making use of our assistance long since offer'd him to procure a reconciliation , in regard your majesty so readily intreated by the letters onely , deliver'd by our agent , by such an easy concession of peace , most clearly made it apparent how highly you esteem'd the intercession of our friendship , he will certainly apply himself to us ; and then our interposition in so pious a work , will chiefly require , that we should be the sole reconciler and almost author of that peace , so beneficial to the interests of the protestants ; which , as we hope , will suddenly be accomplish'd . for when the enemies of religion shall despair of breaking your united forces by any other means then setting both your majesties at variance , then their own fears will overtake 'em , lest this unexpected conjunction , which we ardently desire , of your arms and minds , should turn to the destruction of them that were the kindlers of the war. in the mean time , most magnanimous king , may your prowess go on and prosper ; and the same felicity which the enemies of the church have admir'd in the progress of your atchievements , and the steady careir of your victories , against a prince , now your confederate , the same , by god's assistance , may you enforce 'em to behold once more in their subversion . from our palace at westminster , march . . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince ferdinand , great duke of tuscany . most serene prince , the answer which we have given to your agent here residing , we believe , will fully satisfy your highness , as to our admiral , who but lately put into your ports . in the mean time , john hosier , master of a ship , call'd the owner , has set forth in a petition to us , that in april , . he hir'd out his ship , by a charter-party agreement , to one joseph arman , an italian , who manifestly broke all the covenants therein contain'd ; so that he was enforc'd , lest he should lose his ship and lading , together with his whole principal stock , openly to set forth the fraud of his freighter , after the manner of merchants ; and when he had caus'd it to be register'd by a publick notary , to sue him at leghorne . joseph , on the other side , that he might make good one fraud by another , combining with two other litigious traders , upon a faign'd pretence , by perjury , seiz'd upon six thousand pieces of eight , the money of one thomas clutterbuck . but as for his part , the said hosier , after great expences and loss of time , could never obtain his right and due at leghorn : nor durst he there appear in court , being threaten'd as he was , and way-lay'd by his adversaries : we therefore request your highness , that you would vouchsafe your assistance to this poor opprest man , and according to your wonted justice , restrain the insolence of his adversary . for in vain are laws ordain'd for the government of cities by the authority of princes , if wrong and violence , when they cannot abrogate , shall be able by threats and terror to frustrate the refuge and sanctuary of the laws . however , we make no doubt , but that your highness will speedily take care to punish a daring boldness of this nature ; beseeching almighty god to bless your highness with peace and prosperity . from our court at westminster , april . . to the most serene and potent prince lewis , king of france . most serene and potent king , and most august friend and confederate , your majesty may call to mind , that at the same time , when the renewing the league between us was in agitation , and no less auspiciously concluded , as the many advantages from thence accrewing to both nations , and the many annoyances thence attending the common enemy , sufficiently testify , those dreadful butcheries befel the piedmontois , and that we recommended with great fervency of mind and compassion , their cause on all sides forsaken and afflicted , to your commiseration and protection . nor do we believe , that your majesty , of your self , was wanting in a duty so pious , that we may not say , beseeming common humanity , as far as your authority , and the veneration due to your person , could prevail with the duke of savoy . certain we are , that neither our selves , nor many other princes and cities were wanting in our performances , by the interposition of embassies , letters , aud intreaties . after a most bloody butchery of both sexes , and all ages , at length peace was granted , or rather a certain clandestine hostility cover'd over with the name of peace . the conditions of peace were agreed in your town of pignerol ; severe and hard ; but such , as those miserable and indigent creatures , after they had suffer'd all that could be endur'd that was oppressive and barbarous , would have been glad of , had they been but observ'd , as hard and unjust as they were . but by false constructions , and various evasions , the assurances of all these articles are eluded and violated : many are thrust out from their ancient abodes ; many are forbid the exercise of their religion ; new tributes are exacted ; a new citadel is impos'd upon them ; from whence the soldiers frequently making excursions , either plunder or murther all they meet . add to all this , that new levies are privately preparing against 'em ; and all that embrace the protestant religion are commanded to depart by a prefix'd day ; so that all things seem to threaten the utter extermination of those deplorable wretches , whom the former massaker spar'd . which i most earnestly beseech and conjure ye , most christian king , by that right hand , which sign'd the league and friendship between us , by that same goodly ornament of your title of most christian , by no means to suffer ; nor to permit such liberty of rage and fury uncontroul'd , we will not say , in any prince , ( for certainly such barbarous severity could never enter the breast of any prince , much less so tender in years , nor into the female thoughts of his mother ) but in those sanctifi'd cut-throats , who professing themselves to be the servants and disciples of our saviour christ , who came into this world to save sinners , abuse his meek and peaceful name and precepts to the most cruel slaughter of the innocent . rescue you that are able , in your towring station worthy to be able , rescue so many suppliants prostrate at your feet , from the hands of ruffians , who lately drunk with blood , again thirst after it , and think it their safest way to throw the odium of their cruelty upon princes . but as for you , great prince , suffer not , while you reign , your titles , nor the confines of your kingdom , to be contaminated with this same heaven-offending scandal , nor the peaceful gospel of christ to be defil'd with such abominable cruelty . remember that they submitted themselves to your grandfather henry , most friendly to the protestants , when the victorious lesdiguieres pursu'd the retreating savoyard o're the alpes . there is also an instrument of that submission register'd among the publick acts of your kingdom , wherein it is excepted and provided among other things , that from that time forward the piemontois should not be deliver'd over into the power of any ruler , but upon the same conditions upon which your invincible grandfather receiv'd them into his protection . this protection of your grandfather , these suppliants now implore from you as grandchild . 't is your majesty's part , to whom those people now belong , to give 'em that protection which they have chosen , by some exchange of habitation , if they desire it , and it may be done : or if that be a labour too difficult , at least to succour 'em with your patronage , your commiseration , and your admittance into sanctuary . and there are some reasons of state to encourage your majesty not to refuse the piemontois a safe asylum in your kingdom : but i am unwilling that you , so great king , should be induc'd to the defence and succour of the miserable by any other arguments then those of your ancestor's pledg'd faith , your own piety , royal benignity and magnanimity . thus the immaculate and intire glory of a most egregious act will be your own , and you will find the father of mercy , and his son , king christ , whose name and doctrine you have vindicated from nefarious inhumanity , so much the more favourable and propitious to your majesty , all your days . the god of mercy and power infuse into your majesty's heart a resolution to defend and save so many innocent christians , and maintain your own honour . westm . may — . to the evangelick cities of the switzers . illustrious and most noble lords , our dearest friends , how heavy and intolerable the sufferings of the piemontois , your most afflicted neighbours , have bin , and how unmercifully they have been dealt with by their own prince , for the sake of their religion , by reason of the felness of the cruelties , we almost tremble to remember , and thought it superfluous to put you in mind of those things , which are much better known to your lordships . we have also seen copies of the letters , which your embassadors , promoters and witnesses of the peace , concluded at pignerol , wrote to the duke of savoy , and the president of his council at turin ; wherein they set forth , and make it out , that all the conditions of the said peace are broken , and were rather a snare then a security to those miserable people . which violation continu'd from the conclusion of the peace to this very moment , and still growing more heavy every day then other : unless they patiently endure , unless they lay themselves down to be trampl'd under foot , plash'd like mortar , or abjure their religion , the same calamities , the same slaughters , hang over their heads , which three years since , made such a dreadful havock of them , their wives and children ; and which , if it must be undergone once more , will certainly prove the utter extirpation of their whole race . what shall such miserable creatures do ? in whose behalf no intercession will avail , to whom no breathing time is allow'd , nor any certain place of refuge . they have to do with wild beasts , or furies rather , upon whom the remembrance of their former murders has wrought no compassion upon their countrymen , no sense of humanity , nor satiated their ravenous hunger after blood . most certainly these things are not to be endur'd , if we desire the safety of our brethren the piemontois , most ancient professors of the orthodox faith , or the welfare of our religion it self . as for our selves , so far remote , we have not been wanting to assist 'em as far as in us lay , nor shall we cease our future aid . but you , who not only lie so near adjoining , as to behold the butcheries , and hear the outcries and shrieks of the distressed , but are also next expos'd to the fury of the same enemies ; consider for the sake of the immortal god , and that in time , what it behoves ye now to do : consult your prudence , your piety , and your fortitude , what succour , what relief and safegard you are able , and are bound to afford your neighbours and brethren , who must else undoubtedly and speedily perish . certainly the same religion is the cause , why the same enemies seek also your perdition ; why , at the same time the last year , they meditated your ruin , by intestine broiles among your selves . it seems to be only in your power , next under god , to prevent the extirpation of this most ancient scien of the purer religion , in these remainders of the primitive believers ; whose preservation , now reduc'd to the very brink of utter ruin , if you neglect , beware that the next turn be not your own . these admonitions , while we give ye freely , and out of brotherly love , we are not quite as yet cast down : for what lies only in our power so far distant , as we have hitherto , so shall we still employ our utmost endeavours , not only to procure the safety of our brethren upon the precipice of danger , but also to relieve their wants . may the almighty god vouchsafe to both of us that peace and tranquility at home , that settlement of times and affairs , that we may be able to employ all our wealth and force , all our studies and counsels in the defence of his church against the rage and fury of her enemies . from our court at white-hall , may — . to his eminency cardinal mazarin . most eminent lord , the late most grievous cruelties , and most bloody slaughters perpetrated upon the inhabitants of the valleys of piemont , within the duke of savoy's dominions , occasion'd the writing of the inclos'd letters to his majesty , and these other to your eminency . and as we make no doubt but that such tyranny , inhumanities , so rigorously inflicted upon harmless and indigent people , are highly displeasing and offensive to the most serene king ; so we readily persuade our selves , that what we request from his majesty in behalf of those unfortunate creatures , your eminency will employ your endeavour , and your favour to obtain , as an accumulation to our intercessions . seeing there is nothing which has acquir'd more good-will and affection to the french nation , among all the neighbouring professors of the reformed religion , then that liberty and those privileges , which by publick acts and edicts are granted in that kingdom to the protestants . and this among others was one main reason , why this republick so ardently desir'd the friendship and alliance of the french people . for the setling of which we are now treating with the king's embassador , and have made those progresses , that the treaty is almost brought to a conclusion . besides that , your eminency's singular benignity and moderation , which in the management of the most important affairs of the kingdom , you have always testifi'd to the protestants of france , encourages us to expect what we promise to our selves from your prudence and generosity ; whereby you will not only lay the foundations of a stricter alliance between this republick and the kingdom of france , but oblige us in particular to returns of all good offices of civility and kindness : and of this we desire your eminency to rest assur'd . your eminency's most affectionate . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene and potent king , our most august friend and confederate . it being the intention of thomas viscount falconbridge , our son-in-law , to travel into france , and no less his desire , out of his profound respect and veneration to your majesty , to be admitted to kiss your royal hands ; though by reason of his pleasing conversation we are unwilling to part with him , nevertheless not doubting but he will in a short time return from the court of so great a prince , celebrated for the resort of so many prudent and couragious persons , more nobly prepar'd for great performances , and fully accomplish'd in whatsoever may be thought most laudable and vertuous , we did not think it fit to put a stop to his generous resolutions . and though he be a person , who , unless we deceive our selves , carries his own recommendations about him , wheresoe're he goes ; yet if he shall find himself somewhat the more favour'd by your majesty for our sake , we shall think our selves honour'd and oblig'd by the same kindness . god almighty long preserve your majesty in safety , and continue a lasting peace between us , to the common good of the christian world . from our court at white-may — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most eminent lord cardinal mazarin . most eminent lord , having recommended to the most serene king , thomas viscount falconbridge our son-in-law , desirous to see france ; we could not but acquaint your eminency with it , and recommend him in like manner to your self ; not ignorant of what moment and importance it will be to our recommendation first given him . for certainly , what benefit or advantage he shall reap by residing in your countrey , which he hopes will not be small , he cannot but be beholding for the greatest part of it to your favour and good will ; whose single prudence and vigilancy , supports and manages the grand affairs of that kingdom . whatever therefore grateful obligation your eminency shall lay upon him , you may be assur'd you lay upon our selves , and that we shall number it among your many kindnesses and civilities already shew'd us . westm . may — . oliver protector &c. to the most eminent lord cardinal mazarin . most eminent lord , having sent the most illustrious thomas bellasis , viscount falconbridge , our son-in-law , to congratulate the king , upon his arrival in the camp at dunkirk , i gave him order to attend and wish your eminency long life and health in our name , and to return thanks to your eminency , by whose fidelity , prudence and vigilancy , it chiefly comes to pass , that the affairs of france are carri'd on with such success in several parts , but more especially in near-adjoining flanders , against our common enemy the spaniard ; from whom we hope that open and armed courage now will soon exact a rigorous account of all his frauds and treacheries . which that it may be speedily done , we shall not be wanting , either with our forces , as far as in us lies , or with our prayers to heaven . from our court at white-hall , may — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene and potent prince , our most august friend and confederate , so soon as the news was brought us , that your majesty was arriv'd in your camp , and was sate down with so considerable an army before dunkirk , that infamous nest of pyrates , and place of refuge for sea-robbers , we were greatly overjoy'd , in certain assurance , that in a short time now , with god's assistance , the seas will be more open and less infested by those plundering rovers ; and that your majesty , by your military prowess , will now take speedy vengeance of the spanish frauds ; by whom one captain was by god corrupted to the betraying of hesden ; another treacherously surpriz'd at ostend . we therefore send the most noble , thomas viscount falconbridge , our son-in-law , to congratulate your majesty's arrival in your camp so near us , and that your majesty may understand from his own lips , with what affection we labour the prosperity of your atchievemants , not onely with our united forces , but with our cordial prayers , that god would long preserve your majesty , and perpetuate our establish'd friendship , to the common good of the christian world . from our court at westm . may — . to the most serene prince , ferdinand grand duke of tuscany . most serene great duke , in regard your highness in all your letters , has ever signifi'd your extraordinary affection toward us , we are not a little griev'd , that either it should be so obscurely imparted to your governors and ministers , or by them so ill interpreted , that we can reap no benefit or sign of it , in your port of leghorn , where your friendship toward us ought to be most clearly and truly understood : rather , that we should find the minds of your subjects daily more averse and hostile in their demeanor toward us . for how unkindly our fleet was lately treated at leghorn , how little accommodated with necessary supplies , in what a hostile manner twice constrain'd to depart the harbour , we are sufficiently given to understand as well from undoubted witnesses upon the place , as from our admiral himself , to whose relation we cannot but give credit , when we have thought him worthy to command our fleet. upon his first arrival in january , after he had caus'd our letters to be deliver'd to your highness , and all offices of civility had pass'd between our people and yours ; when he desir'd the accommodation of porto ferraro ; answer was made , it could not be granted , least the king of spain , that is to say , our enemy should be offended . and yet what is there which a prince in friendship more frequently allows to his confederate , then free entrance into his ports and harbours ? or what is there that we can expect from a friendship of this nature , more ready to do us unkindness then befriend us , or aid us with the smallest assistance , for fear of provoking the displeasure of our enemies . at first indeed , prattick was allow'd , tho onely to two or three of our seamen out of every ship , who had the favour to go ashoar . but soon after , it being nois'd in the town , that our ships had taken a dutch vessel laden with corn for spain , that little prattick we had was prohibited ; longland , the english consul , was not permitted to go aboard the fleet ; the liberty of taking in fresh water , which is ever free to all that are not open enemies , was not suffer'd , but under armed guards , at a severe rate ; and our merchants which reside in the town , to the vast emolument of your people , were forbid to visit their countreymen , or assist 'em in the least . upon his last arrival , toward the latter end of march , no body was suffer'd to come ashoar . the fifth day after , when our admiral had taken a small neapolitan vessel which fell into our hands by chance , above two hunder'd great shot were made at our fleet from the town , though without any damage to us . which was an argument , that what provok'd your governors without a cause , as if the rights of your harbour had bin violated , was done out at sea , at a great distance from your town or the jurisdiction of the castle . presently our long-boats sent to take in fresh water , were assail'd in the port , and one taken and detain'd ; which being redemanded , answer was made , that neither the skiff nor the seamen should be restor'd , unless the neapolitan vessel were dismis'd ; tho certain it is , that she was taken in the open sea , where it was lawful to seize her . so that ours , after many inconveniences suffer'd , were forc'd at length to set sail , and leave behind 'em the provision , for which they had paid ready money . these things , if they were not done by your highness's consent and command , as we hope they were not , we desire you would make it appear by the punishment of the governor , who so easily presum'd to violate his master's alliances ; but if they were done with your highness approbation and order , we would have your highness understand , that as we always had a singular value for your friendship , so we have learnt to distinguish between injuries and acts of kindness . from our court at white-hall , may — . your good friend , so far as we may , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene and potent prince , our most august confederate and friend , by so speedily repaying our profound respect to your majesty , with an accumulation of honour , by such an illustrious embassy to our court ; you have not onely made known to us , but to all the people of england , your singular benignity and generosity of mind , but also how much you favour our reputation and dignity . for which we return our most cordial thanks to your majesty , as justly you have merited from us . as for the victory which god has given , most fortunate , to our united forces against our enemies , we rejoyce with your majesty for it ; and that our people in that battel were not wanting to your assistance , nor the military glory of their ancestors , nor their own pristin fortitude , is most grateful to us . as for dunkirk , which as your majesty wrote , you were in hopes was near surrender : 't is a great addition to our joy to hear from your majesty such speedy tidings , that it is absolutely now in your victorious hands ; and we hope moreover , that the loss of one city will not suffice to repay the twofold treachery of the spaniard , but that your majesty will in a short time write us the welcome news of the surrender also of the other town . as to your promise , that you will take care of our interests , we mistrust it not in the least , upon the word of a most excellent king and our most assured friend , confirm'd withal by your embassador , the most accomplish'd duke of crequi . lastly , we beseech almighty god to prosper your majesty and the affairs of france , both in peace and war. westminster , june — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most eminent lord , cardinal mazarin . most eminent lord , while we are returning thanks to the most serene king , who to honour and congratulate us , as also to intermix his joy with ours for the late glorious victory , has sent a splendid embassy to our court ; we should be ungrateful , should we not also by our letters pay our due acknowledgments to your eminency ; who to testifie your good-will toward us , and how much you make it your study to do us all the honour which lyes within your power , have sent your nephew to us , a most excellent and most accomplish'd young gentleman ; and if you had any nearer relation , or any person whom you valu'd more , would have sent him more especially to us , as you declare in your letters ; adding wlthal the reason , which coming from so great a personage , we deem no small advantage to our praise and ornament ; that is to say , to the end that they who are most nearly related to your eminency in blood , might learn to imitate your eminency in shewing respect and honour to our person . and we would have it not to be their meanest strife to follow your example of civility , candour , and friendship to us ; since there are not more conspicuous examples of extraordinary prudence and vertue to be imitated then in your eminency ; from whence they may learn with equal renown to govern kingdoms , and manage the most important affairs of the world. which that your eminency may long and happily administer , to the prosperity of the whole realm of france , to the common good of the whole christian republick , and your own glory , we shall never be wanting in our prayers to implore . from our court at white-hall , june — . your excellency's most affectionate . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandals , &c. most serene and potent prince , our dearest confiderate and friend , as often as we behold the busy counsels , and various artifices of the common enemies of religion , so often do we revolve in our minds , how necessary it would be , and how much for the safely of the christian world , that the protestant princes , and most especially your majesty , should be united with our republick in a most first and solemn confederacy . which how ardently and zealously it has bin sought by our selves , how acceptable it would have bin to us , if ours , and the affairs of swedeland , had bin in that posture and condition , if the said league could have bin sacredly concluded to the good liking of both , and that the one could have bin a seasonable succour to the other , we declar'd to your embassadors , when first they enter'd into treaty with us upon this subject . nor were they wanting in their duty ; but the same prudence which they were wont to shew in other things , the same wisdom and sedulity they made known in this affair . but such was the perfidiousness of our wicked and restless countrey-men at home , who being often receiv'd into our protection , ceas'd not however to machinate new disturbances , and to resume their formerly often frustrated and dissipated conspiracies with our enemies the spaniards , that being altogether taken up with the preservation of our selves from surrounding dangets , we could not bend our whole care and our entire forces , as we wish'd we could have done , to defend the common cause of religion . nevertheless what lay in our power , we have already zealously perform'd ; and whatever for the future may conduce to your majesty's interests , we shall not onely shew our selves willing , but industrious to carry on , in union with your majesty , upon all occasions . in the mean time , we most gladly congratulate your majesty's victories most prudently and couragiously atchiev'd , and in our daily prayers implore almighty god long to continue to your majesty a steady course of conquest and felicity , to the glory of his name . from our court at white-hall , june — . oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince the king of portugal . most serene king , our friend and confederate , john buffield , of london merchant , has set forth in a petition to us , that in the year . he deliver'd certain goods to anthony , john , and manuel ferdinando castaneo , merchants in tamira , to the end that after they had sold 'em , they might give him a just account , according to the custome of merchants ; after which , in his voyage for england , he fell into the hands of pyrates , and being plunder'd by 'em , receiv'd no small damage . upon this news , antony and manuel , believing he had bin kill'd , presently look'd upon the goods as their own , and still detain 'em in their hands refusing to come to any account ; covering this fraud of theirs with a sequestration of englisb goods that soon after ensu'd . so that he was forc'd the last year , in the middle of winter , to return to portugal and demand his goods , but all in vain . for that the said john and anthony could by no fair means be perswaded , either to deliver the said goods , or to come to any account ; and which is more to be admir'd , justifi'd their private detention of the goods , by the publick attainder . finding therefore that being a stranger , he should get nothing by contending with the inhabitants of tamira in their own countrey , he betook himself for justice to your majesty ; humbly demanded the judgment of the conservator , appointed to determine the causes of the english ; but was sent back to the cognizance of that court , from which he had appeal'd . which though in it self not unjust , yet seeing it is evident that the merchants of tamira make an ill use of your publick edict to justify their own private couzenage , we make it our earnest request to your majesty , that according to your wonted clemency you would rather refer to the conservator , being the proper judge in these cases , the cause of this poor man , afflicted by many casualties , and reduc'd to utmost poverty ; to the end he may recover the remainder of his fortunes from the faithless partnership of those people . which , when you rightly understand the business , we make no question but will be no less pleasing to your majesty , to see done , then to our selves . from our court at westminster , august , . to the most serene prince leopold , arch-duke , of austria , governour of the low-countries under philip k. of spain . most serene lord , charles harbord , knight , has set forth in his petition to us , that having sent certain goods and houshold-stuff out of holland to bruges under your jurisdiction , he is in great danger of having them arrested out of his hands by force and violence . for that those goods , were sent him out of england in the year . by the earl of suffolk , for whom he stood bound in a great sum of money , to the end he might have wherewithal to satisfy himself , should he be compell'd to pay the debt . which goods are now in the possession of richard greenville , knight , who broke open the doors of the place where they were in custody , and made a violent seizure of the same , under pretence of we know not what due to him from theophilus earl of suffolk , by vertue of a certain decree of our court of chancery , to which those goods , as being the earls , were justly liable ; whereas by our laws , neither the earl now living , whose goods they are , is bound by that decree , neither ought the goods to be seiz'd or detain'd ; which the sentence of that court , now sent to your serenity , together with these letters , positively declares and proves . which letters the said charles harbord has desir'd of us , to the end we would make it our request to your highness , that the said goods may be forthwith discharg'd from the violent seizure , and no less unjust action of the said richard greenville , in regard it is apparently against the custom and law of nations , that any person should be allow'd the liberties to sue in a foreign jurisdiction upon a plaint wherein he can have no relief in the country where the cause of action first arose . therefore the reason of justice it self , and your far celebrated enquanimity encourag'd us to recommend this cause to your highness . assuring your highness , that whenever any dispute shall happen in our courts concerning the rights and properties of your people , you shall ever find us ready and quick in our returns of favour . westminster — your highnesse's most affectionate oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. letters written in the name of richard protector . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene and potent king , our friend and confederate . so soon as our most serene father , oliver protector of the commonwealth of england , by the will of god so ordaining , departed this life , upon the third of september , we being lawfully declar'd his successor in the supream magistracy , tho in the extremity of tears and sadness , could do no less , then with the first opportunity by these our letters make known a matter of this concernment to your majesty ; by whom , as you have bin a most cordial friend to our father and this republick , we are confident , the mournful and unexpected tydings will be as sorrowfully received . our business now , is to request your majesty , that you would have such an opinion of us , as of one who has determin'd nothing more religiously and constantly then to observe the friendship and confedracy , contracted between your majesty and our renowned father ; and with the same zeal and good-will to confirm and establish the leagues by him concluded , and to carry on the same counsels and interests with your majesty . to which intent , it is our pleasure that our embassadour residing at your court , be empower'd by the same commission as formerly ; and that you will give the same credit to what he transacts in our name , as if it had bin done by our selves . in the mean time we wish your majesty all prosperity . from our court at white-hall , septemb. . . to the most eminent lord , cardinal mazarine . tho nothing could fall out more bitter and grievous to us , then to write the mournful news of our most serene and most renowned father's death ; nevertheless , in regard we cannot be ignorant of the high esteem which he had for your eminency , and the great value which you had for him ; nor have any reason to doubt , but that your eminency , upon whose care the prosperity of france depends will no less bewail the loss of your constant friend , and most united confederate , we thought it of great moment , by these our letters to make known this accident so deeply to be lamented , as well to your eminency as to the king ; and to assure your eminency , which is but reason , that we shall most religiously observe all those things which our father of most serene memory was bound by the league to fee confirm'd and ratify'd : and shall make it our business , that in the midst of your mourning for a friend so faithful and flourishing in all vertuous applause , there may be nothing wanting to preserve the faith of our confederacy . for the conservation of which on your part also , to the good of both nations , may god almighty long preserve your eminency . westminster , sept. . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandalls , &c. most serene and potent king , our friend and confederate . when we consider with our selves that it will be a difficult matter for us , to be imitators of our fathers vertues , unless we should observe and endeavour to hold the same confederacies which he by his prowess acquir'd , and out of his singular judgment thought most worthy to be embrac'd and observ'd ; your majesty has no reason to doubt , but that it behoves us to pay the same tribute of affection and good-will , which our father of most serene memory always paid to your majesty . therefore altho in this beginning of our government and dignity , i may not find our affairs in that condition , as at present to answer to some particulars , which your embassadours have propos'd , yet it is our resolution to continue the league concluded by our father with your majesty , and to enter our selves into a stricter engagement ; and so soon as we shall rightly understand the state of affairs on both sides , we shall always be ready on our part , to treat of those things , which shall be most chiefly for the united benefit of both republicks . in the mean time god long preserve your majesty to his glory , and the defence and safeguard of his orthodox church . from our court at westminster , octob. . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandalls , &c. most serene and potent king , our friend and confederate . we have receiv'd two letters from your majesty , the one by your envoy , the other transmitted to us from our resident , philip meadowes , whereby we not only understood your majesties unfaigned grief for the death of our most serene father , in expressions setting forth the real thoughts of your mind , and how highly your majesty esteem'd his prowess and friendship , but also what great hopes your majesty conceiv'd of our selves advanc'd in his room . and certainly , as an accumulation of paternal honour in deeming us worthy to succeed him , nothing more noble , more illustrious could befal us then the judgment of such a prince ; nothing more fortunately auspicious could happen to us , at our first entrance upon the government , then such a congratulator ; nothing lastly that could more vehemently incite us to take possession of our father's vertues , as our lawful inheritance , then the encouragement of so great a king. as to what concerns your majesties interests , already under consideration between us , in reference to the common cause of the protestants , we would have your majesty have those thoughts of us , that since we came to the helm of this republick , tho the condition of our affairs be such at present , that they chiefly require our utmost diligence , care , and vigilancy at home , yet that we hold nothing more sacred , and that there is not any thing more determin'd by us , then as much as in us lyes , never to be wanting to the league concluded by our father with your majesty . to that end , we have taken care to send a fleet into the baltic sea , with those instructions which our agent , to that purpose empower'd by us , will communicate to your majesty ; whom god preserve in long fafety , and prosper with success in the defence of his orthodox religion . from our court at westminster , octob. . . richard protector , to the most serene , and potent prince , charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandalls , &c. most serene and most potent king , our friend and confederate . we send to your majesty , nor could we send a present more worthy or more excellent , the truly brave and truly noble , sir george ascue , knight , not only fam'd in war , and more especially for his experience in sea affairs , approv'd and try'd in many desperate engagements , but also endu'd with singular probity , modesty , ingenuity , learning , and for the sweetness of his disposition caress'd by all men ; and which is the sum of all , now desirous to serve under the banners of your majesty , so renown'd o're all the world for your military prowess . and we would have your majesty be fully assur'd , that whatsoever high employment you confer upon him , wherein fidelty , fortitude , experience , may shine forth in their true lusture , you cannot entrust a person more faithful , more couragious , nor easily more skilful . moreover , as to those things we have given him in charge to communicate to your majesty , we request that he may have quick access , and favourable audience , and that you will vouchsafe the same credit to him , as to our selves if personally present : lastly that you will give him that honour , as you shall judge becoming a person dignifi'd with his own merits and our recommendation . now god almighty prosper all your affairs with happy success , to his own glory and the safeguard of his orthodox church . from our court at white-hall , octob. . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandalls , &c. most serene and potent king , our dearest friend and confederate . samuel piggot , of london , merchant , in a petition deliver'd to us , sets forth , that he lately sent from london into france , upon the account of trade , two vessels , the one call'd the post , tiddie jacob master , the other the water-dog , garbrand peters , master . that from france , being laden with salt , they sail'd for amsterdam ; at amsterdam , they one took in ballast only ; the other laden with herrings , in copartnership , with one peter heinbergh , sail'd away for stettin in pomerania , which is under your jurisdiction , there to unlade her freight ; but now he hears that both those vessels are detain'd somewhere in the baltick sea by your forces ; notwithstanding that he took care to send a writing with both those ships , seal'd with the seal of the admiralty-court , by which it appear'd that he alone was the lawful owner of both the vessels and goods , that part excepted which belong'd to heinbergh . of all which , in regard he has made full proof before us , we make it our request to your majesty ( to prevent the ruin and utter shipwrack of the poor man's estate by the loss of two ships at one time ) that you would command your officers to take care for the speedy discharge of the said vessels . god long preserve your majesty to his own glory , and the safeguard of his orthodox church . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the high and mighty lords , the state of westfriezland . most high and mighty lords , our dearest friends and confederates . mary grinder widow , in a petition presented to us , has made a most grievous complaint , that whereas thomas killegrew , a commander in your service , has ow'd her for these eighteen years a considerable sum of money , she can by her agents neither bring him to pay the said money , nor to try his title at law to the same , if he has any . which that he may not be compell'd to do by the widow's attorney , he has petition'd your highnesses , that no body may be suffer'd to sue him for any money that he owes in england . but should we signify no more then only this to your highness , that she is a widow , that she is in great want , the mother of many small children , which her creditor endeavours to deprive of almost all that little support they have in this world , we cannot believe , we need to make use of any greater arguments to your lordships , so well acquainted with those divine precepts forbidding the oppression of the widow and the fatherless , to persuade ye not to grant any such privilege upon a bare petition , to the fraudulent subverter of the widow 's right : and which for the same reason we assure our selves you will never admit . from our court at westminster , jan. . . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , lewis king of france . most serene and potent prince , our most august confederate and friend , we have bin given to understand , and that , to our no small grief , that several protestant churches in provence , were so maliciously affronted and disturb'd by a certain turbulent humourist , that the magistrates at grenoble , who are the proper judges of such causes , thought him worthy of exemplary punishment : but that the convention of the clergy which was held not far from those places , obtain'd of your majesty , that the whole matter should be remov'd up to paris , there to be heard before your royal council . but they not having as yet made any determination in the business , those churches , and more especially that of yvoire , are forbid to meet for the worship of god. most earnestly therefore we request your majesty , that in the first place you would not prohibit those from preaching in publick , whose prayers to god for your safety and the prosperity of your kingdom , you are so free to suffer ; then that the sentence given against that impertinent disturber of divine service , by the proper judges of those causes at grenoble , may be duly put in excution . god long preserve your majesty in safety and prosperity ; to the end that if you have any good opinion of our prayers , or think 'em prevalent with god , you may be speedily induc'd to suffer the same to be publickly put up to heaven by those churches , now forbid their wonted meetings . westminster , feb. . . to the most eminent lord cardinal mazarine . most eminent lord cardinal , the most illustrious lady , late wife of the deceased duke of richmond , is now going into france , together with the young duke her son , with an intention to reside there for some time . we therefore most earnestly request your eminency , that if any thing fall out , wherein your authority , favour and patronage , may be assisting to 'em , as strangers , you would vouchsafe to protect their dignity , and to indulge the recommendation of it not the meanest , in such a manner , that if any addition can be made to your civility toward all people , especially of illustrious descent , we may be sensible our letters have obtain'd it . withal , your excellency may assure your self , your recommendation , whenever you require the like from us , shall be of equal force and value in our esteem and care. westminster , feb. . . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , john king of portugal . most serene and potent prince , our friend and confederate , although there are many things which we are bound to impart by writing to a king our friend , and in strict confederacy with our republick , yet there is nothing which we ever did more willingly , then what we do at this present , by these our letters to congratulate this last victory , so glorious to the kingdom of portugal , obtain'd against our common enemy the spaniard . by which , how great an advantage will accrue not onely to your own , but to the peace and repose of all europe , and that perhaps for many years , there is no body but understands . but there is one thing more , wherein we must acknowledge your majesty's justice , the most certain pledge of victory , that satisfaction has bin given by the commissioners appointed at london , according to the th . article of the league , to our merchants , whose vessels were hir'd by the brasile company . onely there is one among 'em still remaining , alexander bence , of london merchant , whose ship call'd the three brothers , john wilks master , being hir'd and laden , and having perform'd two voyages for the said company , yet still they refuse to pay him his wages according to their covenauts ; when the rest that onely perform'd single voyages are already paid . which why it should be done , we cannot understand ; unless those people think , in their judgment , that person more worthy of his hire , who did 'em onely single service , then he who earn'd his wages twice . we therefore earnestly request your majesty , that satisfaction may given for his service truly perform'd , to this same single alexander , to whom a double stipend is due ; and that by vertue of your royal authority you would prefix the brasile company as short a day as may be , for the payment of his just due , and repairing his losses ; seeing that their delays have bin the occasion , that the loss sustain'd by the merchant , has very near exceeded the money it self which is owing for his wages . so god continue your majesty's prosperous successes against the common enemy . from our court at westm . feb. . . richard protector of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most eminent lord cardinal mazarin . most eminent lord , by letters to your eminency , about eight months since , dated june . we recommended to your eminency the cause of peter pet , a person of singular probity , and in all naval sciences most useful both to us and our republick . his ship , call'd the edward , in the year . as we formerly wrote , was taken in the mouth of the thames , by one bascon , and sold in the port of boulogne ; and tho the king in his royal council , the th . of november . decreed , that what money the council should think fitting to be given in recompence of the loss , should be forthwith paid in satisfaction to the owner : nevertheless , as he sets forth , he could never reap the benefit of that order . now in regard we make no question , but that your eminency , at our desire , gave strict command for the speedy execution of that decree ; we make it therefore our renew'd request , that you would vouchfafe to examine where the impediment lies , or through whose neglect or contumacy it came to pass , that in ten years time the king's decree was not obey'd ; and employ your authority so effectually , that the money then decreed , which we thought long since satisfi'd , may be speedily demanded and paid to our petitioner . thus your eminency will perform an act most grateful to justice , and lay moreover a singular obligation upon our selves . from our court at westm . feb. . . the two following letters , after the deposal of richard , were written in the name of the parliament restor'd . the parliament of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene and potent prince , charles gustavus , king of the swedes , goths and vandalls , &c. most serene and potent king , our dearest friend , since it has pleas'd the most merciful and omnipotent god , at whose disposal only the revolutions of all kingdoms and republicks are , to restore us to our pristin authority , and the supream administration of the english affairs , we thought it convenient in the first place to make it known to your majesty , and to signify moreover as well our extraordinary affection to your majesty , so potent a protestant prince , as also our most fervent zeal to promote the peace between your majesty and the king of denmark , another most powerful protestant king , not to be reconcil'd without our assistance and the good offices of our affection . our pleasure therefore is , that our extraordinary envoy , philip meadowes , be continued in the same employment with your majesty , with which he has bin hitherto entrusted from this republick . to which end , we impower him by these our letters to make proposals , act and negotiate with your majesty , in the same manner as was granted him by his last recommendations : and whatsoever he shall transact and conclude in our name , we faithfully promise and and engage , by gods assistance , to confirm and ratify . the same god long support your majesty the pillar and support of the protestant interests . westminster , may , . . william lenthal , speaker of the parliament of the commonwealth of england . the parliament of the commonwealth of england , &c. to the most serene prince , frederick king of denmark . most serene king and most dear friend , seeing it now is come to pass , that by the will and pleasure of the most merciful and powerful god , the supream moderator of all things , we are restor'd to our pristin place and dignity , in the administration of the publick affairs , we thought it convenient in the first place that a revolution of this government should not be conceal'd from your majesties notice , a prince both our neighbour and confederate ; and withal , to signify , how much we lay to heart your ill success : which you will easily perceive by our zeal and diligence , that never shall be wanting in us to promote and accomplish a reconciliation between your majesty and the king of sweden . and therefore we have commanded our extraordinary envoy with the most serene king of sweden , philip medows , to attend your majesty , in our name , in order to these matters , and to impart , propound , act and negotiate such things as we have given him in charge to communicate to your majesty : and what credit you shall give to him in this his employment , we request your majesty to believe it given to our selves . god almighty grant your majesty a happy and joyful deliverance out of all your difficulties , and afflicting troubles under which you stand so undauntedly supported by your fortitude and magnanimity . westminster , may , . . william lenthal , speaker of the parliament of the commonwealth of england . the end. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * this word relates to his being a protestant not a roman-catholick . notes for div a -e * the horses which threw him out of the coach-box . the arts of empire and mysteries of state discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms, grounded on authority and experience, and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the arts of empire and mysteries of state discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms, grounded on authority and experience, and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, ?- . milton, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by g. croom for joseph watts ..., london : . first ed. published in as: the cabinet-council, containing the chief arts of empire and mysteries of state. cf. bm. advertisements: p. [ ] at beginning and p. [ ]-[ ] at end. reproduction of original in university of michigan libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng political science -- early works to . monarchy. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the arts of empire , and mysteries of state discabineted . in political and polemical aphorisms , grounded on authority and experience . and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations . by the ever-renowned knight sir walter raleigh , published by john milton esq quis martem tunica tectum , adamantina digne scripserit ? london , printed by g. croom , for joseph watts at the angel in st. paul's church-yard , . to the reader . having had the manuscript of this treatise , written by sir walter raleigh , many years in my hands , and finding it lately by chance among other books and papers , upon reading thereof , i thought it a kind of injury to withhold longer the work of so eminent an author from the publick ; it being both answerable in stile to other works of his already extant , as far as the subject would permit , and given me for a true copy by a learned man at his death , who had collected several such pieces . john milton , the principal contents . chap. . the definition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds page chap. . of sovereign or monarchick government , with its essential marks and specifical differences p. chap. . of monarchies seignioril , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire p. chap. . of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them p. chap. . of monarchies tyrannical p. chap. . of new-found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them p. chap. . of councils and counsellors in general p. chap. . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties and democraties p. chap. . of officers and commissioners , with their respective distinctions p. chap. . of magistrates , their qualifications and elections p. chap. . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war p. chap. . extrinsick observations , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decypher their intendments p. chap. . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor p. chap. . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites p. chap. . the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment p. chap. . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated p. chap. . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained p. chap. . of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes , and ways of prevention or discovery p. chap. . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it p. chap. . of diffidence and dissimulation in the management of state affairs p. chap. . of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline p. chap. . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions p. chap. . of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick ; with advice how to make an honorable peace p. chap. . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof p. chap. . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events p. chap. . maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations , and historical parallels p. advertisement . the excellent woman described by her true characters , and their opposites , printed for j. watts . the arts of empire , and mysteries of state. chap. i. the definition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds . a common-wealth is a certain sovereign government of many families , with those things that are common among them . all common-wealths are either monarchies , or all common-wealths are either aristocraties , or all common-wealths are either democraties . or a monarchy is that state where the sovereignty resteth in the person of one only prince . an aristocraty , is where some small part of the people have in them as a body corporate , the sovereignty and supreme power of the whole state. a democraty , is where all the people have power and authority sovereign . so doth it appear , that the place and person where the sovereignty resteth , doth cause the state to be either a monarchy , an aristocraty , or popular government . chap. ii. of sovereign or monarchick government , with its essential marks , and specifical differences . sovereignty is an absolute and perpetual power in every publick state , and he is properly and only a sovereign , that acknowledgeth no superior or equal , nor holdeth of any other prince , person or power , but god and his own sword. the first mark of sovereignty , is absolute power and authority to command all subjects in general , and every of them in particular , without consent of any other person or persons , either greater or inferior to himself . the second mark of majesty is authority to make war , and conclude peace at his pleasure . the third is power to bestow all honors and chief offices at his pleasure . the fourth mark of sovereignty is appellation . the fifth mark and last , is power to pardon all subjects by rigor of law or otherwise , condemned in life , lands , goods or honors . these powers are not to be imparted to any officer , deputy or other magistrate , but in the prince's absence , and for some urgent occasion . monarchies are of three sorts , signioril , royal and tyrannical . the diversity of monarchies doth not proceed from the nature of the state , but the diverse proceedings of those princes that govern ; for great difference there may be between the nature of the commonwealth and the government thereof . that prince that giveth the magistracies honors and offices without respect of nobility , riches or vertue , may be said to govern popularly . and that monarchy may be said to be governed aristocratically , when the monarch imparteth the principal honors and offices to the noble and rich men only . the same difference there is to be found in states aristocratical and popular ; for the one and the other may be both signioril or tyrannical . a monarch signioril is he who by force of arms and just war , is made owner of mens bodies and goods , and governeth them as a master of a family governeth base servants and slaves . a monarch royal , is he whose subjects are obedient unto his laws , and the monarch himself obeyeth the laws of god and nature , suffering every subject to enjoy liberty natural , with property in lands and goods , governing as a father governeth his children . a monarch tyrannical , is he who without regard to the law of god or nature , commandeth free-men as slaves and useth their lands and goods as his own . chap. iii. of monarchy signioril , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire . all people subject to princes , are governed as free-men by their prince , and certain other particular lords of lands and liberties ; who not by the princes commission , but by ancient laws or custom , have inheritance and tenements ; or else they are by one prince and his ministers commanded , which ministers have not by law or ordinance , any authority or interest of themselves , but being like to the people ( base men and slaves ) they command only by commission in the princes name ; and the authority of those ministers doth cease at the princes pleasure , so that the people do not acknowledge any superior but the prince , nor owe any service to other mean lords : so as all the people stand without property in lands or goods ; for example , the empire of turky and the west-indies . the provinces of this monarchy are allotted to sundry magistrates or ministers , and they altered and removed at the princes pleasure ; but it is otherwise in a monarchy royal , because the monarch is there accompanied with many mean lords . and albeit those mean lords are subjects unto the prince , yet have they particular tenants , who may not , without just cause , be dispossessed by the prince ; and those people having had dependency of their lords and their ancestors , do ever beare unto them a certain natural love and dutiful respect ; whoso therefore compareth these principalities , shall perceive , that to conquer a state signioril there is great difficulty , but being conquered , it may easily be maintained ; for the difficulty to conquer such a state , proceedeth from the lack of mean lords to call in and assist the prince that doth invade : who therefore desireth to subdue a nation thus governed , must of force assault all the people , and rather trust in his own strength than the aid of the country . but if he can prevail , then one only fear remaineth , which is the prince's posterity , which necessarily must be extinguished , because the prince's race only hath interest both in the people and soldiers . but to enter a monarchy royal , is an enterprise of no great difficulty , when he that doth enter , hath the friendship and aid of some mean lords to take his part , and prepare the place where he is to arrive . chap. iv. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them . monarchies royal are for the most part ancient and hereditary , and consequently easie to be governed . for it is sufficient for the prince to maintain the old laws , and on occasion temporize with those accidents that happen : such a state cannot be taken from the prince without excessive force , and if it be , it shall be soon recovered . example , england and france . but if a monarchy newly conquered , be annexed unto an old , and not properly ancient , then it is with much more difficulty maintained . first , for that men naturally inclined to variation , are easily induced to take arms against him that newly governeth . secondly , every new prince is forced to exact as well upon those subjects that joyned with him , as those that did resist him , and therefore shall offend both . example , ireland annexed to the crown of england , sicilia and naples to spain . the means to maintain such a monarchy , is , first , to extinguish the race of him that was anciently prince . secondly , to continue all laws and customs in the former force ; for so shall the subject find nothing altered but the prince , and therefore will soon rest contented ; and the rather if that new monarchy , and the ancient dominion of the prince , be of one language : but if the people be of a contrary language and humor , then to hold it , there needeth great industry and fortune ; in that case the best way is , that the prince should inhabit there , as well to incounter all inconveniences proceeding from the subject , as to preserve the people from oppression of his own ministers . another way is , to send thither certain colonies , and plant them in fit places , or else to settle some garisons both of horse and foot ; but colonies are less chargeable to the prince . as for the people inhabitant ( who must necessarily remove , they being a small number and dispossessed ) they cannot have power to offend ; for in that case , this rule or maxim shall be found true , that men must be either kindly intreated , or with all extremity oppressed ; because of light injuries they may be revenged , but of utter oppression they cannot . a third way to hold a conquered dominion , is , to cherish and defend the neighbors of little power , and oppress or keep under those that are most potent ; and above all , to take order that no forreign prince or power do enter ; for it is ever to be looked for , that so many of the nation as are discontented , either for ambition or fear , will be ever ready to bring in strangers : and to conclude this matter of principality annexed , i say it behoveth every prince possessed of such a state , never to increase the power of any potent nighbor , never to oppress those that are of small power , never to permit any forreign potentate to enter , but ever to plant colonies and garisons , or else to make that dominion his chief habitation . chap. v. of monarchies tyrannical . tyrannical princes are not advanced by favor , neither do they trust unto fortune , but by degrees of war , or else by some other indirect means do aspire unto greatness ; and therein do maintain themselves by all ways either honest or dishonest , without respect of justice , conscience or law either of nations or nature : a prince by such impious means aspired , and desiring to hold that he hath gained , will take order that the cruelties he committeth may be done roundly , suddenly , and as it were at an instant ; for if they be executed at leisure and by piece-meal , then will the prince's fears continue long , and the terror in subjects take deeper impression , whose nature is such , that either they must be bound by benefits , or by cruelty made sure from offending : example , dionysius and agathocles . chap. vi. of new found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . some other princes there are , that from private estate have aspired to sovereignty , not by unnatural or impious proceedings as the former , but by vertue and fortune , and being aspired , have found no great difficulty to be maintained ; for such a prince having no other dominion , is forced to settle himself where he is become a prince : but here is to be noted , that albeit such a man be vertuous , yet wanting fortune , his vertue proveth to small purpose , and fortune without vertue doth seldom work any great effect . howsoever it be , a prince being aspired , both by the aid of the one and of the other , shall notwithstanding find some difficulty to hold what he hath gotten ; because he is forced to introduce new laws and new orders of government differing from the old , as well for his own security , as confirmation of the government ; for avoiding of which dangers , he is to consider whether he be of himself able to compel his subjects to obey , or must pray in aid of others : if he can do the first , he needeth not doubt , but being driven to the other , his greatness cannot long continue ; for albeit a matter of no difficulty , it is to perswade a people ; yet to make them constant , is a work well near impossible . example , theseus , cyrus , romulus . the second sort of new princes are such as be aspired by favor or corruption , or by the vertue or greatness of fortune or friends : a prince by any or all these means advanced , and desirous to hold his estate , must indeavor by his own vertue to maintain himself without depending upon any other ; which may be done by this means : first , to assure all enemies from offending . secondly , to win the love and friendship of so many neighbors as possibly he may . thirdly , to compass all designs tending to his honor or profit , and bring them to pass either by fraud or force . fourthly , to make himself honored and followed of captains and soldiers . fifthly , to oppress all those that would or can offend . sixthly , to be obsequious and liberal to friends , magnanimous and terrible to foes . seventhly , to cass all old and unfaithful bands , and entertain new . eighthly , to hold such amity with kings and princes , as they ought reasonably to favor him , or else they would offend ; easily they cannot . example , giovannio , torrigiani , caesar , borgi . the third and last means whereby private persons do aspire to principalities , is not force and violence , but meer good will and favor of men. the cause or occasion thereof , is only vertue or fortune , or at least a certain fortunate craft and wittiness , because he aspireth either by favor of the people , or by favor of the nobility ; for these contrary humors are in all common-wealths to be found . and the reason thereof is , that the great men do ever endeavor to oppress the people , and the people do labor not to be oppressed by them . of these divers appetites one of these three effects do proceed , viz. principality , liberty , or licentious life . principality may come either by love of the multitude , or of the great men ; for when any of these factions do find it self oppressed , then do they soon consent to make one a prince , hoping by his vertue and valor to be defended . example , francesco sforza , alessandro de medici . a prince in this sort aspired , to maintain his estate , must first consider well by which of these factions aforesaid he is advanced ; for if by favor of great men he be aspired , then must he meet with many difficulties ; for having about him divers persons of great quality , and such as were but lately his equals , hardly shall he command them in such sort as it behoveth : but if the prince be advanced by the people , few or none shall hardly disobey him . so it appeareth that a prince made by the multitude , is much more secure than he whom the nobility preferreth ; for common people do not desire to enjoy more than their own , and to be defended from oppression ; but great men do study not only to hold their own , but also to command and insult upon inferiors . note that all monarchies are principalities . but all principalities are not monarchies . chap. vii . of councils , and counsellors in general . a senate or council is a certain lawful assembly of counsellors , to give advice to him or them that have in the commonweale power sovereign . a counsellor is called in the latine senator ; which word signifieth in effect an old man : the grecians and romans also most commonly composed their councils of ancient and expert persons ; for if they , or the greater part of them had been young men , then might the council have more properly been called a juvenate than a senate . the chief and most necessary note required in a counsellor is to have no dependence of any other prince or commonweale ; either oath , homage , natural obligation , pention , or reward : in this point the venetians have been ever most precise , and for that reason , do not admit any cardinal or other clergy-man to be either of or at their councils , therefore when the venetian senate is assembled , the usher being ready to shut the door , cryeth aloud , fuora preti , depart priest. note also that in every state , of what quality soever , a secret or cabinet-council is mainly necessary . chap. viii . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties , and democraties . the king of spain , for the government of his dominions hath seven councils , ( viz. ) the council of the indies , the council of spain , the council of italy and the low countries , the council of war , the council of orders , the council of inquisition , and the council royal. in france are three councils , ( viz. ) the council privy , the council of judges , which they call presidents et conceliers de parlament , and the great council , which they call assemblies du troys estates . of councils in aristocraties . in venice , beside the senate and great council , are four councils , ( viz. ) the sages of the sea , the sages of the land , the council of tenn , the three presidents of quarantia , and the senate : all which councils do amount to one hundred and twenty persons , with the magistrates . the great council of ragusa consisteth of sixty persons , and hath another privy council of twelve . of councils in democraties . genoua hath three councils : the great council of two hundred , the senate which consisteth of sixty , and the privy council which hath twenty six counsellors : so it doth appear that in all commonwealths , be they monarchies , aristocracies , or popular states . the council-privy is most necessary , and often used ; also this difference is to be noted between the councils in monarchies , and the councils in aristocracies and states popular ; that is to say , that all deliberations fit to be published , are in a monarchy consulted and resolved upon in the council privy , and after ratified by common council ; but in optimacies or popular government the custom is contrary . here also is to be noted , that albeit the use and authority of every senate a privy council is most needful , yet hath it no authority to command but in the name of those in whom the sovereignty resteth : for if counsellors had power to command absolutely , then should they be sovereigns , and consequently all execution at their pleasure ; which may not be without detracting from majesty , which is a thing so sovereign and sacred , as no citizen or subject of what quality soever , may touch or approach thereunto . chap. ix . of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . an officer is a person publick , that hath charge ordinary and limited by law. a commissioner is also a person publick , but his charge is extraordinary and limited by commission . officers are of two sorts , and so be commissioners ; the one hath power to command , and are called magistrates : the other hath authority to execute : so the one and the other are persons publick : yet are not all publick persons either officers or commissioners . commissioners are ordained to govern in provinces , in war , in justice , in disposing the treasure , or some other function concerning the state ; but all commissions do spring and proceed from the sovereign , magistrates and commissioners . and here is to be noted , that every commission ceaseth if he that granted the commission doth dye , or revoke it , or if the commissioners during his commission shall aspire to office and authority equal to his that made it . chap. x. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . a magistrate is an officer having power to command in the state ; and albeit that every magistrate be an officer , yet every officer is not a magistrate , but they only that have power to command . also in making officers of and magistrates in every commonweale , three things are specially to be observed ( viz. ) who doth make them , what men they are that should be made , and the form and manner how they are made . the first appertaineth to him or them in whom the sovereignty resteth ; the second also belongeth to majesty ; yet therein the laws are commonly followed , especially in aristocracies and states popular ; in the one the magistrates are chosen out of the most wealthy or most noble : in the other , elected out of the whole multitude . the form and manner of choosing magistrates in aristocracies and states popular , is either by election , by lot , or by both , and their office is to compel those that do not obey what sovereignty commandeth : for all force of commandment lieth in compulsion . commandment likewise is of two sorts ; the one may be called sovereign and absolute , above laws , above magistrates , and above people . in monarchies such command is proper to the prince only ; in aristocracies it resteth in the nobility : and in democracies the people have that power . the second commandments are subject both to sovereignty and law. here is to be noted , that every magistrate may recall his own commandment , and forbid what he did command , yet cannot revoke that which he hath judged . * also in the presence of the sovereign , all authority of magistrates ceaseth ; and in presence of great magistrates the inferior have no power ; and magistrates equal cannot do any thing but by consent , if his colleagues or fellow-magistrates be present . chap. xi . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war. the first concern matter intrinsick . the second touch matter extrinsick . matters intrinsick are three . the administration of justice . the managing of the treasure . the disposing of things appertaining to war. matters extrinsick are also three . the skill how to deal with neighbors . the diligence to vent their designs . the way how to win so much confidence with some of them , as to be made partaker of whatsoever they mean to enterprise . touching administration of justice . the good and direct administration of justice , is in all places a principal part of government ; for seldom or never shall we see any people discontented and desirous of alteration , where justice is equally administred without respect of persons ; and in every state this consideration is required , but most of all in countries that do front upon other princes , or were lately conquered : hereunto the princes vigilancy and the magistrates uprightness are especially required ; for oft-tentimes the prince is deceived , and the magistrates corrupted ; it behoveth also the prince to maintain the judges and ministers of justice in their reputation , and yet to have a vigilant eye upon their proceedings , and the rather if their authority do include equity , and from their censure be no appeal ; and if their office be during life , and they are men born and dwelling in the same country ; all these things are duly to be considered of the prince ; for as to call the judges into question , is as it were to disgrace the judicial seat ; so to wink at their corruptions were matter of just discontent to the subject : in this case therefore the prince cannot do more than by his wisdom to make choice of good men ; and being chosen , to hold them in good reputation so as the ordinary course of justice may proceed ; for otherwise great disorder , contempt , and general confusion will ensue thereof . secondly , he is to keep his eye open upon their proceedings ; and lastly to reserve unto himself a supreme power of appellation . touching the treasure . the want of money is in all states very perilous , and most of all in those which are of least strength , and do confine upon nations with whom they have commonly war , or unassured peace , but most perilous of all to those governments which are remote from the prince , or place where they are to be relieved . the means to levy treasure are four. first , the customs and impositions upon all forts of merchandize and traffick is to be looked unto and advanced . secondly , the excessive eating of usury must be suppressed . thirdly , all superfluous charges and expences are to be taken away . lastly , the doings and accounts of ministers are severally to be examined . touching the matter of custom and impost thereof , assuredly a great profit is in every state to be raised ; chiefly where peace hath long continued , and where the country affordeth much plenty of commodities to be carried out , and where ports are to receive shipping . the moderating of interest is ever necessary , and chiefly in this age , by reason that money aboundeth in europe ; since the traffick into the indies ; for such men as have money in their hands great plenty , would in no wise imploy the same in merchandize , if lawful it were to receive the utmost usury , being a course of most profit and greatest security . the taking away of superfluous expences is no other thing than a certain wise and laudable parsimony ; which the romans and other well governed states did use . these expences consist in fees , allowances , and wages granted to ministers of little or no necessity ; also in pensions , rewards , entertainments and donaries , with small difficulty to be moderated , or easily to be suppressed . * by abridging or taking away of these needless expences a marvelous profit will be saved for the prince ; but if he continue them , and by imposing upon the people do think to increase his treasure or revenue , besides the loss of their love , he may also hazard their obedience , with many other inconveniences . touching war. whatsoever prince or common-weale is neighbour to any people which can , will , or were wont to offend , it is necessary to have not only all things prepared for defence of his person and country , but also to forecast and use every caution and other diligence : for the inconveniencies which happen to government , are sudden and unlook'd for ; yea , the providence and provision required in this case ought to be such as the expences all other ways imployed must stay to supply the necessity of war. chap xii . extrinsick observation , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decipher their intendments . this first point of matter extrinsick is of such quality as being well handled procureth great good , but otherwise becometh dangerous ; for the proceeding must be divers according to the diversity of the ends which the prince or governor intendeth ; for if he desire to continue peace with his neighbors , one way is to be taken ; but otherwise he is to work that seeketh occasion to break , and to become an enemy to one or more of his neighbors . if he do desire to live peaceably withal , then he is to observe these rules ( viz. ) first , to hold and continue firmly all contracts and capitulations . secondly , to shew himself resolved neither to offer nor take the least touch of wrong or injury . thirdly , with all care and favor to further commerce and reciproke traffick for the profit of the subject , and increase of the princes revenue . fourthly , covertly to win so great confidence with neighbors , as in all actions of unkindness among them he may be made umpire . fifthly , to become so well believed with them as he may remove such diffidences as grow to his own disadvantage . sixthly , not to deny protection or aid to them that are the weakest , and chiefly such as do and will endure his fortune . lastly , in favouring , aiding and protecting ( unless necessity shall otherwise so require ) to do it moderately , so as they who are to be aided , become not jealous , and consequently seek adherency elsewhere , which oft-times hath opened way to other neighbors that desire a like occasion . how to prevent their designs . this point in time of war is with great diligence to be looked unto ; also in time of peace to prevent all occasions that may kindle war is behoveful ; for to foresee what may happen to the prejudice of a princes profit or reputation , is a part of great wisdom . the means to attain the intelligence of these things are two . the first is by friends , the next by espials ; the one for the most part faithful , the other not so assured . these matters are well to be considered ; for albeit the nature of man desireth nothing more than curiously to know the doings of others , yet are those things to be handled with so great secrecy and dissimulation as the princes intent be not in any wise suspected , nor the ministers made odious ; for these sometimes to win themselves reputation , do devise causes of difference where no need is , divining of things future which prove to the prejudice of their own prince . to win confidence with neighbors . this is chiefly attained unto by being loved and honored ; for these things do work so many good effects , as daily experience sufficeth without any express example to prove them of great force . the ways to win love and trust , is in all actions to proceed justly , and sometimes to wink at wrongs , or set aside unnecessary revenges ; and if any thing be done not justifiable , or unfit to be allowed , as oftentimes it happeneth , there to lay the blame upon the minister , which must be performed with so great show of revenge and dissimulation , by reproving and punishing the minister , as the princes offended may be satisfied , and believe that the cause of unkindness proceeded from thence . now only it resteth that somewhat should be said touching provision , to the end the people may not be drawn into despair by famine , or extream dearth of victual , and chiefly for want of corn , which is one principal consideration to be regarded , according to the italian proverb , pane in piazza , giustitia in palazzo , siverezza per tutto : whereunto i could wish every prince or supreme governor to be thus qualified ( viz. ) facile de audienza : non facile de credenza , desioso de spedition , essemplare in costunii proprii , & inquei de sua casa tale chevorra governare , e non esser governato da altro ; he della raggione . chap. xiii . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . every good and lawful principality is either elective or successive : of them election seemeth the more ancient ; but succession in divers respects the better : minore discrimine sumitur princeps quam quaeritur . tac. the chief and only endeavor of every good prince , ought to be the commodity and security of the subjects , as contrariwise the tyrant seeketh his own private profit with the oppression of his people : civium non servitus sed tutela tradita est . sal. to the perfection of every good prince , two things are necessarily required ( viz. ) prudence and vertue ; the one to direct his doings , the other to govern his life : rex eris si recte feceris . hor. the second care which appertaineth to a good prince , is to make his subjects like unto himself ; for thereby he is not only honored , but they also the better governed : facile imperium in bonos . plaut . subjects are made good by two means ( viz. ) by constraint of law , and the princes example ; for in all estates , the people do imitate those conditions whereunto they see the prince enclined : quicquid faciunt principes , praecipere videantur . quintil. all vertues be required in a prince , but justice and clemency are most necessary ; for justice is a habit of doing things justly , as well to himself as others , and giving to every one so much as to him appertaineth : this is that vertue that preserveth concord among men , and whereof they be called good : jus & acquit as vincula civitatum . cic. * it is the quality of this vertue also , to proceed equally and temperately ; it informeth the prince not to surcharge the subjects with infinite laws ; for thereof proceedeth the impoverishment of the subjects and the inriching of lawyers , a kind of men which in ages more ancient , did seem of no necessity : sine causidicis satis foelices olim fuere futur acque sunt urbes . sal. the next vertue required in princes is clemency , being an inclination of the mind to lenity and compassion , yet tempered with severity and judgment ; this quality is fit for all great personages , but chiefly princes , because their occasion to use it is most ; by it also the love of men is gained : qui vult regnare , languida regnet manu . sen. after clemency , fidelity is expected in all good princes , which is a certain performance and observation of word and promise ; this vertue seemeth to accompany justice , or is as it were the same , and therefore most fit for princes : sanctissimum generis humani bonum . liv. as fidelity followeth justice , so doth modesty accompany clemency ; modesty is a temperature of reason , whereby the mind of man is so governed , as neither in action or opinion he over-deemeth of himself , or any thing that is his ; a quality not common in fortunate folk , and most rare in princes : superbia commune nobilitatis malum . sal. this vertue doth also moderate all external demonstration of insolence , pride and arrogance , and therefore necessary to be known of princes , and all others whom favor or fortune have advanced : impone foelicitati tua fraenos , facilius illam reges . curt. but as princes are to observe the bounds of modesty , so may they not forget the majesty appertaining to their supreme honor , being a certain reverend greatness due to princely vertue and royal state ; a grace and gravity no less beseeming a prince than vertue it self ; for neither over-much familiarity , nor too great austerity , ought to be used by princes : facilitas autoritatem , severitas amorem minuit . tac. to these vertues we may apply liberality , which doth not only adorn , but highly advance the honor due to princes ; thereby also the good will of men is gained ; for nothing is more fitting a prince's nature than bounty , the same being accompanied with judgment , and performed according to the laws of liberality : perdere multi sciunt , donare nesciunt . tac. it seemeth also that prudence is not only fit , but also , among other vertues , necessary in a prince ; for the daily use thereof is in all humane actions required , and chiefly in matters of state and government : prudentia imperantis propria & unica virtus . arist. the success of all worldly proceedings , doth shew that prudence hath compassed the prosperous event of humane actions , more than force of arms or other power : mens una sapiens plurium vincit manus . eurip. prudence is either natural , or received from others ; for whoso can counsel himself what is fit to be done , needeth not the advice of others ; but they that want such perfection , and are nevertheless capable , and are willing to know what others inform , ought to be accounted wise enough : laudatissimus est qui cuncta videbit , sed laudandus est is qui paret recte monenti . hesiod . chap. xiv . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministres of state , with their several requisites . albeit the excellent spirit of some princes be such as doth justly deserve the highest commendation ; yet for that every course of life needeth the aid of men , and the mind of one cannot comprehend the infinite care appertaining to publick affairs ; it behoveth princes to be assisted : magna negotia , adjutoribus egent . tac. the assistants may be properly divided into counsellors and ministers ; the one to advise , the other to execute : without counsel , no kingdom , no state , no private house can stand ; for experience hath proved , that common-weales have prospered so long as good counsel did govern , but when favor , fear or voluptuousness entered , those nations became disordered ; and in the end subject to slavery : quiddam sacrum profecto est consultatio . plato . counsellors are men specially selected to give advice to princes or common-wealths , as well in peace as in war ; the chief qualities required in such men , are fidelity and knowledge ; which two concurring do make them both good and wise , and consequently fit for counsel : prudentis proprium munus recte consulere . arist. the election of counsellors is and ought to be chiefly among men of long experience and grave years ; for as youth is fittest for action in respect of corporal strength ; so elder folk having felt the force of every fortune , and observed the course of worldly proceedings do seem most meet for consultation : consilia senum , facta juvenum . plato . albeit we say that the excellency of wisdom should be in counsellors ; yet do we not require so quick and fiery a conceit as is more apt for innovation than orderly government : hebetiores quam acutiores melius remp. administrant . thucyd. to fidelity and experience we wish that our counsellors should be endued with piety , liberty , constancy , modesty and silence ; for as the aid and assistance of god is that which governeth all good counsels , so liberty of speech , and magnanimous uttering of what is good and fit , is necessary in counsellors . likewise to be constant and not to vary in opinion , either for fear or favor , is very commendable : also as modesty in giving counsel escheweth all offences , and gaineth good will , so secresie is the best and most secure means to govern all publick affairs : res magnae sustineri non possunt ab eo qui tacere nequit . curt. the first obstacle to good counsel is pertinacy or opiniativeness ; a condition far unfit for counsellors ; yet some men are so far in love with their own opiniastre conceits , as that they cannot patiently endure opposition . secondly , discord must from counsellors be removed , because private offence many times impeacheth publick proceedings . thirdly , affection is an enemy to counsel , the same being commonly accompanied with anger , wherewith nothing can be rightly or considerately done . lastly , avarice seemeth a vice worthy to be abhorred of all counsellors , because it driveth away both fidelity and honesty , the principal pillars of all good counsel : pessimum veri affectus & judicii venenum , utilit as . tac. to good counsel other impediments there are , which square not with wisdom ; for all crafty and hazarding counsels do seem in the beginning likely to succeed ; but afterwards and chiefly in the end do prove hard and of evil event . it therefore seemeth behoveful to be wary in resolving , and bold in executing : animus vereri qui scit , scit tuto aggredi . pub. another lett to good consultation is immoderate desire , which every wise man must endeavor to restrain : cupiditate pauca recte fiunt , circumspectione plurima . thucyd. thirdly , haste is an enemy to good deliberation ; for whoso greedily desireth any thing , proceedeth rashly ; and rash proceeding endeth ever in repentance : scelera impetu , bona consilia mora valescunt . tac. of ministers of state. having already spoken of counsellors , somewhat is to be spoken of ministers ; i mean those that either publickly or privately serve the prince in any function ; in choice of which men , care must be had ; first , that they be persons honestly born ; for no man descended of base parentage may be admitted , unless in him be found some noble and excellent vertue : optimus quisque nobilissimus . plato . secondly , they ought to be of honest condition , and of good fame ; for that common-weale is better and more secure , where the prince is not good , than is that where his ministers are evil. it seemeth therefore that ministers should be men of good quality and blameless : emitur sola virtute potestas . claud. thirdly , consideration is to be had of their capacity and fitness , for that function wherein they are to be used ; for as some men are apt for learning , so others are naturally disposed to arms. also it is necessary that every one square with the office whereunto he is appointed , in which matter some princes have used great caution ; for as they little liked of men excellent , so they utterly detested the vitious ; the one they doubted to trust in regard of themselves , the other were thought a publick indignity to the state. wise men have therefore resolved , that those wits which are neither over-haughty and singular , nor they which be base or dull , are fittest for princes secrets and services ; howsoever we may hereof say with tacitus : nescio quomodo aulica haec comitia affectus dirigit , & fato quodam ac sorte nascendi , ut caetera , ita principum inclinatio in hos , offensio in illos est . tac. and because the course and quality of mens lives serving in court , is of all other the most uncertain and dangerous , great heed and circumspection ought therein to be used ; for whoso serveth negligently , forgetting the dutiful endeavors appertaining to the place , seemeth to take a way of no good speed : quanto quis obsequio promptior , tanto honoribus & opibus extollitur . tac. it shall also become such a man to look well unto his own profit , and behave himself rather boldly than bashfully : malus minister regii imperii pudor . sen. to be modest , and closely to handle all actions , is also a course well beseeming a courtier ; neither shall he do well to attribute any good success to his own vertue or merit , but acknowledge all to proceed from the prince's bounty and goodness , by which means envy is eschewed , and the prince not robbed of his honor : haec est conditio regum , casus tantum adversos hominibus tribuant , secundos virtuti suae . prov. emped . and to conclude these precepts summarily , i say it behoveth all ministers and servants in court to be patient , wary and of few words : fraudum sedes aula . sen. chap. xv. the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . to govern , is a certain skill how to command and continue subjects in due obedience , so as offend they ought not , or if they will they cannot ; wherein two special things are to be considered ( viz. ) the nature of men , and the nature of the state ; but first the condition of the vulgar must be well conceived : noscenda natura vulgi , & quibus modis temperanter habeatur . tac. the disposition of men is divers ; some are apt to anger , some are hardy , some fearful ; it therefore behoveth the prince to accommodate his government to the humor of people whom he governeth : principis est virtus maxima nosse suos . mart. likewise the nature of commonweals is mutable and subject to change , and kingsare not only accompanied with fortune , but also followed with hate , which breedeth a continual diffidence , chiefly towards those that are nearest to majesty : suspectus semper invisusque dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur . tac. moreover the vulgar sort is generally variable , rash , hardy , and void of judgment ; ex opinione multa , ex veritate pauca judicat . cic. to confirm a government , force and arms are of greatest necessity ; by force i mean the guards and arms which princes use for their defence or ornament ; miles in foro , miles in curia principem comitari debet . tac. to this may be added fortification and strong buildings , in these days much used by new princes , and others also to whom people yield , not willing obedience . in ancient times princes planted colonies as well to suppress rebellion in conquered countries , as to front suspected neighbors : coloniae vera sedes servitutis . tac. the government of princes is also greatly increased by a virtue , which i call a commendable affection in subjects , proceeding of love and authority : these effects do grow from the princes own merit , but their being liveth in the mind of the people ; this love is gained by lenity , liberality , and mercy ; yet is every of them to be tempered : nec aut reverentiam terrore , aut amorem humilitate captibis . plin. affection is also no way sooner won then by liberality , the same being used with judgment and moderation . bellorum sociis , periculorum consortibus , sivi de te bene ac fortiter — — meritis . sen. by indulgence likewise , and princely affability , the love of men is gain'd ; for the multitude desire no more than necessary food and liberty , to use ordinary recreations : vulgo , sicut pueris , omne ludicrum in pretio est . sen. chap. xvi . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . authority is a certain reverent impression in the minds of subjects and others touching the princes virtue and government ; it resteth chiefly in admiration and fear : ingenita quibusdam gentibus erga reges suos veneratio . curt. authority consisteth in three things ; ( viz. ) the form of government , the strength of the kingdom , and the condition of the prince ; for in them all reputation and security resteth : majest as imperii , salutis tutela . curt. whoso desireth to govern well , it behoveth him to use severity , constancy and restraint ; for over much lenity introduceth contempt , and certain hope of impunity ; the condition of men being such as cannot be restrained by shame , yet it is to be commanded by fear : salutaris severit as vincit inanem speciem clementiae . cic. yet ought severity to be used with great respect and sparingly , because over great terror breedeth desparation : poena ad paucos , metus ad omnes perveniat . cic. to govern constantly is nothing else but to continue the old and ancient laws in force without change or innovation unless exceeding great commodity or urgent necessity shall so require : for where extream punishments are used , reformation is always needful : nocet interdum priscus rigor & nimia severitas . tac. also to restrain authority is a matter of great necessity and worthy a wise prince ; else he maketh others partakers of the honor and power to himself only due , the same being also dangerous : periculosam privati hominis nomen supra ( immo & juxta ) principes extolli . tac. it seemeth also perilous that great authority given to private men should belong ; for thereby oft-tentimes they are made insolent and apt to innovation : libertatis sive principatus magna custodia est , si magna imperio diuturna esse non sinas . liv. authority is also reinforced and enlarged by power , without which no prince can either take from others or defend his own : parum tuta sine viribus majestas . liv. chap. xvii . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . power and strength is attained by these five ways , money , arms , counsel , friends and fortune ; but of these the first and most forcible is money : nihil tam munitum quod non expugnari pecunia possit . cic. next to money arms are of most use as well to defend as to offend ; to keep , and to conquer ; for oft-tentimes occasion is to be offered as well to take from others , as to hold what is our own : sua retinere privatae est domus , de alienis certare regia laus est . tac. also of great and necessary use is counsel , to devise how arms ought to be employed or enforced : arma concilio temperanda . tac. likewise friends and confederates do greatly increase the virtue of power , the same being such as have both wit and ability to aid : in caducum parietem ne inclina . adri. the last , yet not the least part of power consisteth in fortune ; whereof daily experience may be seen ; for the success of all humane actions seem rather to proceed from fortune than virtue : omni ratione potentior fortuna . curt. to these particularities concerning power , we may add the qualities of the prince , which greatly grace his authority ; these are partly internal , and partly external : by the one i mean the virtues of the mind , by the other a certain seemly behavior and comely gesture of the body ; of the first kind i do suppose piety and providence to be the chief , for piety maketh a prince venerable , and like unto god : oportet principem res divinas videri curare serio & ante omnia . arist. providence is a forecast and likely conjectures of things to come , supposed to be in those princes that in their actions proceed slowly and circumspectly , it seemeth also a course of princely discretion to be retired aud not ordinarily to converse with many : autoritatem absentia tueare . suet. chap. xviii . of conspiracy and treason , with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . conspiracy is commonly addressed to the princes person ; treasons are addressed against his government , authority , country , subjects , or places of srength . these mischiefs are easily feared , but hardly eschewed ; for albeit open enemies are openly encountred , yet fraud and subtilty are secret foes , and consequently not to be avoided : occulta pericula neque praevidere neque vitare in promptu est . salust . the danger of conspiracy proceedeth of divers causes , as avarice , infidelity of subjects , ambition in servants , and corruption in soldiers , therefore with great difficulty to be avoided : vitae tuae dominus est , quisquis suam contempsit . sen. notwithstanding it seemeth that either by inquisition , punishment , innocency , or destiny , the evil affection of men may be oft-tentimes discovered : . for whoso will curiously inquire and consider the actions and ordinary speechees of men ( i mean those that be persons of honor and reputation ) may oft-tentimes vent the myne that lurketh in the minds : quoniam rarò nisi male loqunti mali faciunt . lips. . punishment is likewise a thing so terrible that the consideration thereof with the hope of reward doth often discover those dangerous intentions : cruciatu aut praemio cunct a pervia sunt . tac. but as it is wisdom in princes to give ear to informers , so are they not always to be believed ; for hope , envy , hate , or some other passion oft-tentimes draws them to speak untruly : quis innocens esse potest si accusare sufficit ? tac. . the third and likeliest defence against conspiracy is the princes own innocency ; for never having injured any man , it cannot be thought there liveth any subject so lewd as will endeauor to hurt him : fidelissima custodia principis ipsius innocentia . plin. . the last and best bulward to withstand the force of this mischief we call destiny ; which proceeding from the fountain of divine providence , may be truly called the will of god ; in whose only power it resteth to protect and defend good princes : ille erit a latere tuo , & custodiet pedem tuum ne capiaris . salo. treasons are most commonly enterprized by covetous persons , who preferring private profit before fame or fidelity , do not fear to enter into any impious action : to this humor ambitious men dissentious , and all such as be desirous of innovation , are inclined : pulcra loquentes iidem in pectore prava struentes . hom. to these offenders no punishment is equal to their impious merit , can be devised , being persons odious as well to friends as foes : proditores etiam in quos anteponunt , invisi sunt . tac. chap. xix . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . having briefly touched the virtues and means whereby princes are maintained in authority and honor , let something be said of the causes from whence their ruine doth proceed ; the chief whereof seemeth to be hate and contempt : hate cometh of fear , which the more common it is , the more dangerous : nulla vis imperii tanta est , quae premente metu possit esse diuturna . cic. the causes of fear are punishments , impositions and rigor ; and therefore it behoveth a prince not only to shun them , but to eschew those actions whereby he may reasonable incur their suspision : sentias enim homines ut metuant aut oderint , non minus opinione & fama , quam certa aliqua ratione moveri . cic. yet punishment , imposition and censure are in all states necessary , although they shew and seem terrible , and consequently breed a certain desperation in subjects , unless they be discreetly and modestly used ; for extream and frequent punishments taste of cruelty ; great and many imposts savor of covetousness ; censure of manners when it exceedeth the quality of offences , doth seem rigour in these matters ; therefore it behoveth the prince to be moderate and cautelous , chiefly in capital punishment , which must be confined within the bounds of justice : sit apud principem parsimonia etiam viliffimi sanguinis . sen. but if for security sake the prince be forced to punish , let the same be done with shew of great sorrow and lothness : tanquam invitus & magnocum tormento ad castigandum veniat . sen. let all punishments also be slowly executed ; for they that are hastily punished do seem to have been willingly condemned ; neither ought any capital punishment to be inflicted but only that which is profitable to the commonweale , and for example sake : non tam ut ipsi pareant , quam ut alios pereundo deterreant . sen. in punishing also a specil respect must be had , that no shew of content or pleasure be taken therein : forma rabiei est sanguine & vulneribus gaudere . sen. also in punishing , equality must be observed , and the nature of the punishment according to the custom : nec eisdem de causis alii plectantur , alii ne appellentur quidem . cic. but in punishing publick offences wherein a multitude have part , the execution ought to be otherwise , and as it were at an instant , which may haply seem terrible , but in effect is not : frequens vindict a paucorum odium reprimit ; omnium irritat . sen. another means to satisfie a people offended is to punish the ministers of cruelty , and with their blood to wash away the common hatred . piaculares publici odii victimae . plin. by this king david did appease the gibeonites . the next cause of discontent cometh of impositions , under which word is comprehended all levies of money , a matter nothing pleasing to people , as that which they esteem equal to their own lives : pecunia anima & sanguis est mortalibus . plaut . first , to remove hate conceived of this cause , there is nothing better then publick expostulation of necessity : for what commonwealth or kingdom can be without tributes ? nulla quies gentium sine armis , nec arma sine stipendiis , nec stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt . tac. the second remedy against hate for impositions is to make moderate levies and rare . for as tiberius the emperor was wont to say , a sheep should be fleeced not flead : qui nimis emungit , elicit sanguinem . tac. thirdly , also to eschew the offence of people , it behoveth the prince to have a vigilant eye on informers , promoters , and such fiscal ministers , whose cruelty and covetous proceedings do oft-tentimes occasion great hate ; but this mischief may be , though hardly , encountred , either by choosing honest officers , or ( proving otherwise ) not only to remain them but to use them as spunges : exprimendi post quam biberint . suet. in all impositions or taxations , no cruelty or force ought to be used , the second cause to kindle hate : and to meet with that mischief , nothing is better than to proceed moderately , and without extremity : ne boves ipsos , mox agros , postremo corpora servitio aut poenae tradant . tac. the fourth remedy is the princes own parsimony , not giving so largely to private persons as thereby to be forced to take from the multitude : magnae opes non tam multa capiendo , quam haud multa perdendo , quaeruntur . maecaenas . the last help against hate is in taxation to proceed equally , indifferently , and without favor or respect ; and that the assessors of taxes may be elected of the meaner fort of people : populis maximam fidem rerum suarum habet . tac. touching censure , which we numbred amongst the causes whereof hate is conceived , much needeth not to be spoken , because the same is discontinued , or rather utterly forgotten ; yet doth it seem a thing necessary , being a certain observation and controlement of such evil manners and disorders , as were not by law corrigible ; these officers were of the romans called magistri pudoris & modestiae . livi. to the function of censures these two things are anciently subject manners , and excess ; under manners i comprehend wantonness , drunkenness , dicing , brawling , perjury , and all such lewdness as modesty condemneth . these disorders were anciently punished by the discretion of censors in all ages and sexes , to the end that idleness might be generally avoided . universa plebs habeat negotia sua , quibus a malo publico detineatur . salust . excess includeth riotousness , expence of money , prodigal house-keeping , banquetting and superfluity in apparel , which things are the mothers of many mischiefs . it also seemeth in some sort perilous to the prince that the subject should exceed either in covetize or consuming : nemo nimis excedat , five amicorum copia , sine opum . arist. the punishment inflicted upon these sorts of offenders , were either ignominy , or pecuniary punishments : censoris judicium damnato nihil affert nisi ruborem . tac. the first and chiefest means to remove these inconveniences , is the princes own example , whose life being well censured , easily reduceth others to order . vita principis censura perpetua . plin. secondly , those disorders may be taken away without danger , if the censures do proceed by degrees and leasurely ; for the nature of man may not suddenly be altered . vitia quaedam tollit facilius princeps , si eorum sit patiens . sen. these are the chiefest rules whereby to eschew hate ; but impossible it is for any prince or minister utterly to avoid it ; for being himself good , he incurreth the offence of all bad folk , if he be evil , good men will hate him ; this danger therefore wise and vertuous princes have little regarded ; because hate may be gained as well by good as evil doing : odia qui nimium timet , regnare nescit . sen. one other means to remove this error , is , to reward the good and well deserving subjects ; for no man can think him cruel , that for love to vertue useth austerity ; which will appear , when he bestoweth bountifully on the good : praemio & poena respublica continetur . solon . the other vice which indangereth the state of princes , we call contempt , being a certain base and vile conceit , which entereth into the subjects , strangers or servants , of the prince and his proceedings ; for the authority of a king may be resembled to the powers of mans mind , whereunto the hands , the feet , the eyes , do by consent obey : vires imperii in consensu obedientium sunt . livi. the causes of contempt do proceed chiefly from the form of government , fortune , or the prince's manners ; the form of government becometh contemptible , when the prince , desiring to be thought merciful , ruleth rather pitifully than justly ; which manner of proceeding taketh away all reverence in the people , and in lieu thereof , entereth liberty , or at least a certain boldness to offend : facult as faciendi quod cuilibet visum , non potest comprimere ingenitam singulis hominibus pravitatem . tac. also to be mutable , irresolute , light and inconsiderate in bestowing the honors and offices of state , maketh the prince contemptible : qui praesentibus fruitur , nec in longius consultat . arist. but if contempt be caused by fortune , or as may be said more reasonably , by destiny , and that those friends do fail , who ought in duty to defend the prince and his authority , then is there small hope to eschew contempt : fato obnoxia virtus . plaut . the prince's manners do breed contempt , when he yieldeth his affections to sensuality and sloth , or if he incur the suspition of simplicity , cowardise , or any such vice , unworthy the dignity he beareth : common people do sometimes also disesteem the prince for external and light causes , as deformity of person , sickness or such like : mos vulgi est , fortuita & externa ad culpam trahere . tac. chap. xx. of diffidence and dissimulation in the management of state affairs . albeit roundness and plain dealing be most worthy praise , chiefly in private persons ; yet because all men in their actions do not so proceed , it behoveth wise men and princes , above others , at occasions to semble and dissemble ; for as in all actions a prince ought to be slow and advised ; so in consent and believing , haste and facility is most dangerous ; and though credulity be rather an error than a fault , yet for princes it is both unfit and perilous . wherefore it importeth them to be defended with this caution , nihil credendo , atque omnia cavendo . cic. notwithstanding he must not shew himself diffident or distrustful utterly ; but as i wish he should not over-slightly believe all men , so ought he not for small causes distrust every man : multi fallere docuerunt , dum timent falli . sen. dissimulation is as it were begotten by diffidence , a quality in princes of so great necessity , as moved the emperor tiberius to say , nescit regnare , qui nescit dissimulare . the necessity of dissimulation is chiefly to be used with strangers and enemies ; it also sheweth a certain discretion in magistrates , sometimes to disguise with friends when no offence doth thereof follow : doli non sunt doli , nisi astu colas . plaut . this kind of craft , albeit in every mans conceit not praisable , is nevertheless tolerable , and for princes and magistrates ( the same being used to good ends ) very necessary . but those cunnings which are contrary to vertue , ought not of honest men to be used ; neither dare i commend adulation and corruption , though they be often used in court , and are of some learned writers allowed : decipere pro moribus temporum , prudentia est . plin. by great subtilty and frauds , contrary to vertue and piety , i mean perjury and injustice , which though all men in words detest , yet in deeds are used of many , perswading themselves , by cavillations and sophistications , to excuse the impiety of their false oaths ; as it is written of lysander , pueros talis , viros juramentis circumvenire solebat . plut. chap. xxi . of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline . the art military is of all other qualities most necessary for princes , for without it they cannot be defended ; force of men only sufficeth not , unless the same be governed by council , and martial wisdom : duo sunt quibus resp . servatur ; in hostes fortitudo , & domi concordia . tac. military knowledge concerneth war , and every war is either forreign or domestical . touching forreign , it must be considered when it must be begun , how to continue it , and when to be ended ; to begin war , a prince is to take heed that the cause be just , and the enterprise advisedly entred into : sunt enim & belli sicut pacis jura , justeque ea non minus ac fortiter gerere debes . livi. the laws of arms are in all common-weales to be duly observed ; for to enter fight rashly and without respect to reason , were beastly ; also to kill or slay would work no better effect , than that all nations should without mercy murder one another : barbaro ritu coedem coede , & sanguinem sanguine expiare . sal. no war therefore is to be made , but such as is just ; and in every just war these three things are to be looked into ( viz. ) that the author be of authority , that the cause be good , and the end just ; for in all states , the prince , or they in whom the sovereignty resteth , are the just authors of war ; others have no such authority : si quis privatim sine publico scito , pacem bejumve fecerit , capitale esto . plato . wars are of two sortt ; defensive and offensive ; the one to resist , the other to invade ; against defence nothing can be said , because it is natural and necessary . est non modo justum sed etiam necessarium cum vi vis illat a defenditur . cic. defensive war is of two sorts , either to defend thine own , or thy friends ; for it is reason that every one should keep securely that which to him appertaineth ; and therewith also by arms to defend the liberty of country , parents and friends : nullum bellum a civitate suscipitur nisi aut pro fide aut pro salute . cic. the like reason leadeth us to assist and protect friends ; for the common obligation of humane society doth so require : qui enim non obsistit si potest , injuriae , tam est in vitio , quam si parentes aut patriam , aut socios deserat . cic. invasion is also just and allowable , but not ever ; for whoso hath been robbed , or spoiled of his lands or goods , may lawfully seek repossession by force ; yet so as before any force be used , he first civilly seek restitution , wherein if justice be denied , then is the use of arms necessary : justum bellum quibus necessarium ; & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes . liv. likewise invasion is lawful against barbarians , whose religion and impiety ought to be abhorred , chiefly if they be potent and apt to offend ; for the cause of such war is compulsion and suppression of evil : cui licentia iniquitatis eripitur , utiliter vincitur . august . finally , to conclude this matter of invasion , i say , that no revenge , no desire of honor or empire , are any lawful causes of war ; but the intent thereof ought to be directed only to defence and security : for wise men do take arms to win peace , and in hope of rest they endure travel : it a bellum suscipiatur ut nihil aliud quam pax quaesit a videatur . cic. having said somewhat against unjust war , let us speak of temerity and unadvised war , an enterprise worthy discommendation : omnes bellum sumunt facile , agerrime desinunt ; nec in ejusdem potestate initium & finis est . sal. a wise i rince therefore ought neither to undertake any unlawful invasion , nor without sober and mature deliberation enter into any war , as he that is unwilling to offend , yet of courage enough to defend : nec provoces bellum , nec timeas . plin. to make war three things are required , money , men and arms ; and to maintain a war , provision and council , are needful : therefore a wise prince , before he begins a war , doth carefully consider what forces and charge thereunto belongeth : diu apparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius . pub. above all other provisions , care must be had , that bread be not wanting ; for without it neither victory nor life can be looked for : qui frumentum necessariumque commeatum non praeparat , vincitur sine ferro . vegetius . lastly , it behoveth a prince always to have arms in readiness , i mean , harness , horses , weapons , artillery , engines , powder , and every other thing necessary either for service on horse or foot : we may add hereunto ships , and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture of offence or defence ; for these preparations make a prince formidable , because no man dare do or attempt injury to that king or people , where preparation is ever ready to revenge : qui desiderat pacem , praeparat bellum . cass. by men we mean a multitude of subjects armed , trained to defend or offend : these are of two sorts , captains and soldiers ; and soldiers are either footmen or horse-men ; the one of great use in the champion , the other in mountainous places ; also for defence or assault of towns or grounds fortified most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur . tac. for sudden service , horses do seem most meet , and the execution of any enterprise is by them most speedily performed : nevertheless the actions of foot-men do seem most certainly executed , chiefly if they be well armed , and skilfully lead ; for so experience hath of late time proved ; besides , that they are of less expence and of greater number : in universum aestimanti plus in pedite robur . tac. having thus proved , that both horse and foot be necessary , let us remember , that unless they be serviceable , great numbers are to small purpose : manibus opus est bello , non multis nominibus . livi. to make soldiers serviceable , consisteth in good choice and good discipline ; the one at this day little regarded : emunt militem , non legunt . livi. soldiers ought to be elected out of the most honest and able number of bodies , and every company composed of men known one to the other ; for thereby they are made the more confident : but hereof is small heed taken , for commonly they are purgament a urbium suarum . curt. touching discipline , it seemeth that thereof the external form , and not the certain substance , is observed : for as in former ages soldiers endeavored to be vertuous and modest , so now they rather study to excel in riot than in martial knowledge : exercitus lingua quam manu promptior , praedator est sociis , & ipsa praeda hostiam . sal. for as much as soldiers are made good by election and choice , it seemeth that the foundation and ground of service consisteth in the discretion and judgment of those that have authority to make election ; yet will we add , that they must be chosen of natural subjects , for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible ; they are also mutinous and cowardly : their custom likewise is to rob , burn and spoil both friends and foes , and to consume the princes treasure : ossa vides regum vacuis exsucta medullis . juven . but the native soldier is faithful and obedient , resolute in fight , loving to his country , and loyal to his prince : gentes quae sub regibus sunt , pro deo colunt . curt. native soldiers are of two sorts , ( viz. ) they that be in continual pay , and they that are trained ready to serve , but do notwithstanding attend their own private affairs , until they be called : the first are for all princes necessary : in pace decus , in bello praesidium . tac. of this sort no great number ought to be , as well to eschew disorder , as also to save expences . the second kind of foot soldiers are to be levied in villages , as people more patient of pains , and fit for the wars ; yet so judiciously disposed as the citizens : odio praesentium & non cupidine mutationis . tac. touching the number of these extraordinary soldiers , that must be referred to discretion : bellum parare , simul & aerario parcere . to conclude , i say these numbers of ordinary and extraordinary foot ought to be according to the number of the people , not inserting any gentlemen ; for service on horse-back is to them only proper : alas rusticis non tribuo ; in nobilitatem & in divites haeo a pauperibus onera inclines . livi. the most certain notes whereby to conceive the disposition of men fit to become soldiers , are these five , the country where they are born , their age , proportion of body , their quality of mind , and their faculty . touching , first , their country , it is a thing apparently proved , that mountainous regions , or barren places , and northern habitations , do breed wits well disposed to the war : locorum asperit as hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. secondly , the age most apt for the war , was anciently observed to be about eighteen years , and so the romans used : facilius est ad virtutem instruere novos milites , quaem revocare praeteritos . veget. thirdly , the stature of a soldier ought to be observed : marius liked best the longest bodies ; pyrrhus preferred large and well proportioned men ; but vegetius in his choice , rather esteems strength than stature : utilius est fortes milites esse quam grandes . veget. fourthly , the mind or spirit of a soldier ought to be considered , for that mind which is quick , nimble , bold and confident , seemeth apt for war : he is also of good hope , that loveth honor more than ease or profit : in brief , is qui nihil metuit nisi turpem famam . sal. lastly , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath been bred ; for it may be presumed that fishers , fowlers , cooks , and others trained up in effeminate arts , are unfit for martial endeavor : and as these men were , in respect of their trade , thought unmeet , so in old time , slaves and masterless-men were repulsed from arms , as persons infamous : sed nunc tales sociantur armis quaeles domini habere fastidiunt . veget. how soldiers ought to be chosen , these few words we have spoken , may suffice . let us therefore say somewhat of discipline . choice findeth out soldiers , but discipline doth make and continue them fit for service : paucos viros fortes natura procreat , bona institutione plures reddat industria . veget. discipline is a certain severe confirmation of soldiers in their valor and vertue , and is performed by four means , exercise , order , compulsion and example . the two first appertain to valor , the third to vertue , the last to both : but of exercise , first , i say , that a soldier being chosen ought to be informed in arms , and used in exercise and action ; the word exercitium importeth nothing else : exercitus dicitur , quod melius fit exercitando varro . order consisteth in dividing , disposing , and placing of men aptly on all occasions to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct : this matter requireth a large discourse , and therefore i refer it to skilful captains and writers , as polybius , vegetius , de la nonne , and others . compulsion and correction , is that which bridleth and governeth the manners of soldiers ; for no order can be observed amongst them , unless they be continent , modest and abstinent ; for continency is chiefly to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires : degenerat a robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum . tac. the modesty of a soldier is perceived by his words , apparel and actions : for to be a vaunter , or vain-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honor or arms , seeing true vertue is silent : viri militiae nati , factis magni , ad verborum linguaeque certamina , rudes . tac. the apparel of a soldier sheweth modesty , if therein he do not exceed ; for albeit it fitteth well the profession of arms , to be well armed and decently apparelled ; yet all superfluity savoreth of ignorance or vanity : horridum militem esse decet , non coelatum auro argentoque sed ferro . livi. abstinence is also fit for all soldiers ; for thereby guided , they refrain from violence and insolency ; by that rule also they are informed to govern themselves civilly in the country where they serve , and likewise in their lodgings : never taking any thing from the owner , nor committing any outrage : vivant cum provincialibus jure civili , nec insolescat animus qui se sensit armatum . the last mark of discipline we called example , under which word is comprehended reward and punishment : for men are rewarded whensoever they receive for any excellent or singular service , honor or riches : and for evil , they have their due when they taste the punishment thereunto belonging : necessarium est acrius ille dimicet , quem ad opes & dignitates ordo militiae & imperatoris judicium consuevit evehere . veget. likewise as gold and glory belongeth to good and well deserving soldiers ; so punishment is due to those that be vitious and cowardly ; for nothing holdeth soldiers in obedience so much as the severity of discipline : milites imperatorum potius quam hostem metuere debent . veg. chap. xxii . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . of soldiers let this little suffice , we will now speak of what quality chieftains and leaders ought to be , for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies : militaris turba sine duce , corpus sine spiritu . curt. a chief or general in war , is either of his own authority chief , or a general that commandeth in the name of another . of the first sort are emperors , kings and princes ; of the other , be their deputies , lieutenants , colonels , and indeed all general commanders in the war : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person or by deputy , divers wise men have diversly thought , therefore it may be thus distinguished ; if the war do then only concern some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lieutenant ; but if the whole fortune of a prince do thereupon depend , then is he to command in his own person and not otherwise : dubiis bellorum exemplis summae rerum & imperii seipsum reservat . tac. it therefore importeth the prince sometimes by his own presence , sometimes by his deputation to perform that office ; but however occasion shall require , it ever behoveth that one only commander ought to be , ( for plurality of chieftains doth rarely or never work any good effect ) yet with this caution that he be of experience , and wise : in bellica praefectura major aspectus habendus peritiae quam virtutis aut morum . arist. the qualities required in a chiestain are these , skill , vertue , providence , authority and fortune : by skill we mean he should be of great knowledge , and long experience , or to make a sufficient captain ; the information of others , or his own reading is not enough : qui norit quis ordo agminis , quae cura exploandi , quantus urgendo trahendove bello modus . cic. military vertue is a certain vigor or force both of body and mind to exercise soldiers as well in fained war as to fight with the enemy ; and summarily a captain ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industrius in agendo , celeris in conficiendo . cic. next to vertue we placed providence as necessary in great captains ; for being of such wisdom , they will not hazard nor commit more to fortune than necessity shall inforce ; yet true it is , fools and vulgar folks , that commend or discommend actions according to success , were wont to say , cunctatio servilis , statim exequi , regium est . but advised and provident captains do think , temeritas praeterquam quod stulta , est etiam infelix . livi. albeit providence be the best mean of good speed , yet some captains of that quality and in skill excelling , have been in their actions unlucky , when others of less sufficiency have marvellously prevailed ; we may therefore reasonably say with cic. quod olim maximo , marcello , scipioni , mario & ceteris magnis imperatoribus non solum propter virtutem , sed etiam propter fortunam soepius imperia mandata , atque exercitus esse commissos . cic. lastly , we wished authority to be in chieftains , for it greatly importeth what opinion or conceit the enemy hath of such a governor , and likewise how much his friends and confederates do esteem him ; but the chief and only means to maintain authority , is austerity and terror : dux authoritatem maximam severitate sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus vindicet , nulli errantium credatur ignoscere . veget. also experience hath proved , that such chieftains as were affable and kind to their soldiers , were much loved , yet did they incur a contempt ; but on the other side , those that commanded severely and terribly , although they gained no good will , yet were they ever obeyed : dux facitis inutilis . app. chap. xxiii . of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick , with advice how to make an honorable peace . after men found and framed fit for the war , to small or no purpose shall they serve , unless they be imployed by wisdom or good council : mon minus est imperatoris consilio quam vi persicere . tac. council in war is of two sorts , direct council and indirect ; the first sheweth a plain and orderly course for proceeding , as to lay hold on occasion ; for as in all other humane actions occasion is of great force : occasio in bello solet amplius juvare quam virtus . veget. as occasions presented are means of good success , so fame worketh great effects in the wars , therefore it behoveth a captain to be constant , and not apt to believe the vain rumors and reports of men : male imperatur , cum regit vulgus duces suos . sen. confidence is also to be eschewed , for no man is sooner surprised , than he who feareth least ; also contempt of the enemy hath been occasion of great discomfitures , therefore as a captain ought not to fear , so should he not contemn his enemy : nimia fiducia semper obnoxia . aemyl . as security , and overmuch estimation of our own vertue or valor is hurtful , so doth it import every good captain to be well informed , not only of his own forces but also of what strength the enemy is ; likewise it behoveth him to know the situation of the country , and the quality of the people , with every other circumstance . moreover , the generals honor and capacity ought to be known , with the condition and nature of the enemy : impetus acres cunctatione languescunt , aut in perfidiam mutantur . tac. temerity in war is also dangerous , for wise captains were wont not to enterprise any thing without deliberation and good opportunity , unless they were thereunto by necessity inforced : in rehus asperis & tenui spe , fortissima quaque consilia tutissima sunt . livi. some wise men , not superstitiously but discreetly , do think prodigious signs from heaven , or on earth , are not to be neglected , neither are dreams in time of war to be contemned : nam amat benignitas numinis , seu quod merentur homines , seu quod tangitur eorum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendent . aemi . a wise captain will also wait opportunities , and spy out fit times when the enemy is wearied , or pretending fear , draw him into danger ; which advantages , with many other , are gained chiefly by observing of time : quia si in occasionis momento , cujus praetervolat opportunitas , cunctatus paulum fueris , nequicquam mox omissam querare . livi. next the observation of time , the place is to be well considered , whether it be for thine advantage or thine enemies : amplius prodest locus saepe quam virtus . veget. thirdly , it importeth much , that men be well ordered , trained , and prepared for the fight ; for the want of art is cause of many disadvantages , and many times a small supply of choice soldiers on horse-back or foot , doth seem to the enemy very terrible ; likewise a sudden shout or conceit hath amazed a whole army : milites vanis & inanibus , magis quam justis formidinis causis moventur . curt. fourthly , it were to good purpose , that in ordering of men for fight , soldiers of one country or nations , should be ranged together , and above all , to foresee that the least loss of blood be among the natural subjects , and so handle the matter , that the chief slaughter light upon strangers and mercenaries : ingens victoriae decus , citra domesticum sanguinem bellanti . tac. the generals own courage and lively disposition to fight , will greatly animate the multitude of soldiers , as a contrary countenance or appearance of fear , will exceedingly amaze and daunt : necesse estad fugam parati sint , qui ducem suum sentiunt desperare . veget. it were also for thy great advantage , that the forces should be ordered for the fight , before the enemy be prepared . first , for that thou maist the better perform , what thou thinkest fit to be done . secondly , that thereby thine own forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assail the enemy , and to begin the fight : plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti . livi. after victory it is not the best policy to execute the enemies with extream cruelty , but proceed moderately , for it shall suffice the victory is thine : clausis ex desperatione crescit audacia , & cum spei nihil est , sumit arma fermido . veget. lastly , i would advise that the general should be wary in his actions , and in every enterprise to frustrate the soldiers from spoils and pillage : saepe obstitit vincentibus pravum inter ipsos certamen , omisso hoste spolia consectanda . tac. of direct councils , let that we have said suffice . we will now speak of councils indirect , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems or subtile practices : which manner of proceeding , hath been , in times past , of divers grave writers condemned : vir nemo mentis altae clanculum velit occidere hostem . eurip. notwithstanding the opinion of this , and divers other writers worthy credit , it seemeth reasonable , and in piety allowable , that stratagems and subtilties may be used in the war , yet with such caution , as the same may stand with fidelity and honor ; for fraud being used , contrary to contracts and agreements made with the enemy , is mere treachery : as to poyson him or her , a murtherer to kill him , were plain impiety : faederatum injuste fallere , impium . livi. also out of the war covertly to kill a particular enemy by secret assault or practice , is not warrantable , either by faith or honor ; yet to use all craft , cunning and subtilty in open war , is both allowable and praisable ; and so is thought by christian writers : cum justum bellum suscipitur , ut aperte pugnet quis aut ex insidiis , nihil ad justitiam interest . aug. the same is also approved by divers authors of good credit : confice sive dolo seu stricto cominus euse . the same is also affirmed by xenophon , reipsa nihil utilius in bello dolis . thus having briefly touched what counsels are required in war , let us consider how victory is to be used , for the end of every good war is peace ; to the enjoying whereof , three things are required , wariness , mercy and modesty ; because over-great confidence may happily impeach the end of good success : res secundae negligentiam creant . livi. i also wish the victory to be handled mercifully , because all conquests are in their own nature cruel enough : and the ire of insolent soldiers , forces the conquered to become desperate : gravissime mor sus irritate necessitatis . curt. to proceed modestly , is also an honorable quality in him that conquereth ; for in prosperous fortunes , men do hardly refrain covetous and proud doings ; yea , some good and great captains have in like cases forgotten what did best become them : in rebus secundis etiam egregii duces insolescunt . tac. after victory followeth peace : for if war did ever continue , no state or government could stand : therefore how great , or how long soever the war be , the end must be peace ; the name whereof is not only sweet , but also comfortable : pax una triumphis innumeris potior . peace is not only good and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those that are victored : pacem reduci velle victori , expedit , victo necesse est . tac. nevertheless until good and honorable peace be offered , arms may not be laid aside : wherein i wish tully's advice to be followed : bellum gerendum est ; si bellum omittemus , pace nunquam fruemur . livi. in treaty of peace , two things must be considered : first , that the conditions be honorable . to condescend to any base conditions , is unto a princely mind not only great indignity , but also intolerable : cum dignitate potius cadendum , quam cum ignominia serviendum . plut. it also importeth , the peace should be simple , true and unfeigned ; for all feigned and dissembling amity is to be doubted : pace suspect a tutius est bellum . mithrid . the fittest season to speak of peace , is either when the war beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equal force ; for if the war continueth , it must behove the weaker to yield to necessity : not unlike the ship-master , who to save himself doth cast the greatest part of his loading into the sea : necessitati pare , quam ne dii quidem superant . livi. finally , having generously defended thy self , and performed all things required in a magnanimous captain , and finding nevertheless thy force insufficient , it cannot be dishonorable to accept peace . wherefore laying aside hatred and hope , which are but weak supporters , thou maist recommend thee and thine to the approved discretion of an honorable enemy : victores secundae res in miserationem ex ira vertunt . livi. now for as much as every peace promiseth rest and quiet , as well to the victorious as to the victored ; we may add thereunto , that the prince victorious receiveth thereby honor , profit and security . for although his happiness may occasion hope of great success , yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to listen to peace : decorum principi est cum victoriam prope in manibus habeat , pacem non abnuere , ut sciant omnes te & suscipere juste bellum , & finire . livi. it seemeth also the more honorable ; for who so is victorious , doth give peace and not take it : he also sheweth himself discreet by using a moderation in victory , and no extremity in spoiling , which our wise and godly writers have commended : pacem contemnentes , & gloriam appetentes , pacem perdunt & gloriam . bern. peace is also profitable for the victorious , because continual war breedeth weariness , and of violent proceeding desparation and peril cometh : maximi & mortiferi morsus esse solent morientium bestiarum . sen. likewise peace is more assured than any victory . hope of the one is in thine own power ; the other in the hand of god : add thereunto the force of fortune , which hath great power in all humane actions : in rebus secundis nihil in quenquam superbe ac violenter consulere decet , nec praesenti credere fortunae , cum quid vesper ferat , incertus sis . sen. also conditions of peace ought to be reasonably and freely bestowed : for no people can live contented under such a law as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax bello bene mutatur . sen. chap. xxiv . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . the greatest and most grievous calamity that can come to any state is civil war ; for therein subjects take arms against their prince or among themselves , whereof followeth a misery more lamentable than can be described . non aetas , non dignitas quenquam protegit , quo minus stuprà caedibus , & caedes stupris misceantur . tac. the first cause of civil war proceedeth of destiny , for god in his own divine providence foreseeth many years before , that great and mighty empires shall be ruined . in se magna ruunt : laetis hinc numina rebus crescendi posuere modum — lucan . the second cause is , excess , riot , and dissolute life ; for nothing breedeth civil fury so soon as over great happiness ; also pompous apparel , banquetting and prodigal spending consumeth riches , and plenty is turned into poverty ; for by these means are men brought into desperation . rapacissimo cuique ac perditiffimo , non agri aut faenus sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tac. now to consider how destiny might be eschewed , were in vain : for such a remedy no wit or wisdom can devise , being the decree of god , no doubt it is inevitable . ita fato placuit , nullius rei eodem semper loco stare fortunam . sen. there is nothing exempt from the peril of mutation ; the earth , heavens , and whole world is thereunto subject . certis eunt cuncta temporibus ; nasci debent , crescere , extingui . sen. touching the second causes of civil war some remedies may be used , because it proceedeth of faction , sedition or tyranny . i call faction a certain association of divers persons combined to the offence of others . it proceedeth often of private or publick displeasure , and more often of ambition . nemo eorum qui in rep. versantur , quos vincat , sed a quibus vincatur , aspicis . sen. . factions are of two sorts ; for either they consist of many or of few persons : both be dangerous , but the former more apt to take arms ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth arms of foreign forces . . the other faction wherein are fewer partakers , be commonly great personages or men of more importance than ordinary people ; and that proveth most perilous and bloody . nobilium factiones trahunt ad se , & in partes , universum etiam populum . arist. albeit some wise men have held opinion that factions are necessary , yet cannot that conceipt be reasonably maintained , unless it be upon confines , and in such places where conspiracy is feared , which cato in his private family used . semper contentiunculas aliquas aut dissensum inter servos callide serebat , suspectum habens nimiam concordiam orum , metuensque . plut. factions against the nobility , are sometimes suppressed by forbidding colors , or unknown bagdes to be worn , also to inhibit names or watch-words of mutinies is necessary , which was mecaenas counsel to augustus ; and aristotle thinketh it fit that laws should be made against the factions of noblemen . nobilium contentiones & partes etiam legibus oportet prohibere conari . arist. another cause of civil war , we call sedition , which is a sudden commotion or assembly of common people against their prince or his magistrates : the original of which disorders may proceed of divers causes , but chiefly of oppression . imminentium periculocum remedium , ipsa pericula arbitrari . arist. again , fear may be the occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injured , and is desirous to prevent it before it cometh . it may proceed also of over great mildness in government . non miseriis licentia sed licentia , tantum concitum turbarum , lascivire magis plebem quam saevire . livi. sedition many times ariseth of poverty , or of the artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no means whereof they can live . semper in civitate , quibus opes nullae sunt , bonis invidem , vetera odere , nova expetunt , odio rerum suarum mutari omnia student . sab. lastly , sedition cometh of tyranny , insolency , or mutinous disposition of certain captains , cavaliers , or ring-leaders of the people ; for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , yet doth it stand firm , until some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per se immobilis . livi. of these movers some are ambitious , who wanting other means to aspire , hope by practice of sedition , to compass their designs ; or else they are unthrifts , who having consumed their own , seek by violence to possess themselves of other mens : or else they are vain and light persons , that without cause or reason , attempt innovation , themselves know not for what . non tam praemiis periculorum , quam ipsis periculis loeti , pro certis & olim partis , nova , ambiguae ancipitia maelunt . thus having told the causes of sedition , i wish the remedies were prepared . omne malum nascens facile opprimitur , inveteratum fit plerumque robustius . cic. the first way to suppress sedition , is eloquence and excellent perswasion , which oft-tentimes worketh great effects among the multitude ; chiefly when it proceedeth from some reverend and grave person , for his wisdom and integrity of life honored : for the prince himself is not to take office in hand , unless necessity so inforce : integra autorit as principis majoribus remediis servetur . tac. if perswasion cannot prevail , then force must compel : but before such violent proceedings , use , art and cunning , either to appease the people , or at least to disunite them ; and rather if the prince do offer fair and promise plausibly . verba apud populum plurimum valent . tac. it is lawful also in such cases for princes to use subtilty ; and the same not prevailing , to wash away the stain thereof with clemency : for when arms laid down , and every one yielded , general punishment were needless . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tac. the last cause of sedition we named tyranny , which is a certain violent government , exceediug the laws of god and nature . the difference between kings and tyrants is this ; the one imployeth arms in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrifie those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate . auferre , trucidare , rapere , falsis nominibus imperium , at que ubi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant . tac. the quality of tyrants is to esteem promoters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others . they are also protectors of impious . persons , and stand in daily doubt of noble and virtuous men. nobilitas , opes , amissi gestique honores , procrimine : et ob virtutes certissimum exitium . tac. tyrants do also endeavor to suppress the knowledge of letters and civil life , to the end all arts should be exiled , and barbarism introduced . pellunt sapientiae professores , & omnes bonas artes in exilium agant . tac. these and such like , be the conditions of tyrants , who for the most part are deposed and slain ; for as kings live long and deliver their dominions to their children and posterity : so tyrants being feared and hated of all men , cannot continue in their estate . adgenerum cereris sine ceede & vulnere pauci descendunt reges & sicca morte tyranni . juvin . the remedies of these mischiefs which proceed from the violence of such a prince , are persecution or patience . many generous spirits have used the first ; perswading themselves rather to dye , than endure the sight of a tyrant . also the grecians did think it a service acceptable to murther the person of such an impious prince . graeci homines deorum honores tribuebant iis qui tyrannos necaverunt . cic. nevertheless , in christian consideration , the other course is to be taken : let patience therefore incounter this mischief ; for seeing all kings , as well the bad as the good be sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . persecution is not only perilous , but for the most part infortunate : for therefore present revenge is taken by that prince that succeedeth . facinoris ejus ultor est , quisquis successerit . tac. the murther of tyrants is also followed with many inconveniences worse than civil war it self . principes boni , votis expetendi , qualescunque tolerandi . tac. for as fire , floods , and other inevitable plagues are necessarily to be suffered : so evil princes in their covetousness and cruelty ought to be patiently indured , because their office is to command , and subjects must obey . indigna , digna habenda sunt , rex quae facit . sen. and as it is the use of vulgar people to find faults in the long reign of princes ; so the ambition of great subjects is desirous of novelty . praesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucyd. to conclude , we say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience : for so long as men are , so long will vices be . regum ingenia toleranda , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tac. chap. xxv . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . to the perfections of men , three things are necessarily required ; nature , nurture and use : the first giveth capacity , aptness and understanding ; which are graces from above . nurture , is learning , knowledge , art , or order . use , is practice , experience , and orderly observation ; whereof may be conceived , that nature alone sufficeth not ; nor can nurture work any good effect , where natural aptness wanteth ; and they can frame no perfection , unless experience be also conjoined . nemo nascitur sapiens , sed sit . sen. ambassadors , negotiants , and generally all other ministers of mean fortune , in conversation with princes and superiors , must use great respect , shewing themselves rather ceremonious than presumptuous , and acknowledge their obligation great , for the favor and grace , they find in those which might command them . it is no wisdom ever to commend or discommend the actions of men by their success ; for oft-tentimes some enterprises attempted by good counsel , end unfortnately ; and others unadvisedly taken in hand , have happy success . who so then commendeth inconsiderate counsels for their fortunate event , thereby encourageth men to jar and discomfort the wiser sort to speak what they know , and by experience have proved . in actions publick , and every other matter of great moment , the beginning is well to be considered : for afterwards it lieth not in our power , without dishonor to abandon what was begun . the time doth not always serve , nor is apt occasion always offered to enterprise what would ; yer who so doth expect every opportunity , shall either attempt nothing at all , or if he do , the same for the most part turneth to his own disadvantage . when any resolution is taken , either with over great haste , or too much affection , seldom it receiveth good success : for he that doth the one , hath no leisure to consider ; the other transporteth the mind so as it cannot conceive more than that which presently presseth . to these we add others , i mean some of them that have leisure , and are void of affection , yet for want of natural capacity , or for continual negligence in their doings , never bring any thing well to pass . who so desireth to be beloved in a commonwealth , must rest content with that which men do give , and the laws allow him to take : so shall he neither incur danger nor envy : for indeed , that which is taken or extorted from others , and not that which is given , doth make men hated . arms , laws and religion , may not in any well governed state be disjoined ; every one of them in particular maintaineth them all united . in actions of war , courage and conduct are of great necessity ; yet all good government consisteth in using the virtues moral ; and in handling the matter of martial policy , it is fit to imitate the proceedings of ancient and approved captains . among mortal men , there is nothing more common than to believe the estate of one man to be better than another ; for hereof it cometh , that every one endeavoreth rather to take from others with travel , than to enjoy his own with rest . the state of princes is good , being well used ; so is the fortune of private men , if therewith they be contented . the rich man liveth happily , so long as he useth his riches temperately ; and the poor man that patiently endureth his wants , is rich enough . whensoever a man is so dangerously distressed , as either proceeding or standing , he liveth in like peril , then doth it behove him in any wise , to resolve upon action . the reason is , that so long as nothing is done , the same accidents that caused his dangers , do still remain in their former force ; but if he endeavor to enterprise somewhat , either he may meet with means to make him secure , or at the hardest , shew himself of so great courage and wit , as he dare and can attempt a way to do it . it seemeth a thing of great difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince or magistrate to eschew the evil speech and bad report of men ; for if they be good and virtuous , then they incur the backbiting of lewd persons ; if evil , then will all good men exclaim against them . all commonwealths ought to desire peace , yet it is necessary ever to be prepared for the war ; because peace disarmed is weak , and without reputation : therefore the poets feign , that pallas the goddess of wisdom did always appear armed . every prince ( well advised ) ought to govern his subjects and servants in such sort , that by his affability and virtue they may be induced rather to serve voluntarily , then for pay or hope of preferment . for otherwise doing , whensoever the prince shall want means to pay , the subjects likewise will fail of good will to serve . but he that faithfully loveth , doth neither in prosperity become arrogant , nor in contrary fortune retire , or complain of the small favor he findeth : for ( till death ) love and life remain at the princes commandment . where poor men find justice , evil men are punish'd , measures and weights be just , youth well nurtured , and old folk free from avarice , there is the commonwealth good and perfect . in war between neighbors , neutrality is commendable ; for by that means we eschew many troubles and great expences , so long as the forces of either side be so equal in strength , as we need not to fear the victory of any : for so long their discord is our security , and oft-tentimes offereth us means to increase our own state and reputation . the chief reasons to move war , are , the justice of the cause , the facillity of success , and the profit of the victory . in all humane actions it behoveth to accommodate the council of men unto present necessity , and never to expose security to manifest peril , nor hope of that which without great difficulty or impossibility cannot be obtained . it is the nature of men , having escaped one extreme , which by force they were constrained long to endure , to run headlong into the other extreme , forgetting that vertue doth always consist in the mean. the multitude is inclined to innovation , and easily induced by false perswasion , and consequently easily transported by seditious leaders . men are naturally disposed to fear those things which threaten danger and terror ; yet unless these perils , by some new accident , be daily revived , that fear by little and little vanisheth , and security recovereth the place . whoso findeth himself contemned , or not respected , becometh discontent ; which humor in generous minds , breedeth oftentimes adventerous imaginations , whereof audacious attempts have followed , chiefly in persons of authority and reputation ; for he that hopeth no good , feareth no evil : yet true it is , that dangerous enterprises , the more they be thought upon , the less hope they give of good success , for which reason conspiracies not suddenly executed , are for the most part revealed or abandoned . all people do naturally imitate the manners of their prince , and observing his proceedings , resolve to hate or love him : but if they happen once to hate the prince , then his doings , good or evil , are afterwards not good ; but if at the beginning he gained the love of the people , then every bad action is reputed a vertue ; as though he could not be induced to do amiss without good cause or reason . greatly are princes deceived , if in the election of ministers , they more respect their own particular affection , than the sufficiency of the person elected . a prince having conquered any new dominion , is thereby rather incumbered than strengthened , unless the same be after well governed ; and seldom is it seen , that a principality , by ill means gotten , hath been long enjoyed . as to the perfection of the whole body , soundness of head only sufficeth not , unless the other members also do their office ; even so it is not enough that a prince be faultless , but it behoveth also that the magistrates and ministers should perform their duty . great princes rarely resist their appetites , as for the most part private men can ; for they being always honored and obeyed , do seldom with patience indure the want of any thing reasonable , as being perswaded that what they desire is just , and that their commandment hath power to remove all difficulties . all men are naturally good , when no respect of profit or pleasure draws them to become evil. but this worlds corruption , and our frailty is such , as easily and often for our particular interest we incline to the worst ; which was the cause that wise law-makers found out reward and punishment ; the one to incite men to good , the other to fear them from being evil. a tyrant indeavoreth to maintain his estate by three means . first , he practiseth to hold all subjects in extreme awe , and to be basely minded , to the end they should want courage to take arms against him . secondly , he kindleth diffidence and discord among the great men ; thereby to remove occasion of conspiracy and combination . lastly , he holdeth them disarmed and idle , so as they neither know nor can attempt any thing against him . to govern , is nothing else but to hold subjects in love and obedience ; for in respect of the end , they ought not , and in regard of the other they cannot attempt any thing contrary to the governor's will and their duty . the laws and ordinances of a common-weale made at the beginning thereof when men were good , do often prove unprofitable when they are become evil ; and therefore new laws are made according to the accidents which happen . the discontent and disorder of people is ever occasioned by the inequality of their goods , because the poorer sort would be made equal to the rich ; but the offence that grows among great men is the desire of honor ; for they being equal , do endeavor to aspire to equal authority . a prince that desireth , by means of his ambassador , to deceive any other prince , must first abuse his own ambassador , to the end he should do and speak with more earnestness , being indeed perswaded that the intent and meaning of his master is simple , which happily would not , were he privy that his prince's meaning were to dissemble . this course is also commonly holden by those , that by imployment of a third person , would perswade any thing feigned or false . for the performance of conditions of treaty of peace , or league of amity , the promises , vows and oaths of princes are of great effect ; and because fidelity in a man is not ever certain , and time doth daily offer occasions of variation , there is no assurance so secure and good , as to stand so prepared , as the enemy may want able means how to offend . to resolve in matters doubtful , or answer requests which we are not willing to grant , the least offensive way is not to use direct denial , but by delays prolong the time , and so in effect , afford good expectation . the old proverb saith , magistratus virum ostendit ; which is no less true than ancient ; for men in such fortune , are occasioned not only to make proof of their sufficiency , but also to discover their affections ; and the more their greatness is , the less respect they have to contain those passions which are natural . albeit great troubles and continual adversity seem insupportable , yet is there nothing more dangerous , than overmuch prosperity ; and being pressed by new appetites , they disturb their own security . in speaking of occurrents doubtful , it is always wisdom to feign ignorance , or at least alledge that we believe them not ; for most commonly they are utterly untrue , or far other than vulgarly is believed . the actions of men are commonly liked or disallowed according to the bad or good success ; attributing that to council which sometimes is due to fortune . the multitude of men were wont to be more pleased with sudden than slow resolutions ; and many times account those enterprises generous , which are rashly and inconsiderately attempted . great difference there is between subjects desperate , and others which are only discontented ; for the one desire nothing but present alteration , which they endeavor with all hazard ; the other wish for innovation , inciting any motion or practice , because their intent is to attend time , and that occasion may present it self . a benefit bestowed on him who thinketh himself greatly injured , doth not suffice to raze the same out of his memory , chiefly if the benefit be given at such time as no mere motion , but necessity may seem the occasion thereof . that peace ought to be desired , which removed suspition , which assureth us from peril , which bringeth quiet certain , and acquitteth us of expences ; but when it worketh contrary effects , it may be called a dangerous war , covered with the name of deceitful trust , not unlike a perilous poyson ministred in lieu of a wholsome medicine . the effect of things , and not external show , or seeming , ought to be regarded ; yet it is credible what great grace is gained by courteous speech and affability ; the reason whereof is , as i suppose , that every man believeth he doth merit more than indeed he is worthy , and consequently holdeth himself injured , whensoever he findeth men not to afford him like estimation . men ought in any wise , to refrain to do or say any thing which may offend , for which respect it were great folly , either in presence or absence , to utter displeasing speech , unless necessity inforceth . the matters whereof counsellors are chiefly to consider , are five , the prince's revenue , peace and war , defence , traffick , and what laws are to be made . in giving council divers things are to be observed ; but amongst them are two of most importance : first , it behoveth , that he who is counselled should be wise ; for seeing counsel is nothing else but a certain considerate discourse of things to be done or not done , if he who is to take counsel be not of discretion , then will he refuse all good advice offered , and rather incline to that which his own fancy affecteth , because the want of judgment draweth him to take pleasure in vain things ; and as one incapable of what is good and true , will follow that which is evil and false : so on the other side , if he that giveth counsel be not faithful , then will he a thousand ways disguise and dissemble the truth , and consequently miscarry the mind of him that is counselled ; yea in the end utterly abuse him . the affairs and proceedings of the world , are so variable , and accompanied with so many chances and changes , as impossible it seemeth to judge what is best ; theresore experience informeth , that the conjectures of the most wise , prove vain and uncertain . i therefore mislike the judgment of those men , that will let slip opportunity of present good ( though it be small ) for fear of a future evil , notwithstanding it be greater unless the evil be very near at hand , or certain . for if that do not follow which is feared , then wilt thou repent to have omitted that which was desired . whensoever a general opinion is conceived , of the singular vertue and knowledge of any man , although he be indeed ignorant , and far unworthy that account , yet it is hard to remove such a settled conceit : the reason is , that men having at the first given credit to common report , do make thereof so deep an impression , as afterwards , without great difficulty , cannot be removed . the bodies of men , munition and money , may justly be called the sinews of war , yet of them the two first are more necessary , for men and arms have means to find money and meat ; but money and meat cannot so easily find soldiers and swords . one wise general having but a thousand men , is more to be feared and esteemed , than twenty commanders of equal authority ; for they being commonly of divers humors , or judging diversly , do never , or very rarely , what is to be done , and consequently lose much time before any resolution can be taken . a prince of mean force , ought not in any wise to adventure his estate upon one days fight ; for if he be victorious he gaineth nothing but glory ; but if he lose , he is utterly ruined . the most part of men are delighted with histories , for the variety of accidents therein contained ; yet are there few that will imitate what they read , and find done by others ; being perswaded that imitation is not only hard but impossible , as though the heavens and men were changed in their motion , or order and power , which they anciently had . the nature of men is such , as will not endeavor any thing good , unless they be forced thereunto ; for where liberty aboundeth , there confusion and disorder follow . it is therefore supposed , that hunger and poverty make men industrious ; but good laws inforce them to be honest ; for if men were of themselves good , then laws were needless . there are two kinds of adulation : the first proceedeth from a subtle malice : the second cometh by an ordinary use of conversation ; the one tendeth to profit and deceiving ; the other hath no farther design , than a respect or fear to offend ; whereunto the most honest are in some sort bound . whoso bindeth himself to flattery , doth thereby bewray his intent , either to gain , or not to lose that he hath . for the person flattered , is always superior to him that doth flatter , or at least one as may in some sort stand him in stead . it may therefore be inferred , that only men of base and miserable condition , and such as cannot help or hurt , be free from flatterers . and contrariwise , magnanimous and fortunate folk , proud men , and such as content themselves with their present estate , are seldom found to be flatterers . every wise prince doth presuppose , that times of trouble may come , and that all such occasions he shall be forced to use the service of men diversly qualified . his study therefore is , in the mean time so to entertain them , as when those storms arise , he may rest assured to command them ; for whosoever perswades himself , by present benefits , to gain the good will of men , when perils are at hand , shall be deceived . in ancient times princes and governors were wont , when peace and security were most like to continue , to find or feign occasions to draw their subjects to fear , to the end that doubt might move them to be more careful of their own well-doing ; for well they knew it a general defect in men , to be reachless , and never willing to use industry ; unless by necessity they were constrained . all histories do shew , and wise politicians do hold it necessary , that for the well governing of every common-weal , it behoveth to presuppose that all men are evil , and will declare themselves so to be , when occasion is offered ; for albeit some inconvenience doth lye hid for a time , it proceedeth from a covert occasion , which for want of experience , was not found , until time the mother of truth discover it . neutrality is always a thing dangerous and disallowable , because it offendeth all parties : he that is strong looketh to be assisted in his greatness ; and he that is weak , not being defended , holdeth himself offended ; the one is not assured from foes , and the other holdeth no friends . albeit neutrality procure present quiet and security , during the troubles of others ; yet after the same falleth out a disadvantage , because it entertaineth a certain falseness , and so in short space will be perceived ; not unlike those men that borrow upon usury ; for albeit they enjoy a certain time , without trouble or charge , yet the same being spent , and the day of payment come , they then feel the great danger which their short pleasure hath purchased . whoso examineth all humane actions shall find , that in eschewing one inconvenience , we presently incur another . as for example , if we endeavor to make our dominions mighty , it behoveth to have the same fully replenished with people , and well armed , and so being , they are not easily governed . on the other side , if our country be not well peopled , or disarmed , then it is easily holden in obedience ; yet therewith so weak , that it can neither increase the bounds thereof , nor defend it self . it is therefore necessary , in all our deliberations , to consider what inconvenience is least , and choose that as the best ; for to find all perfect , void and secure of suspect or imperfection , is impossible . a prince being instantly required to take part with other princes , the one being in arms against the other , if he deny both , incurreth suspicion of both , and may be thought to have secret intelligences with one or both of them ; so as either of them shall account him an enemy , and consequently he that proves victorious will be revenged ; and the other holding him suspected , will not acknowledge his friendship . it is the use of men to presume much upon their own merit , and seeing the success of some others to be such , as without cause or desert , are aspired to dignity thereby encouraged , they promised to themselves the like : nevertheless being entred into the course of their design , and finding many crosses and impeachments they do not a little repent their overweening and presumption , but also many times utterly abandon their rash and unadvised enterprize ; neither can i think , that the vertue or sufficiency of any man without the favor of the heavens , can advance him ; for as the poet saith , nec velle javat , potiusve nocet , si fata repugnant . whoso serveth a prince far from his presence , shall with great difficulty content him . for if he commit any error , it shall be aggravated : besides that , the instructions sent unto him cannot be particularly conceived , because the state of wordly things doth daily alter . also to serve aloof , is a thing full of danger and far from reward ; which inconvenience may for the most part be avoided by him that attendeth near to his prince's person . let no man that cometh to serve in court , assure himself by his wisdom to be advanced or eschew all encounters . neither is he to bear himself so careless as to commit all to fortune , but be perswaded that this worldly life is like to a voiage by sea ; wherein albeit art with the favor of the wind may do much , yet can we not assure our selves to arrive safe in the haven appointed ; for daily experience doth shew , that some strange ships in the calmest weather , are drowned or impeached by the way , when others much weaker and disarmed pass securely . among men worthy of commendations , those have merited best that first planted true religion : next they that framed kingdoms and commonwealths ; the third place is due to such as have augmented or enlarged their dominions ; lastly , learned men deserve fame and memory : and as every of these are worthy of fame and honor ; so ought they to be accompted infamous that introduce atheism , or the subversion of kingdoms , or are become enemies to learning and virtue . whosoever taketh in hand to govern a multitude either by way of liberty , or principality , and cannot assure himself of those persons that are enimies to that enterprise , doth frame a state of short perseverance : yet true it is that such princes be infortunate , as for their own security are inforced to hold a course extraordinary , and have the multitude their enemy ; for he that hath few foes may with small dishonor be assured ; but he that is generally hated can by no means live assured ; and the more cruelty he useth , the weaker his principality proveth . in commending another man , great moderation is to be used ; for as contumely offendeth him against whom it is used ; so great praise , besides that it is uttered with danger to his judgment that speaketh it , the same doth oft-ten-times offend him that heareth it . for self-love which commonly possesseth men , causes the good or evil we hear , to be measured with our own . and consequently every man that is touched with like deserts and defects , doth grow offended that his commendation is not set forth , and feareth lest his imperfection should be discovered . it is often , or rather ever seen , that the force of leagues not used in their first heat , becomes cold ; because suspition soon entereth , which in short space will destroy whatsoever was concluded , and may not without long time be rejoined . the power of ambition which possesseth the minds of men , is such , as rarely or never suffereth them to rest : the reason thereof is , that nature hath framed in them a certain disposition to desire all things , but not to obtain them ; so as our desires being greater than our power , therefore following discontent and evil satisfaction . hereof also proceedeth the variation of fortune ; for some men desiring to get , and others fearing to lose that they had gotten , do occasion one man to injure another , and consequently publick wars do follow ; by means whereof , one country is ruined , and another inlarged . princes of great power , and chiefly those that are inhabitants of the north , having many children , were wont to be much inclined to the wars , as well to win unto themselves honor , as also to get possessions for their sons ; which manner of proceedings did oft-tentimes remove such disturbance as the plurality of brethren bringeth . these and other reasons induced princes to attempt war against those kingdoms , which in cheir opinion seemed easily conquered , or whereunto they can pretend little ; for by colour thereof they may the rather justifie their proceedings . when a prince deferreth to answer an ambassador , it proceedeth from some of these respects ; either because he will take time to resolve himself of somewhat whereof he doubteth , or that he intendeth covertly to deny that which is demanded , or that he esteemeth not the prince that doth demand , or that he disdaineth the person by whom the demand is made , or else that he intendeth to hear from his own ministers to be better resolved : wherefore a discreet negotiator ought in such cases to consider which of these reasons move the prince where he is employed , to entertain him with delays , and make his dispatch accordingly . the sufficiency of good counsellors consistetd in fonr things . first , they ought to be wise and skilful how to handle their affairs , directing all doings to publick commodity . secondly , to be just in their proceedings , giving to every one that which to him appertaineth . thirdly , to be stout , and void both of partial respects and fear . and lastly , to be temperate and moderate in their desires . whoso desireth to govern well and securely , it behoveth him to have a vigilant eye to the proceedings of great princes , and to consider seriously of their designs : for it is matter of small difficulty to live in peace with him who desireth our amity , and provideth for others that endeavor to offend us . the intelligences that princes study to attain , are procured by divers means : some are brought by report , some vented by conversation and sounding , some by means of espials ; but the most sure and credibe occurrents , are those which come from ambassadors , chiefly those that either for the greatness of their prince , or their own virtue , be of most reputation . for those men conversing daily with great personages , and pondering diligently their manners , words , wisdom , and the order of each man's proceedings , yea , of the prince himself , may with commodity attain unto matters of great importance sooner than they that are writers of rumors , or that take upon them to conjecture of things to come . whensoever a people is induced to commit so great an error , as to give reputation to one only man , to the end he should oppress all those great men whom they hate , they thereby give him opportunity to become their prince ; and so being assisted with their favor and aid , he may likewise extinguish all the rest of the nobility ; and they being extirpated , he will also endeavor to tyrannize over the people , by whose help he aspired . so many as are not consenting to the tyranny , rest enemies to the person of the tyrant , who can by no means gain the love of all . for impossible it is , that the riches of any tyrant should be so great , and the honors he can give so many as may satisfie all . hereof it cometh , that those tyrants that are favored of the people , and disfavored of the nobles , are most secure ; because their tyranny is supported with a greater strength ( having the multitude their friends ) then is the tyrant whom the humor of the nobles only hath advanced . a dangerous thing it is in all commonwealths by continual punishing , to hold the minds of subjects in suspition ; for men ever fearing their ruine , will ( without respect ) determine to save themselves , and as men desperate , attempt innovation . all capital executions ought therefore to be executed suddenly , and as it were at one instant , so to assure the minds of men from further molestations . the intent of every wise prince that maketh war , either by election or ambition , is to gain and hold what is gotten : also to use the matter so as thereby he may inrich himself , and not impoverish his own people or country . he that inlargeth his dominions , doth not always increase his power ; but he that increaseth in force as well as in dominion , shall thereby grow great ; otherwise he gained no more than is shortly to be lost , and consequently he ruineth himself : for who spends more in the war , than he gains by victory , loseth both labor and cost . every prince and commonwealth must above all things take heed , that no necessity how great soever , do perswade him to bring into his dominion any auxiliary soldiers ; because the hardest conditions the enemy can offer , are more easie than is such a resolution . a prince sheweth his ruine at hand , whensoever he beginneth to break the laws and customs , which are ancient and have been long time obeyed by the people of his dominion . that prince which careth to keep himself secure from conspiracy , ought rather to fear those to whom he hath done over-great favors , than them whom he hath much injured : for these want opportunities , the other do not ; and both their desires are as one ; because the appetite of commanding , is always as much or more than the desire of revenge . whensoever a prince discovers a conspiracy , he must well consider the quality thereof , measuring the force of the conspirators with his own ; and finding them many and mighty , the knowledge thereof is to be dissembled , until the princes power be prepared to oppose them ; otherwise he hazardeth his own security . it hath been by long experience found better to send one general to an army , though he be of mean sufficiency , than to give the same authority to two or more excellent personages with equal commission . he that coveteth to be over-much loved , oft-tentimes becomes contemptible ; and he that endeavoreth to be over-much feared , is ever hated : and to hold the mean between them , cannot be exactly done , because nature will not so permit . whoso aspireth to any dignity , must resolve himself to endure the envy of men , and never to be moved for any offence conceived against him , though they that be offended , be his dear friends : neither shall he for the first affront or encounter , relinquish his hope ; for he that constantly maketh head against the assault of fortune , shall after with facility arrive where he designed . in giving council to a prince or commonwealth , and therefore desiring to eschew danger and offence , no other mean is to be taken than that the counsellor shall without passion or perswasion pronounce his opinion , and never to affirm any thing as a resolution , but with modesty to defend that he speaketh ; so as the prince which follows his advice , may seem to do it voluntarily , and not forced by the importunity of him that gave the counsel . a discreet captain being in the field against the enemy , of whose virtue he hath had no proof , ought first by light skirmishes to feel of what virtue he is ; and not to enterprise any general adventure , to the end that terror or fame should not daunt nor discourage his own soldiers . albeit fraud be in all actions detested , yet is the same in martial enterprises commendible and glorious : for that captain who compasseth his designs by wit or stratagem , is no less commended than he that vanquisheth the enemy by violence and force . in times of extremity , when resolution must be taken for the having or utter loss of the state , then no regard is to be had of justice or injustice , mercy or cruelty , honor or ignominy , but rather setting aside all respects , that course is to be followed which defended the lives and liberties of men. whoso desireth to know what will be hereafter , let him think of that is past ; for the world hath ever been in a circular revolution : whatsoever is now , was heretofore , and things past or present are no other than such as shall be again : redit orbis in orbem . a prince that desireth to obtain any thing at the hand of another , must if it be possible urge a sudden answer , and lay before him that is moved , a necessity to resolve presently , giving him to understand that denial or delays may breed a perilous and sudden indignation . there is nothing more difficult , doubtful and dangerous than to attempt innovation : for he that taketh in hand an enterprize of such quality , maketh all those his enemies which lived well under the old order , and findeth them cold defenders that affect his novelties , which coldness proceedeth chiefly of incredulity ; for men are not easily induced to believe a new thing till experience hath proved it to be good . there is no art nor knowledge so seemly and necessary for a prince as the art military with the ordinances and discipline thereof : for that is the only skill required in him that commandeth , and such a virtue as doth not only maintain them that are born princes , but often advanceth private men to that dignity . the deep impressions which old injuries make in the minds of great men cannot with new benefits be razed out ; it is also to be remembred that injuries be done all together : for they offend the less , and will be forgotten the sooner ; but benefits should by little and little be bestowed , so shall the memory of them long continue . a small pleasure or displeasure presently done , doth move more than a great good turn bestowed in times past ; for the taste of things present doth make a deeper impression in the minds of men , than doth the memory of things past , or expectation of things to come . it is a matter of small difficulty to sound the discontentment of other men. for every one doth willingly tell the well and ill deserving of friends , and likewise how much or how little foes can do , if we have patience to hear , which patience is the beginning of all good speed ; but he that delighteth to speak much , and hear little , shall ever inform others more than himself can learn. among other dangers which a prince incurreth by being disarmed , the greatest is , that thereby he becometh contemptible ; for no comparison there is between men armed and them that are disarmed : and no reason there is that he that is armed should yield obedience to him that is disarmed , neither is it like that a prince disarmed can be secure from his own subjects armed . a prince ignorant of martial knowledge , among other misfortunes cannot be esteemed or trusted of his own soldiers ; it behoveth him therefore as well in time of peace as war to exercise arms , which may be done by two means ; the one by action of body , the other by contemplation of mind . the body may be exercised in hunting , hawking , and such like pastimes ; thereby to be made apt to endure travel : his mind likewise may be informed by reading of histories , and the consideration of actions performed by excellent captains , observing the occasion of their victories or losses , to the end he may imitate the one , and eschew the other . he that doth not as other men do , but endeavoureth that which ought to be done , shall thereby rather incur peril than preservation ; for whoso laboureth to be sincerely perfect and good , shall necessarily perish , living among men that are generally evil. a prince that useth liberality to his prejudice , ought not to regard the infamy of miserable , because his parsimony will in time enable him to be liberal , and so may declare himself to be , having by parsimony increased his power , and therefore without imposing upon the people , may defend himself from all such as will make war ; so shall he use liberality to all them from whom he taketh nothing , who are infinite ; and use miserliness to those only to whom he giveth , who are but few . there is nothing that consumeth it self like to librality ; for if it be long used , it taketh away the means to continue it , and consequently doth make men poor and basely minded : or else to eschew poverty , they shall be forced to extortion and become odious . it is better to incur the name of covetous ( which is a scandal without hate ) then with desire to be accounted liberal , deserve the infamy of oppression ( an ignominy accompanied with hatred . ) a prince ought to be slow in believing , and advised in proceeding ; he should also beware not to make himself over much feared , but in all his actions shew great wisdom tempered with curtesie ; so shall not over much confidence induce him to be careless , nor over much diffidence render him intolerable . whoso observeth , shall see that man offended , less respect him whom they love , than him whom they fear . for love is maintained by a certain reciproque obligation , which because men are evil , useth to be by every occasion of profit broken . but fear is continued by a certain dread of punishment which never faileth . a prince that holdeth in the field an army wherein are great numbers of soldiers , ought not to care though he be accompted cruel : for without such an opinion conceived , he cannot keep his forces united , nor apt to attempt any enterprize . men for the most , do use rather to judge by their eyes , than by their hands , for every one may see , but few can certainly know . every one seeth what thou seemest to be , but few can understand what thou art indeed ; and these few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of many which have the majesty of estate to defend them . also in the actions of all men , and chiefly princes , from whom is no appellation , the end is ever observed . machiavel . a prince being forced to use the condition of beasts , must among them make choice of the fox and the lyon ; for the lyon cannot take heed of snares , and the fox is easily overcome by the wolves : it behoveth him therefore to be a fox to discover the snares , and a lyon to terrifie the wolves . a prince newly advanced cannot observe those rules , which are the cause that men be accounted good ; he being many times constrained for defence of his state to proceed contrary to promise , contrary to charity , and all vertue ; and consequently it behoveth him to have a mind apt to alteration , as the wind and variation of fortune shall direct ; yet ought he not to abandon the good , if so he can , but be ready to use what is evil , if so he shall be inforced . every prince ought to have two ears , the one intrinsick , in respect of subjects ; the other extrinsick , in respect of forreign potentates , from whom he may be defended with good arms , and good friends : also matters intrinsick will ever stand well , so long as all things abroad rest firm . a prince that is favoured of the multitude , need not to doubt conspiracy ; but contrary wise , where the people is generally discontented and hateth the prince , then may he reasonably doubt every thing , and every person ; for no man is so poor , that wanteth a weapon wherewith to offend . when any occasion is presented to have that thou desirest , fail not to lay hold thereof ; for these worldly things do vary , and that so suddenly , as hard it is to assure our selves of any thing , unless the same be already in hand : on the other side , if any trouble threaten thee , defer it so long as thou mayest ; for time may occasion some accident to remove all dangers . the prince that doubteth the fidelity of his subjects , must of force build fortresses ; but he that feareth foreign force more than his own people , were better to leave them unbuilt . howsoever it be , that prince that desireth generally to be respected and esteemed , must perform some notable enterprise , and give testimony of great vertue and valour . a prince shall do well at all times to be counselled so as no man do presume to give counsel but when the prince doth ask it . it is also to be noted , that he who is not of himself wise , cannot be well counselled of others , unless happily he yield to some wise men the government of his whole affairs . for good counsels from whomsoever they proceed , shall be thought to come from the prince , and not the wisdom of the prince to proceed from the counsel of others . he that taketh delight to be employed in publick affairs , must by all means endeavour to continue in such services : for oft one business dependeth on another , whereunto the florentine proverb may be applied , di cosa , nasae cosa , & il tempole governa . some men have not only desired , but also compassed honour and profit ; yet being in possession of both , were not therewith so satisfied , as they hoped to be ; which being believed , would happily extinguish the immeasurable ambition wherewith many men are possessed . by experience i have learned , that great folly it is to account that ours which we have not , or spend presently in hope of future gain . therefore merchants , during the adventure of their goods , do not increase domestical expences , but fearing the worst assure what is in hand . for such men as have gained unto themselves reputation and are accounted vertuous , to maintain that conceit , and eschew envy , there is nothing better than a life retired from daily conversation , and chiefly of the multitude . fugiat sapiens commercia vulgi . the end that moveth a prince to make war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory desired for other purpose than thereby to become the more mighty , and make the enemy weak : consequently wheresoever thy victory doth impoverish thee , or thy gain therein doth weaken thee , it followeth that either thou pass or undergo that mark whereunto the intention of war was directed . and that prince is by victory enriched , that can oppress the enemies power , and become master of his goods and possessions . and that prince is by victory impoverished when the enemy , notwithstanding he be victored , can still maintain himself , and the spoils and possessions are not taken to the use of the prince victorious , but imparted unto his soldiers . for then may he be thought in his own losing infortunate , and in victory unhappy ; for if he be vanquished , then must he endure the offence by foes : and being victorious shall be forced to abide the wrong offered by friends ; which as they be less reasonable , so are they also less supportable , because he is still by impositions forced to burthen the subjects , whereof may be inferred , that the prince , having in him any generosity , cannot justly rejoyce at that victory which causeth the subject to lament . who so desireth to obtain any thing , hopeth to compass his desire , either by intreaty , presents , or threatning ; for so shall he , to whom the request is made , be moved either with compassion , profit , or fear : nevertheless , with covetous and cruel men , and such as are in their opinion mighty , none of these can prevail . and consequently in vain do they labour , that go about by suit to stir them to pity , by gifts to gain them , or by threats to fear them . who so is persuaded that any common weal can continue disunited , doth greatly deceive himself : true it is , that some divisions do maintain the estate , but other do indamage the same . they which do harm , are such as with sects and partakings be accompanied ; they which help without sects and partakings , be maintained . a wise governour therefore , albeit he cannot so exactly foresee but some enemies will arise in the state , yet may he take order that no factions may thereby grow . it is therefore to be noted , that the citizens of every estate , may aspire to reputation , either by private or publick means . reputation by publick means , is gained chiefly in the war , either by obtaining victory in some battle , or surprising of some city ; or else by performing some ambassage diligently , prosperously : but private reputation is gotten by doing favour to this or that man , and protecting them from magistrates , giving them mony , advancing them unworthily to honour and office ; and by great feasts , entertaining the multitude ; of which manner of proceeding , sects , factions and partakings do grow : and as reputation thus gained is dangerous , so the other without faction is profitable ; because the same is founded on common welfare , and no private profit : and albeit among citizens of this sort , will oft arise great hate , yet wanting followers for their particular profit , the state shall not be indangered , but rather strengthned ; for every man endeavouring to deserve well , will hold himself within the bounds of civil life , and by vertuous merits labour to be advanced . to persuade or dissuade particular persons , is a matter of no difficulty : for if words suffice not , yet authority will prevail : but hard and perilous it is to remove a false opinion conceived by a whole multitude , for therein fair speech and no compulsion must be used . the best means which wise captains can use to make their soldiers resolute , is to take from them all hope ; which resolution may also be increased with the love of our country and confidence in the captain : for confidence groweth by the valour of men , and discipline in former victories , and trust reposed in the leader . the love of our country is natural , but the affection we bear to the captain , proceedeth rather from his vertue , than the benefits he hath bestowed . necessity also may do much , and chiefly that where no choice is left , but either overcome by arms or dye in desperation . there is nothing of so great force to hold an army united , as the reputation of the captain , which proceedeth only from his vertue ; for neither dignity nor authority without valour can work that effect . the first care that a captain must have , is to hold his soldiers well punished and paid ; for where payment faileth , punishment ought not to be inflicted : and consequently no reason it is to punish him for robbery , whom want of pay enforceth to shift ; but where the soldier is paid , and not punished ( offending ) then will he , without respect , become insolent towards his captain ; whereof ensue mutinies , discord , and utter ruin. it is a custom , very honourable , not to promise more than thou wilt assuredly perform : yet true it is , that whosoever is denied ( though justly ) doth rest ill-contented ; for men indeed are not governed by reason : otherwise it is for him that promiseth ; and so good promises shall stand in stead of performance : besides that , he may find excuse enough , because the most part of men are so simple , that fair words alone have power to abuse them , chiefly when they proceed from a person of reputation and authority . the best way , therefore , is not to promise precisely , but entertain the suitors with answers general , and full of good hope : yet not such as shall directly and absolutely bind . the greatest and most material displeasures that use to arise between the nobility and people , are caused by the diversity of humours , the one labouring to command , the other endeavouring not to obey ; so as all troubles and disorders in every common-weal , do thereof receive nutriment . the city which is maintained rather by factions than laws , so soon as one faction is become strong , and without opposition , the same of necessity must be divided in it self : for those particular causes which were at the first taken , are not of force enough to maintain it . it is the nature of men not to endure any discommodity , unless necessity do thereunto enforce them : which may apparently be perceived by their habitations ; for as the fear of war draweth them to places of strength ( for their defence ) so that peril being past , they do for the most part remove themselves to inhabit countries of more commodity and profit . it may seem strange , and no even measure ( yet approved by experience ) that where many offend , few are punished . also petty errors are severely corrected , but great and grievous crimes be rewarded . in like manner , where many receive wrong , few seek revenge . for injuries universal , are with more patience than particular offences endured . all , or the greatest part of men that have aspired to riches or power , have attained thereunto either by force or fraud : and without they have by craft or cruelty gained , to cover the foulness of their fact , they call purchase as a name more honest . howsoever he , that for want of will or wit useth not those means , must rest in servitude and poverty . the reason thereof is , that as nature hath laid before men the chief of all fortunes , so she disposes them rather to rapine than honest industry , and more subject to bad than good endeavours : hereof it cometh , that one man eateth another , and he that is weakest must always go to the worst . where necessity forceth , boldness is reputed wisdom , and in great enterprises peril is not to be made accompt of . for those attempts that begin with danger , always end with honour , or reward ; also from one peril there is no way to escape , but by entring into another . a wise man ought not to desire to inhabit that country where men have more authority than laws : for indeed that country deserves to be desired where every one may securely enjoy his own ; not that , where with facility it may be taken away ; and that friends for fear to lose their own , are inforced to forsake them . some magistrates either by over great zeal or ignorance take a course of rigour , which being for the present favoured , they are ever the more imployed , as men meet to extirpate inconveniences . but thereby the subjects are often drawn into desperation , and consequently have recourse unto arms , as their uttermost resuge . in this case a wise prince for appeasing the people is forc'd to disallow his ministers , and sometimes also to inflict publick punishment . a prince naturally suspicious , and having about him persons inclined to envy , is easily induced to mistrust those men that have served him with most sufficiency : which danger they cannot eschew , because they who are worthiest commendation are oftentimes envied by such persons as have access unto the prince . who so cannot endure both envy and hate , must refrain to enterprise great matters : for great honours being desired of many , it behoveth him that aspireth unto them , to be for his dignity envied , and for his authority hated ; which authority , albeit the same be well used , yet they who hate or envy ( persuading themselves it might be better handled ) endeavour to oppress that power , as fearing it will be worse . among other things which worketh the inconveniences of common weals , ambition and desperation are chief ; of both , desperation is worst : for ambition may attend occasion , desperation will not , as that cannot endure delays . historians desiring to write the actions of men , onght to set down the simple truth , and not say any thing for love or hatred : also to chuse such an opportunity for writing as it may be lawful to think what they will , and write what they think , which is a rare happiness of the time. in commending or disallowing the actions of men , it is a course very requisite to consider the beginning , the proceeding , and end : so shall we see the reasons and causes of things , and not their bare events only ; which for the most part are governed by fortune . it is a matter of much necessity , that every man , and chiefly a prince should in his first actions , give some testimony of vertue ; for falling at first into obloquie , do he well or ill , all isill-taken . the custom of the common people is to judge rather by their eyes than by their ears : which is the cause they allow more of external shew than inward vertue : and true it is , where excellency of mind , and beauty of body concur , the commendation due to such a person is far the greater . gratior est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus . a prince or great personage that constantly endureth adversity , deserveth great praise : yet greater commendation is due to him that beareth himself modestly in his happiness . for miseries are oft born with patience , but felicity corrupteth . to be descended of princes , or great personages , is a matter of meer fortune , and so to be esteemed : but adoption proceedeth from the judgment of men , therefore seemeth incorrupt , and seldom abused . it hath been long observed , and is a rule which rarely faileth , that he shall be ever suspected of the prince in possession , whom men account worthy to be a prince in reversion . it hath been a use very ancient to give credit to astrologers , and other such persons , who by their star-learning or blind divination , take upon them to tell of things to come . the reason thereof is , that the most part of men believe that soonest which they least understand ; and if they see the event of a prediction , though it happeneth by meer chance to fall out according to that was premised , thereupon they settle so firm an impression , as albeit many other fail , yet the good conceipt of their cunning cannot be removed . liberality is a vertue which gaineth love , but much are they deceived whom riot in lieu thereof abuseth . to cast away and consume is soon learned , but to give in good order few have the skill . in time of sudden mutiny , conspiracy , and offence of people , the wisest resolution is not to oppose force to prevent fury , but rather give space for the bad to amend , and the good to consent : for treasons prevail on the sudden , but good council gathers forces by leisure . mature deliberation ought ever to be used ; but when arms are to determine , speedy execution is the best : because no delay in that enterprise is fit which cannot be commended before it be ended . who so is pleased to observe the proceedings of men in authority , shall observe that some of them hold a plain course without respect ; others projecting for time to come , do forecast how to hold their present good fortune or at least to escape danger : for they mistrusting present prosperity and fearing a change , prepare beforehand some private friends to oppose against publick hatred : whereof may be inferred , that no care is taken of innocency , but every one studieth how to pass without punishment . in captains and all military commanders , three things are required , vertue , discipline , and authority ; but in private soldiers obedience and courage only sufficeth ; for by due obeying , and no curious scanning the leaders directions are maintained ; and the army in danger is alwaies most valiant , which before the danger is most quiet . let the soldier therefore be well armed and valiantly minded . to advise and direct must be the captains care . it is a matter of no great moment , yet always worthy the noting , that any exterior behaviour , or garment presenting pride or greatness , chiefly in persons lately advanced , though no man be thereby interessed or injured , doth move in others a certain offence : for the nature of man is such , as beholdeth the new prosperity of others with an envious eye , and wisheth a moderation of fortune no where so much as in those we have known in equal degree with our selves . in all enterprises of war ( if present necessity doth not otherwise require ) leisure and deliberation ought to be used ; for often it sufficeth in lieu of wisdom , to take the advantage of other mens folly . all men that are to consider of great actions , ought to be informed whether that which is undertaken be profitable for the commonweal , honourable to themselves , and easie to be effected ; or at least not greatly difficult . also he that persuadeth , is to be examined whether besides bare words and counsel , he will joyn his own peril ; and if fortune favour the attempt , to whom the principal glory shall redound . the perils which accompany private enterprises , are far unlike to those which he doth enter that aspireth to principality . for in private attempts a man may pause or proceed as he will : but to him that aspires to empire there remains no middle course , but either by victory to triumph as a prince ; or being vanquished to endure death as a traytor . let no man in his prosperity , give much credit to common applause or service , assured by any of whom in meaner fortune he hath had no experience ; for the base people are learned in no lesson , only without difference of truth or falshood to flatter men in authority , and with shouts and words of great rejoycing make shew of great affection . as overmuch haste is dangerous , so too great delay oftentimes proveth disadvantagious ; for albeit consultation ought to forego action , yet to dispute long and in the end reject the advice of either side , or take a middle course ( which in cases of doubt and danger is worst ) was ever accompted great discretion . there is no course more comely , nor any resolution so well beseeming a wise man , having made proof of his own vertue ( and finding in age no fortune due to such effect ) as to retire himself from the court and company ; for so shall he shun the inconveniences of contempt and the discommodity of travel ( jucunda senectuti otia ) yet true it is , that whoso hath lived a prince or governed as a publick person , cannot expect security in a private estate . whensoever danger draweth near , and terror is at hand , all men look about , but none willingly adventure . for in such cases every man will give council , but few will take part of the peril . in common-wealths where sects or partialities be , the leader of any side is able to kindle civil war ; yet is he unable to moderate the victory : for to stir up dissentions and troubles , the worst man most commonly bears the stroke ; but peace and quietness are not established but by men of rare gifts and excellent vertue . it may seem strange and contrary both to courtesie and christian profession , that men are far more mindful of injuries done unto them , than of benefits received by them . the reason thereof is , that thankfulness is accompted a burden , but revenge is sweet , and reckoned a great gain . of reconciled foes , and such as know that our harms were caused by their means , we oft-times expect favour , as persuaded that new friendship will repair the loss of old displeasure : but the matter doth seldom so fall out ; for the quality of man's nature is ever to hate those whom he hath hurt , and love them whom he hath made beholding . quos laeserunt oderunt . tac. to common persons and such as are ignorant in matters of state , every taxation and imposition seemeth heavy or superfluous ; yet the wiser sort know , that the end of all publick endeavour is to confirm people in peace , and peace cannot be maintained without arms , nor arms without pay , nor pay without impositions . as fortunate folk are envied , so are the poor contemned ; which rule reacheth also to princes : the one lives in plenty with war , the other in poverty with peace . for seldom is it seen , that those people are assaulted where nothing is to be gained , and whose base beings afford no other spoils than blood and beggery . wisemen have observed that in matter of state , and the managing thereof , three things are especially to be looked unto : the first is , occasion ; the second , the intentions of other men ; the third , our own affection . for there is nothing that slippeth away so soon as occasion , nothing so difficult as to judge what an other man intendeth ; nor any thing more nocent than our own immoderate desires . it hath been ever a course observed by wise princes , but much more by aristocracies and popular states , against force and fury of the multitude , to defend themselves with silver and gold. how much more it importeth all princes to lead a vertuous life , and give daily example of piety and justice , appears apparently in the proceedings of the roman bishops ; who by the well-doing of some few of them at the first , became greatly honoured ; but afterwards they became contemptible : for the reverence which men did bear to the sanctity of their lives failing , it was impossible of so contrary manners and examples to look for like effects . the success of the war chiefly dependeth on the reputation of the prince , which declining , the vertue also of the soldiers faileth : likewise the fidelity of the people decayeth , and their mony to maintain the war , ceaseth ; contrarywise , the courage of the enemy is increased , they that stood doubtful become resolved , and every difficulty augmenteth . the authority which princes give , is chiefly in respect of wisdom and valour : yet true it is , that for the most part they account them the wisest men that can best accommodate themselves to their humour . the greatest distress and difficulty which can come to any army , doth proceed of these causes : want of mony , scarcity of victuals , hatred of people , discord of captains , disobedience of soldiers , and their flying to the enemy , either of necessity or free-will . a prince or great magistrate having long maintained the reputation of wisdom and vertue , must take heed that no rash or dangerous resolution do taint the honourable fame of his former life : for to be transported with anger against his own profit , is lightness ; and to esteem small dangers more than great , is want of judgment . a prince or person of great estate , must be wary not to inure the conceit of double dealing : for little sincerity and trust is looked in his actions , of whom there is an opinion of craft and falshood conceived . experience hath always proved , that whatsoever the most part of men desire , rarely cometh to pass : the reason hereof is , that the effects of human actions commonly depend on the will of a few ; and their intentions ever differing from the greater number , the end and success cannot be other than as pleaseth the few that are to direct them . there is nothing more dangerous than to enterprise a war , or other actions of importance upon popular persuasion ; for such expectations are vain , and such designs fallible : also the fury of the multitude is great , when danger is little or far off ; but perils growing great and near , their courage quaileth , as they whose passions have no rule or measure . it is strange to see how apt men are to doubt displeasure threatned by enemies , chiefly when they draw near ; for the people do naturally over-much fear dangers at hand , and esteem less than is fit of things present : also to make small account of those that are far from them , because divers remedies may be hoped as well by time , as other accidents . the offensive words or answers of indignation , proceeding from great princes , ought never to admit displeasure into the minds of them against whom they are spoken : for having by speech uttered a great part of choler , the edge of their deeds becomes the calmer , and more easily appeased : such is the condition of noble and generous spirits . to judge right of other mens merit , seems of great difficulty ; for time and tryal is thereto required : also it is not easie to answer the expectation of men , but oft-times inconsiderate , and not measured in due proportion . it is a part of great discretion to divide the seasons of affairs and vacations : for as it fitteth well a prince or person of dignity in times of audience and judgment , to be grave , heedful , and austere : so those offices performed , all shew of authority and sad looks ought to be set apart ; for by that means , neither courteous behaviour shall detract from the reverence due to his place , nor severity diminish the love which to his behaviour appertaineth . magistrates must look into all things , but not exact all things to rigor . light faults may be pardoned , but great offences severely corrected ; yet not always proceeding to punishing , but oft contented with repentance . to be bitter in rebuking is also fit for a magistrate , shewing himself sowre to the bad , and sweet to the good ; framing both countenance and condition according to the merit of men , and be persuaded that it is more honest to offend , than to hate . soldiers must be encouraged in all fortunes to stand resolved , and not to be daunted with any passed misadvantage ; ever attending a time and opportunity of revenge ; which commonly cometh to pass where mens minds are united : for common danger must be repelled with union and concord . among other reasons wherewith soldiers are encouraged , necessity and distress doth oft inforce them : for as men of vertue perform the actions of arms for honour , so the coward must do them for his security . all enterprises attempted by arms , are honourable ; but those that are done in countries remote , are more praiseable : for the less they be in knowledge , the greater is the glory to archieve them . to be truly and faithfully loved , is a thing greatly to be desired ; for terror and fear are weak works of affection : for they being taken away , he that ceaseth to fear , will soon begin to hate ; and as they that by force are kept under , obey with ill will ; so they that govern without line justly , rule against right . some men either deserving to be accounted of excellent wisdom , or singular in that skill whereof they make profession , do ordinarily love the proceedings of others ; taking that advantage of their ill success : yet sure it is , that disaster and unhappy event of some actions , proceed not of disorder , nor human imperfection , but from a certain fatal fury , which neither counsel nor constancy of men can withstand . it is a matter of much difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince to maintain the law , civil or military , without severity : for where men hope to be easily pardoned , there are they apt to offend . contrarily , where mens actions are precisely fitted , there do they live in over-great aw , and hatred doth always accompany such severity . the best course therefore is to punish offences severely , and reward vertuous merits liberally ; so shall fear be converted to reverend respect , and none have cause to complain : for as it lies in each man's power to shun offending , so is it in their power also to deserve well , and merit reward . whosoever , after mature deliberation , hath resolved what course to hold in the action he hath in hand , must not after repent , or fear any difficulty : for such thoughts would break the vigour of the mind , and impeach the proceedings of that which was resolved . and albeit some differences do happily arise , yet must he believe that every other course would have been accompanied with the same or greater impediments . young men for the warmness of their blood , and for not having before-time been deceived by fortune , more willingly enterprise actions rather honourable than severe . but old men as well for that their heat is cooled , as also for having attempted many things in vain , make choice of enterprises severe , rather than those that are followed with fame and glory . the greatness of one prince is nothing else but the ruin and distress of another : likewise his strength is the weakness and oppression of others . some conquests are of such quality , as albeit a victorious captain merit triumphal honour ; yet a modest refusal becomes his greater glory . the dignity of magistrates is not assured without arms ; for when obedience faileth , no other means is left to continue a people united . as willing obedience in subjects is the prince's strength , so is the same their own security : for as by the princes authority the people are governed , so by their consent he is maintained . three things men covet with immoderate desire , lands , riches , and honours ; but as seldom they compass their full content , so are they for the most part to endure a destiny far other than they wished . strange it is , yet by experience proved true , that in time of danger , fortune ( or rather destiny ) so much amazeth the judgment of wise men , as seldom they conceive what resolution is best to be taken . no great free-city can long continue quiet , unless the same be used to foreign assaults : for wanting foes without , some inward enmity will arise , not unlike to strange bodies of men , which being secure from external injury , are nevertheless by their own poise oppressed . as every pilot of ordinary skill knoweth in calm and quiet seas to direct the course of his ship ; so every governor of capacity doth understand how the affairs of state are in peaceable times to be handled : but when tempests are , and subjects bent to sedition ; the one requires an excellent sailer , the other the aid of some excellent wisdom . it oft happens , that publick duty is opposite to private friendship ; so as we are either forced to omit the offices due to our country , or draw our dearest friends into danger : in which case we are to prefer publick respect , before particular obligation . the nature of base people is such , as either they obey slavishly , or command insolently : for liberty being the mark whereat they aim , is by them of that quality , neither moderately desired nor discreetly continued ; and always there are some seditious leaders to be found , who of disorder are inclined to kindle the ire and offence of ignorant people . dux rebus motis , facile invenitur . salust . experience hath oft proved , that men in best fortune , and such as esteem themselves most secure , even then fall soonest into disadventure , because those dangers unfeared be as it were contemned , and not regarded . to enter needless dangers , was ever accounted madness ; yet in times of extream peril and apparent distress , bold and hazardous attempts are greatest security . the divers adventures which happen to men , may well inform , that much better it is , chiefly in arms , to be governed by reason than by fortune . a certain peace is ever accounted better security than victory hoped or expected . melior tutiorque certa pax quam sperata victoria . liv. if to our prosperity god were pleased to add the grace of wisdom , we should thereby judge not only of what is past , but also of all that can succeed hereafter . rarely or never can we consider truly of worldly proceedings , unless first we have felt the deceits of fortune . discord or dissention in any state or city , offers opportunity to such men as are ambitious to work their will : for the humor of sects and partialities is such , as the weaker faction doth ever chuse rather to call for aid of strangers , than yield to the dominion of an adverse party . ancient customs may not violently and suddenly be taken away . fortune which altereth all things , will by little and little wear them out of use . to be oft in fight , and converse much with men , breedeth a kinde of satiety : therefore it behoveth persons of great estate and authority to be retired , lest over-much familiarity should derract from the reverencc due to honorable estate . the natures of men not content to live according to their fortune and birth , are of all others most prone to envy ; because they hate the vertue and welfare of all such as are in estimation above them . great heed is to be taken , that no citizen or subject , be suffered to aspire to such greatness , as cannot be forced to obey the laws ; and no order there is of more necessity , than that every man of what quality soever , may be without respect accused and judged . for conservation of particular greatness and dignity , there is nothing more noble and glorious , than to have felt the force of every fortune . it is the quality of wise men only , to know how to use prosperity , and never to trust too much to the favors of present happiness . a man well advised in his prosperity , beareth not himself towards others either proud or violent ; nor must he believe in his own present felicity , for the day knows not what the night bringeth : he only is to be reputed a man , whose mind cannot be puft up by prosperity , nor dejected by any adverse fortune . men of cholerick humor are easily moved with insolent speeches , but wise men laugh them to scorn . the way whereby a prince eschues the hate of subjects , is , not to take from them their lands or goods ; yet albeit the blood of some few be tainted , unless the same be accompanied with confiscation ( which a prince is rarely forced to use ) it seldom causeth him to become odious . a rule most cerain it is that he who commands any thing unpleasing , must by severe means cause it to be observed ; and who desireth to be obeyed , must know how to command : and he only knows how to command , that doth compare his own force with those that are to obey ; wherein finding a proportion , then he may boldly proceed , otherwise forbear . in actions of difficulty great courage is to be used , and who so compasseth any thing by violence , cannot maintain it by mildness , nor command by affability : he therefore that is of nature soft , should do best to refrain all extraordinary commands , and in matters ordinary imploy the vertue of his mild spirit ; because ordinary punishments are not imputed to the prince or his magistrates , but to the laws and ordinances of state. when necessity presseth , desperation is deemed wisdom , and generous minds do not account of danger , because those attempts which begin with peril , do for the most part end with glory . he that endeavours to be good among many that are evil , or will uphold that which those labour to pull down of force , worketh his own undoing . all common-wealths alter from order to disorder , from disorder to order again ; for nature having made all worldly things variable , so soon as they have attained their utmost perfection and height , they must descend ; so from good they fall back to evil ; and from evil they return to good . war begets quiet , quiet idleness , idleness disorder , disorder ruin ; likewise ruin order , order vertue , vertue glory and good fortune . wisemen have observed that arms were before learning , and captains before philosophers ; for good and well regulated armies having gained victory , established rest and security , whereof the study of letters and liberal sciences ensued . that country deserveth to be loved of all men , which loves all men indifferently , and not that country which respecting the best part , advanceth a few : no man therefore is to be blamed , if for such cause he desire rather to abandon than embrace his country . common-wealths are bodies mixt , yet have they of bodies simple some resemblance : and as in these , many infirmities grow , which without violent medicines cannot be cured ; so in the other many mischiefs arise , which a good and godly patient should offend to leave uncured , though therein he use both force and fire . those wars be most just which are most necessary ; and those arms are most merciful where no hope of help remains but in them only . in actions which promise either publick glory , or private honour , men may be reasonably persuaded to adventure life and living , because great hope there is to die with reputation , or live to recover that peace which war hath consumed : but where men are no less oppressed by insolency of commanders , than by insolency of foes , there is the calamity doubled , and of two evils the danger of war seemeth least ; for that hath end , the other is infinite . who so persuades himself to be no less esteemed in evil than good fortune , is deceived : for promises made , during distress , are rarely performed , unless the same necessity continue . the intent of every prince , or other state that makes war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory for other occasions sought , nor the possessions of the enemy to other end desir'd , than to make themselves mighty , and their enemy weak . it follows then , that so oft as the victory impoverishes them , or the gains weaken them , either they pass or come short of that mark whereat the war was aimed . ancient and well-governed common-wealths were wont by their conquests to fill the treasuries with gold and silver , to give reward to soldiers , to spare the people from tributes , to make triumphs and publick feasts : but in later times the wars have used , first , to consume the treasure , and after impoverish the people without assuring them from their enemies . a prince or state that leaves promises unperformed , by reason of unexpected impediments , and for no ill intent , ought not to be blamed : neither are such accidents any just cause or colour why friends should abandon their confederates . where magistrates govern justly , subjects obey dutifully ; where private persons grow rich , and princes enlarge their empire ; there is the common-wealth blessed , and the people fortunate . chap. xxvi . maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations and historical parallels . all cities and towns of state are builded either by people dwelling in or about the place where they are builded , or else they are made by strangers : of the first are athens and venice , of the other alexandria and florence . the fortune of every city builded , and vertue of the builder , appeareth by choice of the place , and quality of laws : for as fertile places occasion men to be slothful , unless by good laws they be forced to labour , so barrenness compels them to industry ; which reason induceth wise men to plant habitations in either : examples of the first are ferrara and rome , of the second ragusa and genoa . all laws whereby commonwealths are governed were either made by some one excellent man , and at an instant ; or else they were ordained at sundry times , according to such accidents as besel . example , the laws of sparta made at the beginning by lycurgus , the laws of rome at sundry times . the government of every city in time becomes corrupt ; principality changeth into tyranny : the optimacy is made the government of the people ; and the popular estate turns to licentious disorder ; which instability or alteration moved some law-makers to take order that in the government of their city there should be a mixture of all three , and was the cause that the policy of sparta continued years , when the popular state of athens endured not one hundred . example , the laws of sparta made by lycurgus , and the laws of athens by solon . whoso taketh in hand to frame any state or government , ought to presuppose that all men are evil , and at occasions will shew themselves so to be . example , the envy of the people of rome to the nobles , and their insolency towards them appeared not so long as the kings governed ; but the tarquins being banished , opportunity was thereby offered , that the malice of the one and the other became discovered . the divers honours of the nobility and people , the one desiring to command , the other not to obey , are the cause of continual troubles , unless some third mean there be of more authority than either , to bridle the force of both . example , the kings in rome expulsed , forth with arose much mutiny , and could not be suppress'd till the tribum plebis were created ; whose authority wrought the same effect which the kings had done . some states endeavour to enlarge their dominions , and some others labor only to maintain that estate they antiently possessed . example of the first was the city of rome , of the second sparta . all states desiring to live at liberty , think fit that every man should be permitted to accuse any citizen that offend eth , which manner of proceeding works two excellent effects : first , that the people should not dare for fear of accusing to attempt ought against the state ; or if they do , they shall be presently and without respect punished . secondly , by liberty of accusing , every man hath means to utter the offence where with he can charge others , which he could not ; unless it were lawful to take such an ordinary course , and consequently be driven to ways extraordinary , particular revenge , or calling in foreign forces . example , coriolanus and appius , claudius at rome , lucanncve at chinsi , francisco valeri in florence . as accusations are in every state necessary , so slanders are dangerous , and worthy of punishment ; the difference betwixt accusations and slanders , is , that the one is publickly performed before magistrates , with good proofs and witnesses to maintain the truth of the accusation ; but slanders are as well publickly performed as dispersed in secret , and places of repair , without witness and justification , so as every man may be slandered , but few are orderly accused . example , appius claudius accused by l. virginius ; furius camillus , slandered by manlius capitolinus . the only means to suppress slander is , to give authority to some persons of repute , to compel every slanderer to become an accuser ; and if the accusation prove true , then to reward the accuser , or at least not to punish him . example , manlius the slanderer of camillus for his untrue information punished . a rule most certain and assured it is , that every kingdom and state at the first well framed , or after well informed , doth take the perfection thereof from the wisdom of some excellent man , who ought not to be blind though in a matter of great moment he happily useth some extraordinary violence or proceedings ; for he that employeth force to mend and not to mar , deserves commendation . example , romulus , lycurgus , cleomenes . there lives no man so simple or wise , so wicked or well-disposed , but prefers those persons that are praiseable before those that are blameable : notwithstanding for that well-near all men are beguil'd in discerning what indeed is good , deeming that honourable which in truth is otherwise : they suffer themselves either willingly or ignorantly to be carried into a course which merits rather infamy than commendation . example , every man wisheth himself timoleon , or agesilaus , rather than dionysius or phalaris ; rather a titus or trajan , than caligula or vitellius . who reads histories treating of great actions shall perceive that good princes indeed are more secure and better defended by the love of the people , and fidelity of counsellors , than were they that entertained many legions and men of war. example , of all those emperours which reigned after caesar until maximiinus , the greatest number were for their vices taken and slain , only galba and pertinax excepted , who were good emperours . a prince of great knowledge both in arms and wisdom , so firmly setleth the foundation of government , as albeit his successor be of the less vertue , yet may he be maintained even by the memory of his predecessor : but if it happen that the third prince prove not more like the first than the second , then all that is past goeth to ruine . example , the martial valour of romulus was the cause that numa might govern safely in peace : which tullus could not have done , had he been unlike to romulus ; nor should bajazet emperour of turky have enjoyed the state of his father mahomet , and left the same to his posterity , if selim his son had not been more like to his grand - father than to bajazet his father . the succession of two excellent princes , chiesly if they be of long life , works wondrous effects : the like is seen in optimacies and popular states , where the governours successively elected be men of great vertue and understanding . example , the first appeared in philip of macedon , and alexander his son , the second in the consuls of rome . in every state , where soldiers are not , the fault thereof proceeds from the governours . wise princes were therefore wont even in times of peace to cause warlike exercises to be used ; for without them the most warlike nations become not only ignorant in martial knowledge , but also effeminate . example , pelopidas & epaminondas in thebes , and king tullus in rome as well in peaceable as troublesome times used the exercise of arms. no prince or state well advised , hazards his whole estate upon the valour of some few persons , nor ought to strength of strait places , where the enemy is to pass . example , tully king of rome , and metius king of alba , condescended that three of their nobility for either side , chosen should enter combate , and that nation which was victorious should command the other . francis the french king going to recover lombardy , was by the switzers attended into two or three places in the mountains , hoping there to repulse him , but the king taking another way , passed securely and prevailed . every state well governed doth reward men of good merit , and punish all offenders ; and if any person of good desert shall wilfully be a delinquent , the same man ought not withstanding his former service , be punisht . example , the same horatio that in combat gained the victory against the albani , having insolently slain his own sister , was notwithstanding his egregious act and the fresh memory thereof , called into trial of his life , and with great difficulty obtained pardon : and manlius who had with great glory saved the capitol , for moving sedition in rome , was after from the same cast down headlong . every wise man having performed any great service to his prince or country , ought to be content with such recompence as it shall please the prince or country to bestow : measuring the same according to the power of the giver , and not the merit of him that receiveth . example , horatius cocles for having lost his hand in defence of the bridge of rome , and mutius scaevola suffering his hand to be burnt for his attempt to kill king porsenna , were rewarded with a small portion of land ; and manlius that defended the capitol from the galleys , had no greater reward than a little measure of meal . ingratitude is a vice so natural and common , as not only private persons , but princes and states also either through covetousness or suspition are therewith infected . example , vespasian proclaimed emperor , was chiefly aided by antonius primus , and by his help prevailed against vitellius , in reward of which service vespasian removed him from the command of his army , and gave that honour to mutianus . consalvo ferranoe having taken the kingdom of naples from the french , was first removed from his command of the castles and soldiers , and in the end brought into spain , where in disgrace he ended his life . collatinus tarquinius who with the aid of brutus suppressed the tarquins of rome , and with him pub. valerius were banish'd for no other cause but for being of the name of tarquin , the other because he built a house upon mount coelio . all errors that great captains commit , are either wilful or ignorant , towards the one and the other of which offenders to use greater lenity than the quality of their offences deserves , seemeth necessary : for men of honour suffer nought by the infamy which evil service doth bring . it is also to be considered that a great captain being cumbred with many cares , cannot proceed in his actions couragiously , if he stand in daily doubt to be punish'd for every error that hapneth . example , sergius and virginius were before veio , the one part of the army on the one side of the city , the other not far from the place . sergius being assaulted by the falisci was not aided by virginius , neither would he require his help , such was the envy the one bare to the other ; and consequently their offence is wilful and worthy of capital punishment . likewise when varro by his ignorance , received an overthrow by hannibal at cannae , he was nevertheless pardoned and honourably welcomed home by the whole senate . whensoever an inconvenience ariseth within or without the state , it seems a resolution more sure to dissemble the knowing thereof , than to seek by sudden violence to suppress it . example , cosmo de medices having gained extraordinary reputation in florence , the citizens imagined , that to suffer the same to increase was dangerous , and therefore they banished him : which extream proceeding , so offended the friends of cosme , being the stronger , as they forced the citizens to revoke him , and make him prince of that city . the like hapned in rome , where caesar for his vertue , much admired and followed , became afterwards to be feared ; and they that feared , not considering their force to be inferior to the power of caesar , endeavouring to oppress him , were the occasion of his greater glory . in every republick , an excessive authority given to one or two persons for long time , proveth dangerous , chiefly when the same is not restrained . example , the dictatorship given to caesar for life , was an occasion to oppress the liberties of the romans . the same effect was before that time like to follow the decemvirate , by suffering appius claudius to prolong the time of his dignity . the ambition of men is such , as rarely they will obey when formerly they have commanded ; neither do they willingly accept of mean office , having before sate in higher place : yet the citizens of well-governed states , did not refuse as well to obey as command . example , the victory the romans obtained against the veienti , q. fabius was slain , having the year before been consul : nevertheless he then served in meaner place under c. manilius , and m. fabius his own brother then consul . there is nothing more strange , yet by experience proved true , that men in adverse fortune be much grieved , and in prosperity also discontented ; which is the reason , that not being forced to fight for necessity , they will nevertheless contend for ambition ; and that humour doth as well possess those that live aloft , as others whom fortune holdeth down . example , the people of rome having by the authority of the tribunes obtained to make themselves secure from oppression of the nobility , forthwith required , that the honour and office of state might be also imparted unto them . the like ambition moved them to have their part of lands by force of lex agaria , which was at last the overthrow of the roman liberty . it seemeth that people displeased with some innovations hapned in the state , do sometime without just reasons complain of those that govern : not unlike to a sick man , who deemeth that the physician , not the fever , is the cause of his grief . example , the people of rome were persuaded that the ambition of consuls was the cause of continual war , therefore required that no more consuls should be ; yet they were content that certain tribunes should command with like authority ; so was nothing altered in the government , but the governors title , which alone did content them . nothing can corrupt and alter the nature of man so much , or so soon as the immoderate desire of honour ; in so much as men of honest minds and vertuous inclinations are sometimes by ambition , drawn to abuse that goodness whereunto they are inclined . example , appius claudius having lived long an enemy to the multitude , hoping by their aid to continue his authority of the decemviri in rome , became their friend , and disfavoured the factions of great men. likewise q. fabius a man of singular vertue , being also called to that dignity by appius's self , adulterated his nature and became like unto him . seldom or never is any people discontented without just cause ; yet if happily they be asked whereof their offence proceedeth , many times for want of some fit man to pronounce their grief , they stand silent . example , the romans at the death of virginia , were gathered together armed upon mount sacro , and being asked by the senate , for what cause they so did ? no answer was made ; until virginio father of the virgin had procured , that twenty of the tribunes might be made to be as head of the people , and confer with the senate . a great folly or rather meer madness it seemeth to desire any thing , and tell before-hand that the end and purpose of the desire is evil ; for thereby he sheweth reason why it ought not to be granted . example , the romans required of the senate that appius and the rest of the decemviri should be delivered into their hands , being determined to burn them all alive . the first part of their request seemed reasonable , but the end thereof unreasonable . a course very dangerons it is in all states , by continual accusing and punishing , to hold the subject in doubt and daily fear : for he that stands always looking for some trouble , becometh careless and apt to attempt innovation . example , the decemviri being opprest , the tribunes authorized in their place , endeavoured daily to call in question the most part of the decemviri , and many other citizens also , whereof great inconveniences arose , and much danger would have ensued , had not a decree propounded by m. duillius been made , that for one year no roman citizen should be accused . strange it is to see how men in seeking their own security , lay the injuries which they fear , upon other men ; as though it were necessary , either to offend or to be offended . example , the romans among themselves , united and strong , always endeavoured to offend the nobles ; and the nobles likewise being persuaded they were strong , laboured to oppress the people : which humours were the cause of continual troubles . to make estimation and choice of men fit to govern , the best course is to consider in particular ; otherwise it might be imagined , that among the multitude or meaner people , they being the greatest number , might be found some persons of more perfection . example , the people of rome desiring that the consulship might be given among them as men of most merit , did by all means endeavour to obtain that honour ; but being come to election , and every mans vertue particularly considered , there could not be among the multitude only one found fit for so great a place ; and therefore the people themselves consented , that the dignity should still remain as it was . to persuade a multitude to any enterprise , is easie , if that which is persuaded , doth promise either profit or honour ; yet oft under that external apparence lies hid loss or disadvantage . example , the romans persuading themselves that the slow proceedings of fabius maximus in the war , was both chargeable and cowardly , required , that the general of the horse might direct the war ; which course had ruined rome , if the wisdom of fabius had not been . likewise , when hannibal had divers years reigned in italy , one m. centenius penula , a man of base birth , yet a soldier of some repute , undertook that if he with such voluntiers as would follow him , might have authority to fight , he would within few days deliver hannibal either alive or dead : which offer was by the senate accounted rash , yet for fear to offend the people , granted ; and penula with his soldiers was cut in pieces . to appease a mutiny or tumult in any camp or city , there is no means more speedy or successful , than if some person of great quality and respect , present himself to the people , and by his wisdom lay before them the damage of their discords , persuading them to peace and patience . example , the faction of the frateschi and arratiati in florence ; the one ready to assault the other . francisco soderini , bishop of voterra , in his episcopal habit , went between the parties and appeased them : also count egremont , by the authority of his wisdom and presence , supprest a great mutiny in antwerp , between the martinists and papists . a people corrupted , do rarely or never observe any order or ordinance , unless by force of some prince's power they be thereto inforced ; but where the multitude is incorrupt and religious , all things are done justly , and without compulsion . example , camillus at the victory against the urienti , vowed that the tenth part of the pillage should be offered to apollo ; but the senate supposing that the people would not consent to so great a contribution , studied to dispense with that vow , and to please apollo and the people also by some other means : whereat the people shewed themselves openly offended , and willingly gave no less than the sum formerly decreed . when the free-cities of germany are occasioned to make mony for any publick service , the magistrates impose one or two in the hundred on every city , which done , every one is sworn to lay down so much as in his own conscience he is able ; and he with his own hand , no other witness being present , casteth the mony into a coffer prepared for the purpose ; which he would not , if his own conscience did not inforce him . when any extraordinary occasion happens to a city or province , some prodigious voice is heard , or some marvelous sights are seen . before t. gracchus general of the roman army was betraid by flavius lucanus , the aruspices discovered two serpents eating the entrails of the beasts sacrificed ; which done , they vanish'd : which vision , as they divined , prognosticated the general 's death : likewise f. savanarola foretold the coming of king charles viii . into italy : and m. sedigitus , when the gauls first came towards rome , informed the senate he heard a voice much louder than any man's , crying aloud , galli veniunt . the multitude of base people is naturally audacious and apt to innovation ; yet unless they be directed by some persons of reputation and wisdom , rarely do they joyn in any action of great import . example , the romans , when their city was taken and sack'd by the gauls , went to veio with determination to dwell there : the senate informed thereof , commanded , that upon great pain every citizen should return to rome , whereat the people at first mocked ; but when every man particularly within himself considered his own peril , all in general determined to obey the magistrates . in the employment of men for service , neither age nor fortune ought so much to be regarded as vertue ; for young men having made trial of their valour , soon become aged , and thereby either unapt or unable to serve : therefore well-governed commonwealths , preferred military vertue before any other respect . example , valerius corvinus , with others , made consul the three and twentieth year of his age , and pompey triumphed in his youth . no wise or well-advised prince or other state will undertake without excessive forces to invade the dominions of any other prince , unless he assure himself of some friends there to be a mean , and as it were a gate . to prepare his passage . example , the romans by aid of the saguntines entred spain , the aetoli called them into greece , the hediai into france : likewise the palaeologi incited the turk to come into thrace ; and ludovicus sforza occasioned charles the french king to come into italy . a republick desirous to extend the bounds thereof , must endeavour to be fully furnish'd with inhabitants , which may be done both by love and force : love is gained by suffering strangers to inhabit the city securely ; and force compels people to come thither , when other cities and towns near at hand be demolished or defaced : and impossible it is without this order of proceeding . to enlarge any city or make the same of greater power . example , the romans to enlarge their city demolished alba , and many other towns , and therewith also entertained all strangers courteously : so as rome grew to such greatness , that the city only could arm six hundred and forty thousand men ; but sparta or athens could never exceed twenty thousand , for that lycurgus had inhibited the access of strangers . a commonwealth that consumes more treasure in the war , than it profits in victory , seems to have rather hindred than honoured or inriched the state. a wise captain therefore in his actions , ought as well to profit the republick , as to gain to himself glory . example , the consuls of rome did seldom desire triumph , unless they returned from the war loaden with gold , silver and other rich spoils fit to be delivered into the common treasury . all foreign wars with princes or other states taken in hand , be either for ambition or desire of glory , or else for necessity . example , the romans for their ambition conquered many nations , with intent only to have the obedience of the people ; yet did they suffer them to hold possession of their houses , and sometimes they were permitted to live only with their old laws . likewise alexander the great endeavoured to suppress many princes for his glory , but did not disposses the people , nor kill them . otherwise it is where a whole nation inforced by famine or fury of war , abandon their own dwellings , and are forced to inhabit elswhere . example , the goths and other people of the north invaded the roman empire , and many other provinces , whereof their alteration of names did ensue ; as illyria , now called slavonia , england formerly named britain . a common conceit and saying it is , that mony makes the war strong , and is the force and sinews thereof ; as though he who hath most treasure , be also most mighty ; but experience hath apparently shewed the contrary . example , after the death of alexander king of macedon , a multitude of gauls went into greece , and being there arrived , sent certain ambassadors to the king , who supposing to make them afraid of his power , shewed them his treasure , which wrought a contrary effect ; for the gauls , before desirous of peace , resolved then to continue the war , in hope to win that mighty mass of mony. likewise darius should have vanquished alexander , and the greeks might have conquered the romans , if the richer prince might ever by his mony have prevailed . every league made with a prince or republick remote , is weak and rather aideth us with fame than effect , and consequently deceiveth all those that in such amity repose confidence . example , the florentines being assaulted by the king of naples and the pope , prayed aid of the french king ; who being far distant , could not in time succour them : and the cedicini desiring aid of the capuani against the samnites , a people of no force , were deceived . a prince whose people is well arm'd and train'd , shall do better to attend his enemy at home , than by invasion to assault his country : but such princes whose subjects are disarmed , had need to hold the enemy aloof . example , the romans , and in this age the swisses , being well armed , may attend the war at home ; but the carthaginians and italians being not so well furnished , did ever use to seek the enemy . the plurality of commanders in equal authority , is for the most part occasion of slow proceeding in the war. example , there was at one time in rome created four tribuni militares with authority of consuls , viz. t. quintus after his consulship , cajus furius , m. posthumus , and a. cornelius cassius , amongst whom arose so much diversity and contrariety of opinion , as nothing could be done till their authority ceased , and m. aemylius made dictator . a victory obtained by any great captain with the authority of his prince's commission , counsel , and directions , ought ever to be imputed rather to the wisdom of the prince , than the valour of the captain : which made the emperors of rome to permit no captains ( how great soever his victories were ) to triumph , as before that time the consuls had done ; and even in those days a modest refusal of triumph was commended . example , m. fulvius having gained a great victory against the tuscans , was both by the consent of the senate and people of rome , admitted to triumph ; but the refusal of that honour proved his great glory . all they that from private estate have aspired to principality , either by force or fraud be come thereunto , unless the same be given , or by inheritance descended : yet it is rarely seen , that force alone prevaileth , but fraud without force oft-times sufficeth . example , agathocles by such means became prince of syracusa ; john galeazzo by abusing his uncle barnabas , gained the dominion of lombardy ; and cyrus circumvented cyaxares his mothers brother , and by that craft aspired to greatness . sudden resolutions are always dangerous ; and no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful delays . example , when hieron prince of syracuse died , the war even then being in great heat between the romans and carthaginians , they of syracusa consulted , whether it were better to follow the fortune of rome or carthage . in which doubt they continued until apollondies , a chief captain of syracusa , laid before them , that so long delay would make them hated both of romans and carthaginians . likewise the flcrentines being by lewis the twelfth required to give his army passage towards naples , mused so long upon an answer , that he became their enemy , and they forced to recover his favour full dearly . to govern a state is nothing else but to take such order as the subjects may not , or ought not to offend ; which may be done , either by removing from them all means to disobey , or by affording them so great favours , as reasonably they ought not to change their fortune ; for the mean course proveth dangerous . example , the latins being by the valour of camillus overcome , yielded themselves to endure what punishment it pleased the romans to inflict . an ingenious and magnanimous answer being made unto wise magistrates , doth oft obtain both pardon and grace . example , when the privernates had rebelled , and were by force constrained to return to the obedience of the romans , they sent certain of the city unto rome , to desire pardon ; who being brought before the senate , one of the senators asked the privernates , what punishment themselves did think they had deserved : the same , quoth they , which men living in freedom , think they are worthy of . whereto the consul thus replied , quid si poenam remittimus ? qualem nos patem vobiscum habituros speremus ? the privernates answered , si bonam dederitis , & fidelem & perpetuam : si malam , haud diuturnam . which answer was thought to proceed from generous men , and therefore they were not only pardoned , but also honoured and received into the number of the roman citizens . all castles , fortresses , and places of strength , be made for defence , either against the enemy or subject : in the first case they are not necessary , in the second dangerous . for thereby the prince may at his pleasure take occasion to insult upon the subject , when much more seemly he might settle his estate upon the love and good affection of men. example , the castle of millan made by duke francisco sforza , incited his heirs to become insolent ; and consequently they became odious ; which was also the cause that so soon as that city was assaulted , the enemy with facility did possess it . that prince or potentate which builds his severity rather upon the trust he hath in fortresses , than the love of men , shall be deceived : for no place is so strong , as can long defend it self , unless by the love and aid of men it be in time of necessity succoured . example , pope julio having drawn the bentivoli out of bologna , built there a strong castle ; the governor thereof robbed the people , and they therewith grieved , in a short time took the castle from him . so after the revolt of genoa , lewis the twelfth came to the recovery thereof , and builded there the strongest fortification of italy , as well for sight as the circumstances inexpugnable . nevertheless the citizens rebelled , and within sixteen months the french were forced to yield the castle and government to octavio fragosa . to build forts upon places of strength , either for defence of our own , or to hold that which is taken from others , hath ever proved to small purpose . example , the romans having supprest the rebellion of the latins and privernates , albeit they were people warlike , and lovers of liberty ; yet to keep them subject , built there no castle , nor other places fortified : and the lacedemonians did not only forbear to fortifie the towns they conquered , but also left their chief city of sparta unwalled . the necessity or use of fortification is only upon frontiers , or such principal places where princes make their habitation ; to the end the fury of sudden assaults may be staid , and time for succor entertained : otherwise , example , the castle of millan being made to hold the state in obedience , could not so do either for the house of sforza or france . guido ubaldo , duke of velin , driven from his dominion by caesar borgia , so soon as he recovered his country , caused all the forts to be demolished : for by experience he found the love of men was the surest defence , and that fortifications prevailed no less against him than for him . the causes of division and faction in every commonweal proceed most commonly of idleness and peace , and that which uniteth , is fear and war. example , the vejenti and elinsci having intelligence of great contention between the nobility and people of rome , thought that a fit opportunity to oppress the one and the other : but the romans informed of such an intention , appeased all domestick anger , and by the valour of their arms , conducted by gn. manlius and m. fabius , defeated the enemies forces . the means to usurp an estate disjoynted is , first before arms be taken , to become , as it were , an arbitrator or a friend indifferent ; and after arms be taken , then to send moderate aid to the weak side , as well to entertain the war between the factions , as also to consume the strength both of the one , and the other ; yet in no wise to employ any great forces , for thereby either party may discover the intents to suppress them . example , the city of pistoia fallen into division , the florentines took occasion sometimes to favor the one , and sometimes the other , that in the end both sides weary of the war , voluntarily yielded to their devotion . philippo viscount , hoping sundry times by occasion of faction to oppress the florentines , did often assault them with great forces , which was the cause that they became reunited ; and consequently the duke deceived of his expectation . a great wisdom it is to refrain opprobrious and injurious speech : for as neither the one nor the other can any whit decrease the enemies force , so doth it move him to greater hate , and more desire to offend . example , gabides , a general of the persians having long besieged amida , became weary , and preparing to abandon the enterprise , raised his camp , which they of the city beholding , began to revile the persians , and from the walls reproved them of cowardise ; which undiscreet words so highly offended gabides , as thereupon he resolved to continue the siege , and within few days won the city . tiberius gracchus appointed captain of certain bands of men , whom for want of other soldiers the romans entertained , proclaimed in his camp , that no man , upon pain of death , should contumeliously call any soldier slave , either in earnest or jest. nam facetiae asperae quando nimium ex vero traxere , acrem sui memoriam relinquunt . likewise alexander the great having conquered well near all the east , brought his forces before tyre , they fearing alexander's fury , offered upon honourable considerations to yeild him obedience , only requiring , that neither he nor any of his forces should enter the city , which motion after four months alexander accepted , and so signified by his ambassador , who arriving at tyre was by the proud citizens slain , whereat alexander grew into choler , and being ready to forsake the siege , staid his forces , and in the end sacked the city and put the people to the sword. a prince or any other state being assaulted by an enemy of far more puissance than himself , ought not to refuse any honourable compositions , chiefly when they are offered ; for no conditions can be so base , but shall in some sort turn to advantage and honour of him that accepts them . example , anno . certain florentines procured great forces of spaniards to come thither , as well to reposess the medici then banish'd , as also to sack the city ; promising that so soon as the army of spain did come into the florentine dominion , the faction of medici would be ready armed to receive them . but the spaniards being come , found no forces at all to joyn with them ; and therefore wanting victual , offered composition . the florentines finding the enemy distressed grew insolent and refused peace , whereof followed the loss of prato , and many other inconveniences . the like happened to them of tyre , as before . the denial or delay of justice desired in revenge of injuries either publick or privately offered , is a thing very dangerous to every prince or other state ; for that the party injured doth oft by indirect means , though with hazard of his country and himself , seek satisfaction : example , the complaint which the galli made against the fabii who sent ambassadors in favour of the tossani , not being heard , nor any punishment inflicted upon them for fighting against the law of nations , was the cause that the galli were offended with the states , whereof followed the sack of rome ; and the delay of justice in philip of macedon , for not revenging the incestuous oppression of attalus to pausanias , was the motive to murther that king. whoso endeavours the alteration of any state must of necessity proceed with all severity , and leave some memorable example to those that shall impugn the ordinance of government newly setled . example , when junius brutus had by his great valour banish'd the tarquins , and sworn the people that no king should ever reign in rome ; within short time after , many young nobles , among whom was brutus's son , impatient of the equality of the new government , conspired to recall the tarquins ; but brutus thereof informed , caused his own son not only to be condemned to death , but was himself present at the execution . as health and soundness of the hands , legs , and other outward members cannot continue life , unless the heart and vital spirits within be strong and firm ; so fortifications and frontier-defences do not prevail , unless the whole corps of the kingdom and people be well armed : example , when the emperor came into italy , and had with some difficulty past the confines of the venetians well near without resistance ; his army march'd to venice , and might doubtless have possest the city , had it not been defended with water . likewise the english in their assault of france , excepting a few encounters on the frontiers , found no puissant resistance within the realm . and anno . they forced all that state , and the king himself to tremble , as oft before they had done ; but contrariwise the romans knowing that life lay in the heart , ever held the body of their state strongest : for the nearer the enemy approach'd rome , the better they found the country armed and defended . the desire to command sovereignly is of so great force , as doth not only work in those that are in expectation of principality , but also in them that have no title at all . example , this appetite moved the wife of tarquinius priscus contrary to all natural duty to incite her husband to murder her own father servius , and possess his kingdom , as being persuaded it were much more honourable to be a queen than to be the daughter of a king. the violation of ancient laws , orders and customs , under which people have long time lived , is the chief and only cause whereby princes hazard their estate and royal dignity . example , albeit the deflowring of lucrece was the occasion , yet was it not the cause that moved the romans to take arms against tarquin ; for he having before that fact of sextus his son , governed tyrannically , and taken from the senate all authority , was become odious both to the senate , nobility and people , who finding themselves well-governed , never seek or wish any other liberty or alteration . a prince that desires to live secure from conspiracy , hath cause rather to fear those on whom he hath bestowed over-great riches and honors , than those whom he hath greatly injured ; because they want means to offend ; the other have many opportunities to do it : example , perrenius the prime favorite of commodus the emperor , conspired his death . plautianus did the like to severus , and sejanus to tiberius ; for being advanced to so great honors , riches and offices , as nothing remained desirable but the imperial title , they conspired against the persons of their sovereigns in hope of the dignity ; but in the end they endured that punishment which to such disloyalty and ingratitude appertaineth . an army which wants experience , albeit the captain be expert , is not greatly to be feared ; neither ought an army of well-train'd soldiers to be much esteemed , whose captain is ignorant . example , caesar going into africa against afranius and petraeus whose army was full of old soldiers , said he feared them little , quia ibat ad exercitum sine duce . contrariwise , when he went to pharsalia to encounter pompey , he said , ibo ad ducem fine exercitu . a captain-general commanding an army ought rather to govern with curtesie and mildness , than with over-much austerity and severity . example , q. and appius claudius being consuls , were appointed to govern the war. to q. was allotted one army which served very dutifully ; but appius commanding the other with great cruelty , was by his soldiers unwillingly obeyed . nevertheless tacitus seems of contrary opinion , saying , plus poena quam obsequium valet . therefore to reconcile these different conceits , i say , that a general having power to command men , either they are confederates or subjects : if confederates or voluntaries , he may not proceed to extream punishment ; if subjects , and his power absolute , they may be governed otherwise ; yet with such respect , as the insolence of the general inforce not the soldiers to hate him . honour may sometime be got as well by the loss as gaining of victory . every man knoweth glory is due to the victor , and we deny not the same priviledge to the vanquished , being able to make proof that the loss proceeded not from his default . neither is it dishonourable to violate those promises whereto the necessity or disadvantage of war inforceth . and forced promises which concern a whole state , are not binding , and rarely or ever kept , nor is the breaker thereby to receive disgrace . example , posthumus the consul having made a dishonourable peace with the samnites , was by them with his whole army sent home disarmed . being arrived at rome , the consul informed the people they were not bound to perform the base conditions he was compelled to yield unto ; albeit , he and those few that promised , were bound to perform them . the senate thereupon concluded to send him prisoner to samno , where he constantly protested the fault to be only his own ; wherefore the people by that peace incurred no dishonour at all : and fortune so much favoured posthumus , as the samnites were content presently to return him to rome ; where he became more glorious for losing the victory , than was pontius at samno for having won the victory . wise men have long observed , that who so will know what shall be , must consider what is past ; for all worldly things hold the same course they had at first . the reason is , that as long as men are possest with the same passions with former ages , consequently of these doings the same effects ensue . example , the almains and french have ever been noted for their avarice , pride , fury and infidelity , and so in divers ages , experience hath proved even to this present : for perfidious dealing the french have given sufficient proof , not only in ancient times , but also in the time of charles viii . who promised to render to the florentines the forts of pisa , but having divers times received mony , held them notwithstanding in possession . the florentines found the like in the almains ; for in the wars of the visconti , dukes of milan , they prayed aid of the emperor , who promised them great forces ; in consideration whereof , he was to receive of the florentines one hundred thousand crowns in hand , and as much more when his army was arrived in italy , both which payments were performed ; but as soon as the emperor came to verona he devised cavillations of unkindness whereupon he returned home . a prince desirous to obtain any thing of another , must if occasion so permit , urge his demand so earnestly and press for so sudden and present answer , as he who is prest may not have leisure to consider how to excuse himself in denial . example , pope julio endeavoured to drive out of bologna all the bentivoli , in which action he thought the aid of the french necessary , and that the venetians should stand neutral ; and by divers messengers did sollicite them to that effect ; but not receiving any resolute answer , he thought fit with those few forces he had to take his journey to bologna , whereupon the venetians advertised him they would remain neutral , and the french king forthwith sent him forces , as fearing the popes indignation ; likewise the tuscans having formerly desired aid of the samnites against the romans , took arms suddenly and obtained their request which the samnites had before denied . when a multitude offendeth , all may not be punish'd , because they are too many : to punish part and leave the rest unpunish'd , were injury to the sufferers ; and to those that escape , an encouragement to offend again ; therefore to eschew all extremity , mean courses have been anciently used . example , when all the wives of the romans conspired to poyson their husbands , a convenient number of them were punisht , and the rest suffered to pass : likewise at the conspiracy of the bacchanals in the time of the macedonian war , wherein many thousands men and women had part , every tenth person only was put to death by lot , although the offence were general ; by which manner of punishing , he that suffered , complain'd on his fortune ; and he that escaped , was put in fear , that offending again , the same punishment might light upon himself , and therefore would no more offend . a battel or great action in arms ought not to be enterprised without special commission or command from the prince ; otherwise the general incurs great danger . example , papyrius the dictator punisht the general of the horse in the roman army , for having fought without his consent , although he had in battle slain enemies without loss of of his own ; and caesar commended his captain silanus for having refrain'd to fight , though with great advantage he might . also count egmont hazarded the favor of the king his master for giving battel to marshall de thermes , albeit he were victorious : for upon the success of that action the loss or safety of all the low countries depended . to govern without council is not only dangerous in aristocracies and popular states , but unto independent princes an occasion of utter ruin . example , hieron the first king of sicily in all his proceedings used the advice of counsels , and lived fifty years prosperously in peace ; but his grand-child succeeding , refusing all counsel lost his kingdom , and was with all his kinsfolk and friends cruelly slain . in all monarchies the senate or privv-council is or ought to be composed of persons of great dignity , or men of approved wisdom and understanding . example , in polonia no man is counsellor unless he be a palatine , a bishop , a castellan , a captain , or such a one as hath been ambassador : and in turky the title of counsellor is not given but only to the four bassaes. the two cadelesquires , the twelve beglerbegs , and kings son , who in his fathers absence , is as it were a president of the divano or senate . many princes ancient and modern have used to select out of their council , two or three , or four at most , to whom only they did impart their affairs . example , the emperor augustus had maecenas and agrippa ; julius caesar , q. paedius and cor. balbus , whom he only trusted with his cipher and secrets , being counsellors of the cabinet ( as we now call them . ) the alteration of old laws , or introduction of new , are in all states very dangerous , notwithstanding any appearance of profit or publick utility , which moved wise governours to decree , that ancient laws once established might never be called in question . example , the athenians decreed that no law should be propounded to the people without the consent of the senate : the like use is observed in venice , where no petition is preferred to the senate but by advice of the sages ; and among the locrians the custom was , that whosoever presented any new law to be confirmed , should come with a halter about his neck , and be therewith hanged if his request were rejected ; also lycurgus to prevent the alteration of his laws , did swear the people of sparta to observe them untilhis return , and thereupon retired himself into voluntary exile , with intent never to return . when necessity or good reason moves innovation or abolition of laws , a course more secure it is to do it rather by degrees than suddenly . example , the romans finding the laws of the twelve tables unprofitable , suffered them to be observed or neglected at discretion , but would not publickly suppress them for fear of calling other laws into contempt : so did they continue years , and were then cassed by ebutius the tribune . but agis king of lacedemon desirous to revive the laws of lycurgus , long discontinued , enforced all men to bring in their evidence and writings to be cancelled , to the end a new partition of lands and goods might be made ; which suddain and violent proceeding proved so fatal , that it moved a dangerous sedition , wherein he was disposed and with his mother and friends put to death ; which example haply moved the venetians not to attempt any thing against the authority of augustino barberino their duke : but after his death , and before the election of lovedono , the signiory publisht new ordinances detractive from the ducal authority . whose hath won to himself so great love and affection , as thereby to become master of the forces , and at his pleasure commands the subjects apt for arms , may also without right or title assure himself of the whole estate . example , hugh capat a subject to the crown of france , being greatly honoured by the soldiers , found means thereby to prevent charles duke of lorrain of the crown , being right heir by descent from charlemain . and albeit the families of the paleologi , ebrami and turcani be of the blood royal and right heirs to the turkish empire , when the ottoman line shall fail ; yet it is like that the chief bassa having the love of the janisaries will usurp the state , because the paleologi and other competitors be far from the turks person , poor and without means to purchase the soldiers favor . a commander general in arms , ought upon pain of great punishment be enjoyned , not to imploy or retain any forces longer than the time of his commission . example , the dictators of rome were in this point so precise , as never any of them dared to transgress the time prefixed , till caesar obtained that dignity should continue in him for life ; which was the cause of his usurpation of the state. also the thebans commanded , that if the general of their army did hold his forces one day longer than the time prefixt , he should thereby incur danger of death : which justice was executed upon epaminondas and pelopidas . banishment of great lords , or citizens of great reputation , hath been in divers places diversly used : for in the one , they were inforced only to absent themselves without further infliction ; in the other , banishment was accompanied with confiscation , a course of great danger . example , in argos , athens , ephesus , and other cities of greece , the citizens puissant in friends , vertue or riches , were many times banish'd for envy or fear , but never or very rarely forced to absent themselves longer than ten years ; and that without loss of goods , which was the cause that never any of them warred against the country : but dion being banish'd syracusa by dionysius junior , and coriolanus from rome , did make mighty wars against their own country . the like was done by the medici in florence . honourable and magnanimous men were wont not only to enterprise great acts , but also to suffer patiently all injuries which foes or fortune could expose them to : as resolved , that no calamity was so great as to make their minds abject , or to forget the dignity appertaining to persons vertuous : example , after the defeat of the roman army upon the river allia , the galli persued the victory even to rome's walls : whither being come , and finding the gates open , without any sign of resistance they entred the streets , where all honourable palaces were also unshut , which caused the galli greatly to doubt . nevertheless looking into the houses , they found in every of them a senator set in a chair of state , and in his hand a rod of ivory ; his person was also vested with robes of dignity , which majestick spectacle did marvelously amate the galli , not having before that time seen any such reverend sight ; and therefore did not only refrain to offer violence , but highly admired the roman courage , chiefly in that fortune . nevertheless at length a rude gall hapned with his hand to touch the white beard of m. papyrius , whereat he taking great disdain struck him with his rod , in requital whereof the barbarian slew papyrius , and by that example all the other senators and persons of dignity were also slain . albeit the knowledge and study of letters be both commendable and necesssary in all well regulated states ; yet if under so honest pretence , idleness enter , such abuses most seasonably be foreseen and removed . example , when deognis and carneades , two excellent philosophers , were sent ambassadors from athens to the romans , many of the nobility that before disposed themselves to arms , allured with their eloquence and marvelous wisdom , began with great admiration to follow them : and in lieu of arms , turned their endeavours to the study of letters , which the wise cato discerning , procured the senate to decree that ( to eschew all inconveniences which so honest idleness might breed ) no philosophers should from thenceforth be received into rome . the honour due to magistrates was anciently much regarded , and contrariwise all irreverent and undutiful behaviour with great severity punish'd . example , the censors of rome degraded a citizen only for having yawned loud in their presence : and another called vectius was slain in the field , for not doing due reverence to a tribune when he past by him . it is also observed , that the son of fab. maximus when he was censor , meeting his father on horseback , and seeing the serjeans affraid to speak to him to dismount , did himself command him so to do , which command the father cheerfully and willingly obeyed , saying , domestick power must give place to publick authority . tyrannous princes having incurred the universal hate of people , found no means so meet to preserve them from popular fury , as to execute or deliver into their hands their own chief minions and intimate counsellors . example , tiberius delivered to the people his fa vourite seianus : nero , tigellinus . henry king of swede committed to their fury his best beloved servant george preston ; caracalla caused all his flatterers to be slain that had persuaded him to kill his brother . the like was done by caligula , whereby he escaped himself . a prince that rewards or pardons a person that kills another prince , albeit by that means he is aspired to soveraignty , shall thereby both incur great danger and hate , and encourage men therein to attempt the like against himself . therefore wise princes have not only left such services quite unrecompenced , but also most severely punished them . example , the emperor sever●● put all those to death that consented to the murder of pertinax ; and alexander the great executed him that slew darius , as abhorring that subject that would lay violent hands on his prince , notwithstanding he were an enemy . likewise uitellius put to death all the murderers and conspirators against galba ; and domitian executed his secretary epaphroditus for the murder of nero , although he instantly desired his aid . the vertuous and vitious examples of princes incite subjects to imitate the same qualities ; which rule never or very rarely fails . example , francis the first king of france , and other princes in divers ages and places , had great esteem of learned men ; and forth with all the princes , nobles , nobility and clergy , disposed themselves so earnestly to study , as before that time had not been seen so many and so great a number of learned men , as well in tongues as sciences . contrariwise , alexander the great , otherwise a prince of great vertue , by his immoderate use of drinking , did draw the greatest number of his court and people also to delight in drunkenness - the like effect followed the excessive intemperance of mithridates , king of amasia . the last and not the least considerable , is , to observe how great effects devotion and contempt of human glory worketh in the minds not only of private persons , but of kings and princes also , who have oft abandoned worldly profit , honour and pleasure , to embrace the con templative retired life . example , ramirus king of aragon , verecundus king of spain , charlemain son of carolus martellus , matilda queen of france , amurath king of turbay , with many others . imperio maximus , exemplo major . finis . books printed for , and sold by joseph watts at the angel in st. paul's church-yard , viz. the history of ireland from the conquest thereof by the english to this present time , in two parts : by the honourable richard cox , esq one of the present judges for that kingdom . folio . the right honourable the marquis of carmarthen's state of his case . folio . his answer to the examination of the state of his case . folio . his answer to sir robert howard's book . folio . his reply to some libels lately printed . folio . tryal of the lord russel . folio . character of a popish successor . folio . the world's mistake in oliver cromwel : by sl. bethel , esq quarto . satyr against hypocrites . quarto . no protestant plot , st . d . and d. parts . quarto . diarry of his majesty's expedition into england . quarto . hunton's treatise of monarchy , in two parts . quarto . the earl of rochester's funeral sermon . quarto . the present settlement vindicated , and the late mis-government proved . quarto . rushworth's historical collections from . to . james's corruption of popish father's counsels , &c. octavo . the true nature of the divine law , &c. octavo . reformed devotions , in meditations , hymns and petitions , for every day in the week . twelves . the excellent woman described by her true characters , and their opposites . octavo . an earnest invitation to the sacrament : by dr. glanvill . twelves . at which place may be had acts of parliament , proclamations , declarations , orders of king and council , speeches in parliament ; choice pamphlets , both ancient and new ; tryals , narratives and gazzetts . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * commissions determine in presence of him that granted them . * so henry the fourth of france by putting his courtiers to board-wages was said to make money with his teeth . * the author of the epistle dedicatory to the dutchess of suffolk , prefix'd to mr. latimer's sermons , saith , that lawyers covetousness hath almost devoured england . discipline . tam bene quam male facta praemunt . mart. of true religion, hæresie, schism, toleration, and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author j.m. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) of true religion, hæresie, schism, toleration, and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author j.m. milton, john, - . p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng theology -- early works to . theology -- history -- th century. papacy -- controversial literature -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of true religion , haeresie , schism , toleration , and what best means may be us'd against the growth of popery the author j. m. london printed in the year , . of true religion , haeresie , schism , and toleration . it is unknown to no man , who knows ought of concernment among us , that the increase of popery is at this day no small trouble and offence to greatest part of the nation ; and the rejoycing of all good men that it is so ; the more their rejoycing , that god hath giv'n a heart to the people to remember still their great and happy deliverance from popish thraldom , and to esteem so highly the precious benefit of his gospel , so freely and so peacealy injoy'd among them . since therefore some have already in publick with many considerable arguments exhorted the people to beware the growth of this romish weed ; i thought it no less then a common duty to lend my hand , how unable soever , to so good a purpose . i will not now enter into the labyrinth of councels and fathers , an intangl'd wood which the papist loves to fight in , not with hope of victory , but to obscure the shame of an open overthrow : which yet in that kind of combate , many heretofore , and one of late , hath eminently giv'n them . and such manner of dispute with them , to learned men , is useful and very commendable : but i shall insist now on what is plainer to common apprehension , and what i have to say , without longer introduction . true religion is the true worship and service of god , learnt and believed from the word of god only . no man or angel can know how god would be worshipt and serv'd unless god reveal it : he hath reveal'd and taught it us in the holy scriptures by inspir'd ministers , and in the gospel by his own son and his apostles , with strictest command to reject all other traditions or additions whatsoever . according to that of st. paul , though wee or an angel from heaven preach any other gospel unto you , than that which wee have preacht unto you , let him be anathema , or accurst . and deut. . . ye shall not add to the word which i command you , neither shall you diminish ought from it . rev. . , . if any man shall add , &c. if any man shall take away from the words , &c. with good and religious reason therefore all protestant churches with one consent , and particularly the church of england in her thirty nine articles , artic. th , th , th , st , and elsewhere , maintain these two points , as the main principles of true religion : that the rule of true religion is the word of god only : and that their faith ought not to be an implicit faith , that is , to believe , though as the church believes , against or without express authority of scripture . and if all protestants as universally as they hold these two principles , so attentively and religiously would observe them , they would avoid and cut off many debates and contentions , schisms and persecutions , which too oft have been among them , and more firmly unite against the common adversary . for hence it directly follows , that no true protestant can persecute , or not tolerate his fellow protestant , though dissenting from him in som opinions , but he must flatly deny and renounce these two his own main principles , whereon true religion is founded ; while he compels his brother from that which he believes as the manifest word of god , to an implicit faith ( which he himself condemns ) to the endangering of his brothers soul , whether by rash belief , or outward conformity : for whatsoever is not of faith , is sin. i will now as briefly show what is false religion or heresie , which will be done as easily : for of contraries the definitions must needs be contrary . heresie therefore is a religion taken up and believ'd from the traditions of men and additions to the word of god. whence also it follows clearly , that of all known sects or pretended religions at this day in christendom , popery is the only or the greatest heresie : and he who is so forward to brand all others for hereticks , the obstinate papist , the only heretick . hence one of their own famous writers found just cause to stile the romish church mother of error , school of heresie . and whereas the papist boasts himself to be a roman catholick , it is a meer contradiction , one of the popes bulls , as if he should say , universal particular a catholic schismatic . for catholic in greek signifies universal : and the christian church was so call'd , as consisting of all nations to whom the gospel was to be preach't , in contradistinction to the jewish church , which consisted for the most part of jews only . sects may be a in true church as well as in a false , when men follow the doctrin too much for the teachers sake , whom they think almost infallible ; and this becomes , through infirmity , implicit faith ; and the name sectary , pertains to such a disciple . schism is a rent or division in the church , when it comes to the separating of congregations ; and may also happen to a true church , as well as toa false ; yet in the true needs not tend to the breaking of communion ; if they can agree in the right administration of that wherein they communicate , keeping their other opinions to themselves , not being destuctive to faith. the pharisees and saduces were two sects , yet both met together in their common worship of god at jerusalem . but here the papist will angrily demand , what ! are lutherans , calvinists , anabaptists , socinians , arminians , no hereticks ? i answer , all these may have some errors , but are no hereticks . heresie is in the will and choice profestly against scripture ; error is against the will , in misunderstanding the scripture after all sincere endeavours to understand it rightly : hence it was said well by one of the ancients , err i may , but a heretick i will not be . it is a humane frailty to err , and no man is infallible here on earth . but so long as all these profess to set the word of god only before them as the rule of faith and obedience ; and use all diligence and sincerity of heart , by reading , by learning , by study , by prayer for illumination of the holy spirit , to understand the rule and obey it , they have done what man can do : god will assuredly pardon them , as he did the friends of job , good and pious men , though much mistaken , as there it appears , in some points of doctrin . but some will say , with christians it is otherwise , whom god hath promis'd by his spirit to teach all things . true , all things absolutely necessary to salvation : but the hottest disputes among protestants calmly and charitably enquir'd into , will be found less then such . the lutheran holds consubstantiation ; an error indeed , but not mortal . the calvinist is taxt with predestination , and to make god the author of sin ; not with any dishonourable thought of god , but it may be overzealously asserting his absolute power , not without plea of scripture . the anabaptist is accus'd of denying infants their right to baptism ; again they say , they deny nothing but what the scripture denies them . the arian and socinian are charg'd to dispute against the trinity : they affirm to believe the father , son , and holy ghost , according to scripture , and the apostolic creed ; as for terms of trinity , triniunity , coessentiality , tripersonality , and the like , they reject them as scholastic notions , not to be found in scripture , which by a general protestant maxim is plain and perspicuous abundantly to explain its own meaning in the properest words , belonging to so high a matter and so necessary to be known ; a mystery indeed in their sophistic subtilties , but in scripture a plain doctrin . their other opinions are of less moment . they dispute the satisfaction of christ , or rather the word satisfaction , as not scriptural : but they acknowledge him both god and their saviour . the arminian lastly is condemn'd for setting up free will against free grace ; but that imputation he disclaims in all his writings , and grounds himself largly upon scripture only . it cannot be deny'd that the authors or late revivers of all these sects or opinions , were learned , worthy , zealous , and religious men , as appears by their lives written , and the same of their many eminent and learned followers , perfect and powerful in the scriptures , holy and unblameable in their lives : and it cannot be imagin'd that god would desert such painful and zealous labourers in his church , and oft-times great sufferers for their conscience , to damnable errors & a reprobate sense , who had so often implor'd the assistance of his spirit ; but rather , having made no man infallible , that he hath pardon'd their errors , and accepts their pious endeavours , sincerely searching all things according to the rule of scripture , with such guidance and direction as they can obtain of god by prayer . what protestant then who himself maintains the same principles , and disavowes all implicit faith , would persecute , and not rather charitably tolerate such men as these , unless he mean to abjure the principles of his own religion ? if it be askt how far they should be tolerated ? i answer doubtless equally , as being all protestants ; that is on all occasions to give account of their faith , either by arguing , preaching in their several assemblies , publick writing , and the freedom of printing . for if the french and polonian protestants injoy all this liberty among papists , much more may a protestant justly expect it among protestants ; and yet some times here among us , the one persecutes the other upon every slight pretence . but he is wont to say he enjoyns only things indifferent . let them be so still ; who gave him authority to change their nature by injoyning them ? if by his own principles , as is prov'd , he ought to tolerate controverted points of doctrine not slightly grounded on scripture , much more ought he not impose things indifferent without scripture . in religion nothing is indifferent , but , if it come once to be impos'd , is either a command or a prohibition , and so consequently an addition to the word of god , which he professes to disallow . besides , how unequal , how uncharitable must it needs be , to impose that which his conscience cannot urge him to impose , upon him whose conscience forbids him to obey ? what can it be but love of contention for things not necessary to be done , to molest the conscience of his brother , who holds them necessary to be not done ? to conclude , let such a one but call to mind his own principles above mention'd , and he must necessarily grant , that neither he can impose , nor the other believe or obey ought in religion , but from the word of god only . more amply to understand this , may be read the th . and th . chapters to the romans , and the contents of the th , set forth no doubt but with full authority of the church of england ; the gloss is this . men may not contemn , or condemn one the other for things indifferent . and in the th article above mentioned , whatsoever is not read in holy scripture , nor may be proved thereby , is not to be required of any man as an article of faith , or necessary to salvation . and certainly what is not so , is not to be required at all ; as being an addition to the word of god expressly forbidden . thus this long and hot contest , whether protestants ought to tolerate one another , if men will be but rational and not partial , may be ended without need of more words to compose it . let us now enquire whether popery be tolerable or no. popery is a double thing to deal with , and claims a twofold power , ecclesiastical , and political , both usurpt , and the one supporting the other . but ecclesiastical is ever pretended to political . the pope by this mixt faculty , pretends right to kingdoms and states , and especially to this of england , thrones and unthrones kings , and absolves the people from their obedience to them ; sometimes interdicts to whole nations the publick worship of god , shutting up their churches : and was wont to dreign away greatest part of the wealth of this then miserable land , as part of his patrimony , to maintain the pride and luxury of his court and prelates : and now since , through the infinite mercy and favour of god , we have shaken off his babylonish yoke , hath not ceas'd by his spyes and agents , bulls and emissaries , once to destroy both king and parliament ; perpetually to seduce , corrupt , and pervert as many as they can of the people . whether therefore it be fit or reasonable , to tolerate men thus principl'd in religion towards the state , i submit it to the consideration of all magistrates , who are best able to provide for their own and the publick safety . as for tolerating the exercise of their religion , supposing their state activities not to be dangerous , i answer , that toleration is either public or private ; and the exercise of their religion , as far as it is idolatrous , can be tolerated neither way : not publicly , without grievous and unsufferable scandal giv'n to all consciencious beholders ; not privately , without great offence to god , declar'd against all kind of idolatry , though secret . ezekiel . , . and he brought me to the door of the court , and when i looked , behold a hole in the wall. then said he unto me , son of man , digg now in the wall ; and when i had digged , behold a door , and he said unto me , go in , and behold the wicked abominations that they do here . and verse . then said he unto me , son of man , hast thou seen what the antients of the house of israel do in the dark ? &c. and it appears by the whole chapter , that god was no less offended with these secret idolatries , then with those in public ; and no less provokt , then to bring on and hasten his judgements on the whole land for these also . having shown thus , that popery , as being idolatrous , is not to be tolerated either in public or in private ; it must be now thought how to remove it and hinder the growth thereof , i mean in our natives , and not forreigners , privileg'd by the law of nations . are we to punish them by corporal punishment , or fines in their estates , upon account of their religion ? i suppose it stands not with the clemency of the gospel , more then what appertains to the security of the state : but first we must remove their idolatry , and all the furniture thereof , whether idols , or the mass wherein they adore their god under bread and wine : for the commandment forbids to adore , not only any graven image , but the likeness of any thing in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , or in the water under the earth , thou shalt not bow down to them nor worship them , for i the lord thy god am a jealous god. if they say that by removing their idols we violate their consciences , we have no warrant to regard conscience which is not grounded on scripture : and they themselves confess in their late defences , that they hold not their images necessary to salvation , but only as they are enjoyn'd them by tradition . shall we condescend to dispute with them the scripture is our only principle in religion ; and by that only they will not be judg'd , but will add other principles of their own , which , forbidden by the word of god , we cannot assent to . and the common maxim also in logic is , against them who deny principles , we are not to dispute . let them bound their disputations on the scripture only , and an ordinary protestant , well read in the bible , may turn and wind their doctors . they will not go about to prove their idolatries by the word of god , but run to shifts and evasions , and frivolous distinctions : idols they say are laymens books , and a great means to stir up pious thoughts and devotion in the learnedst . i say they are no means of gods appointing , but plainly the contrary : let them hear the prophets ; jerem. . . the stock is a doctrin of vanities . habakkuk . . what profiteth the graven image that the maker thereof hath graven it : the molten image and a teacher of lyes ? but they alleadge in their late answers , that the laws of moses giv'n only to the jews , concern not us under the gospel : and remember not that idolatry is forbidden as expresly , [ in several places of the gospel , ] but with these wiles and fallacies compassing sea and land , like the pharisees of old , to make one proselite , they lead away privily many simple and ignorant souls , men or women , and make them twofold more the children of hell then themselves , matt. . . but the apostle hath well warn'd us , i may say , from such deceivers as these , for their mystery was then working . i beseech you brethren , saith he , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrin which ye have learned , and avoid them ; for they that are such serve not our lord jesus christ , but their own belly , and by good words and fair speeches deceive the heart of the simplea rom. . , . the next means to hinder the growth of popery will be to read duly and diligently the holy scriptures , which as st. paul saith to timothy , who had known them from a child , are able to make wise unto salvation . and to the whole church of colossi ; let the word of christ dwell in you plentifully , with all wisdome , coloss. . . the papal antichristian church permits not her laity to read the bible in their own tongue : our church on the contrary hath proposd it to all men , and to this end translated it into english , with profitable notes on what is met with obscure , though what is most necessary to be known be still plainest : that all sorts and degrees of men , not understanding the original , may read it in their mother tongue . neither let the countryman , the tradesman , the lawyer , the physician , the statesman , excuse himself by his much business from the studious reading thereof . our saviour saith , luke . , . thou art careful and troubled about many things , but one thing is needful . if they were ask't , they would be loath to set earthly things , wealth , or honour before the wisdom of salvation . yet most men in the course and practice of their lives are found to do so ; and through unwillingness to take the pains of understanding their religion by their own diligent study , would fain be sav'd by a deputy . hence comes implicit faith , ever learning and never taught , much hearing and small proficience , till want of fundamental knowledg easily turns to susperstition or popery : therefore the apostle admonishes , eccles. . . that we henceforth be no more children tossed to and fro and carryed about with every wind of doctrine , by the sleight of men , and cunning craftiness whereby they lye in wait to deceive . every member of the church , at least of any breeding or capacity , so well ought to be grounded in spiritual knowledg , as , if need be , to examine their teachers themselves , acts. . . they searched the scriptures dayly , whether those things were so . rev. . . thou hast tryed them which say they are apostles , and are not . how should any private christian try his teachers unless he be well grounded himself in the rule of scripture , by which he is taught . as therefore among papists , their ignorance in scripture cheifly upholds popery ; so among protestant people , the frequent and serious reading thereof will soonest pull popery down . another means to abate popery arises from the constant reading of scripture , wherein beleivers who agree in the main , are every where exhorted to mutual forbearance and charity one towards the other , though dissenting in some opinions . it is written that the coat of our saviour was without seame : whence some would infer that there should be no division in the church of christ. it should be so indeed ; yet seams in the same cloath , neither hurt the garment , nor misbecome it ; and not only seams , but schisms will be while men are fallible : but if they who dissent in matters not essential to belief , while the common adversary is in the field , shall stand jarring and pelting at one another , they will be soon routed and subdued . the papist with open mouth makes much advantage of our several opinions ; not that he is able to confute the worst of them , but that we by our continual jangle among our selves make them worse then they are indeed . to save our selves therefore , and resist the common enemy , it concerns us mainly to agree within our selves , that with joynt forces we may not only hold our own , but get ground ; and why should we not ? the gospel commands us to tolerate one another , though of various opinions , and hath promised a good and happy event thereof , phil. . . let us therefore as many as be perfect be thus minded ; and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveal even this unto you . and we are bid , thess. . . prove all things , hold fast that which is good . st. paul judg'd that not only to tolerate , but to examine and prove all things , was no danger to our holding fast of that which is good . how shall we prove all things , which includes all opinions at least founded on scripture , unless we not only tolerate them , but patiently hear them , and seriously read them ? if he who thinks himself in the truth professes to have learnt it , not by implicit faith , but by attentive study of the scriptures & full perswasion of heart , with what equity can he refuse to hear or read him , who demonstrates to have gained his knowledge by the same way ? is it a fair course to assert truth by arrogating to himself the only freedome of speech , and stopping the mouths of others equally gifted ? this is the direct way to bring in that papistical implicit faith which we all disclaim . they pretend it would unsettle the weaker sort ▪ the same groundless fear is pretended by the romish clergy in prohibiting the scripture . at least then let them have leave to write in latin which the common people understand not ; that what they hold may be discust among the learned only . we suffer the idolatrous books of papists , without this fear , to be sold & read as common as our own . why not much rather of anabaptists , arians , arminians , & socinians ? there is no learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakt , his judgement sharpn'd , and the truth which he holds more firmly establish't . if then it be profitable for him to read ; why should it not at least be tolerable and free for his adversary to write ? in logic they teach , that contraries laid together more evidently appear : it follows then that all controversies being permitted , falshood will appear more false , and truth the more true ▪ which must needs conduce much , not only to the confounding of popery , but to the general confirmation of unimplicit truth . the last means to avoid popery , is to amend our lives : it is a general complaint that this nation of late years , is grown more numerously and excessively vitious then heretofore ▪ pride , luxury , drunkenness , whoredom , cursing , swearing , bold and open atheism every where abounding : where these grow , no wonder if popery also grow a pace . there is no man so wicked , but at somtimes his conscience , will wring him with thoughts of another world , & the peril of his soul : the trouble and melancholy which he conceives of true repentance and amendment he endures not ; but enclines rather to some carnal superstion , which may pacify and lull his conscience with some more pleasing doctrin . none more ready and officious to offer her self then the romish , and opens wide her office , with all her faculties to receive him ; easy confession , easy absolution , pardons , indulgences , masses for him both quick and dead , agnus dei's , reliques , and the like : and he , instead of working out his salvation with fear and trembling , strait thinks in his heart ( like another kind of fool then he in the psalmes ) to bribe god as a corrupt judge ; and by his proctor , some priest or fryer , to buy out his peace with money , which he cannot with his repentance . for god , when men sin outragiously , and will not be admonisht , gives over chastizing them , perhaps by pestilence , fire , sword , or famin , which may all turn to their good , and takes up his severest punishments , hardness besottedness of heart , and idolatry , to their final perdition . idolatry brought the heathen to hainous transgressions , romans a. and hainous transgressions oft times bring the slight professors of true religion , to gross idolatry : thess● . , . for this cause , god shall send them strong delusion that they should believe a lye , that they all might be damed ▪ who believe not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteoussness . and isaiah . . speaking of idolaters , they have not known nor understood ▪ for he hath shut their eyes that they cannot see , and their hearts that they cannot understand . let us therefore using this last means , last here spoken of , but first to be done , amend our lives with all speed ; least through impenitency we run into that stupidly , which we now seek all meansso warilyto avoid , the worst of superstitions , and the heaviest of all gods judgements , popery . finis . of education. to master samuel hartlib. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) of education. to master samuel hartlib. milton, john, - . p. for thomas underhill? for thomas johnson?, [london : ] attributed to john milton. caption title. imprint suggested by wing, pforzheimer catalogue and shawcross. annotation on thomason copy: "by mr john milton"; " june ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hartlib, samuel, d. . education -- philosophy -- early works to . education -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no of education.: to master samuel hartlib. milton, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - angela berkley sampled and proofread - angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of education . to master samuel hartlib . master hartlib , i am long since perswaded , that to say , or doe ought worth memory , and imitation , no purpose or respect should sooner move us , then simply the love of god , and of mankinde . neverthelesse to write now the reforming of education , though it be one of the greatest and noblest designes , that can be thought on , and for the want whereof this nation perishes , i had not yet at this time been induc't , but by your earnest entreaties , and serious conjurements ; as having my minde for the present halfe diverted in the persuance of some other assertions , the knowledge and the use of which , cannot but be a great furtherance both to the enlargement of truth , and honest living , with much more peace . nor should the lawes of any private friendship have prevail'd with me to divide thus , or transpose my former thoughts , but that i see those aims , those actions which have won you with me the esteem of a person sent hither by some good providence from a farre country to be the occasion and the incitement of great good to this iland . and , as i hear , you have obtain'd the same repute with men of most approved wisdom , and some of highest authority among us . not to mention the learned correspondence which you hold in forreigne parts , and the extraordinary pains and diligence which you have us'd in this matter both heer , and beyond the seas ; either by the definite will of god so ruling , or the peculiar sway of nature , which also is gods working . neither can i thinke that so reputed , and so valu'd as you are , you would to the forfeit of your own discerning ability , impose upon me an unfit and over ponderous argument , but that the satisfaction which you professe to have receiv'd from those incidentall discourses which we have wander'd into , hath prest & almost constrain'd you into a perswasion , that what you require from me in this point , i neither ought , nor can in conscience deferre beyond this time both of so much need at once , and so much opportunity to trie what god hath determin'd . i will not resist therefore , what ever it is either of divine , or humane obligement that you lay upon me ; but will forthwith set down in writing , as you request me , that voluntary idea , which hath long in silence presented it self to me , of a better education , in extent and comprehension farre more large , and yet of time farre shorter , and of attainment farre more certain , then hath been yet in practice . briefe i shall endeavour to be ; for that which i have to say , assuredly this nation hath extreame need should be done sooner then spok'n . to tell you therefore what i have benefited herein among old renowned authors , i shall spare ; and to search what many modern ianua's and didactics more then ever i shall read , have projected , my inclination leads me not . but if you can accept of these few observations which have flowr'd off , and are as it were the burnishing of many studious and contemplative yeers altogether spent in the search of religious and civil knowledge , and such as pleas'd you so well in the relating , i here give you them to dispose of . the end then of learning is to repair the ruins of our first parents by regaining to know god aright , and out of that knowledge to love him , to imitate him , to be like him , as we may the neerest by possessing our souls of true vertue ▪ which being united to the heavenly grace of faith makes up the highest perfection . but because our understanding cannot in this body found it selfe but on sensible things , not arrive so cleerly to the knowledge of god and things invisible , as by orderly conning over the visible and inferior creature , the same method is necessarily to be follow'd in all discreet teaching . and seeing every nation affords not experience and tradition anough for all kinde of learning , therefore we are chiefly taught the languages of those people who have at any time been most industrious after wisdom ; so that language is but the instrument convaying to us things usefull to be known . and though a linguist should pride himselfe to have all the tongues that babel cleft the world into , yet , if he have not studied the solid things in them as well as the words and lexicons , he were nothing so much to be esteem'd a learned man , as any yeoman or tradesman competently wise in his mother dialect only . hence appear the many mistakes which have made learning generally so unpleasing and so unsuccesfull ; first we do amisse to spend seven or eight yeers meerly in scraping together so much miserable latin , and greek , as might be learnt otherwise easily and delightfully in one yeer . and that which casts our proficiency therein so much behinde , is our time lost partly in too oft idle vacancies given both to schools and universities , partly in a preposterous exaction , forcing the empty wits of children to compose theams , verses , and orations , which are the acts of ripest judgement and the finall work of a head fill'd by long reading , and observing , with elegant maxims , and copious invention . these are not matters to be writing from poor striplings , like blood out of the nose , or the plucking of untimely fruit : besides the all habit which they get of wretched barbarizing against the latin and greek idiom , with their untutor'd anglicisms , odious to be read , yet not to be avoided without a well continu'd and judicious conversing among pure authors digested , which they scarce taste , wheras if after some preparatory grounds of speech by their certain forms got into memory , they were led to the praxis thereof in some chosen short book lesson'd throughly to them , they might then forthwith proceed to l●arn the substance of good things , and arts in due order , which would bring the whole language quickly into their power . this i take to be the most rationall and most profitable way of learning languages , and whereby we may best hope to give account to god of our youth spent herein : and for the usuall method of teaching arts , i deem it to be an old errour of universities not yet well recover'd from the scholastick grosnesse of barbarous ages , that in stead of beginning with arts most easie , and those be such as are most obvious to the sence , they present their young unmatriculated novices at first comming with the most intellective abstractions of logick & metaphysicks : so that they having but newly left those grammatick flats & shallows where they stuck unreasonably to learn a few words with lamentable construction , and new on the sudden transported under another climat to be tost and turmoild with their unb●llasted wits in fadomles and unquiet deeps of controversie , do for the most part grow into hatred and contempt of learning , mockt and deluded all this while with ragged notions and babblements , while they expected worthy and delightfull knowledge ; till poverty or youthfull yeers call them importunately their severall wayes , and hasten them with the sway of friends either to an ambitious and mercenary , or ignorantly zealous divinity ; some assur'd to the trade of law , grounding their purposes not on the prudent , and heavenly contemplation of justice and equity which was never taught them , but on the promising and pleasing thoughts of litigious terms , fat contentions , and flowing sees ; others betake them to state affairs , with souls so unprincipl'd in vertue , and true generous breeding , that flattery , and court shifts and tyrannous aphorismes appear to them the highest points of wisdom ; instilling their barren hearts with a conscientious slavery , if , as , i rather think , it be not fain'd . others lastly of a more delicious and airie spirit , retire themselves knowing no better , to the enjoyments of ease and luxury , living out their daies in feast and jollity , which indeed is the wisest and the safest course of all these , unlesse they were with more integrity undertak'n . and these are the errours , and these are the fruits of mispending our prime youth at the schools and universities as we do , either in learning meere words or such things chiefly , as were better unlearnt . i shall detain you now no longer in the demonstration of what we should not doe , but strait conduct ye to a hill side , where i will point ye out the right path of a vertuous and noble education ; laborious indeed at the first ascent , but else so smooth , so green , so full of goodly prospect , and melodious sounds on every side , that the harp of orpheus was not more charming . i doubt not but ye shall have more adoe to drive our dullest and laziest youth , our stocks and stubbs from the infinite desire of such a happy nurture , then we have now to hale and drag our choisest and hopefullest wits to that asinine feast of sowthistles and brambles which is commonly set before them , as all the food and entertainment of their tenderest and most docible age . i call therefore a compleate and generous education that which fits a man to perform justly , skilfully and magnanimously all the offices both private and publike of peace and war . and how all this may be done between twelve , and one and twenty , lesse time then is now bestow'd in pure trifling at grammar and sophistry , is to be thus order'd . first to finde out a sp●tious house and ground about it fit for an academy , and big enough to lodge a hundred and fifty persons , whereof twenty or thereabout may be attendants , all under the government of one , who shall be thought of desert sufficient , and ability either to doe all , or wisely to direct , and oversee it done . this place should be at once both school and university , not needing a remove to any other house of schollership , except it be some peculiar colledge of law , or physick where they mean to be practitioners ; but as for those generall studies which take up all our time from lilly to the commencing , as they term it , master of art , it should be absolute . after this pattern , as many edifices may be converted to this use , as shall be needfull in every city throughout this land , which would tend much to the encrease of learning and civility every where . this number , lesse or more thus collected , to the convenience of a foot company , or interchangeably two troops of cavalry , should divide their daies work into three parts , as it lies orderly . their studies , their exercise , and their diet . for their studies , first they should begin with the chief and necessary rules of some good grammar , either that now us'd , or any better : and while this is doing , their speech is to be fashion'd to a distinct and cleer pronuntiation , as neer as may be to the italian , especially in the vowels . for we englishmen being farre northerly , doe not open our mouthe● in the cold air , wide enough to grace a southern tongue ; but are observ'd by all other nations to speak exceeding close and inward : so that to smatter latin with an english mouth , is as ill a hearing as law french . next to make them expert in the usefullest points of grammar , and withall to season them , and win them early to the love of vertue and true labour , ere any flattering seducement , or ●●m principle selfe them wandering , some easie and delightfull book of education would be read to them ; whereof the greeks have store as 〈◊〉 , plutarch , and other socratic discourses . but in latin we have none of classic authoritie extant , except the two or three first books of quintilian , and some select peeces else where . but here the main skill and groundwork will be , to temper them such lectures and explanations upon every opportunity , as may lead and draw them in willing obedience , enflam'd with the study of learning , and the admiration of vertue ; stirr'd up with high hopes of living to be brave men , and worthy patriots , dear to god , and famous to all ages . that they may despise and scorn all their childish , and ill taught qualities , to delight in manly , and liberall exercises : which he who hath the art , and proper eloquence to catch them with , what with mild and effectuall perswasions , and what with the intimation of some fear , if need be , but chiefly by his own example , might in a short space gain them to an incredible diligence and courage : infusing into their young brests such an ingenuous and noble ardor , as would not fail to make many of them renowned and matchlesse men . at the same time , some other hour of the day , might be taught them the rules of arithmetick , and soon after the elements of geometry even playing , as the old manner was . after evening repast , till bed time their thoughts will be best taken up in the easie grounds of religion , and the story of scripture . the next step would be to the authors of agriculture , cato , varro , and columella , for the matter is most easie , and if the language be difficult , so much the better , it is not a difficultie above their yeers . and here will be an occasion of inciting and inabling them hereafter to improve the tillage of their country , to recover the bad soil , and to remedy the wast that is made of good : for this was one of hercules praises . ere halfe these authors be read , which will soon be with plying hard , and dayly , they cannot choose but be masters of any ordinary prose . so that it will be then seasonable for them to learn in any modern author , the use of the globes , and all the maps first with the old names ; and then with the new : or they might be then capable to read any compendious method of naturall philosophy . and at the same time might be entring into the greek tongue , after the same manner as was before prescrib'd in the latin ; whereby the difficulties of grammar being soon overcome , all the historicall physiology of aristotle and theophrastus are open before them , and as i may say , under contribution . the like accesse will be to vitruvius , to senecas naturall questions , to mela , celsus , pliny , or solinus . and having thus past the principles of arithmetic , geometry , astronomy , and geography with a generall compact of physicks , they may descend in mathematicks to the instrumentall science of trigonometry , and from thence to fortification , architecture , enginry , or navigation . and in naturall philosophy they may proceed leisurly from the history of meteors , minerals , plants and living creatures as farre as anatomy . then also in course might be read to them out of some not tedious writer the institution of physick ; that they may know the tempers , the humors , the seasons , and how to manage a crudity : which he who can wisely and timely doe , is not onely a great physician to himselfe , and to his friends , but also may at some time or other , save an army by this frugall , and expencelesse meanes only ; and not let the healthy and stout bodies of young men rot away under him for want of this discipline ; which is a great pitty , and no lesse a shame to the commander . to set forward all these proceedings in nature & mathematicks , what hinders , but that they may procure , as oft as shall be needfull , the helpfull experiences of hunters , fowlers , fishermen , shepherds , gardeners , apothecaries ; and in the other sciences , architects engineers , mariners , anatomists ; who doubtlesse would be ready some for reward , and some to favour such a hopefull seminary . and this will give them such a reall tincture of naturall knowledge , as they shall never forget , but dayly augment with delight . then also those poets which are now counted most hard , will be both facil and pleasant , orpheus , hesiod , theocritus , aratus , nicander , oppian , dionysius and in latin lucretius , manilius , and the rurall part of virgil . by this time , yeers and good generall precepts will have furnisht them more distinctly with that act of reason which in ethics is call'd proa●resis : that they may with some judgement contemplat upon morall good and evill . then will be requir'd a speciall reinforcement of constant and sound endoctrinating to set them right and firm , instructing them more amply in the knowledge of vertue and the hatred of vice : while their young and pliant affections are led through all the morall works of plato , xenophon , cicero , plutarch , laertius , and those locrian remnants ; but still to be reduc't in their nightward studies wherewith they close the dayes work , under the determinat sentence of david , or salomon , or the evangels and apostolic scriptures . being perfit in the knowledge of personall duty , they may then begin the study of economies . and either now , or before this , they may have easily learnt at any odde hour the italian tongue . and soon after , but with warinesse , and good antidote , it would be wholsome anough to let them tast some choise comedies greek , latin , or italian : those tragedies also that treate of houshold matters , as trachiniae , alcestis and the like . the next remove must be to the study of politics ; to know the beginning , end , and reasons of politicall societies ; that they may not in a dangerous fit of the common-wealth be such poor , shaken , uncertain reeds , of such a tottering conscience , as many of our great counsellers have lately shewn themselves , but stedfast pillars of the state . after this they are to dive into the grounds of law , and legall justice ; deliver'd first , and with best warrant by moses ; and as farre as humane prudence can be trusted , in those extoll'd remains of grecian law-givers , lycurgus , solon , zaleucus , charondas , and thence to all the romane edicts and tables with their ●ustinian ; and so down to the saxon and common laws of england , and the statutes . sundayes also and every evening may be now understandingly spent in the highest matters of theology , and church history ancient and modern : and ere this time the hebrew tongue at a set hour might have been gain'd , that the scriptures may be now read in their own originall ; whereto it would be no impossibility to adde the chaldey , and the syrian dialect . when all these employments are well conquer'd , then will the choise histories , heroic poems , and attic tragedies of statliest , and most regal argument , with all the famous politicall orations offer themselves ; which if they were not only read ; but some of them got by memory , and solemnly pronounc't with right accent , and grace , as might be taught , would endue them even with the spirit , and vigor of demosthenes or cicere , euripides , or sophocles . and now lastly will be the time to read with them those organic arts which in able men to discourse and write perspicuously , elegantly , and according to the fitted stile of lofty , mean , or lowly . logic therefore so much as is usefull , is to be referr'd to this due place withall her well coucht heads and topics , unt●ll it be time to open her contracted palm into a gracefull and ornate rhetorick taught out of the rule of plato , aristotle , phalereus , cicero , hermogenes , longinus . to which poetry would be made subsequent , or indeed rather precedent , as being lesse suttle and fine , but more simple , sensuous and passionate . i mean not here the prosody of a verse , which they could not but have hit ▪ on before among the rudiments of grammer ; but that sublime art which in aristotles poetics , in horace , and the italian commentaries of castelvetro , tasso , mazzoni , and others , teaches what the laws are of a true epic poem , what of a dramatic , what of a lyric , what decorum is , which is the grand master peece to observe . this would make them soon perceive what despicable creatures our common timers and play writes be , and shew them , what religious , what glorious and magnificent use might be made of poetry both in divine and humane things . from hence and not till now will be the right season of forming them to be able writers and composers in every excellent matter , when they shall be thus fraught with an universall insight into things . or whether they be to speak in parliament or counsell , honour and attention would be waiting on their lips . there would then also appear in pulpits other visages , other gestures , and stuffe otherwise wrought then what we now sit under , oft times to as great a triall of our patience as any other that they preach to us . these are the studies wherein our noble and our gentle youth ought to bestow their time in a disciplinary way from twelve to one and twenty ; unlesse they rely more upon their ancestors dead , then upon themselves living . in which methodicall course it is so suppos'd they must proceed by the steddy pace of learning onward , as at convenient times for memories sake to retire back into the middle ward , and sometimes into the rear of what they have been taught , untill they have confirm'd , and solidly united the whole body of their perfited knowledge , like the last embattelling of a romane legion . now will be worth the seeing what exercises , and what recreations may best agree , and become these studies . their exercise . the course of study hitherto briefly describ'd , is , what i can guesse by reading , likest to those ancient and famous schools of pythagoras , plato , isocrates , aristotle and such others , out of which were bred up such a number of renowned philosophers , orators , historians , poets and princes all over greece , italy , and asia , besides the flourishing studies of cyrene and alexandria . but herein it shall exceed them , and supply a defect as great as that which plato noted in the common-wealth of sparta ; whereas that city train'd up their youth most for warre , and these in their academies and lycaeum , all for the gown , this institution of breeding which i here delineate , shall be equally good both for peace and warre . therefore about an hour and a halfe ere they eat at noon should be allow'd them for exercise and due rest afterwards : but the time for this may be enlarg'd at pleasure , according as their rising in the morning shall be early . the exercise which i commend first , is the exact use of their weapon ; to guard and to strike safely with edge , or point ; this will keep them healthy nimble , strong , and well in breath , is also the likeliest meanes to make them grow large , and tall , and to inspire them with a gallant and fearlesse courage , which being temper'd with seasonable lectures and precepts to them of true fortitude , and patience , will turn into a native and heroick valour , and make them hate the cowardise of doing wrong . they must be also practiz'd in all the locks and gripes of wrastling , wherein english men were wont to excell , as need may often be in fight to tugge , to grapple , and to close . and this perhaps will be anough , wherein to prove and heat their single strength . the interim of ●●swearing themselves regularly , and convenient rest before meat may both with profit and delight be taken up in recreating and composing their travail'd spirits with the solemn and divine harmonies of musick heard , or learnt ; other while the skilfull organist plies his grave and fancied descant , in lofty fugues , or the whole symphony with artfull and unimaginable touches adorn and grace the well studied cords of some choise composer ; some times the lute , or soft organ stop w●●ting on elegant voices either to religious , martiall , or civill ditties ; which if wise men & prophets be not extreamly out , have a great power over dispositions and manners , to smooth and make them gentle from rustick harshnesse and distemper'd passions . the like also would not be unexpedient after meat to assist and cherish nature in her first concoction , and send their mindes backe to study in good tune and satisfaction . where having follow'd it close under vigilant eyes till about two hours before supper , they are by a sudden alarum or watch word , to be call'd out to their military motions , under skie or covert , according to the season , as was the romane wont ; first on foot , then as their age permits , on horse back , to all the art of cavalry ; that having in sport , but with much exactnesse , and dayly muster , serv'd out the rudiments of their souldiership in all the skill of embattailing , marching , encamping , fortifying , beseiging and battering , with all the helps of ancient and modern stratagems , tactiks and warlike maxims , they may as it were out of a long warre come forth renowned and perfect commanders in the service of their country . they would not then , if they were trusted with fair and hopefull armies , suffer them for want of just and wise discipline to shed away from about them like sick feathers , though they be never so oft suppli'd : they would not suffer their empty & unrecrutible colonells of twenty men in a company , to quafle out , or convay into secret hoards , the wages of a delusive list , and a miserable remnant : yet in the mean while to be overmaster'd with a score or two of drunkards , the only souldiery left about them , or else to comply with all rapines and violences . no certainly , if they knew ought of that knowledge that belongs to good men or good governours , they would not suffer these things but to return to our own in●tit●te , besides these constant exercises at home , there is another opportunity of gaining experience to be won from pleasure it selfe abroad ; in those vernal seasons of the yeer , when the air is calm and pleasant , it were an injury and sullennesse against nature not to go out , and see her riches , and partake in her rejoycing with heaven and earth . i should not therefore be a perswader to them of studying much then , after two or three yeer that they have well laid their grounds , but to ride out in companies with prudent and staid guides , to all the quarters of the land : learning and observing all places of strength , all commodities of building and of soil , for towns and tillage , harbours and ports for trade , somtimes taking sea as farre as to our navy , to learn there also what they can in the practical knowledge of sailing and of sea fight . these waves would trie all their peculiar gifts of nature , and if there were any secret excellence among them , would fetch it out , and give it fair opportunities to advance it selfe by , which could not but mightily redound to the good of this nation , and bring into fashion again those old admired vertues and excellencies , with farre more advantage now in this puritie of christian knowledge . nor shall we then need the mounsieurs of paris to take our hopefull youth into thir slight and prodigall custodies and send them over back again transform'd into mimics , apes & kicshoes . but if they desire to see other countries at three or four and twenty yeers of age , not to learn principles , but to enlarge experience , and make wise observation , they will by that time be such as shall deserve the regard and honour of all men where they passe , and the society and friendship of those in all places who are best and most eminent . and perhaps then other nations will be glad to visit us for their breeding , or else to imitate us in their own country . now lastly for their diet there cannot be much to say , save only that it would be best in the same house ; for much time else would be lost abroad , and many ill habits got ; and that it should be plain , healthfull , and moderat i suppose is out of controversie . thus master hartlib , you have a generall view in writing , as your desire was , of that which at severall times i had discourst with you concerning the best and noblest way of education ; not beginning , as some have done from the cradle , which yet might be worth many considerations , if brevity had not been my scope , many other circumstances also i could have mention'd , but this to such as have the worth in them to make triall , for light and direction may be anough . only i believe that this is not a bow for every man to shoot in that counts himselfe a teacher ; but will require sinews almost equall to those which homer gave ulysses , yet i am withall perswaded that it may prove much more easie in the assay , then it now seems at distance , and much more illustrious : howbeit not more difficult then i imagine , and that imagination presents me with nothing but very happy and very possible according to best wishes ; if god have so decreed , and this age have spirit and capacity anough to apprehend . the end . paradise lost a poem written in ten books / by john milton. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) paradise lost a poem written in ten books / by john milton. milton, john, - . [ ] p. printed, and are to be sold by peter parker ..., and robert boulter ..., and matthias walker ..., london : . first edition, with the second title page. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion paradise lost . a poem written in ten books by john milton . licensed and entred according to order . london printed , and are to be sold by peter parker under creed church neer aldgate ; and by robert boulter at the turks head in bishopsgate-street ; and matthias walker , under st. dunstons church in fleet-street , . paradise lost . book i. of mans first disobedience , and the fruit of that forbidden tree , whose mortal tast brought death into the world , and all our woe , with loss of eden , till one greater man restore us , and regain the blissful seat , sing heav'nly muse , that on the secret top of oreb , or of sinai , didst inspire that shepherd , who first taught the chosen seed , in the beginning how the heav'ns and earth rose out of chaos : or if sion hill delight thee more , and siloa's brook that flow'd fast by the oracle of god ; i thence invoke thy aid to my adventrous song , that with no middle flight intends to soar above th' aonian mount , while it pursues things 〈◊〉 yet in pros●… 〈◊〉 rhime . and chiefly thou o spirit , that dost prefer before all temples th' up●…ght ●…eart and pure , instruct me , for thou know'st ; thou from the first wast present , and with mighty wings outspread dove like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 abyss and mad'st it pregnant : what in me is dark illumine , what is low 〈◊〉 and support ; that to the highth of this great argument i may assert th' eternal providence , and justifie the wayes of god to men . say first , for heav'n 〈◊〉 nothing from thy view nor the deep tract of hell , say first what cause mov'd our grand parents in that happy state , favour'd of 〈◊〉 so highly ▪ to fall off from their creator , and transgress his will for one restraint , lords of the world besides ? who first seduc'd them to that fowl revolt ? stird up with envy and revenge , deceiv'd the mother of mankinde , what time his pride had cast him out from heav'n , with all his host of rebel angels , by whose aid aspiring to set himself in glory above his peers , he trusted to have equal'd the most high , if he oppos'd ; and with ambitious aim against the throne and monarchy of god rais'd impious war in heav'n and battel proud with vain attempt . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power hurld headlong 〈◊〉 ●…om th' 〈◊〉 skie with 〈◊〉 ruine and combustion down one next himself in power , and next in crime , long after known in palestine , and nam'd eëëlzebub . to whom th' arch-enemy , and thence in heav'n call'd satan , with bold words breaking the horrid silence thus began . if tho●… beest he ; but o how fall'n ! how chang'd from him , who in the happy re●…lms of light cloth'd with 〈◊〉 brightnes didst outshine myriads though bright ▪ if he whom mutual league , united thoughts and counsels , equal hope , and hazard in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , joynd w●…th me once , now misery hath joynd in equal ruin : into what pit thou seest from what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so much the stronger provd he with his thunder : and till then who knew the force of those dire arms ? yet not for those nor what the potent victor in his rage can else inflict do i repent or change , though chang'd in outward lustre ; that fixt mind and high 〈◊〉 , from sence of injur'd merit , that with the 〈◊〉 rais'd me to contend , and to the fierce contention brought along innumerable force of spirits arm'd that durst dislike his reign , and me preferring , his utmost power with adverse power oppos'd in dubious battel on the plains of heav'n , and shook his throne . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 field belost ? all is not lost ; the unconquerable will , and study of revenge , immortal hate , and courage never to submit or yield : and what is else not to be overcome ? that glory never shall his wrath 〈◊〉 might extort from me . to bow and fue for grace with suppliant knee , and deifie his power who from the terrour of this arm so l●…te doubted his empire , that were low indeed , that were an ignominy and ●…hame beneath this downfall ; since by fate the strength of gods and this empyreal substance cannot fail , since through experience of this great event in arms not worse , in foresight much advanc't , we may ●…ith more successful hope resolve to wage by force or guile eternal warr irreconcileable , to our grand foe , who now triumphs , and in th' excess of joy sole reigning holds the tyranny of heav'n . so spake th' apostate angel , though in pain , vaunting aloud , but rackt with deep despare : and him thus answer'd soon his bold compeer . o prince , o chief of many throned powers , that led th' imbattelld seraphim to warr under thy conduct , and in dreadful deeds fearless , endanger'd heav'ns perpetual king ; and put to proof his high supremacy , whether upheld by strength , or chance , or fate , too well i see and rue the dire event , that with sad overthrow and foul defeat hath lost us heav'n , and all this mighty host in horrible destruction laid thus low , as far as gods and heav'nly essences can perish : for the mind and spirit remains invincible , and vigour soon returns , though all our glory extinct , and happy 〈◊〉 here swallow'd up in endless misery . but what if he our conquerour , ( whom i now of force believe almighty , since no less then such could hav orepow'rd such force as ours ) have left us this our spirit and strength intire strongly to suffer and support our pains , that we may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his vengeful ire , or do h●… 〈◊〉 service as 〈◊〉 thralls by right of wa●… , what e're his business be here in the heart of hell to work in fire , or do his errands in the gloomy deep ; what can it then avail though yet we feel strength undiminisht , or eternal being to undergo eternal punishment ? whereto with speedy words th'arch-fiend reply'd . fall'n cherube , to be weak is miserable doing or suffering : but of this be sure , to do ought good never will be our task , but ever to do ill our sole delight , as being the contrary to his high will whom we resist . if then his providence out of our evil seek to bring forth good , our labour must be ●…o pe●…vert that end , and out of good still to find means of evil ; which oft times may ▪ succeed , so as perhaps shall grieve him , if i fail not , and disturb his i●…st counsels from their destind pursuit . but see the 〈◊〉 victor hath recall'd his ministers of vengeance and pursuit back to the ga●… of heav'n : the sulphurous hail shot after us in storm , oreblown ●…h laid the fiery su●… ▪ that from the precipice ▪ of heav'n receiv'd us falling , and the thunder , wing'd with red lightning and impetuous rage , perhaps hath spent his shasts , and ceases now to bellow through the vast and boundless deep . let us not slip th' occasion , whether scorn , or satiate fury yield it from our foe . seest thou yon dreary plain , forlorn and wilde , the seat of desolation , voyd of light , save what the glimmering of these livid fl●…s casts pale and dreadful ? thither let us tend from off the tossing of these fiery waves , there rest , if any rest can harbour there , and reassembling our asflicted powers , consult how we may henceforth most offend our enemy , our own loss how repair , how overcome this dire calamity , what reinforcement we may gain from hope , if not what resolution from despare . thus satan talking to his neerest mate with head up-lift above the wave , and eyes that sparkling blaz'd , his other parts besides prone on the flood , extended long and large lay floating many a rood , in bulk as huge as whom the fables name of monstrous size , titanian , or earth-born , that warr'd on jove , briarios or typhon , whom the den by ancient t●…sus held , or that sea-beast leviathan , which god of all his works created hugest that swim th' ocean stream : him haply slumbring on the norway foam the pilot of some small night founder'd skiff , deeming some island , oft , as sea men tell , with fixed anchor in his skaly rind moors by his side under the lee , while night invests the sea , and wished morn delayes : so stretcht out huge in length the arch-fiend lay chain'd on the burning lake , nor ever thence had ris'n or heav'd his head , but that the will and high permission of all-ruling heaven left him at large to his own dark designs , that with reiterated crimes he might heap on himself damnation , while he sought evil to others , and enrag'd might see how all his malice serv'd but to bring forth infinite goodness , grace and mercy shewn on man by him seduc't , but on himself treble confusion , wrath and vengeance pour'd . forthwith upright he rears from off the pool his mighty stature ; on each hand the flames drivn backward slope their pointing spires , & rowld in billows , leave i' th' midst a horrid vale. then with expanded wings he stears his flight aloft , incumbent on the dusky air that felt unusual weight , till on dry land he lights , if it were land that ever burn'd with solid , as the lake with liquid fire ; and such appear'd in hue , as when the force of subterranean wind transports a hill torn from pelorus , or the shatter'd side of thundring aetna , whose combustible and fewel'd entrals thence conceiving fire , sublim'd with mineral fury , aid the winds , and leave a singed bottom all involv'd with stench and smoak : such resting found the sole of unblest feet . him followed his next mate , both glorying to have scap't the stygian flood as gods , and by their own recover'd strength , not by the sufferance of supernal power . is this the region , this the soil , the clime , said then the lost arch angel , this the seat that we must change for heav'n , this mournful gloom for that celestial light ? be it so , since hee who now is sovran can dispose and bid what shall be right : fardest from him is best whom reason hath equald , force hath made supream above his equals . farewel happy fields where joy for ever dwells : hail horrours , hail infernal world , and thou profoundest hell receive thy new possessor : one who brings a mind not to be chang'd by place or time. the mind is its own place , and in it self can make a heav'n of hell , a hell of heav'n . what matter where , if i be still the same , and what i should be , all but less then hee whom thunder hath made greater ? here at least we shall be free ; th' almighty hath not built here for his envy , will not drive us hence : here we may reign secure , and in my choyce to reign is worth ambition though in hell : better to reign in hell , then serve in heav'n ▪ but wherefore let we then our faithful friends , th' associates and copartners of our loss lye thus astonisht on th' oblivious pool , and call them not to share with us their part in this unhappy mansion , or once more with rallied arms to try what may be yet regaind in heav'n , or what more lost in hell ? so satan spake , and him bëëlzebub thus answer'd . leader of those armies bright , which but th' omnipotent none could have foyld , if once they hear that voyce , their liveliest pledge of hope in fears and dangers , heard so oft in worst extreams , and on the perilous edge of battel when it rag'd , in all assaults their surest signal , they will soon resume new courage and revive , though now they lye groveling and prostrate on yon lake of fire , as we erewhile , astounded and amaz'd , no wonder , fall'n such a pernicious highth . he scarce had ceas't when the superiour fiend was moving toward the shore ; his ponderous shield ethereal temper , massy , large and round , behind him cast ; the broad circumference hung on his shoulders like the moon , whose orb through optic glass the tuscan artist views at ev'ning from the top of fesole , or in valdarno , to desc●…y new lands , rivers or mountains in her spotty globe . his spear , to equal which the tallest pine hewn on norwegian hills , to be the mast of some great a●…miral , were but a wand , he walkt with to support uneasie steps over the burning marle , not like those steps on heavens azure , and the torrid clime smote on him sore besides , vaulted with fire ; nathless he so endur'd , till on the beach of that inflamed sea , he stood and call'd his legions , angel forms , who lay intrans't thick as autumnal leaves that strow the brooks in vallombrasa , where th' etrurian shades high overarch't imbowr ; or scatterd sedge afloat , when with fierce winds orion arm'd hath vext the red-sea coast , whose waves orethrew busiris and his memphian chivalrie , vvhile with perfidious hatred they pursu'd the sojourners of goshen , who beheld from the safe shore their floating carkases and broken chariot vvheels , so thick bestrown abject and lost lay these , covering the flood , under amazement of their hideous change . he call'd so loud , that all the hollow deep of hell resounded . princes , potentates , warriers , the flowr of heav'n , once yours , now lost , if such astonishment as this can sieze eternal spirits ; or have ye chos'n this place after the toyl of battel to repose your wearied vertue , for the ease you find to slumber here , as in the vales of heav'n ? or in this abject posture have ye sworn to adore the conquerour ? who now beholds cherube and seraph rowling in the flood with scatter'd arms and ensigns , till anon his swift pursuers from heav'n gates discern th' advantage , and descending tread us down thus drooping , or with linked thunderbolts transfix us to the bottom of this gulfe . awake , arise , or be for ever fall'n . they heard , and were abasht , and up they sprung upon the wing , as when men wont to watch on duty , sleeping found by whom they dread , rouse and bestir themselves ere well awake . nor did they not perceave the evil plight in which they were , or the fierce pains not feel ; yet to their generals voyce they soon obeyd innumerable . as when the potent ●…od of amrams son in egypts evill day wav'd round the coast , up call'd a pitchy cloud of locusts , warping on the eastern wind , that ore the realm of impious pharaoh hung like night , and darken'd all the land of nile : so numberless were those bad angels seen hovering on wing under the cope of hell 'twixt upper , nether , and surrounding fires ; till , as a signal giv'n , th' uplifted spear of their great sultan waving to direct thir course , in even ballance down they light on the firm brimstone , and fill all the plain ; a multitude , like which the populous north pour'd never from her frozen loyns , to pass rhene or the danaw , when her barbarous sons came like a deluge on the south , and spread beneath gibraltar to the lybian sands . forthwith from every squadron and each band the heads and leaders thither hast where stood their great commander ; godlike shapes and forms excelling human , princely dignities , and powers that earst in heaven sat on thrones ; though of their names in heav'nly records now be no memorial , blotted out and ras'd by thir rebellion , from the books of life . nor had they yet among the sons of eve got them new names , till wandring ore the earth , through gods high sufferance for the tryal of man , by falsities and lyes the greatest part of mankind they corrupted to forsake god their creator , and th' invisible glory of him , that made them , to transform oft to the image of a brute , adorn'd with gay religions full of pomp and gold , and devils to adore for deities : then were they known to men by various names , and various idols through the heathen world. say , muse , their names then known , who first , who last , rous'd from the slumber , on that fiery couch , at thir great emperors call , as next in worth came singly where he stood on the bare strand , while the promiscuous croud stood yet aloof ? the chief were those who from the pit of hell roaming to seek their prey on earth , durst fix their seats long after next the seat of god , their altars by his altar , gods ador'd among the nations round , and durst abide jehovah thundring out of sion , thron'd between the cherubim ; yea , often plac'd within his sanctuary it self their shrines , abominations ; and with cursed things his holy rites , and solemn feasts profan'd , and with their darkness durst affront his light . first moloch , horrid king besmear'd with blood of human sacrifice , and parents tears , though for the noyse of drums and timbrels loud their childrens cries unheard , that past through fire to his grim idol . him the ammonite worshipt in rabba and her watry plain , in argob and in basan , to the stream of utmost arnon . nor content with such audacious neighbourhood , the wisest heart of solomon he led by fraud to build his temple right against the temple of god on that opprobrious hill , and made his grove the pleasant vally of hinnom , tophet thence and black gehenna call'd , the type of hell. next chemos , th' obscene dread of moabs sons , from aroer to nebo , and the wild of southmost abarim ; in hesebon and heronaim , seons realm , beyond the flowry dale of sibma clad with vines , and eleale to th' asphaltick pool . peor his other name , when he entic'd israel in sittim on their march from nile to do him wanton rites , which cost them woe . yet thence his lustful orgies he enlarg'd even to that hill of scandal , by the grove of moloch homicide , lust hard by hate ; till good josiah drove them thence to hell. with these came they , who from the bordring slood of old euphrates to the brook that parts egypt from syrian ground , had general names of baalim and ashtaroth , those male , these feminine . for spirits when they please can either sex assume , or both ; so soft and uncompounded is their essence pure , not ti'd or manacl'd with joynt or limb , nor founded on the brittle strength of bones , like cumbrous flesh ; but in what shape they choose dilated or condens't , bright or obscure , can execute their aerie purposes , and works of love or enmity fulfill . for those the race of israel oft forsook their living strength , and unfrequented left his righteous altar , bowing lowly down to bestial gods ; for which their heads as low bow'd down in battel , sunk before the spear of despicable foes . with these in troop came astoreth , whom the phoenicians call'd astarte , queen of heav'n , with crescent horns ; to whose bright image nightly by the moon sidonian virgins paid their vows and songs , in sion also not unsung , where stood her temple on th' offensive mountain , built by that uxorious king , whose heart though large , beguil'd by fair idolatresses , fell to idols foul . thammuz came next behind , whose annual wound in lebanon allur'd the syrian damsels to lament his fate in amorous dittyes all a summers day , while smooth adonis from his native rock ran purple to the sea , suppos'd with blood of thammuz yearly wounded : the love-tale infected sions daughters with like heat , whose wanton passions in the sacred porch ezekiel saw , when by the vision led his eye survay'd the dark idolatries of alienated judah . next came one who mourn'd in earnest , when the captive ark maim'd his brute image , head and hands lopt off in his own temple , on the grunsel edge , where he fell flat , and sham'd his worshipers : dagon his name , sea monster , upward man and downward fish : yet had his temple high rear'd in azotus , dreaded through the coast of palestine , in gath and ascalon , and accaron and gaza's frontier bounds . him follow'd rimmon , whose delightful seat was fair damascus , on the fertil banks of abbana and pharphar , lucid streams . he also against the house of god was bold : a leper once he lost and gain'd a king , ahaz his sottish conquerour , whom he drew gods altar to disparage and displace for one of syrian mode , whereon to burn his odious offrings , and adore the gods whom he had vanquisht . after these appear'd a crew who under names of old renown , osiris , isis , orus and their train with monstrous shapes and sorceries abus'd fanatic egypt and her priests , to seek thir wandring gods disguis'd in brutish forms rather then human . nor did israel scape th' infection when their borrow'd gold compos'd the calf in orcb : and the rebel king doubl'd that sin in bethel and in dan , lik'ning his maker to the grazed ox , jehovah , who in one night when he pass'd from egypt marching , equal'd with one stroke both her first born and all her bleating gods. belial came last , then whom a spirit more lewd fell not from heaven , or more gross to love vice for it self : to him no temple stood or altar smoak'd ; yet who more oft then hee in temples and at altars , when the priest turns atheist , as did ely's sons , who fill'd with lust and violence the house of god. in courts and palaces he also reigns and in luxurious cities , where the noyse of riot ascends above thir loftiest towrs , and injury and outrage : and when night darkens the streets , then wander forth the sons of belial , flown with insolence and wine . witness the streets of sodom , and that night in gibeah , when hospitable dores yielded thir matrons to prevent worse rape . these were the prime in order and in might ; the rest were long to tell , though far renown'd , th' ionian gods , of javans issue held gods , yet confest later then heav'n and earth thir boasted parents ; titan heav'ns first born with his enormous brood , and birthright seis'd by younger saturn , he from mightier jove his own and rhea's son like measure found ; so jove usurping reign'd : these first in creet and ida known , thence on the snowy top of cold olympus rul'd the middle 〈◊〉 thir highest heav'n ; or on the delphian cliff , or in dodona , and through all the bounds of doric land ; or who with saturn old fled over adria to th' hesperian fields , and ore the celtic roam'd the utmost isles . all these and more came flocking ; but with looks down cast and damp , yet such wherein appear'd obscure som glimps of joy , to have found thir chief not in despair , to have found themselves not lost in loss it self ; which on his count'nance cast like doubtful hue : but he his wonted pride soon recollecting , with high words , that bore semblance of worth not substance , gently rais'd their fainted courage , and dispel'd their fears . then strait commands that at the warlike sound of trumpets loud and clarions be upreard his mighty standard ; that proud honour claim'd azazel ▪ as his right , a cherube tall : who forth with from the glittering staff unfurld th' imperial ensign , which full high advanc't shon like a meteor streaming to the wind with gemms and golden lustre rich imblaz'd , seraphic arms and trophies : all the while sonorous mettal blowing martial sounds : at which the universal host upsent a shout that tore hells concave , and beyond frighted the reign of chaos and old night . all in a moment through the gloom were seen ten thousand banners rise into the air with orient colours waving : with them rose a forrest huge of spears : and thronging helms appear'd , and serried shields in thick array of depth immeasurable : anon they move in perfect phalanx to the dorian mood of flutes and soft recorders ; sueh as rais'd to highth of noblest temper hero's old arming to battel , and in stead of rage deliberate valour breath'd , firm and unmov'd with dread of death to flight or foul retreat , nor wanting power to mitigate and swage with solemn touches , troubl'd thoughts , and chase anguish and doubt and fear and sorrow and pain from mortal or immortal minds . thus they breathing united force with fixed thought mov'd on in silence to soft pipes that charm'd thir painful steps o're the burnt soyle ; and now advanc't in view they stand , a horrid front of dreadful length and dazling arms , in guise of warriers old with order'd spear and shield , awaiting what command thir mighty chief had to impose : he through the armed files darts his experienc't eye , and soon traverse the whole battalion views , thir order due , thir visages and stature as of gods , thir number last he summs . and now his heart distends with pride , and hardning in his strength glories : for never since created man , met such imbodied force , as nam'd with these could merit more then that small infantry warr'd on by cranes : though all the giant brood of phlegra with th' heroic race were joyn'd that fought at theb's and ilium , on each side mixt with auxiliar gods ; and what resounds in fable or romance of uthers son begirt with british and armoric knights ; and all who since , baptiz'd or infidel jousted in aspramont or montalban , 〈◊〉 , or marocco , or trebisond , or whom biserta sent from afric shore when charlemain with all his peerage fell by fontarabbia . thus far these beyond compare of mortal prowess , yet observ'd thir dread commander : he above the rest in shape and gesture proudly eminent stood like a towr ; his form had yet not lost all her original brightness , nor appear'd less then arch angel ruind , and th' excess of glory obscur'd : as when the sun new ris'n looks through the horizontal misty air shorn of his beams , or from behind the moon in dim eclips disastrous twilight sheds on half the nations , and with fear of change perplexes monarchs . dark'n'd so , yet shon above them all th' arch angel : but his face deep scars of thunder had intrencht , and care sat on his faded cheek , but under browes of dauntless courage , and considerate pride waiting revenge : cruel his eye , but cast signs of remorse and passion to behold the fellows of his crime , the followers rather ( far other once beheld in bliss ) condemn'd for ever now to have their lot in pain , millions of spirits for his fault amerc't of heav'n , and from eternal splendors flung for his revolt , yet faithfull how they stood , thir glory witherd . as when heavens fire hath scath'd the forrest oaks , or mountain pines , with singed top their stately growth though bare stands on the blasted heath . he now prepar'd to speak ; whereat their doubl'd ranks they bend from wing to wing , and half enclose him round with all his peers : attention held them mute . thrice he assayd , and thrice in spite of scorn , tears such as angels weep , burst forth : at last words interwove with sighs found out their way . o myriads of immortal spirits , o powers matchless , but with th' almighty , and that strife was not inglorious , though th' event was dire , as this place testifies , and this dire change hateful to utter : but what power of mind foreseeing or presaging , from the depth of knowledge past or present , could have fear'd , how such united force of gods , how such as stood like these , could ever know repulse ? for who can yet beleeve , though after loss , that all these puissant legions , whose exile hath emptied heav'n , shall faile to re-ascend self-rais'd , and repossess their native seat . for me , be witness all the host of heav'n , if counsels different , or danger shun'd by me , have lost our hopes . but he who reigns monarch in heav'n , till then as one secure sat on his throne , upheld by old repute , consent or custome , and his regal state put forth at full , but still his strength conceal'd , which tempted our attempt , and wrought our fall . henceforth his might we know , and know our own so as not either to provoke , or dread new warr , provok't ; our better part remains to work in close design , by fraud or guile what force effected not : that he no less at length from us may find , who overcomes by force , hath overcome but half his foe . space may produce new worlds ; whereof so rife there went a fame in heay'n that he ere long intended to create , and therein plant a generation , whom his choice regard should favour equal to the sons of heaven : thither , if but to prie , shall be perhaps our first eruption , thither or elsewhere : for this infernal pit shall never hold caelestial spirits in bondage , nor th' abysse long under darkness cover . but these thoughts full counsel must mature : peace is despaird , for who can think submission ? warr then , warr open or understood must be resolv'd . he spake : and to confirm his words , out-flew millions of flaming swords , drawn from the thighs of mighty cherubim ; the sudden blaze far round illumin'd hell : highly they rag'd against the highest , and fierce with grasped arm 's clash'd on their sounding shields the din of war , hurling defiance toward the vault of heav'n . there stood a hill not far whose griesly top belch'd fire and rowling smoak ; the rest entire shon with a glossie scurff , undoubted sign that in his womb was hid metallic ore , the work of sulphur . thither wing'd with speed a numerous brigad hasten'd as when bands of pioners with spade and pickaxe arm'd forerun the royal camp , to trench a field , or cast a rampart . mammon led them on , mammon , the least erected spirit that fell from heav'n , for ev'n in heav'n his looks & thoughts were always downward bent , admiring more the riches of heav'ns pavement , trod'n gold , then aught divine or holy else enjoy'd in vision beatific : by him first men also , and by his suggestion taught , ransack'd the center , and with impious hands rifl'd the bowels of thir mother earth for treasures better hid . soon had his crew op'nd into the hill a spacious wound and dig'd out ribs of gold. let none admire that riches grow in hell ; that soyle may best deserve the pretious bane . and here let those who boast in mortal things , and wondring tell of babel , and the works of memphian kings , learn how thir greatest monuments of fame , and strength and art are easily outdone by spirits reprobate , and in an hour what in an age they with incessant toyle and hands innumerable scarce perform . nigh on the plain in many cells prepar'd , that underneath had veins of liquid fire sluc'd from the lake , a second multitude with wondrous art founded the massie ore , severing each kinde , and scum'd the bullion dross : a third as soon had form'd within the ground a various mould , and from the boyling cells by strange conveyance fill'd each hollow nook , as in an organ from one blast of wind to many a row of pipes the sound-board breaths . a non out of the earth a fabrick huge rose like an exhalation , with the sound of dulcet symphonies and voices sweet , built like a temple , where pilasters round were set , and doric pillars overlaid with golden architrave ; nor did there want cornice or freeze ; with bossy sculptures grav'n , the roof was fretted gold. not babilon , nor great alcairo such magnificence equal'd in all thir glories , to inshrine belus or serapis thir gods , or seat thir kings , when aegypt with assyria strove in wealth and luxurie . th' ascending pile stood fixt her stately highth , and strait the dores op'ning thir brazen foulds discover wide within , her ample spaces , o're the smooth and level pavement : from the arched roof pendant by suttle magic many a row of starry lamps and blazing cressets fed with naphtha and asphaltus yeilded light as from a sky . the hasty multitude admiring enter'd , and the work some praise and some the architect : his hand was known in heav'n by many a towred structure high , where scepter'd angels held thir residence , and sat as princes , whom the supreme king exalted to such power , and gave to rule , each in his herarchie , the orders bright . nor was his name unheard or unador'd in ancient greece ; and in ausonian land men call'd him mulciber ; and how he fell from heav'n , they fabl'd , thrown by angry jove sheer o're the chrystal battlements : from morn to noon he fell , from noon to dewy eve , a summers day ; and with the setting sun dropt from the zenith like a falling star , on lomnos th' aegaean ile : thus they relate , erring ; for he with this rebellious rout fell long before ; nor aught avail'd him now to have built in heav'n high towrs ; nor did he scape by all his engins , but was headlong sent with his industrious 〈◊〉 to build in 〈◊〉 . mean while the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by command of sovran power , with awful ceremony and trumpets sound throughout the host proclaim a solemn councel forthwith to be held at 〈◊〉 , the high capital of satan and his peers : thir summons 〈◊〉 from every and band squared regiment by place or choice the worthiest ; they anon with hundreds and with thousands trooping came attended : all access was throng'd , the gates and porches wide ▪ but chief the spacious hall ( though like a cover'd field , where champions bold wont ride in arm'd , and at the 〈◊〉 chair defi'd the best of 〈◊〉 chivalry to mortal 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 ▪ with lance ) thick swarm'd , both on the ground and in the air , brusht with the hiss of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as bees in spring time , when the sun with taurus rides , poure forth thir populous youth about the hive in clusters ; they among fresh dews and flowers flie to and fro , or on the smoothed plank , the suburb of thir straw-built cittadel , new rub'd with baume , expatiate and confer t●…ir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so thick the aerie crowd 〈◊〉 and were straitn'd ; till the signal giv'n , behold a wonder ! they but now who seemd in bigness to surpass earths giant sons now less then smallest dwarfs , in narrow room throng numberless , like that pigmean race beyond the indian mount , or faerie elves , whose midnight revels , by a forrest side or fountain some belated peasant sees , or dreams be sees , while over head the moon sits arbitress , and neerer to the earth wheels her pale course , they on thir mirth & dance intent , with jocond music charm his ear ; at once with joy and fear his heart rebounds . thus incorporeal spirits to smallest forms reduc'd thir shapes immense , and were at large , though without number still amidst the hall of that infernal court. but far within and in thir own dimensions like themselves the great seraphic lords and cherubim in close recess and secret conclave ●…at a thousand demy-gods on golden seat's , frequent and full . after short silence then and summons read , the great consult began . the end of the first book . paradise lost . book ii. high on a throne of royal state , which far outshon the wealth of or●… and of ind , or where the gorgeous east with richest hand showrs on her kings barbaric pearl & gold , satan exalted sat , by merit rais'd to that bad eminence ; and from despair thus high uplifted beyond hope , aspires beyond thus high , insatiate to pursue vain warr with heav'n , and by success untaught his proud imaginations thus displaid . powers and dominions , deities of heav'n , for since no deep within her gulf can hold immortal vigor , though opprest and fall'n , i give not heav'n for lost . from this de●…nt celestial vertues rising , will appear more glorious and more dread then from no fall , a●… trust themselves to fear no second fate : mee though just right , and the fixt laws of heav'n did first create your leader , next , free choice , with what be●…ides in counsel or in fight , h●…th bin 〈◊〉 , of 〈◊〉 , yet this loss thus farr at least recover'd , hath much more establisht in a safe ●…nenvied t●…one yeilded with full con●…ent . the 〈◊〉 state in heav'n , which follows dignity , might draw envy from each inferior ; but who here will envy whom the highest place exposes formost to stand against the thunderers aime your bulwark , and 〈◊〉 to greatest share of endless pain ? where there is then no good for which to strive , no strife can grow up there from faction ; for none sure will claim in hell 〈◊〉 , none , whose portion is so small of present pain , that with ambitio●…s mind will cove●… more . with this advantage then to union , and ●…rm faith , and firm accord , more then can be in 〈◊〉 , we now return to claim our just 〈◊〉 of old , surer to prosper then prosperity could have assur'd us ; and by what best way , whether of open warr or cov●…t guile , we now 〈◊〉 ; who can advise , may speak . he 〈◊〉 , and next him 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 king stood up , the strongest and the fi●…rcest spirit that fought in heav'n ; now fiercer by despair : his tru●… was with 〈◊〉 eternal to be deem'd equal in strength , and rather then be less ca●…'d not to be at all ; with that car●… lost went all his ●…ear : of god or hell , or worse he reckd not , ●…nd these words thereafter ●…ake . my sentence is for open warr : of wiles , more unexpert , i boast not : them let those contrive who need , or when they need , not now . for while they sit co●…iving , shall the rest , millions that stand in arms , and longing wait the signal to ascend , s●…t 〈◊〉 ●…re . heav'ns fugitives , and for thir dwelling place accept this dark opprobrious den of shame , the prison of his 〈◊〉 who reig●…s by our delay 〈◊〉 no , let us rather choo●…e arm'd with he●…●…ames and fury all at once o're heav'ns high towrs to force re●…less way , turni●…g our to●…ures into horrid arms against the to●…urer ; when to meet the noise of his almighty 〈◊〉 ●…e 〈◊〉 ●…ear infernal th●…der , and ●…or lightning ●…ee black fire and horror shot with equal rage among his angels ; and his throne it self mixt with tartarea●… 〈◊〉 ; and ●…range ●…re , his own invented 〈◊〉 . but perhaps the way seems difficult and steep to seale with upright wing against a higher ●…oe . let such bethink them if the sleepy drench of that 〈◊〉 lake 〈◊〉 not still , that in our proper motion we a●…cend up to our native seat : descent and fall to us is adverse , who ●…ut felt of late when the 〈◊〉 foe 〈◊〉 on our 〈◊〉 rear insulting , and 〈◊〉 us 〈◊〉 the deep , we sunk thus low ? 〈◊〉 a●…cent is ea●…e then ; th' event is fear'd ; should we again provoke our stronger , some worse way his wrath may find to our destruction : if there be in hell fear to be worse destroy'd : what can be worse then to dwell here , driv'n out from bliss , condemn'd in this abhorred deep to utter woe ; where pain of unextinguishable fire must exercise us without hope of end the vassals of his anger , when the scourge inexorably , and the torturing houre calls us to penance ? more destroy'd then thus we should be quite abolisht and expire . what fear we then ? what doubt we to incense his utmost ire ? which to the highth enrag'd , will either quite consume us , and reduce to nothing this essential , happier farr then miserable to have eternal being : or if our substance be indeed divine , and cannot cease to be , we are at worst on this side nothing ; and by proof we feel our power sufficient to disturb his heav'n , and with perpetual inrodes to allarme , though inaccessible , his fatal throne : which if not victory is yet revenge . he ended frowning , and his look denounc'd desperate revenge , and battel dangerous to less then gods. on th' other side up rose belial , in act more graceful and humane ; a fairer person lost not heav'n ; he seemd for dignity compos'd and high exploit : but all was false and hollow ; though his tongue dropt manna , and could make the worse appear the better reason , to perplex and dash maturest counsels : for his thoughts were low ; to vice industrious , but to nobler deeds timorous and slothful : yet he pleas'd the eare , and with perswasive accent thus began . i should be much for open warr , o peers , as not behind in hate ; if what was urg'd main reason to perswade immediate warr , did not disswade me most , and seem to cast ominous conjecture on the whole success : when he who most excels in fact of arms , in what he counsels and in what excels mistrustful , grounds his courage on despair and utter dissolution , as the scope of all his aim , after some dire revenge . first , what r●…ge ? the towrs of heav'n are fill'd with armed watch , that render all access impregnable ; oft on the bordering deep encamp thi●… legions , or with obscure wing sco●… farr and wide into the realm of night , scorning surprize . or could we break our way by force , and at our heels all hell should ri●…e with blackest insurrection , to confound heav'ns purest light , yet our great enemie all incorruptible would on his 〈◊〉 sit unpolluted , and th' 〈◊〉 mould incapable of stain would soon expel her mischief , and purge off the baser fire victorious . thus repuls'd , our final hope is flat despair : we must exas●…e th' almighty victor to spend all his 〈◊〉 , and that must end us , that must be our cure , to be no more ; 〈◊〉 cure ▪ for who would loose , though full of pain , this intelle●… being , those thoughts that wander through eternity , to perish rather , swallowd up and lost in the wide w●…mb of uncreated night , devoid of 〈◊〉 and motion ? and who knows , let this be good , whether our an●…y foe can give it , or will ever ? how he can is doubtful ; that he never will is sure . will he , so wise , let loo●…e at once his 〈◊〉 , belike through impo●… , or 〈◊〉 , to give his enemies 〈◊〉 wish , and 〈◊〉 them in his anger , whom his anger 〈◊〉 to punish endle●… ▪ wherefore 〈◊〉 we then ? what can we 〈◊〉 worse ? is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus 〈◊〉 , th●… consulting , th●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ should intermitted vengeance a●…me aga●…n his red right hand to plagu●… ? w●…at i●…●…ll impendent horrors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one day upon our heads ; while we perhaps designing or exhorting glorious warr , caught in a fierie tempest shall be hurl'd each on his rock transfixt , the sport and prey of racking whirlwinds , or for ever sunk under yon boyling ocean , wrapt in chains ; there to converse with everlasting groans , unrespited , unpitied , unrepreevd , ages of hopeless end ; this would be worse . warr therefore , open or conceal'd , alike my voice disswades ; for what can force or guile with him , or who deceive his mind , whose eye views all things at one view ? he from heav'ns highth all these our motions vain , sees and derides ; not more almighty to resist our might then wise to frustrate all our plots and wiles . shall we then live thus vile , the race of heav'n thus trampl'd , thus expell'd to suffer here chains & these tor●…ents ? better these then worse by my advice ; since fate inevitable subdues us , and omnipotent decree , the victors will. to suffer , as to doe , our strength is equal , nor the law unjust that so ordains : this was at first resolv'd , if we were wise , against so great a foe contending , and so doubtful what might fall . i laugh , when those who at the spear are bold and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if that fail them , shrink and fear what yet they know must follow , to endure exile , or ignominy , or bonds , or pain , the sentence of thir 〈◊〉 : this is now our doom ; which if we can sustain and bear , our supream foe in time may much remit his anger , and perhaps thus farr remov'd not mind us not offending , satisfi'd with what is punish't ; whence these raging fires will slack'n , if his breath stir not thir flames . our purer essenee then will overcome thir noxious vapour , or enur'd not feel , or chang'd at length , and to the place conformd in temper and in nature , will receive familiar the fierce heat , and void of pain ; this horror will grow milde , this darkness light , besides what hope the never ending flight of future days maybring , what chance , what change worth waiting , since our present lot appeers for happy though but ill , for ill not worst , if we procure not to our ●…lves more woe . thus belial with words cloath'd in reasons garb counsel'd ignoble ease , and peaceful sloath , not peace : and after him thus mammon spake . either to disinthrone the king of heav'n we warr , if war●… be best , or to regain our own right lost : him to unthrone we then may hope , when everlasting fate shall yeild to fickle chance , and chaos judge the strife : the former vain to hope argues as vain the latter : for what place can be for us within heav'ns bound , unless heav'ns lord supream we overpower ? suppose he should relent and publish grace to all , on promise made of new subjection ; with what eyes could we stand in his presence humble , and receive strict laws impos'd , to celebrate his throne ▪ with warbl'd hymns , and to his godhead sing forc't halleluiah's ; while he lordly sits our envied sovran , and his altar breathes ambrosial odours and ambrosial flowers , our servile offerings . this must be our task in heav'n , this our delight ; how wearisom eternity so spent in worship paid to whom we hate . let us not then pursue by force impossible , by leave obtain'd unacceptable , though in heav'n , our state of splendid vassalage , but rather seek our own good from our selves , and from our own live to our selves , though in this vast recess , free , and to none accountable , preferring hard liberty before the easie yoke of servile pomp. our greatness will appear then most conspicuous , when great things of small , useful of hurtful , prosperous of adverse we can create , and in what place so e're thrive under evil , and work ease out of pain through labour and endurance . this deep world of darkness do we dread ? how oft amidst thick clouds and dark doth heav'ns all-ruling sire choose to reside , his glory unobscur'd , and with the majesty of darkness round covers his throne ; from whence deep thunders roar must'ring thir rage , and heav'n resembles hell ? as he our darkness , cannot we his light imitate when we please ? this desart soile wants not her hidden lustre , gemms and gold ; nor want we skill or art , from whence to raise magnificence ; and what can heav'n shew more ? our torments also may in length of time become our elements , these piercing fires as soft as now severe , our temper chang'd into their temper ; which must needs remove the sensible of pain . all things invite to peaceful counsels , and the settl'd state of order , how in safety best we may compose our present evils , with regard of what we are and where , dismissing quite all thoughts of warr : ye have what i advise . he scarce had finisht , when such murmur filld th' assembly , as when hollow rocks retain the sound of blustring winds , which all night long had rous'd the sea , now with hoarse cadence lull sea-faring men orewatcht , whose bark by chance or pinnace anchors in a craggy bay after the tempest : such applause was heard as mammon ended , and his sentence pleas'd , advising peace : for fuch another field they dreaded worse then hell : so much the fear of thunder and the sword of michael wrought still within them ; and no less desire to found this nether empire , which might rise by pollicy , and long process of time , in emulation opposite to heav'n . which when bëëlzebub perceiv'd , then whom , satan except , none higher sat , with grave aspect he rose , and in his rising seem'd a pillar of state ; deep on his front engraven deliberation sat and publick care ; and princely counsel in his face yet shon , majestick though in ruin : sage he stood with atlantean shoulders fit to bear the weight of mightiest monarchies ; his look drew audience and attention still as night or summers noon-tide air , while thus he spake . thrones and imperial powers , off-spring of heav'n , ethereal vertues ; or these titles now must we renounce , and changing stile be call'd princes of hell ? for so the popular vote inclines , here to continue , and build up here a growing empire ; doubtless ; while we dream , and know not that the king of heav'n hath doom'd this place our dungeon , not our safe retreat beyond his potent arm , to live exempt from heav'ns high jurisdiction , in new league banded against his throne , but to remaine in strictest bondage , though thus far remov'd , under th' inevitable curb , reserv'd his captive multitude : for he , be sure , in highth or depth , still first and last will reign sole king , and of his kingdom loose no part by our revolt , but over hell extend his empire , and with iron scepter rule us here , as with his golden those in heav'n . what sit we then projecting peace and warr ? warr hath determin'd us , and foild with loss irreparable ; tearms of peace yet none voutsaf't or sought ; for what peace will be giv'n to us enslav'd , but custody severe , and stripes , and arbitrary punishment inflicted ? and what peace can we return , but to our power hostility and hate , untam'd reluctance , and revenge though slow , yet ever plotting how the conquerour least may reap his conquest , and may least rejoyce in doing what we most in suffering feel ? nor will occasion want , nor shall we need with dangerous expedition to invade heav'n , whose high walls fear no assault or siege , or ambush from the deep . what if we find some easier enterprize ? there is a place ( if ancient and prophetic fame in heav'n err not ) another world , the happy seat of som new race call'd man , about this time to be created like to us , though less in power and excellence , but favour'd more of him who rules above ; so was his will pronounc'd among the gods , and by an oath , that shook heav'ns whol circumference , confirm'd . thither let us bend all our thoughts , to learn what creatures there inhabit , of what mould , or substance , how endu'd , and what thir power , and where thir weakness , how attempted best , by force or suttlety : though heav'n be shut , and heav'ns high arbitrator sit secure in his own strength , this place may lye expos'd the utmost border of his kingdom , left to their defence who hold it : here perhaps som advantagious act may be achiev'd by sudden onset , either with hell sire to waste his whole creation , or possess all as our own , and drive as we were driven , the punie habitants , or if not drive , seduce them to our party , that thir god may prove thir foe , and with repenting hand abolish his own works . this would surpass common revenge , and interrupt his joy in our confusion , and our joy upraise in his disturbance ; when his dar●…ing sons hurl'd headlong to partake with us , shall curse thir frail originals , and faded bliss , faded so soon . advise if this be worth attempting , or to sit in darkness here hatching vain empires . thus beelzebub pleaded his devilish counsel , first devis'd by s●…tan , and in part propos'd : for whence , but from the author of all ill could spring so deep a malice , to confound the race of mankind in one root , and earth with hell to mingle and involve , done all to spite the great creatour ? but thir spite still serves his glory to augment . the bold design pleas'd highly those infernal states , and joy sparkl'd in all thir eyes ; with full assent they vote : whereat his speech he thus renews . well have ye judg'd , well ended long debate , synod of gods , and like to what ye are , great things resolv'd ; which from the lowest deep will once more lift us up , in spight of fate , neerer our ancient seat ; perhaps in view of those bright confines , whence with neighb●…uring arms and opportune excursion we may chance re-enter heav'n ; or else in some milde zone dwell not unvisited of heav'ns fair light secure , and at the brightning o●…ient beam purge off this gloom ; the soft delicious air , to heal the ●…earr of these corrosive fires shall breath her balme . but first whom shall we send in search of this new world , whom shall we find sufficient ? who shall tempt with wandring feet the dark unbottom'd infinite abyss and through the palpable obscure find out his uncouth way , or spread his aerie flight upborn with indefatigable wings over the vast abrupt , ere he arrive the happy i le ; what strength , what art can then suffice , or what evasion bear him safe through the strict senteries and stations thick of angels watching round ? here he had need all circumspection , and we now no less choice in our suffrage ; for on whom we send , the weight of all and our last hope relies , this said , he sat ; and expectation held his look suspence , awaiting who appeer'd to second , or oppose , or undertake the perilous attempt : but all sat mute , pondering the danger with deep thoughts ; & each in others count'nance red his own dismay astonisht : none among the choice and prime of those heav'n-warring champions could be found so hardie as to proffer or accept alone the dreadful voyage ; till at last satan , whom now 〈◊〉 glory 〈◊〉 above his fellows , with monarchal pride conscious of highest worth , unmov'd thus spake . o progeny of heav'n , empyreal thrones , with reason hath deep silence and demur●… seis'd us , though undismaid : long is the way and hard , that out of hell leads up to light ; our prison strong , this huge convex of fire , outrageous to devour , immures us round ninefold , and gates of burning adamant barr'd over us prohibit all egress . these past , if any pass , the void profound of unessential night receives him next wide gaping , and with utter lo●…s of being threatens him , plung'd in that abortive gulf . if thence he scape into what ever world , or unknown region , what remains him less then unknown dangers and as hard escape . but i should ill become this throne , o peers , and this imperial sov'ranty , adorn'd with splendor , arm'd with power , if aught propos'd and judg'd of public moment , in the shape of difficulty or danger could deterre me from attempting . wherefore do i assume these royalties , and not refuse to reign , refusing to accept as great a share of hazard as of honour , due alike to him who reigns , and so much to him due of hazard more , as he above the rest high honourd sits ? go therfore mighty powers , terror of heav'n , though fall'n ; intend at home , while here shall be our home , what best may ease the present misery , and render hell more toller●…ble ; if there be cure or charm to respite or deceive , or slack the pain of this ill mansion : intermit no watch against a wakeful foe , while i abroad through all the coasts of dark destruction seek deliverance for us all : this enterprize none shall partake with me . thus saying rose the monarch , and prevented all reply , prudent , least from his resolution rais'd others among the chief might offer now ( certain to be refus'd ) what erst they feard ; and so refus'd might in opinion stand his rivals , winning cheap the high repute which he through hazard huge must earn . but they dreaded not more th' adventure then his voice forbidding ; and at once with him they rose ; thir rising all at once was as the sound of thunder heard remote . towards him they bend with awful reverence prone ; and as a god extoll him equal to the highest in heav'n : nor fail'd they to express how much they prais'd , that for the general safety he despis'd his own : for neither do the spirits damn'd loose all thir vertue ; least bad men should boast thir specious deeds on earth , which glory excites , or close ambition varnisht o're with zeal . thus they thir doubtful consultations dark ended rejoycing in thir matchless chief : as when from mountain tops the dusky clouds ascending , while the north wind sleeps , o'respread heav'ns chearful face , the lowring element scowls ore the dark'nd lantskip snow , or showre ; if chance the radiant sun with farewell sweet extend his ev'ning beam , the fields revive , the birds thir notes renew , and bleating herds attest thir joy , that hill and valley rings . o shame to men ! devil with devil damn'd firm concord holds , men onely disagree of creatures rational , though under hope of heavenly grace : and god 〈◊〉 peace , yet live in hatred , enmitie , and strife among themselves , and levie cruel warres , wasting the earth , each other to destroy : as if ( which might induce us to accord ) man had not hellish foes anow besides , that day and night for his destruction waite . the stygian councel thus dissolv'd ; and forth in order came the grand 〈◊〉 peers , midst came thir mighty paramount , and seemd alone th' antagonist of heav'n , nor less then hells dread emperour with pomp supream , and god-like imitated state ; him round a globe of fierie seraphim inclos'd with bright imblazonrie , and horrent arms. then of thir session ended they bid cry with trumpets regal sound the great result : toward the four winds four speedy cherubim put to thir mouths the sounding 〈◊〉 by haralds voice explain'd : the 〈◊〉 abyss heard farr and wide , and all the host of hell with deafning shout , return'd them loud acclaim . thence more at ease thir minds and somwhat rais'd by false presumptuous hope , the ranged powers disband , and wandring , each his several way pursues , as inclination or sad choice leads him perplext , where he may likeliest 〈◊〉 truce to his restless thoughts , and entertain the irksome hours , till his great chief return . part on the plain , or in the air sublime upon the wing , or in swift race contend , as at th' olympian games or pythian fields ; part curb thir fierie steeds , or shun the goal with rapid wheels , or fronted brigads form . as when to warn proud cities warr appears wag'd in the troubl'd skie , and armies rush to battel in the clouds , before each van pri●… forth the aerie knights , and couch thir spears till thickest legions close ; with feats of arms from either end of heav'n the welkin burns . others with vast 〈◊〉 rage more fell rend up both rocks and hills , and ride the air in whirlwind ; hell scarce holds the wilde uproar . as when alcides from oealia crown'd with conquest , felt th' envenom'd robe , and tore through pain up by the roots thessalian pines , and 〈◊〉 , from the top of 〈◊〉 threw into th' euboic sea. others more milde , retreated in a silent valley , sing with notes angelical to many a harp thir own heroic deeds and hapless fall by doom of battel ; and complain that fate free vertue should enthrall to force or chance . thir song was partial , but the harmony ( what could it less when spirits immortal sing ? ) suspended h●…ll , and took with ravishment the thronging audience . in discourse more sweet ( for eloquence the soul , song charms the sense , ) others apart sat on a hill retir'd , in thoughts more elevate , and reason'd high of 〈◊〉 , foreknowledge , will , and fate , fixt fate , 〈◊〉 will , fore knowledge absolute , and found ●…o end , in wandring mazes lost . of good and evil much they argu'd then , of happiness and final misery , passion and apathie , and glory and shame , vain wisdom all , and false philosophie : yet with a pleasing sorcerie could charm pain for a while or anguish , and excite fallacious hope , or arm th' obdured brest with stubborn patience as with triple steel . another part in squadrons and gross bands , on bold adventure to discover wide that dismal world , if any clime perhaps ▪ might yeild them easier habitation , bend four ways thir flying march , along the banks of four infernal rivers that disgorge into the burning lake thir baleful streams ; abhorred styx the flood of deadly hate , sad acheron of sorrow , black and deep ; cocytus , nam'd of lamentation loud heard on the ruful stream ; fierce phlegeton whose waves of torrent fire inflame with rage . farr off from these a slow and silent stream , lethe the river of oblivion roules her watrie labyrinth , whereof who drinks , forthwith his former state and being forgets , forgets both joy and grief , pleasure and pain . beyond this flood a frozen continent lies dark and wilde , beat with perpetnal storms of whirlwind and dire hail , which on firm land thaws not , but gathers heap , and ruin seems of ancient pile ; all else deep snow and ice , a gulf profound as that serbonian bog betwixt damiata and mount casius old , where armies whole have sunk : the parching air burns frore , and cold performs th' effect of fire . thither by harpy-footed furies hail'd , at certain revolutions all the damn'd are brought : and feel by turns the bitter change of fierce extreams , extreams by change more fierce , from beds of raging fire to starve in ice thir soft ethereal warmth , and there to pine immovable , infixt , and frozen round , periods of time , thence hurried back to fire . they ferry over this lethean sound both to and fro , thir sorrow to augment , and wish and struggle , as they pass ▪ to reach the tempting stream ▪ with one small drop to loose in sweet forgetfulness all pain and woe , all in one moment , and so neer the brink ; but fate withstands , and to oppose th ▪ attempt medusa with gorgonian terror guards the ford , and of it self the water flies all taste of living wight , as once it fled the lip of tantalus . thus roving on in confus'd march forlorn , th' adventrous bands with shuddring horror pale , and eyes agast view'd first thir lamentable lot , and found no rest : through many a dark and drearie vaile they pass'd , and many a region dolorous , o're many a frozen , many a fierie alpe ▪ rocks , caves , lakes , fens , bogs , dens , and shades of death , a universe of death , which god by curse created evil , for evil only good , where all life dies , death 〈◊〉 , and nature breeds , perverse , all monstrous , all prodigious things , abominable , inutterable , and worse then fables yet have feign'd , or fear conceiv'd , gorgons and hydra's , and chimera's dire . mean while the adversary of god and man , satan with thoughts inflam'd of highest design , puts on swift wings , and toward 〈◊〉 gates of hell explores his solitary flight ; som times he scours the right hand coast , fom times the left , now shaves with level wing the deep , then soares up to the fiery concave 〈◊〉 high ▪ as when farr off at sea a fleet 〈◊〉 hangs in the clouds , by 〈◊〉 winds close sailing from be●…gala , or the iles of ternate and tidore , whence merchants bring thir sp●…cie drugs : they on the trading flood through the wide ethiopian to the cape ply stemming nightly toward the po●…e . so seem'd farr off the flying fiend : at last appeer hell bounds high reaching to the horrid roof , and thrice threefold the gates ; three folds were brass three iron , three of adamantine rock , impenitrable , impal'd with circling fire , yet unconsum'd . before the gates there sat on either side a formidable shape ; the one seem'd woman to the waste , and fair , but ended foul in many a 〈◊〉 fould 〈◊〉 and vast , a serpent arm'd with mortal sting : about her middle round a cry of hell hounds never ceasing bark'd with wide cerberean mouths full ●…oud , and rung a 〈◊〉 peal : yet , when they list , would creep , if aught disturb'd thir noyse , into her woomb , and kennel there , yet there still bark'd and howl'd within unseen . farr less abhorrd then these vex'd s●…ylla bathing in the sea that parts calabria from the hoarce trinacrian shore : nor uglier follow the night-hag , when call'd in secret , riding through the 〈◊〉 she comes lur'd with the smell of infant blood , to dance with lapland witches , while the labouring moon eclipses at thir charms . the other shape , if shape it might be call'd that shape had none distinguishable in member , joynt , or limb , or substance might be call'd that shadow seem'd , for each seem'd either ; black it stood as night , fierce as ten furies , terrible as hell , and shook a dreadful dart ; what seem'd his head the likeness of a kingly crown had on . satan was now at hand , and from his seat the monster moving onward came as fas●… , with horrid strides , hell trembled as he strode . th' undaunted fiend what this might be admir'd , admir'd , not fear'd ; god and his son except , created thing naught vallu'd he nor shun'd ; and with disdainful look thus first began . whence and what art thou , execrable shape , that dar'st , though grim and terrible ▪ advance thy miscreated front 〈◊〉 my way to yonder gates ? through them i mean to pass , that be assur'd , without leave askt of thee : retire , or taste thy folly , and learn by proof , hell-born , not to contend with spirits of 〈◊〉 to whom the goblin full of wrauth reply'd , art thou that traitor angel , art thou hee ▪ who first broke peace in heav'n and faith , till then unbrok'n , and in proud rebellious arms drew after him the third part of heav'ns sons conjur'd against the highest , for which both thou and they outcast from god , are here condemn'd to waste eternal daies in woe and pain ? and reck'n'st thou thy self with spirits of heav'n , hell-doomd , and breath'st defiance here and scorn , where i reign king , and to enrage thee more , thy king and lord ? back to thy punishment , false fugitive , and to thy speed add wings , least with a whip of scorpions i pursue thy lingring , or with one stroke of this dart strange horror seise thee , and pangs unfelt before . so spake the grieslie terrour , and in shape , so speaking and so threatning , grew ten fold more dreadful and deform : on th' other side incenc't with indignation satan stood u●…terrifi'd , and like a comet burn'd , that fires the length of 〈◊〉 huge in th' artick sky , and from his horrid hair shakes pestilence and warr. each at the head level'd his deadly aime ; thir fatall hands no second stroke intend , and such a frown each cast at th' other , as when two black clouds with heav'ns artillery fraught , come rattling on over the caspian , then stand front to front hov'ring a space , till winds the signal blow to joyn thir dark encounter in mid air : so frownd the mighty combatants , that hell grew darker at thir frown , so ma●…cht they stood ; for never but once more was either like to meet so great a foe : and now great deeds had been achiev'd , whereof all hell had ●…ung , had not the snakie sorceress that 〈◊〉 ●…ast by hell gate , and kept the fatal key , ris'n , and with hideous outcry rush'd between . o father , what intends thy hand , she cry'd , against thy only son ? what fury o son , possesses thee to bend that mortal dart against thy fathers head ? and know'st 〈◊〉 whom ▪ for him who sits above and laughs the while at thee ordain'd his d●…dge , to execute what e're his wrath , which he calls justice , bids , his wrath which one day will destroy ye both . she spake , and at her words the hellish pest forbore ▪ then these to her satan return'd ▪ so ●…range thy ou●…cry and thy words so strange thou interposest , that my 〈◊〉 hand prevented spares to tell thee yet by deeds ▪ what it intends ; till first i know of thee , what thing thou art ▪ thus double-form'd , and why in this in●…al 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 met thou call'st me father , and th●… 〈◊〉 call'st 〈◊〉 son ? i know thee not , nor ever saw till now ▪ sight more detestable then him and thee . t' whom thus the portress of hell gate reply'd ; hast thou forgot me the●… and do i ●…eem now in thine eye so ●…oul ▪ once deemd so ●…air in heav'n , when at 〈◊〉 ass●…bly , and in sight ▪ of all the se●…him with thee combin'd in bold conspiracy against heav'ns king , all on a sudden miserable 〈◊〉 surpris'd thee dim thine e●…es , and dizzie ●…wumm in darkness , while thy head flames thick and fast threw forth , till on the left side-●…ning wide , likest to thee in shape and count'nance bright , then shining heav'nly fair , a goddess arm'd out of thy h●…d i sprung : amazement seis'd all th' host of heav'n ; back they ●…ecoild affraid at first , and call'd me sin , and for a sign portentous held me ; but familiar grown , i pleas'd , and with attractive graces won the most averse , thee chiefly , who full oft thy self in me thy 〈◊〉 image viewing becam'st enamour'd , and such joy thou took'st with me in secret , that my womb conceiv'd a growing burden . mean while warr arose , and fields were fought in heav'n ; wherein remaind ( for what could else ) to our almighty foe cleer victory ; to our pa●… loss and rout through all the empyrean : down they fell driv'n headlong from the pitch of heaven , down into this deep , and in the general fall i also ; at which time this powerful key into my hand was giv'n , with charge to keep these gates for ever shut , which none can pass without my op'ning . pensive here i sat alone , but long i 〈◊〉 not , ●…ill my womb - pregnant by ●…ee , and now ex●…ive grown prodigious motion 〈◊〉 and rueful th●…oes . at last this odious offspring whom thou seest thine own begotten , breaking violent way tore through 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that with fear and pain 〈◊〉 , all my 〈◊〉 shape thus grew 〈◊〉 : but he my 〈◊〉 enemie forth issu'd , brandishing his fatal dart made to destroy : i fled , and cry'd out death ; he●…l trembl'd at the hideous name , and sigh'd from all her caves , and back resounded death . i fled , but he pursu'd ( though more , it seems , inflam'd with lust then rage ) and swifter far , me overtook his mother all dismaid , and in embraces forcible and foule ingendring with me , of that rape begot these yel●…ing monsters that with ceasless cry surround me , as thou sawst , hourly conceiv'd and hourly born , with sorrow infinite to me , for wh●…n they list into the womb that bred them they return , and howle and gnaw my bowels , their repast ; then bursting forth a fresh with conscious terrours vex me round , that rest or intermission none i find . before mine eyes in opposition sits grim death my son and foe , who sets them on , and me his parent would ▪ full soon devour for want of other prey , but that he knows his end with mine involvd ; and knows that i should prove a bitter morsel , and his bane , when ever that shall be ; so fate pronounc'd . but thou o father , i forewarn thee , shun his deadly arrow ; neither vainly hope to be invulnerable in those bright arms , though temper'd heav'nly , for that mortal dint , save he who reigns above , none can resist . she finish'd , and the suttle fiend his lore soon learnd , now milder , and thus answerd smooth . dear daughter , since thou claim'st me for thy sire ▪ and my fair son here showst me , the dear pledge of dalliance had with thee in heav'n , and joys then sweet , now sad to mention , through dire change befalln us unforeseen , unthought of , know i come no enemie , but to set free from out this dark and dismal house of pain , both him and thee , and all the heav'nly host of spirits that in our just pretenses arm'd fell with us from on high : from them i go this uncouth errand sole , and one for all my self expose , with lonely steps to tread th' unfounded deep , & through the void immense to search with wandring quest a place foretold should be , and , by concurring signs , ere now created vast and round , a place of bliss in the pourlieues of heav'n , and therein plac't a race-of upstart creatures , to supply perhaps our vacant room , though more remov'd , least heav'n surcharg'd with potent multitude might hap to move new broiles : be this or aught then this more secret now design'd , i haste to know , and this once known , shall soon return , and bring ye to the place where thou and death shall dwell at ease , and up and down unseen wing silently the buxom air , imbalm'd with odours ; there ye shall be fed and fill'd immeasurably , all things shall be your prey . he ceas'd , for both seemd highly pleasd , and death grinnd horrible a gastly smile , to hear his famine should be fill'd , and blest his mawe destin'd to that good hour : no less rejoyc'd his mother bad , and thus bespake her sire . the key of this infernal pit by due , and by command of heav'ns all-powerful king i keep , by him forbidden to unlock these adamantine gates ; against all force death ready stands to interpose his dart , fearless to be o'rematcht by living might . but what ow i to his commands above who hates me , and hath hither thrust me down into this gloom of tartarus profound , to sit in hateful office here confin'd , inhabitant of heav'n , and heav'nlie-born , here in perpetual agonie and pain , with terrors and with clamors compasst round of mine own brood , that on my bowels feed : thou art my father , thou my author , thou my being gav'st me ; whom should i obey but thee , whom follow ? thou wilt bring me soon to that new world of light and bliss , among the gods who live at ease , where i shall reign at thy right hand voluptuous , as beseems thy daughter and thy darling , without end . thus saying , from her side the fatal key , sad instrument of all our woe , she took ; and towards the gate rouling her bestial train , forthwith the huge porcullis high up drew , which but her self not all the 〈◊〉 powers could once have mov'd ; th●… in the key-hole turns th' intricate wards , and every bolt and bar of massie iron or sollid rock with ease unfast'ns ▪ on a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 th' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and on 〈◊〉 great harsh thunder , that the lowest bottom shook of erebus . she op'nd , but to shut excel'd her power ; the gates wide op'n stood , that with extended wings a bannerd host under spread ensigns marching might pass through with horse and chariots rankt in loose array ; so wide they stood , and like a furnace mouth cast forth redounding smoak and ruddy flame . before thir eyes in sudden view appear the secrets of the hoarie deep , a dark illimitable ocean without bound , without dimension , where length , breadth , and highth , and time and place are lost ; where eldest night and chaos , ancestors of nature , hold eternal anarchie , amidst the noise of endless warrs , and by confusion stand . for hot , cold , moist , and dry , four champions sierce strive here for maistrie , and to battel 〈◊〉 thir embryon atoms ; they around the flag of each his faction , in thir several clan●…s , light-arm'd or heavy , sharp , smooth , swift or slow , swarm populous , unnumber'd as the sands of barca or cyrene's torrid soil , levied to side with warring winds , and poise thir lighter wings . to whom these most adhere , hee rules a moment ; chaos umpire sits , and by decision more imbroiles the fray by which he reigns : next him high arbiter chance governs all . into this wilde abyss , the womb of nature and perhaps her grave , of neither sea , nor shore , nor air , nor fire , but all these in thir pregnant causes mixt confus'dly , and which thus must ever sight , unless th' almighty maker them ordain his dark materials to create more worlds , into this wilde abyss the warie fiend stood on the brink of hell and look'd a while , pondering his voyage ; for no narrow frith he had to cross . nor was his eareless peal'd with noises loud and ruinous ( to compare great things with small ) then when bellona storms , with all her battering engines bent to rase som capital city , or less then if this frame of heav'n were falling , and these elements in mutinie had from her axle torn the stedfast earth . at last his sail-broad vannes he spreads for flight , and in the surging smoak uplisted spurns the ground , thence many a league as in a cloudy chair ascending rides audacious , but that seat soon failing , meets a vast vacuitie : all unawares fluttring his pennons vain plumb down he drops ten thousand fadom deep , and to this hour down had been falling , had not by ill chance the strong rebuff of som tumultuous cloud instinct with fire and nitre hurried him as many miles aloft : that furie stay'd , quencht in a boggie syrtis , neither sea , nor good dry land : nigh founderd on he fares , treading the crude consistence , half on foot , half flying ; behoves him now both oare and saile . as when a gryfon through the wilderness with winged course ore hill or moarie dale , pursues the arimaspian , who by stelth had from his wakeful custody purloind the guarded gold : so eagerly the fiend ore bog or steep , through strait , rough , dense , or rare , with head , hands , wings , or feet pursues his way , and swims or sinks , or wades , or creeps , or flyes : at length a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wilde of stunning sounds and voices all confus'd born through the hollow dark assaults his eare with loudest vehemence : thither he plyes , undaunted to meet there what ever power or spirit of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might in that noise reside , of whom to ask which way the neerest coast of darkness lyes bordering on light ; when strait behold the throne of chaos , and his 〈◊〉 pavilion ●…pread wide on the wasteful deep ; with him enthron'd sat sable-vested night , eldest of things , the consort of his reign ; and by them stood orcus and ades , and the dreaded name of demogorgon 〈◊〉 rumor next and chance , and tumult and confusion all 〈◊〉 , and discord with a thousand various mouths . t' whom satan turning boldly , thus . ye powers and spirits of this nethermost abyss , chaos and ancient night , i comeno spie , with purpose to explore or to disturb the secrets of your realm , but by constraint wandring this darksome desart , as my way lies through your spacious empire up to light , alone , and without guide , half lost , i seek what readiest path leads where your gloomie bounds confine with heav'n ; or if ●…om other place from your dominion won , th' ethereal king possesses lately , thither to arrive i travel this profound , direct my course ; directed , no mean recompence it brings to your behoof , if i that region lost , all usurpation thence expell'd , reduce to her original darkness and your sway ( which is my present journey ) and once more erect the standerd there of ancient night ; yours be th' advantage all , mine the revenge . thus satan ; and him thus the anarch old with faultring speech and visage incompos'd answer'd . i know thee , stranger , who thou art , that mighty leading angel , who of late made head against heav'ns king , though overthrown . i saw and heard , for such a numerous host fled not in silence through the frighted deep with ruin upon ruin , rout on rout , confusion worse confounded ; and heav'n gates pourd out by millions her victorious bands pursuing . i upon my frontieres herd keep residence ; if all i can will serve , that little which is left so to defend encroacht on still through our intestine broiles weakning the scepter of old night : first hell your dungeon stretching far and wide beneath ; now lately heaven and earth , another world hung ore my realm , link'd in a golden chain to that side heav'n from whence your legions fell : if that way be your walk , you have not farr ; so much the neerer danger ; goe and speed ; havock and spoil and ruin are my gain . he ceas'd ; and satan staid not to reply , but glad that now his sea should find a shore , with fresh alacritie and force renew'd springs upward like a pyramid of fire into the wilde expanse , and through the shock of fighting elements , on all sides round environ'd wins his way ; harder beset and more endanger'd , then when argo pass'd through bosporus betwixt the 〈◊〉 rocks : or when 〈◊〉 on the larbord 〈◊〉 charybdis , and by th' other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so he with difficulty and labour hard mov'd on , with difficulty and labour hee ; but hee once past , soon after when man fell , strange alteration ! sin and death amain following his track , such was the will of heav'n , pav'd after him a broad and beat'n way over the dark 〈◊〉 , whose boiling gulf ta●…ely endur'd a bridge of wondrous length from hell continu'd reaching th' utmost orbe of this frail world ; by which the spirits perverse with easie intercourse pass to and ●…ro to tempt or punish mortals , except whom god and good angels guard by special grace . but now at last the sacred influence of light appears , and from the walls of heav'n shoots farr into the bosom of dim night a glimmering dawn ; here nature first begins her fardest verge , and chaos to retire as from her outmost works a brok'n foe with tumult less and with less hostile din , that satan with less toil , and now with ease wafts on the calmer wave by dubious light and like a weather-beaten vessel holds gladly the port , though shrouds and tackle torn ; or in the emptier waste , resembling air , weighs his spread wings , at leasure to be hold farr off th' empyreal heav'n , extended wide in circuit , undetermind square or round , with opal towrs and battlements adorn'd of living saphire , once his native seat ; and fast by hanging in a golden chain this pendant world , in bigness as a starr of smallest magnitude close by the moon . thither full fraught with mischievous revenge , accurst , and in a cursed hour he hies . the end of the second book . paradise lost . book iii. hail holy light , ofspring of heav'n first-born , or of th' eternal coeternal beam may i express thee unblam'd ? since god is light , and never but in unapproached light dwelt from eternitie , dwelt then in thee ▪ bright esfluence of bright essence increate . or hear'st thou rather pure ethereal stream , whose fountain who shall tell ? before the sun , before the heavens thou wert , and at the voice of god , as with a mantle didst invest the rising world of waters dark and deep , won from the void and formless infinite . thee i re-visit now with bolder wing , escap't the stygian pool , though long detain'd in that obscure sojourn , while in my flight through utter and through middle darkness borne with other notes then to th' orphean lyre i sung of chaos and eternal night , taught by the heav'nly muse to venture down the dark descent , and up to reascend , though hard and rare : thee i revisit safe , and ●…eel thy sovran vital lamp ; but thou revisit'st not these eyes , that rowle in vain to find thy piercing ray , and find no dawn ; so thick a drop serene hath quencht thir orbs , or dim suffusion veild . yet not the more cease i to wander where the muses haunt cleer spring , or shadie grove , or sunnie hill , smit with the love of sacred song ; but chief thee sion and the flowrie brooks beneath that wash thy hallowd feet , and warbling flow , nightly i visit : nor somtimes forget those other two equal'd with me in fate , so were i equal'd with them in renown , blind thamyris and blind maeonides , and tiresias and phineus prophets old . then feed on thoughts , that voluntarie move harmonious numbers ; as the wakeful bird sings darkling , and in shadiest covert hid tunes her nocturnal note . thus with the year seasons return , but not to me returns day , or the sweet approach of ev'n or morn , or sight of vernal bloom , or summers rose , or flocks , or herds , or human face divine ; but cloud in stead , and ever ▪ during dark surrounds me , from the chearful waies of men cut off , and for the book of knowledg fair presented with a universal blanc of natures works to mee expung'd and ras'd , and wisdome at one entrance quite shut out . so much the rather thou celestial light shine inward , and the mind through all her powers irradiate , there plant eyes , all mist from thence purge and disperse , that i may see and tell of things invisible to mortal fight . now had the almighty father from above , from the pure empyrean where he sits high thron'd above all highth , bent down his eye , his own works and their works at once to view : about him all the sanctities of heaven stood thick as starrs , and from his sight receiv'd beatitude past utterance ; on his right the radiant image of his glory sat , his onely son ; on earth he first beheld our two first parents , yet the onely two of mankind , in the happie garden plac't , reaping immortal fruits of joy and love , uninterrupted joy , unrivald love in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; he then survey'd hell and the gulf between , and satan there coasting the wall of heav'n on this side night in the dun air sublime , and ready now to stoop with 〈◊〉 wings , and willing feet on the bare outside of this world , that seem'd firm land imbosom'd without firmament , uncertain which , in ocean or in air. him god beholding from his prospect high , wherein past , present ▪ future he beholds , thus to his onely son foreseeing spake . onely begotten son , seest thou what rage ●…ransports our adversarie , whom no bounds prescrib'd , no barrs of hell , nor all the chains heapt on him there , nor yet the main abyss wide interrupt can hold ; so bent he seems on desperat revenge , that shall redound upon his own rebellious head . and now through all restraint broke loose he wings his way not farr off heav'n , in the precincts of light , directly towards the new created world , and man there plac't , with purpose to assay if him by force he can destroy , or worse , by som false guile pervert ; and shall pervert ; for man will heark'n to his glozing lyes , and easily transgress the sole command , sole pledge of his obedience : so will fall hee and his faithless progenie : whose fault ? whose but his own ? ingrate , he had of mee all he could have ; i made him just and right , sufficient to have stood , though free to fall . such i created all th' ethereal powers and spirits , both them who stood & them who faild ; freely they stood who stood , and fell who fell . not free , what proof could they have givn sincere of true allegiance , constant faith or love , where onely what they needs must do , appeard , not what they would ? what praise could they receive ? what pleasure i from such obedience paid , when will and reason ( reason also is choice ) useless and vain , of freedom both despoild , made passive both , had servd necessitie , not mee . they therefore as to right belongd , so were created , nor can justly accuse thir maker , or thir making , or thir fate ; as if predestination over-rul'd thir will , dispos'd by absolute decree or high foreknowledge ; they themselves decreed thir own revolt , not i : if i foreknew , foreknowledge had no influence on their fault , which had no less prov'd certain unforeknown . so without least impulse or shadow of fate , or aught by me immutablie foreseen , they trespass , authors to themselves in all both what they judge and what they choose ; for so i formd them free , and free they must remain , till they enthrall themselves : i else must change thir nature , and revoke the high decree unchangeable , eternal , which ordain'd thir freedom , they themselves ordain'd thir fall . the first sort by thir own suggestion fell , self-tempted , self-deprav'd : man falls deceiv'd by the other first : man therefore shall find grace , the other none : in mercy and justice both , through heav'n and earth , so shall my glorie excel , but mercy first and last shall brightest shine . thus while god spake , ambrosial fragrance fill'd all heav'n , and in the blessed spirits elect sense of new joy ineffable diffus'd : beyond compare the son of god was seen most glorious , in him all his father shon substantially express'd , and in his face divine compassion visibly appeerd , love without end , and without measure grace , which uttering thus he to his father spake . o father , gracious was that word which clos'd thy sov●… sentence , that man should find grace ; for which both heav'n and earth shall high extoll thy praises , with th' innumerable sound of hymns and sacred songs , wherewith thy throne encompass'd shall resound thee ever blest . for should man finally be lost , should man thy creature late so lov●…d , thy youngest son fall circum●…ented thus by fraud , though joynd with his own folly ? that be from thee farr , that ●…rr be fro●… thee , father , who art judge of all things made , and judgest onely right . or shall the adversarie thus obtain his end , and frustrate thine , shall he fulfill his malice , and thy goodness bring to naught , or proud return though to his heavier doom , yet with revenge accomplish't and to hell draw after him the whole race of mankind , by him corrupted ? or wilt thou thy self abolish thy creation , and unmake , for him , what for thy glorie thou hast made ? so should thy goodness and thy greatness both be questiond and blaspheam'd without defence . to whom the great creatour thus reply'd . o son , in whom my soul hath chief delight , son of my bosom , son who art alone my word , my wisdom , and effectual might , all hast thou spok'n as my thoughts are , all as my eternal purpose hath decreed : man shall not quite be lost , but sav'd who will , yet not of will in him , but grace in me freely voutsaft ; once more ▪ i will renew his lapsed powers , though forfeit and enthrall'd by sin to foul exorbitant desires ; upheld by me , yet once more he shall stand on even ground against his mortal foe , by me upheld , that he may know how frail his fall'n condition is , and to me ow all his deliv'rance , and to none but me . some i have chosen of peculiar grace elect above the rest ; so is my will : the rest shall hear me call , and oft be warnd thir sinful state , and to appease betimes th' incensed deitie , while offerd grace invites ; for i will cleer thir senses dark , what may suffice , and soft'n stonie hearts to pray , repent , and bring obedience due . to prayer , repentance , and obedience due , though but endevord with sincere intent , mine eare shall not be slow , mine eye not shut . and i will place within them as a guide my umpire conscience , whom if they will hear , light after light well us'd they shall attain , and to the end persisting , safe arrive . this my long sufferance and my day of grace they who neglect and scorn , shall never taste ; but hard be hard'nd , blind be blinded more , that they may stumble on , and deeper fall ; and none but such from mercy i exclude . but yet all is not don ; man disobeying , disloyal breaks his fealtie , and sinns against the high supremacie of heav'n , affecting god-head , and so loosing all , to expiate his treason hath naught left , but to destruction sacred and devote , he with his whole posteritie must die , die hee or justice must ; unless for him som other able , and as willing , pay the rigid satisfaction , death for death . say heav'nly powers , where shall we find such love , which of ye will be mortal to redeem mans mortal crime , and just th' unjust to save , dwels in all heaven charitie so deare ? he ask'd , but all the heav'nly quire stood mute , and silence was in heav'n : on mans behalf patron or intercessor none appeerd , much less that durst upon his own head draw the deadly forfeiture , and ransom set . and now without redemption all mankind must have bin lost , adjudg'd to death and hell by doom severe , had not the son of god , in whom the fulness dwels of love divine , his dearest mediation thus renewd . father , thy word is past , man shall find grace ; and shall grace not find means , that finds her way , the speediest of thy winged messengers , to visit all thy creatures , and to all comes unprevented , unimplor'd , unsought , happie for man , so coming ; he her aide can never seek , once dead in sins and lost ; attonement for himself or offering meet , indebted and undon , hath none to bring : behold mee then , mee for him , life for life i offer , on mee let thine anger fall ; account mee man ; i for his sake will leave thy bosom , and this glorie next to thee freely put off , and for him lastly die well pleas'd , on me let death wreck all his rage ; under his gloomie power i shall not long lie vanquisht ; thou hast givn me to possess life in my self for ever , by thee i live , though now to death i yeild , and am his due all that of me can die , yet that debt paid , thou wilt not leave me in the loathsom grave his prey , nor suffer my unspotted soule for ever with corruption there to dwell ; but i shall rise victorious , and subdue my vanqui●…r , spoild of his vanted spoile ; death his deaths wound shall then receive , & stoop inglorious , of his mortall sting disarm'd . i through the ample air in triumph high shall lead hell captive maugre hell , and show the powers of darkness bound . thou at the sight pleas'd , out of heaven shalt look down and smile , while by thee rais'd i ruin all my foes , death last , and with his carcass glut the grave : then with the multitude of my redeemd shall enter heaven long absent , and returne , father , to see thy face , wherein no cloud of anger shall remain , but peace assur'd , and reconcilement ; wrauth shall be no more thenceforth , but in thy presence joy entire . his words here ended , but his meek aspect silent yet spake , and breath'd immortal love to mortal men , above which only shon filial obedience : as a sacrifice glad to be offer'd , he attends the will of his great father . admiration seis'd all heav'n , what this might mean , & whither tend wondring ; but soo●… th' 〈◊〉 thus reply'd : o thou in heav'n and ▪ ea●…h the only peace found out for mankind under wrauth , o thou my sole complacence ! well thou know'st how dear , to me are all my works , nor m●… the least though last created , that for him i spare thee from my bosom and right hand , to save , by loosing thee a while , the whole race lost . thou therefore whom thou only canst redeeme , thir nature also to thy nature joyne ; and be thy self man among men on earth , made flesh , when time shall be , of virgin seed , by wondrous birth : be thou in adams room the head of all mankind , though adams son. as in him perish all men , so in thee as from a second root shall be restor'd , as many as are restor'd , without thee none . his crime makes guiltie all his sons , thy merit imputed shall absolve them who renounce thir own both righteous and u●…righteous deeds , and live in thee transplanted , and f●…om thee receive new life . so man , as i●…●…ost ●…st , shall satisfie for man , be judg'd and die , and dying rise , and rising with him raise his brethren , ransomd with his own dear life . so heav'nly love shal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hellis●… hate , giving to death , and dying to red●… , so dearly to redeem what hellish hate so easily destroy'd , and still destroyes in those who , when they may , accept not grace . nor shalt thou by descending to ass●…me mans nature , less'n or degrade thine owne ▪ because thou hast , though thron'd in highest bliss equal to god , and equally enjoying god-like fruition , quitted all to save a world from utter loss , and hast been found by merit more then birthright son of god , found worthiest to be so by being good , farr more then great or high ; because in thee love hath abounded more then glory abounds , therefore thy humiliation shall exalt with thee thy manhood also to this throne ; here shalt thou sit incarnate , here shalt reigne both god and man , son both of god and man , anointed universal king ; all power i give thee , reign for ever , and assume thy merits ; under thee as head supream thrones , princedoms , powers , dominions i reduce : all knees to thee shall bow , of them that bide in heaven , or earth , or under earth in hell ; when thou attended gloriously from heav'n shalt in the skie appeer , and from thee send the summoning arch-angels to proclaime thy dread tribunal : forthwith from all windes the living , and forthwith the cited dead of all past ages to the general doom shall hast'n , such a peal shall rouse thir sleep . then all thy saints assembl'd , thou shalt judge bad men and angels , they arraignd shall sink beneath thy sentence ; hell , her numbers full , thenceforth shall be for ever shut . mean while the world shall burn , and from her ashes spring new heav'n and earth , wherein the just shall dwell and after all thir tribulations long see golden days , fruitful of golden deeds , with joy and love triumphing , and fair truth . then thou thy regal scepter shalt lay by , for regal scepter then no more shall need , god shall be all in all. but all ye gods , adore him , who to compass all this dies , adore the son , and honour him as mee . no sooner had th' almighty ceas't , but all the multitude of angels with a shout loud as from numbers without number , sweet as from blest voices , uttering joy , heav'n rung with jubilee , and loud-hosanna's fill'd th' eternal regions : lowly reverent towards either throne they bow , & to the ground with solemn adoration down they cast thir crowns inwove with amarant and gold , immortal amarant , a flour which once in paradise , fast by the tree of life began to bloom , but soon for mans offence to heav'n remov'd where first it grew , there grows , and flours aloft shading the fount of life , and where the river of bliss through midst of heavn rowls o're elisian flours her amber stream ; with these that never fade the spirits elect bind thir resplendent locks inwreath'd with beams , now in loose garlands thick thrown off , the bright pavement that like a sea of jasper shon impurpl'd with celestial roses smil'd . then crown'd again thir gold'n harps they took , harps ever tun'd , that glittering by their side like quivers hung , and with praeamble sweet of charming symphonie they introduce thir sacred song , and waken raptures high ; no voice exempt , no voice but well could joine melodious ▪ part , such concord is in heav'n . thee father first they sung omnipotent , immutable , immortal , infinite , eternal king ; thee author of all being , fountain of light , thy self invisible amidst the glorious brightness where thou sit'st thron'd inaccessible , but when thou shad'st the full blaze of thy beams , and through a cloud drawn round about thee like a radiant shrine , dark with excessive bright thy skirts appeer , yet dazle heav'n , that brightest seraphim approach not , but with both wings veil thir eyes . thee next they sang of all creation first , begotten son , divine similitude , in whose conspicuous count'nance , without cloud made visible , th' almighty father shines , whom else no creature can behold ; on thee impresst the effulgence of his glorie abides , transfus'd on thee his ample spirit rests . hee heav'n of heavens and all the powers therein by thee created , and by thee threw down th' aspiring dominations : thou that day thy fathers dreadful thunder didst not spare , nor stop thy fl●…ming chariot wheels , that shook heav'ns ever lasting frame , while o're the necks thou drov'st of warring angels disarraid . back from pursuit thy powers with loud acclaime thee only ex●…old , son of thy fathers might , to execute fierce vengeance on his foes , not so on man ; him through their malice fall'n , father of mercie and grace , thou didst not doome so strictly , but much more to pitie encline : no sooner did thy dear and onely son perceive thee purpos'd not to doom frail man so strictly , but much more to pitie ●…clin'd , he to appease thy wrauth , and end the strife of mercy and justice in thy face discern'd , regardless of the bliss wherein hee fat second to thee , offerd himself to die for mans offence . o unexampl'd love , love no where to be found less then divine ! hail son of god , saviour of men , thy name shall be the copious matter of my song henceforth , and never shall my harp thy praise forget , nor from thy fathers praise disjoine . thus they in heav'n ; above the starry sp●…ear , thir happie hours in joy and 〈◊〉 spent . mean while upon the ●…irm opacous globe of this round world , whose first convex divides the luminous inferior orbs , enclos'd from chaos and th' inroad of darkness old , satan alighted walks : a globe far●… 〈◊〉 it seem'd , now seems a boundless continent dark , waste , and wild , under the frown of night starless expos'd , and ever-threatning storms of chaos blustring round , inclement skie ; save on that fide which from the wall of heav'n though distant farr som small reflection gaines of glimmering air less vext with tempest loud : here walk'd the fiend at large in spacious field . as when a vultur on imaus bred , whose snowie ridge the roving tartar bounds , dislodging from a region scarce of prey to gorge the ●…he of lambs or yeanling kids on hills where flocks are fed , flies toward the springs of ganges or hydaspes , indian streams ; but in his way lights on the barren plaines of sericana , where c●…ineses drive with sails and wind thir canie waggons light : so on this windie sea of land , the fiend walk'd up and down alone bent on his prey , alone , for other creature in this place living or liveless to be found was none , none yet , but store hereafter from the earth up hither like aereal vapours flew of all things transitorie and vain , when sin with vanity had filld the works of men : both all things vain , and all who in vain thi●…s built thir fond hopes of glorie or lasting fame , or happiness in this or th' other life ; all who have thir reward on earth , the fruits of painful superstition and blind zeal , naught seeking but the praise of men , here find fit retribution , emptie as thir deeds ; all th' unaccomplisht works of natures hand , abortive , monstrous , or unkindly mixt , dissolvd on earth , fleet hither , and in vain , till final dissolution , wander here , not in the neighbouring moon , as some have dreamd ; those argent fields more likely habitants , translated saints , or middle spirits hold betwixt th' angelical and human kinde : hither of ill-joynd sons and daughters born first from the ancient world those giants came with many a vain exploit , though then renownd : the builders next of babel on the plain of sennaar , and still with vain designe new babels , had they wherewithall , would build : others came single ; hee who to be deemd a god , leap'd fondly into aetna flames , empedocles , and hee who to enjoy plato's elysium , leap'd into the sea , cleombrotus , and many more too long , embryo's and idiots , eremits and friers white , black and grey , with all thir trumperie . here pilgrims roam , that stray'd so farr to seek in golgotha him dead , who lives in heav'n ; and they who to be sure of paradise dying put on the weeds of do●…nic , or in ●…anciscan think to pass disguis'd ; they pass the planets seven , and pass the fixt , and that crystalline sphear whose ballance weighs the trepidation talkt , and that first mov'd ; and now saint reter at heav'ns wicket seems to wait them with his keys , and now at foot of heav'ns ascent they lift thir feet , when loe a violent cross wind from either coast blows them transverse ten thousand leagues awry into the devious air ; then might ye see cowles , hoods and habits with thir wearers tost and flutterd into raggs , then reliques , beads , indulgences , dispenses , pardons , bulls , the sport of winds : all these upwhirld aloft fly o're the backside of the world farr off into a limbo large and broad , since calld the paradise of fools , to few unknown long after , now unpeopl'd , and untrod ; all this dark globe the fiend found as he pass'd , and long he wanderd , till at last a gleame of dawning light turnd thither-ward in haste his travell'd steps ; farr distant hee descries ascending by degrees magnificent up to the wall of heaven a structure high , at top whereof , but farr more rich appeerd the work as of a kingly palace gate with frontispice of diamond and gold imbellisht , thick with sparkling orient gemmes the portal shon , inimitable on earth by model , or by shading pencil drawn . the stairs were such as whereon jacob saw angels ascending and descending , band●… of guardians bright , when he from esau ●…d to padan-aram in the field of luz , dreaming by night under the open skie , and waking cri'd , this is the gate of heav'n . each stair mysteriously was meant , nor stood there alwaies , but drawn up to heav'n somtimes viewless , and underneath a bright sea flow'd of jasper , or of liquid pearle , whereon who after came from earth , sayling arriv'd , wafted by angels , or flew o're the lake rapt in a chariot drawn by fiery steeds . the stairs were then let down , whether to dare the fiend by easie ascent , or aggravate his sad exclusion from the dores of bliss . direct against which op'nd from beneath , just o're the blissful seat of paradise , a passage down to th' earth , a passage wide , wider by farr then that of after-times over mount sion , and , though that were large , over the promis'd land to god so dear , by which , to visit oft those happy tribes , on high behests his angels to and f●…o pass'd frequent , and his eye with choice regard from paneus the sount of jordans flood to bëersaba , where the holy land borders on aegypt and the arabian shoare ; so wide the op'ning seemd , where bounds were set to darkness , such as bound the ocean wave . satan from hence now on the lower stair that scal'd by steps of gold to heav'n gate looks down with wonder at the sudden view of all this world at once . as when a scout through dark and desart wayes with peril gone all night ; at last by break of chearful dawne obtains the brow of some high climbing hill , which to his eye discovers unaware the goodly prospect of some forein land first ▪ seen , or some renownd metropolis with glistering spires and pinnacles adornd , which now the rising sun guilds with his beams . such wonder seis'd , though after heaven seen , the spirit maligne , but much more envy seis'd at sight of all this world beheld so faire . round he surveys , and well might , where he stood so high above the circling canopie of nights extended shade ; from eastern point of libra to the fleecie starr that bears andromeda farr off atlantick seas beyond th' horizon ; then from pole to pole he views in bredth , and without longer pause down right into the worlds first region throws his flight precipitant , and windes with ease through the pure marble air his oblique way amongst innumerable starrs , that shon stars distant , but nigh hand seemd other worlds , or other worlds they seemd , or happy iles , like those hesperian gardens fam'd of old , fortunate fields , and groves and flourie vales , thrice happy iles , but who dwelt happy there he stayd not to enquire : above them all the golden sun in splendor likest heaven allur'd his eye : thither his course he bends through the calm firmament ; but up or downe by center , or eccentric , hard to tell , or longitude , where the great luminarie alooff the vulgar constellations thick , that from his lordly eye keep distance due , dispenses light from farr ; they as they move thir sarry dance in numbers that compute days , months , and years , towards his all-chearing lamp turn swift their various motions , or are turnd by his magnetic beam , that gently warms the univers , and to each inward part with gentle penetration , though unseen , shoots invisible vertue even to the deep : so wondrously was set his station bright . there lands the fiend , a spot like which perhaps aftronomer in the sun 's lucent orbe through his glaz'd optic tube yet never saw . the place he found beyond expression bright , compar'd with aught on earth , medal or stone ; not all parts like , but all alike informd which radiant light , as glowing iron with fire ; if mettal , part seemd gold , part silver cleer ; if stone , carbuncle most or chrysolite , rubie or topaz , to the twelve that shon in aarons brest-plate , and a stone besides imagind rather oft then elsewhere seen , that stone , or like to that which here below philosophers in vain so long have sought , in vain , though by thir powerful art they binde volatil hermes , and call up unbound in various shapes old proteus from the sea , draind through a limbec to his native forme . what wonder then if fields and regions here breathe forth elixir pure , and rivers run potable gold , when with one vertuous touch th' arch-chimic sun so farr from us remote produces with terrestrial humor mixt here in the dark so many precious things of colour glorious and effect so rare ? here matter new to gaze the devil met undazl'd , farr and wide his eye commands , for sight no obstacle found here , nor shade , but all sun-shine , as when his beams at noon culminate from th' aequator , as they now shot upward still direct , whence no way round shadow from body opaque can fall , and the aire , no where so cleer , sharp'nd his visual ray to objects distant farr , whereby he soon saw within kenn a glorious angel stand , the same whom john saw also in the sun : his back was turnd , but not his brightness hid ; of beaming sunnie raies , a golden tiar circl'd his head , nor less his locks behind illustrious on his shoulders fledge with wings lay waving round ; on som great charge imploy'd hee seemd , or fixt in cogitation deep . glad was the spirit impure ▪ as now in hope to find who might direct his wandring flight to paradise the happie seat of man , his journies end and our beginning woe . but first he casts to change his proper shape , which else might work him danger or delay : and now a stripling cherube he appeers , not of the prime , yet such as in his face youth smil'd celestial , and to every limb sutable grace diffus'd , so well he feignd ; under a coronet his flowing haire in curles on either cheek plaid , wings he wore of many a colourd plume sprinkl'd with gold , his habit fit for speed succinct , and held before his decent steps a silver wand . he drew not nigh unheard , the angel bright , ere he drew nigh , his radiant visage turnd , admonisht by his eare , and strait was known th' arch angel uriel , one of the seav'n who in gods presence , neerest to his throne stand ready at command , and are his eyes that run through all the heav'ns , or down to th' earth bear his swift errands over moist and dry , o're sea and land : him satan thus accostes . uriel , for thou of those seav'n spirits that stand in sight of gods high throne , gloriously bright , the first art wont his great authentic will interpreter through highest heav'n to bring , where all his sons thy embassie attend ; and here art likeliest by supream decree like honour to obtain , and as his eye to visit oft this new creation round ; unspeakable desire to see , and know all these his wondrous works , but chiefly man , his chief delight and favour , him for whom all these his works so wondrous he ordaind , hath brought me from the quires of cherubim alone thus wandring . brightest seraph tell in which of all these shining orbes hath man his fixed seat , or fixed seat hath none , but all these shining orbes his choice to dwell ; that i may find him , and with secret gaze , or open admiration him behold on whom the great creator hath bestowd worlds , and on whom hath all these graces powrd ; that both in him and all things , as is meet , the universal maker we may praise ; who justly hath drivn out his rebell foes ●…o ●…eepest hell , and to repair that loss created this new happie race of men to serve him better : wise are all his wayes . so spake the false dissembler unperceivd ; for neither man nor angel can discern hypocrisie , the only evil that walks invisible , except to god alone , by his permissive will , through heav'n and earth : and oft though wisdom wake , suspicion sleeps at wisdoms gate , and to simplicitie resigns her charge , while goodness thinks no ill where no ill seems : which now for once beguil'd uriel , though regent of the sun , and held the sharpest sighted spirit of all in heav'n ; who to the fraudulent impostor foule in his uprightness answer thus returnd . faire angel , thy desire which tends to know the works of god , thereby to glorifie the great work-maister , leads to no excess that reaches blame , but rather merits praise the more it seems excess , that led thee hither from thy empyreal mansion thus alone , to witness with thine eyes what some perhaps contented with report heare onely in heav'n : for wonderful indeed are all his works , pleasant to know , and worthiest to be all had in remembrance alwayes with delight ; but what created mind can comprehend thir number , or the wisdom infinite that brought them forth , but hid thir causes deep . i saw when at his word the formless mass , this worlds material mould , came to a heap : confusion heard his voice , and wilde uproar stood rul'd , stood vast infinitude confin'd ; till at his second bidding darkness fled , light shon , and order from disorder sprung : swift to thir several quarters hasted then the cumbrous elements , earth , flood , aire , fire , and this ethereal quintessence of heav'n flew upward , spirited with various forms , that rowld 〈◊〉 , and turnd to starrs numberless , as thou seest , and how they move ; each had his place appointed , each his course , the rest in circuit walles this universe . look downward on that globe whose hither side with light from hence , though but reflected , shines ; that place is earth the seat of man , that light his day , which else as th' other hemisphere night would invade , but there the neighbouring moon ( so call that opposite fair starr ) her aide timely interposes , and her monthly round still ending , still renewing , through mid heav'n ; with borrowd light her countenance triform hence fills and empties to enlighten th' earth , and in her pale dominion checks the night . that spot to which i point is paradise , adams abode , those loftie shades his bowre . thy way thou canst not miss , me mine requires . thus said , he turnd , and satan bowing low , as to superior spirits is wont in heaven , where honour due and reverence none neglects , took leave , and toward the coast of earth beneath , down from th' ecliptic , sped with hop'd success , throws his steep flight with many an aerie wheele , nor staid , till on niphates top he lights . the end of the third book . paradise lost . book iv. o for that warning voice , which he who saw th' apocalyps , heard cry in heaven aloud , then when the dragon , put to second rout , came furious down to be reveng'd on men , wo to the inhabitants on earth ! that now , while time was , our first parents had bin warnd the coming of thir secret foe , and scap'd haply so scap'd his mortal snare ; for now satan , now first inflam'd with rage , came down , the tempter ere th' accuser of man-kind , to wreck on innocent frail man his loss of that first battel , and his flight to hell : yet not rejoycing in his speed , though bold , far off and fearless , nor with cause to boast , begins his dire attempt , which nigh the birth now rowling , boiles in his tumultuous brest , and like a devillish engine back recoiles upon himself ; horror and doubt distract his troubl'd thoughts , and from the bottom stirr the hell within him , for within him hell he brings , and round about him , nor from hell one step no more then from himself can fly by change of place : now conscience wakes despair that slumberd , wakes the bitter memorie of what he was , what is , and what must be worse ; of worse deeds worse sufferings must ensue . sometimes towards eden which now in his view lay pleasant , his grievd look he fixes sad , sometimes towards heav'n and the full blazing sun , which now sat high in his meridian towre : then much revolving , thus in sighs began . o thou that with surpassing glory crownd , look'st from thy sole dominion like the god of this new world ; at whose sight all the starrs hide thir diminisht heads ; to thee i call , but with no friendly voice , and add thy name o sun , to tell thee how i hate thy beams that bring to my remembrance from what state i fell , how glorious once above thy spheare ; till pride and worse ambition threw me down warring in heav'n against heav'ns matchless king : ah wherefore ! he deservd no such return from me , whom he created what i was in that bright eminence , and with his good upbraided none ; nor was his service hard . what could be less then to afford him praise , the easiest recompence , and pay him thanks , how due ! yet all his good prov'd ill in me , and wrought but malice ; lifted up so high i sdeind subjection , and thought one step higher would set me highest , and in a moment quit the debt immense of endless gratitude , so burthensome , still paying , still to ow ; forgetful what from him i still receivd , and understood not that a grateful mind by owing owes not , but still pays , at once indebted and dischargd ; what burden then ? o had his powerful destiny ordaind me some inferiour angel , i had stood then happie ; no unbounded hope had rais'd ambition . yet why not ? som other power as great might have aspir'd , and me though mean drawn to his part ; but other powers as great fell not , but stand unshak'n , from within or from without , to all temptations arm'd . hadst thou the same free will and power to stand ? thou hadst : whom hast thou then or what to accuse , but heav'ns free love dealt equally to all ? be then his love accurst , since love or hate , to me alike , it deals eternal woe . nay curs'd be thou ; since against his thy will chose freely what it now so justly rues . me miserable ! which way shall i flie infinite wrauth , and infinite despaire ? which way i flie is hell ; my self am hell ; and in the lowest deep a lower deep still threatning to devour me opens wide , to which the hell i suffer seems a heav'n . o then at last relent : is there no place left for repentance , none for pardon left ? none left but by submission ; and that word disdain forbids me , and my dread of shame among the spirits beneath , whom i seduc'd with other promises and other vaunts then to submit , boasting i could subdue th' omnipotent . ay me , they little know how dearly i abide that boast so vaine , under what torments inwardly i groane : while they adore me on the throne of hell , with diadem and scepter high advanc't the lower still i fall , onely supream in miserie ; such joy ambition findes . but say i could repent and could obtaine by act of grace my former state ; how soon would highth recal high thoughts , how soon unsay what feign'd submission swore : ease would recant vows made in pain , as violent and void . for never can true reconcilement grow where wounds of deadly hate have peirc'd so deep : which would but lead me to a worse relapse , and heavier fall : so should i purchase deare short intermission bought with double smart . this knows my punisher ; therefore as farr from granting hee , as i from begging peace : all hope excluded thus , behold in stead of us out-cast , exil'd , his new delight , mankind created , and for him this world. so farwel hope , and with hope farwel fear , farwel remorse : all good to me is lost ; evil be thou my good ; by thee at least divided empire with heav'ns king i hold by thee , and more then half perhaps will reigne ; as man ere long , and this new world shall know . thus while he spake , each passion dimm'd his face thrice chang'd with pale , ire , envie and despair , which marrd his borrow'd visage , and betraid him counterfet , if any eye beheld . for heav'nly mindes from such distempers foule are ever cleer . whereof hee soon aware , each perturbation smooth'd with outward calme , artificer of fraud ; and was the first that practisd falshood under saintly shew , deep malice to conceale , couch't with revenge : yet not anough had practisd to deceive uriel once warnd ; whose eye pursu'd him down the way he went , and on th' assyrian mount saw him disfigur'd , more then could befall spirit of happie sort : his gestures fierce he markd and mad demeanour , then alone , as he suppos'd , all unobserv'd , unseen . so on he fares , and to the border comes of eden , where delicious paradise , now nearer , crowns with her enclosure green , as with a rural mound the champain head of a steep wilderness , whose hairie sides with thicket overgrown , grottesque and wilde , access deni'd ; and over head up grew insuperable highth of loftiest shade , cedar , and pine , and firr , and branching palm , a silvan scene , and as the ranks ascend shade above shade , a woodie theatre ▪ of stateliest view . yet higher then thir tops the verdurous wall of paradise up sprung : which to our general sire gave prospect large into his neather empire neighbouring round . and higher then that wall a circling row of goodliest trees loaden with fairest fruit , blossoms and fruits at once of golden hue appeerd , with gay enameld colours mixt : on which the sun more glad impress'd his beams then in fair ▪ evening cloud , or humid bow , when god hath showrd the earth ; so lovely seemd that lantskip : and of pure now purer aire meets his approach , and to the heart inspires vernal delight and joy , able to drive all sadness but despair : now gentle gales fanning thir odoriferous wings dispense native perfumes , and whisper whence they stole those balmie spoiles . as when to them who saile beyond the cape of hope , and now are past mozambic , off at sea north-east windes blow sabean odours from the spicie shoare of arabie the blest , with such delay well pleas'd they slack thir course , and many a league cheard with the grateful smell old ocean fmiles . so entertaind those odorous sweets the fiend who came thir bane , though with them better pleas'd then 〈◊〉 with the fishie fume , that drove him , though enamourd , from the spouse o●… tobits son , and with a vengeance sent from media post to aegypt , there fast bound . now to th' ascent of that steep savage hill satan had journied on , pensive and slow ; but further way found none , so thick entwin'd , as one continu'd brake , the undergrowth of shrubs and tangling bushes had perplext all path of man or beast that past that way : one gate there onely was , and that look'd east onth ' other side : which when th' arch-fellon saw due entrance he disdaind , and in contempt , at one slight bound high overleap'd all bound of hill or highest wall , and sheer within lights on his feet . as when a prowling wolfe , whom hunger drives to seek new haunt for prey , watching where shepherds pen thir flocks at eeve in hurdl'd cotes amid the field secure , leaps o're the fence with ease into the fould : or as a thief bent to unhoord the cash of some rich burgher , whose substantial dores , cross-barrd and bolted fast , fear no assault , in at the window climbes , or o're the tiles ; so clomb this first grand thief into gods 〈◊〉 : so since into his church lewd hirelings climbe . thence up he flew , and on the tree of life , the middle tree and highest there that grew , sat like a cormorant ; yet not true life thereby regaind , but sat devising death to them who liv'd ; nor on the vertue thought of that life-giving plant , but only us'd for prospect , what well us'd had bin the pledge of immortalitie . so little knows any , but god alone , to value right the good before him , but perverts best things to worst abuse , or to thir meanest use . beneath him with new wonder now he views to all delight of human sense expos'd in narrow room natures whole wealth , yea more , a heaven on earth : for blissful paradise of god the garden was , by him in the east of eden planted ; eden stretchd her line from auran eastward to the royal towrs of great seleucia , built by grecian kings , or where the sons of eden long before dwelt in telassar : in this pleasant soile his farr more pleasant garden god ordaind ; out of the fertil ground he caus'd to grow all trees of noblest kind for sight , smell , taste ; and all amid them stood the tree of life , high eminent , blooming ambrosial fruit of vegetable gold ; and next to life our death the tree of knowledge grew fast by , knowledge of good bought dear by knowing ill . southward through eden went a river large , nor chang'd his course , but through the shaggie hill pass'd underneath ingulft , for god had thrown that mountain as his garden mould high rais'd upon the rapid current , which through veins of porous earth with kindly thirst up drawn , rose a fresh fountain , and with many a rill waterd the garden ; thence united fell down the steep glade , and met the neather flood , which from his darksom passage now appeers , and now divided into four main streams , runs divers , wandring many a famous realme and country whereof here needs no account , but rather to tell how , if art could tell , how from that saphire fount the crisped brooks , rowling on orient pearl and sands of gold , with mazie error under pendant shades ran nectar , visiting each plant , and fed flours worthy of paradise which not nice art in beds and curious knots , but nature boon powrd forth profuse on hill and dale and plaine , both where the morning sun first warmly smote the open field , and where the unpierc't shade imbround the noontide bowrs : thus was this place , balme , a happy rural seat of various view ; groves whose rich trees wept odorous gumms and others whose fruit burnisht with golden rinde hung amiable , hesperian fables true , if true , here onely , and of delicious taste : bet wixt them lawns , or level downs , and flocks grasing the tender herb , were interpos'd , or palmie hilloc , or the flourie lap of som irriguous valley spread her store , flours of all hue , and without thorn the rose : another side , umbrageous g●…ots and caves of coole recess , o're which the mantling vine layes forth her purple grape , and gently creeps luxuriant ; mean while murmuring waters fall down the slope hills , disperst , or in a lake , that to the fringed bank with myrtle crownd , her chrystall mirror holds , unite thir streams . the birds thir quire apply ; aires , vernal aires , breathing the smell of field and grove , attune the trembling leaves , while universal pan knit with the graces and the hours in dance led on th' eternal spring . not that faire field of enna , where proserpin gathring flours her self a fairer floure by gloomie dis was gatherd , which cost ceres all that pain to seek her through the world ; nor that sweet grove of daphne by orontes , and th' inspir'd castalian spring might with this paradise of eden strive ; nor that nyseian i le girt with the river triton , where old cham , whom gentiles ammon call and libyan jove , hid amalthea and her florid son young bacchus from his stepdame rhea's eye ; nor where abassin kings thir issue guard , mount amara , though this by som suppos'd true paradise under the ethiop line by nilus head , enclos'd with shining rock , a whole dayes journey high , but wide remote from this assyrian garden , where the fiend saw undelighted all delight , all kind of living creatures new to sight and strange : two of far nobler shape erect and tall , godlike erect , with native honour clad in naked majestie seemd lords of all , and worthie seemd , for in thir looks divine the image of thir glorious maker shon , truth , wisdome , sanctitude severe and pure , severe , but in true filial freedom plac't ; whence true autoritie in men ; though both not equal , as thir sex not equal seemd ; for contemplation hee and valour formd , for softness shee and sweet attractive grace , hee for god only , shee for god in him : his fair large front and eye sublime declar'd absolute rule ; and hyacinthin locks round from his parted forelock manly hung clustring , but not beneath his shoulders broad : shee as a vail down to the slender waste her unadorned golden tresses wore dissheveld , but in wanton ringlets wav'd as the vine curles her tendrils , which impli'd subjection , but requir'd with gentle sway , and by her yeilded , by him best receivd , yeilded with coy submission , modest pride , and sweet reluctant amorous delay . nor those mysterious parts were then conceald , then was not guiltie shame , dishonest shame of natures works , honor dishonorable , sin-bred , how have ye troubl'd all mankind with shews instead , meer shews of seeming pure , and banisht from mans life his happiest life , simplicitie and spotless innocence . so passd they naked on , nor shund the sight of god or angel , for they thought no ill : so hand in hand they passd , the lovliest p●…ir that ever since in loves imbraces met , adam the goodliest man of men since borne his sons , the fairest of her daughters eve. under a tuft of shade that on a green stood whispering soft , by a fresh fountain side they sat them down , and after no more toil of thir sweet gardning labour then suffic'd to recommend coole zephyr , and made ease more easie , wholsom thirst and appetite more grateful , to thir supper fruits they fell , nectarine fruits which the compliant boughes yeilded them , side-long as they sat recline on the soft downie bank damaskt with flours : the savourie pulp they chew , and in the rinde still as they thirsted scoop the brimming stream ; nor gentle purpose , nor endearing smiles wanted , nor youthful dalliance as beseems fair couple , linkt in happie nuptial league , alone as they . about them frisking playd all beasts of th' earth , since wilde , and of all chase in wood or wilderness , forrest or den ; sporting the lion rampd , and in his paw dandl'd the kid ; bears , tygers , ounces , pards gambold before them , th' unwieldy elephant to make them mirth us'd all his might , & wreathd his lithe proboscis ; close the serpent sly insinuating , wove with gordian twine his breaded train , and of his fatal guile gave proof unheeded ; others on the grass coucht , and now fild with pasture gazing sat , or bedward ruminating : for the sun declin'd was hasting now with prone carreer to th' ocean iles , and in th' ascending scale of heav'n the starrs that usher evening rose : when satan still in gaze , as first he stood , scarce thus at length faild speech recoverd sad . o hell ! what doe mine eyes with grief behold , into our room of bliss thus high advanc't creatures of other mould , earth-born perhaps , not spirits , yet to heav'nly spirits bright little inferior ; whom my thoughts pursue with wonder , and could love , so lively shines in them divine resemblance , and such grace the hand that formd them on thir shape hath pourd . ah gentle pair , yee little think how nigh your change approaches , when all these delights will vanish and deliver ye to woe , more woe , the more your taste is now of joy ; happie , but for so happie ill secur'd long to continue , and this high seat your heav'n ill fenc't for heav'n to keep out such a foe as now is enterd ; yet no purpos'd foe to you whom i could pittie thus forlorne though i unpittied : league with you i seek , and mutual amitie so streight , so close , that i with you must dwell , or you with me henceforth ; my dwelling haply may not please like this fair paradise , your sense , yet such accept your makers work ; he gave it me , which i as freely give ; hell shall unfould , to entertain you two , her widest gates , and send forth all her kings ; there will be room , not like these narrow limits , to receive your numerous ofspring ; if no better place , thank him who puts me loath to this revenge on you who wrong me not for him who wrongd . and should i at your harmless innocence melt , as i doe , yet public reason just , honour and empire with revenge enlarg'd , by conquering this new world , compels me now to do what else though damnd i should abhorre . so spake the fiend , and with necessitie , the tyrants plea , excus'd his devilish deeds . then from his loftie stand on that high tree down he alights among the sportful herd of those fourfooted kindes , himself now one , now other , as thir shape servd best his end neerer to view his prey , and unespi'd to mark what of thir state he more might learn by word or action markt : about them round a lion now he stalkes with ●…ierie glare , then as a tiger , who by chance hath spi'd in some purlieu two gentle fawnes at play , strait couches close , then rising changes oft his couchant watch , as one who chose his ground whence rushing he might 〈◊〉 seise them both grip't in each paw ▪ when adam first of men to first of women eve thus moving speech , turnd him all eare to heare new utterance flow . sole partner and sole part of all these joyes , dearer thy self then all ; needs must the power that made us , and for us this ample world be infinitly good , and of his good as liberal and free as infinite , that rais'd us from the dust and plac't us here in all this happiness , who at his hand have nothing merited , nor can performe aught whereof hee hath need , hee who requires from us no other service then to keep this one , this easie charge , of all the trees in paradise that beare delicious fruit so various , not to taste that onely tree of knowledge , planted by the tree of life , so neer grows death to life , what ere death is , som dreadful thing no doubt ; for well thou ▪ knowst god hath pronounc't it death to taste that tree , the only ●…ign of our obedience left among so many signes of power and rule conferrd upon us , and dominion giv'n over all other creatures that possesse earth , aire , and sea. then let us not think hard one easie prohibition , who enjoy free leave so large to all things else , and choice unlimited of manifold delights : but let us ever praise him , and extoll his bountie , following our delightful task to prune these growing plants , & tend these flours , which were it toilsom , yet with thee were sweet . to whom thus eve repli'd . o thou for whom and from whom i was formd flesh of thy flesh , and without whom am to no end , my guide and head , what thou hast said is just and right . for wee to him indeed all praises owe , and daily thanks , i chiefly who enjoy so farr the happier lot , enjoying thee preeminent by so much odds , while thou like consort to thy self canst no where find . that day i oft remember , when from sleep i first awak't , and found my self repos'd under a shade on flours , much wondring where and what i was , whence thither brought , and how . not distant far from thence a murmuring sound of waters issu'd from a cave and spread into a liquid plain , then stood unmov'd pure as th' expanse of heav'n ; i thither went with unexperienc't thought , and laid me downe on the green bank , to look into the cleer smooth lake , that to me seemd another skie . as i bent down to look , just opposite , a shape within the watry gleam appeerd bending to look on me , i started back , it started back , but pleasd i soon returnd , pleas'd it returnd as soon with answering looks of sympathie and love , there i had fixt mine eyes till now , and pin'd with vain desire , had not a voice thus warnd me , what thou seest , what there thou seest fair creature is thy self , with thee it came and goes : but follow me , and i will bring thee where no shadow staies thy coming ; and thy soft imbraces , hee whose image thou art , him thou shall enjoy inseparablie thine , to him shalt beare multitudes like thy self , and thence be call'd mother of human race : what could i doe , but follow strait , invisibly thus led ? till i espi'd thee , fair indeed and tall , under a platan , yet methought less faire , less winning soft , less amiablie milde , then that smooth watry image ; back i turnd , thou following cryd'st aloud , return fair eve , whom ●…li'st thou ? whom ▪ thou fli'st , of him thou art , his flesh , his bone ; to give thee being i lent out of my side to thee , neerest my heart substantial life , to have thee by my side henceforth ▪ an individual solace dear ; part of my soul i seek thee , and thee claim my other half : with that thy gentle hand seisd mine , i yeilded , and from that time see how beauty is excelld by manly grace and wisdom , which alone is truly fair . so spake our general mother , and with eyes of conjugal attraction unreprov'd , and meek surrender , half imbracing leand on our first father , half her swelling breast naked met his under the flowing gold of her loose tresses hid : he in delight both of her beauty and submissive charms smil'd with superior love , as jupiter on juno smiles , when he impregns the clouds that shed may flowers ; and press'd her matron lip with kisses pure : aside the devil turnd for envie , yet with jealous leer maligne ey'd them askance , and to himself thus plaind . sight hateful , sight tormenting ! thus these two imparadis't in one anothers arms the happier eden , shall enjoy thir fill of bliss on bliss , while i to hell am thrust , where neither joy nor love , but 〈◊〉 desire , among our other torments not the least , still unfulfill'd with pain of longing pines ; yet let me not forget what i have gain'd from thir own mouths ; all is not theirs it seems : one fatal tree there stands of knowledge call'd , forbidden them to taste : knowledge forbidd'n ? suspicious , reasonless . why should thir lord envie them that ? can it be sin to know , can it be death ? and do they onely stand by ignorance , is that thir happie state , the proof of thir obedience and thir faith ? o fair foundation laid whereon to build thir ruine ! hence i will excite thir minds with more desire to know , and to reject envious commands , invented with designe to keep them low whom knowledge might exalt equal with gods ; aspiring to be such , they taste and die : what likelier can ensue ? but first with narrow search i must walk round this garden , and no corner leave unspi'd ; a chance but chance may lead where i may meet some wandring spirit of heav'n , by fountain 〈◊〉 , or in thick shade retir'd , from him to draw what further would be learnt . live while ye may , yet happie pair ; enjoy , till i return , short pleasures , for long woes are to succeed . so saying , his proud step he scornful turn'd , but with sly circumspection , and began through wood , through waste , o're hil , o're dale his roam . mean while in utmost longitude , where heav'n with earth and ocean meets , the setting sun slowly descended , and with right aspect against the eastern gate of paradise leveld his eevning rayes : it was a rock of alablaster , pil'd up to the clouds , conspicuous farr , winding with one ascent accessible from earth , one entrance high ; the rest was craggie cliff , that overhung still as it rose , impossible to climbe . betwixt these rockie pillars gabriel 〈◊〉 chief of th' angelic guards , awaiting night ; about him exercis'd heroic games th' unarmed youth of heav'n , but nigh at hand celestial armourie , shields , helmes , and speares hung high with diamond flaming , and with gold. thither came uriel , gliding through the eeven on a sun beam , swift as a shooting starr in autumn thwarts the night , when vapors fir'd impress the air , and shews the mariner from what point of his compass to beware impetuous winds : he thus began in haste . gabriel , to thee thy cours by lot hath giv'n charge and strict watch that to this happie place no evil thing approach or enter in ; this day at highth of noon came to my spheare a spirit , zealous , as he seem'd , to know more of th' almighties works , and chiefly man gods latest image : i describ'd his way bent all on speed , and markt his aerie gate ; but in the mount that lies from eden north , where he first lighted , soon discernd his looks alien from heav'n , with passions foul obscur'd : mine eye pursu'd him still , but under shade lost sight of him ; one of the banisht crew i fear , hath ventur'd from the deep , to raise new troubles ; him thy care must be to find . to whom the winged warriour thus returnd : uriel , no wonder if thy perfet sight , amid the suns bright circle where thou sitst , see farr and wide : in at this gate none pass the vigilance here plac't , but such as come well known from heav'n ; and since meridian hour no creature thence : if spirit of other sort , so minded , have oreleapt these earthie bounds on purpose , hard thou knowst it to exclude spiritual substance with corporeal barr . but if within the circuit of these walks in whatsoever shape he lurk , of whom thou telst , by morrow dawning i shall know . so promis'd hee , and uriel to his charge returnd on that bright beam , whose point now raisd bore him slope downward to the sun now fall'n beneath th' azores ; whither the prime orb , incredible how swift , had thither rowl'd diurnal , or this less volubil earth by shorter flight to th' east , had left him there arraying with reflected purple and gold the clouds that on his western throne attend : now came still eevning on , and twilight gray had in her sober liverie all things clad ; silence accompanied , for beast and bird , they to thir grassie couch , these to thir nests were slunk , all but the wakeful nightingale ; she all night long her amorous descant sung ; silence was pleas'd : now glow'd the firmament with living saphirs : hesperus that led the starrie host , rode brightest , till the moon rising in clouded majestie , at length apparent queen unvaild her peerless light , and o're the dark her silver mantle threw . when adam thus to eve : fair consort , th' hour of night , and all things now retir'd to rest mind us of like repose , since god hath set labour and rest , as day and night to men successive , and the timely dew of sleep now falling with soft slumbrous weight inclines our eye-lids ; other creatures all day long rove idle unimploid , and less need rest ; man hath his daily work of body or mind appointed , which declares his dignitie , and the regard of heav'n on all his waies ; while other animals unactive range , and of thir doings god takes no account . to morrow ere fresh morning streak the east with first approach of light , we must be ris'n , and at our pleasant labour , to reform yon flourie arbors , yonder allies green , our walks at noon , with branches overgrown , that mock our scant manuring , and require more hands then ours to lop thir wanton growth : those blossoms also , and those dropping gumms , that lie bestrowne unsightly and unsmooth , ask riddance , if we mean to tread with ease ; mean while , as nature wills , night bids us rest . to whom thus eve with perfet beauty adornd . my author and disposer , what thou bidst unargu'd i obey ; so god ordains , god is thy law , thou mine : to know no more is womans happiest knowledge and her praise . with thee conversing i forget all time , all seasons and thir change , all please alike . sweet is the breath of morn , her rising sweet , with charm of earliest birds ; pleasant the sun when first on this delightful land he spreads his orient beams , on herb , tree , fruit , and flour , glistring with dew ; fragrant the fertil earth after soft showers ; and sweet the coming on of grateful eevning milde , then silent night with this her solemn bird and this fair moon , and these the gemms of heav'n , her starrie train : but neither breath of morn when she ascends with charm of earliest birds , nor rising sun on this delightful land , nor herb , fruit , floure , glistring with dew , nor fragrance after showers , nor grateful evening mild , nor silent night with this her solemn bird , nor walk by moon , or glittering starr-light without thee is sweet . but wherfore all night long shine these , for whom this glorious sight , when sleep hath shut all eyes ? to whom our general ancestor repli'd . daughter of god and man , accomplisht eve , those have thir course to finish , round the earth , by morrow eevning , and from land to land in order , though to nations yet unborn , ministring light prepar'd , they set and rise ; least total darkness should by night regaine her old possession , and extinguish life in nature and all things , which these soft fires not only enlighten , but with kindly heate of various influence foment and warme , temper or nourish , or in part shed down thir stellar vertue on all kinds that grow on earth , made hereby apter to receive perfection from the suns more potent ray. these then , though unbeheld in deep of night , shine not in vain , nor think , though men were none , that heav'n would want spectators , god want praise ; millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth unseen , both when we wake , and when we sleep : all these with ceasless praise his works behold both day and night : how often from the steep of echoing hill or thicket have we heard celestial voices to the midnight air , sole , or responsive each to others note singing thir great creator : oft in bands while they keep watch , or nightly rounding walk with heav'nly touch of instrumental sounds in full harmonic number joind , thir songs divide the night , and lift our thoughts to heaven . thus talking hand in hand alone they pass'd on to thir blissful bower ; it was a place chos'n by the sovran planter , when he fram'd all things to mans delightful use ; the roofe of thickest covert was inwoven shade laurel and mirtle , and what higher grew of firm and fragrant leaf ; on either side acanthus , and each odorous bushie shrub fenc'd up the verdant wall ; each beauteous flour , wrought iris all hues , roses , and gessamin rear'd high thir flourisht heads between , and mosaic ; underfoot the violet , crocus , and hyacinth with rich inlay broiderd the ground , more colour'd then with stone of costliest emblem : other creature here beast , bird , insect , or worm durst enter none ; such was thir awe of man. in shadier bower more sacred and sequesterd , though but feignd , pan or silvanus never slept , nor nymph , nor faunus haunted . here in close recess with flowers , garlands , and sweet-smelling herbs espoused eve deckt first her nuptial bed , and heav'nly quires the hymenaean sung , what day the genial angel to our sire brought her in naked beauty more adorn'd , more lovely then pandora , whom the gods endowd with all thir gifts , and o too like in sad event , when to the unwiser son of japhet brought by hermes , she ensnar'd mankind with her faire looks , to be aveng'd on him who had stole joves authentic fire . thus at thir shadie lodge arriv'd , b●…th stood , both turnd , and under op'n skie ado●…'d the god that made both skie , air , earth & heav'n which they beheld , the moons resplendent globe and starrie pole : thou also mad'st the night , maker omnipotent , and thou the day , which we in our appointed work imployd have finis●…t happie in our mutual help and mutual love , the crown of all our bliss ordain'd by thee , and this delicious place for us too large , where thy abundance wants partakers , and uncropt falls to the ground . but thou hast promis'd from us two a race to fill the earth , who shall with us extoll thy goodness infinite , both when we wake , and when we seek , as now , thy gift of sleep . this said unanimous , and other rites observing none , but adoration pure which god likes best , into thir inmost bower handed they went ; and eas'd the putting off these troublesom disguises which wee wear , strait side by side were ●…aid , nor turnd i weene adam from his fair spouse , nor eve the rites mysterious of connubial love refus'd : whatever hypocrites austerely talk of puritie and place and innocence , defaming as impure what god declares pure , and commands to som , leaves free to all . our maker bids increase , who bids ab●…ain but our destroyer , foe to god and man ? haile wedded love , mysterious law , true sourse of human ofspring , sole proprietie , in paradise of all things common else . by thee adulterous lust was driv'n from men among the bestial herds to raunge , by thee founded in reason , loyal , just , and pure , relations dear , and all the charities of father , son , and brother first were known . farr be it , that i should write thee sin or blame , or think thee unbe●…tting holiest place , perpetual fountain of domestic sweets , whose bed is undefil'd and chast pronounc't , present , or past , as saints and patriarchs us'd . here love his golden shafts imploies , here lights his constant lamp , and waves his purple wings , reigns here and revels ; not in the bought smile of harlots , loveless , joyless , unindeard , casual fruition , nor in court amours mixt dance , or wanton mask , or midnight bal , or serenate , which the starv'd lover sings to his proud fair , best quitted with disdain . these lulld by nightingales imbraceing slept , and on thir naked limbs the flourie roof showrd roses , which the morn repair'd . sleep on , blest pair ; and o yet happiest if ye seek no happier state , and know to know no more . now had night measur'd with her shaddowiecone half way up hill this vast sublunar vault , and from thir ivorie port the cherubim forth issuing at th'accustomd hour stood armd to thir night watches in warlike parade , when gabriel to his next in power thus spake . uzziel , half these draw off , and coast the south with strictest watch ; these other wheel the north , our circuit meets full west . as flame they part half wheeling to the shield , half to the spear . from these , two strong and suttle spirits he calld that neer him stood , and gave them thus in charge . ithuriel and zephon , with wingd speed search through this garden , leav unsearcht no nook , but chiefly where those two fair creatures lodge , now laid perhaps asleep secure of har●…e . this eevning from the sun 's decline arriv'd who tells of som infernal spirit seen hitherward bent ( who could have thought ? ) escap'd the barrs of hell , on errand bad no doubt : such where ye find , seise fast , and hither bring . so saying , on he led his radiant files , daz'ling the moon ; these to the bower direct in search of whom they sought : him there they found squat like a toad , close at the eare of eve ; assaying by his devilish art to reach the organs of her fancie , and with them forge illusions as he list , phantasms and dreams , or if , inspiring venom , he might taint th' animal spirits that from pure blood arise like gentle breaths from rivers pure , thence raise at least distemperd , discontented thoughts , vain hopes , vain aimes , inordinate desires blown up with high conceits ingendring pride . him thus intent ithuriel with his spear touch'd lightly ; for no falshood can endure touch of celestial temper ; but returns of sorce to its own likeness : up he starts discoverd and surpriz'd . as when a spark lights on a heap of nitrous powder , laid fit for the tun som magazin to store against a rumord warr , the smuttie graine with sudden blaze diffus'd , inflames the aire : so started up in his own shape the fiend . back stept those two fair angels h●…lf amaz'd so sudden to behold the grieslie king ; yet thus , unmovd with fear , accost him soon . which of those rebell spirits adjudg'd to hell com'st thou , escap'd thy prison , and transform'd , why satst thou like an enemie in waite here watching at the head of these that sleep ? know ye not then said satan , filld with scorn , know ye not me ? ye knew me once no mate for you , there sitting where ye durst not soare ; not to know mee argue ; your selves unknown , the lowest of your throng ; or if ye know , why ask ye , and superfluous begin your message , like to end as much in vain ? to whom thus zephon , answering scorn with scorn . think not , revolted spirit , thy sh●…pe the same , or undiminisht brightness , to be known as when thou stoodst in heav'n upright and pure ; that glorie then , when thou no more wast good , departed from thee , and thou resembl'st now thy sin and place of doom obscure and foule . but come , for thou , besure , shalt give account to him who sent us , whose charge is to keep this place inviolable , and these from harm . so spake the cherube , and his grave rebuke severe in youthful beautie , added grace invincible : abasht the devil stood , and felt how awful goodness is , and saw vertue in her shape how lovly , saw , and pin'd his loss ; but chiefly to find here observd his lustre visibly impar'd ; yet seemd undaunted . if i must contend , said he , best with the best , the sender not the sent , or all at once ; more glorie will be wonn , or less be lost . thy fear , said zephon bold , will save us trial what the least can doe single against thee wicked , and thence weak . the fiend repli'd not , overcome with rage ; but like a proud steed reind , went hautie on , chaumping his iron curb : to strive or flie he held it vain ; awe from above had quelld his heart , not else dismai'd . now drew they nigh the western point , where those half-rounding guards just met , & closing stood in squadron joind awaiting next command . to whom thir chief gabriel from the front thus calld aloud . o friends , i hear the tread of nimble fêet hasting this way , and now by glimps discerne ithuriel and zephon through the shade , and with them comes a third of regal port , but faded splendor wan ; who by his gate and fierce demeanour seems the prince of hell , not likely to part hence without c●…test ; stand firm , for in his look defiance lours . he scarce had ended , when those two approachd and brief related whom they brought , wher found , how busied , in what form and posture coucht . to whom with stern regard thus gabriel spake . why hast thou , satan , broke the bounds prescrib'd to thy transgressions , and disturbd the charge of others , who approve not to transgress by thy example , but have power and right to question thy bold entrance on this place ; imploi'd it seems to violate sleep , and those whose dwelling god hath planted here in bliss ? to whom thus satan with contemptuous brow . gabriel , thou hadst in heav'n th' esteem of wise , and such i held thee ; but this question askt puts me in doubt . lives ther who loves his pain ? who would not , finding way , break loose from hell , though thither doomd ? thou wouldst thy self , no doubt , and boldly venture to whatever place farthest from pain , where thou mig●…tsti hope to change torment with ease , & soonest recompence dole with delight , which in this place i sought ; to thee no reason ; who knowst only good , but evil hast not tri'd : and wilt object his will who bound us ? let him surer barr his iron gates , if he intends our stay in that dark durance : thus much what was askt . the rest is true , they found me where they say ; but that implies not violence or harme . thus hee in scorn . the warlike angel mov'd , disdainfully half smiling thus repli'd . o loss of one in heav'n to judge of wise , since satan fell , whom follie overthrew , and now returns him from his prison scap't , gravely in doubt whether to hold them wise or not , who ask what boldness brought him hither unlicenc't from his bounds in hell prescrib'd ; so wise he judges it to sly from pain however , and to sĉape his punishment . so judge thou still , presumptuous , till the wrauth , which thou incurr'st by flying , meet thy flight seavenfold , and scourge that wisdom back to hell , which taught thee yet no better , that no pain can equal anger infinite provok't . but wherefore thou alone ? wherefore with thee came not all hell broke loose ? is pain to them less pain , less to be fled , or thou then they less hardie to endure ? courageous chief , the first in flight from pain , had'st thou alleg'd to thy deserted host this cause of flight , thou surely hadst not come sole fugitive . to which the ●…iend thus answerd frowning stern . not that i less endure , or shrink from pain , insulting angel , well thou knowst i stood thy fiercest , when in battel to thy aide the blasting volied thunder made all speed and seconded thy else not dreaded spear . but still thy words at random , as before , argue thy inexperience what behooves from hard assaies and ill successes past a faithful leader , not to hazard all through wayes of danger by himself untri'd . i therefore , i alone first undertook to wing the desolate abyss , and spie this new created world , whereof in hell fame is not silent , here in hope to find better abode , and my afflicted powers to settle here on earth , or in mid aire ; though for possession put to try once more what thou and thy gay legions dare against ; whose easier business were to serve thir lord high up in heav'n , with songs to hymne his throne , and practis'd distances to cringe , not fight . to whom the warriour angel soon repli'd . to say and strait unsay , pretending first wise to flie pain , professing next the spie , argues no leader , but a lyar trac't , satan , and couldst thou faithful add ? o name , o sacred name of faithfulness profan'd ! faithful to whom ? to thy rebellious crew ? armie of fiends , fit body to fit head ; was this your discipline and faith ingag'd , your military obedience , to dissolve allegeance to th' acknowledg'd power supream ? and thou sly hypocrite , who now wouldst seem patron of liberty , who more then thou once fawn'd , and cring'd , and servilly ador'd heav'ns awful monarch ? wherefore but in hope to dispossess him , and thy self to reigne ? but mark what i arreede thee now , avant ; flie thither whence thou fledst : if from this houre within these hallowd limits thou appeer , back to th' infernal pit i drag thee chaind , and seale thee so , as henceforth not to scorne the facil gates of hell too slightly barrd . so threatn'd hee , but satan to no threats gave heed , but waxing more in rage repli'd . then when i am thy captive talk of chaines , proud limitarie cherube , but ere then farr heavier load thy self expect to feel from my prevailing arme , though heavens king ride on thy wings , and thou with thy compeers , us'd to the yoak , draw'st his triumphant wheels in progress through the rode of heav'n star-pav'd . while thus he spake , th' angelic squadron bright turnd fierie red , sharpning in mooned hornes thir phalanx , and began to hemm him round with ported spears , as thick as when a field of ceres ripe for harvest waving bends her bearded grove of ears , which way the wind swayes them ; the careful plowman doubting stands least on the threshing floore his hopeful sheaves prove chaff . on th' other side satan allarm'd coll●…cting all his might dilated stood , like teneriff or atlas unremov'd : his stature reacht the skie , and on his crest sat horror plum'd ; nor wanted in his graspe what seemd both spear and shield : now dreadful deeds might have ensu'd , nor onely paradise in this commotion , but the starrie cope of heav'n perhaps , or all the elements at least had gon to rack , disturbd and torne with violence of this conflict , had not soon th' eternal to prevent such horrid fray hung forth in heav'n his golden scales , yet seen betwixt astrea and the scorpion signe , wherein all things created first he weighd , the pendulous round earth with ballanc't aire in counterpoise , now ponders all events , battels and realms : in these he put two weights the sequel each of parting and of fight ; the latter quick up flew , and kickt the beam ; which gabriel spying , thus bespake the fiend . satan , i know thy strength , and thou knowst mine , neither our own but giv'n ; what follie then to boast what arms can doe , since thine no more then heav'n permits , nor mine , though doubld now to trample thee as mire : for proof look up , and read thy lot in yon celestial sign where thou art weigh'd , & shown how light , how weak , if thou resist . the fiend lookt up and knew his mounted scale aloft : nor more ; but fled murmuring , and with him fled the shades of night . the end of the fourth book . paradise lost . book v : now morn her rosie steps in th' eastern clime advancing , sow'd the earth with orient pearle , when adam wak't , so customd , for his sleep was aerie light , from pure digestion bred , and temperat vapors bland , which th' only sound of leaves and fuming rills , aurora's fan , lightly dispers'd , and the shrill matin song of birds on every bough ; so much the more his wonder was to find unwak'nd eve with tresses discompos'd , and glowing cheek , as through unquiet rest : he on his side leaning half-rais'd , with looks of cordial love hung over her enamour'd , and beheld beautie , which whether waking or asleep , shot forth peculiar graces ; then with voice milde , as when zephyrus on flora breathes , her hand soft touching , whisperd thus . awake my fairest , my espous'd , my latest found , heav'ns last best gift , my ever new delight , awake , the morning shines , and the fresh field calls us , we lose the prime , to mark how spring our tended plants , how blows the citron grove , what drops the myrrhe , & what the balmie reed , how nature paints her colours , how the bee sits on the bloom extracting liquid sweet . such whispering wak'd her , but with startl'd eye on adam , whom imbracing , thus she spake . o sole in whom my thoughts find all repose , my glorie , my perfection , glad i see thy face , and morn return'd , for i this night , such night till this i never pass'd , have dream'd , if dream'd , not as i oft am wont , of thee , works of day pass't , or morrows next designe , but of offence and trouble , which my mind knew never till this irksom night ; methought close at mine ear one call'd me forth to walk with gentle voice , i thought it thine ; it said , why sleepst thou eve ? now is the pleasant time , the cool , the silent , save where silence yields to the night-warbling bird , that now awake tunes sweetest his love-labor'd song ; now reignes full orb'd the moon , and with more pleasing light shadowie sets off the face of things ; in vain , if none regard ; heav'n wakes with all his eyes , whom to behold but thee , natures desire , in whose sight all things joy , with ravishment attracted by thy beauty still to gaze . i rose as at thy call , but found thee not ; to find thee i directed then my walk ; and on , methought , alone i pass'd through ways that brought me on a sudden to the tree of interdicted knowledge : fair it seem'd , much-fairer to my fancie then by day : and as i wondring lookt , beside it stood one shap'd & wing'd like one of those from heav'n by us oft seen ; his dewie locks distill'd ambrosia ; on that tree he also gaz'd ; and o fair plant , said he , with fruit surcharg'd , deigns none to ease thy load and taste thy sweet , nor god , nor man ; is knowledge so despis'd ? or envie , or what reserve forbids to taste ? forbid who will , none shall from me withhold longer thy offerd good , why else set here ? this said he paus'd not , but with ventrous arme he pluckt , he tasted ; mee damp horror chil'd at such bold words voucht with a deed so bold ▪ but he thus overjoy'd , o fruit divine , sweet of thy self ▪ but much more sweet thus cropt , forbidd'n here , it seems , as onely fit for gods , yet able to make gods of men : and why not gods of men , since good , the more communicated , more abundant growes , the author not impair'd , but honourd more ? here , happie creature , fair angelic eve , partake thou also ; happie though thou art , happier thou mayst be , worthier canst not be : taste this , and be henceforth among the gods thy self a goddess , not to earth confind , but somtimes in the air , as wee , somtimes ascend to heav'n , by merit thine , and see what life the gods livethere , and such live thou . so saying , he drew nigh , and to me held , even to my mouth of that same fruit held part which he had pluckt ; the pleasant savourie smell so quick'nd appetite , that i , methought , could not but taste . forthwith up to the clouds with him i flew , and underneath beheld the earth outstretcht immense , a prospect wide and various : wondring at my flight and change to this high exaltation ; suddenly my guide was gon , and i , me thought , sunk down , and fell asleep ; but o how glad i wak'd to find this but a dream ! thus eve her night related , and thus adam answerd sad . best image of my self and dearer half , the trouble of thy thoughts this night in sleep affects me equally ; nor can i like this uncouth dream , of evil sprung i fear ; yet evil whence ? in thee can harbour none , created pure . but know that in the soule are many lesser faculties that serve reason as chief ; among these fansie next her office holds ; of all external things , which the five watchful senses represent , she forms imaginations , aerie shapes , which reason joyning or disjoyning , frames all what we affirm or what deny , and call our knowledge or opinion ; then retires into her private cell when nature refts . oft in her absence mimic fansie wakes to imitate her ; but misjoyning shapes , wilde work produces oft , and most in dreams , ill matching words and deeds long past or late . som such resemblances methinks i find of our last eevnings talk , in this thy dream , but with addition strange ; yet be not sad . evil into the mind of god or man may come and go , so unapprov'd , and leave no spot or blame behind : which gives me hope that what in sleep thou didst abhorr to dream , waking thou never wilt consent to do : be not disheart'nd then , nor cloud those looks that wont to be more chearful and serene then when fair morning first smiles on the world , and let us to our fresh imployments rise among the groves , the fountains , and the flours that open now thir choicest bosom'd smells reservd from night , and kept for thee in store . so cheard he his fair spouse , and she was cheard , but silently a gentle tear let fall from either eye , and wip'd them with her haire ; two other precious drops that ready stood , each in thir chrystal sluce , he ere they fell kiss'd as the gracious signs of sweet remorse and pious awe , that feard to have offended . so all was cleard , and to the field they haste . but first from under shadie arborous roof , soon as they forth were come to open sight of day-spring , and the sun , who scarce up risen with wheels yet hov'ring o're the ocean brim , shot paralel to the earth his dewie ray , discovering in wide lantskip all the east of paradise and edens happie plains , lowly they bow'd adoring , and began thir orisons , each morning duly paid in various style , for neither various style nor holy rapture wanted they to praise thir maker , in fit strains pronounc't or sung unmeditated , such prompt eloquence flowd from thir lips , in prose or numerous verse , more 〈◊〉 then needed lute or harp to add more sweetness , and they thus began . these are thy glorious works parent of good , almightie , thine this universal frame , thus wondrous fair ; thy self how wondrous then ! unspeakable , who sitst above these heavens , to us invisible or dimly seen in these thy lowest works , yet these declare thy goodness beyond thought , and power divine : speak ye who best can tell , ye sons of light , angels , for ye behold him , and with songs and choral symphonies , day without night , circle his throne rejoycing , yee in heav'n , on earth joyn all yee creatures to extoll him first , him last , him midst , and without end . fairest of starrs , last in the train of night , if better thou belong not to the dawn , sure pledge of day , that crownst the smiling morn with thy bright circlet , praise him in thy spheare while day arises , that sweet hour of prime . thou sun , of this great world both eye and soule , acknowledge him thy greater , sound his praise in thy eternal course , both when thou climb'st , and when high noon hast gaind , & when thou fallst . moon , that now meetst the orient sun , now fli'st with the fixt starrs , fixt in thir orb that flies , and yee five other wandring fires that move in mystic dance not without song , resound his praise , who out of darkness call'd up light. aire , and ye elements the eldest birth of natures womb , that in quaternion run perpetual circle , multiform ; and mix and nourish all things , let your ceasless change varie to our great maker still new praise . ye mists and exhalations that now rise from hill or steaming lake , duskie or grey , till the sun paint your fleecie skirts with gold , in honour to the worlds great author rise , whether to deck with clouds the uncolourd skie , or wet the thirstie earth with falling showers , rising or falling still advance his praise . his praise ye winds , that from four quarters blow , breath soft or loud ; and wave your tops , ye pines , with every plant , in sign of worship wave . fountains and yee , that warble , as ye flow , melodious murmurs , warbling tune his praise . joyn voices all ye living souls , ye birds , that singing up to heaven 〈◊〉 ascend , bear on your wings and in your notes his praise ; yee that in waters glide , and yee that walk the earth , and stately tread , or lowly creep ; witness if i be silent , morn or eeven , to hill , or valley , fountain , or fresh shade made vocal by my song , and taught his praise . hail universal lord , be bounteous still to give us onely good ; and if the night have gathered aught of evil or conceald , disperse it , as now light dispels the dark . so pray'd they innocent , and to thir thoughts firm peace recoverd soon and wonted calm . on to thir mornings rural work they haste among sweet dewes and flours ; where any row of fruit-trees overwoodie reachd too farr thir pamperd boughes , and needed hands to check fruitless imbraces : or they led the vine to wed her elm ; she spous'd about him twines her mariageable arms , and with her brings her dowr th' adopted clusters , to adorn his barren leaves . them thus imploid beheld ▪ with pittie heav'ns high king , and to him call'd raphael , the sociable spirit , that deign'd to travel with tobias , and secur'd his marriage with the seaventimes ▪ wedded maid . raphael , said hee , thou hear'st what stir on earth satan from hell scap't through the darksom gulf hath raisd in paradise , and how disturbd this night the human pair , how he designes in them at once to ruin all mankind . go therefore , half this day as friend with friend converse with adam , in what bowre or shade thou find'st him from the heat of noon retir'd , to respit his day-labour with repast , or with repose ; and such discourse bring on , as may advise him of his happie state , happiness in his power left free to will , left to his own free will , his will though free , yet mutable ; whence warne him to beware he swerve not too secure : tell him withall his danger , and from whom , what enemie late falln himself from heaven , is plotting now the fall of others from like state of bliss ; by violence , no , for that shall be withstood , but by deceit and lies ; this let him know , least wilfully transgressing he pretend surprisal , unadmonisht , unforewarnd , so spake th' eternal father , and fulfilld all justice : nor delaid the winged saint after his charge receivd ; but from among thousand celestial ardors , where he stood vaild with-his gorgeous wings , up springing light flew through the midst of heav'n ; th'angeli●… quires on each hand parting , to his speed gave way through all th'empyreal road ; till at the gate of heav'n arriv'd , the gate self-opend wide on golden hinges turning , as by work divine the sov'ran architect had fram'd . from hence , no cloud or , to obstruct his sight , starr interpos'd , however small he sees , not unconform to other shining globes , earth and the gard'n of god , with cedars crownd above all hills . as when by night the glass of galileo , less assur'd , observes imagind lands and regions in the moon : or pilot from amidst the cyclades delos or samos first appeering kenns a cloudy spot . down thither prone in flight he speeds , and through the vast ethereal skie s●…iles between worlds & worlds , with steddie wing now on the polar windes , then with quick fann winnows the buxom air ; till within soare of towring eagles , to all the fowles he seems a phaenix , gaz'd by all , as that sole bird when to enshrine his reliques in the sun 's bright temple , to aegyptian theb's he flies . at once on th' eastern cliff of paradise he lights , and to his proper shape returns a seraph wingd ; six wings he wore , to shade his lineaments divine ; the pair that clad each shoulder broad , came mantling o're his brest with regal ornament ; the middle pair girt like a starrie zone his waste , and round skirted his loines and thighes with downie gold and colours dipt in heav'n ; the third his feet shaddowd from either heele with featherd maile skie-tinctur'd grain . like maia's son he stood , and shook his plumes , that heav'nly fragrance filld the circuit wide . strait knew him all the bands of angels under watch ; and to his state , and to his message high in honour rise ; for on som message high they guessd him bound . thir glittering tents he passd , and now is come into the blissful field , through groves of myrrhe , and flouring odours , cassia , nard , and balme ; a wilderness of sweets ; for nature here wantond as in her prime , and plaid at will her virgin fancies , pouring forth more sweet , wilde above rule or art ; enormous bliss . him through the spicie forrest onward com adam discernd , as in the dore he sat of his coole bowre , while now the mounted sun shot down direct his fervid raies , to warme earths inmost womb , more warmth then adam needs ; and eve within , due at her hour prepar'd for dinner savourie fruits , of taste to please true appetite , and not disrelish thirst of nectarous draughtsbetween , from milkie stream , berrie or grape : to whom thus adam call'd . haste hither eve , and worth thy sight behold eastward among those trees , what glorious shape comes this way moving ; seems another morn ris'n on mid-noon ; som great behest from heav'n to us perhaps he brings , and will voutsafe this day to be our guest . but goe with speed , and what thy stores contain , bring forth and poure abundance , fit to honour and receive our heav'nly stranger ; well we may afford our givers thir own gifts , and large bestow from large bestowd , where nature multiplies her fertil growth , and by disburd'ning grows more fruitful , which instructs us not to spare . to whom thus eve. adam , earths hallowd mould , of god inspir'd , small store will serve , where store , all seasons , ripe for use hangs on the stalk ; save what by frugal storing firmness gains to nourish , and superfluous moist consumes : but i will haste and from each bough and break , each plant & juciest gourd will pluck such choice to entertain our angel guest , as hee beholding shall confess that here on earth god hath dispenst his bounties as in he●…v'n . so saying , with dispatchful looks in haste she turns , on hospitable thoughts intent what choice to chuse for delicacie best , what order , so contriv'd as not to mix tastes , not well joynd , inelegant , but bring taste after taste upheld with kindliest change , bestirs her then , and from each tender stalk whatever earth all-bearing mother yeilds in india east or west , or middle shoare in pontus or the punic coast , or where alcinous reign'd , fruit of all kindes , in coate , rough , or smooth rin'd , or bearded husk , or shell she gathers , tribute large , and on the board heaps with unsparing hand ; for drink the grape she crushes , inoffensive moust , and meathes from many a berrie , and from sweet kernels prest she tempers dulcet creams , nor these to hold wants her fit vessels pure , then strews the ground with rose and odours from the shrub unfum'd . mean while our primitive great sire , to meet his god-like guest , walks forth , without more train accompani'd then with his own compleat perfections , in himself was all his state , more solemn then the tedious pomp that waits on princes , when thir rich retinue long of horses led , and grooms besmeard with gold dazles the croud , and sets them all agape . neerer his presence adam though not awd , yet with submiss approach and reverence meek , as to a superior nature , bowing low , thus said . native of heav'n , for other place none can then heav'n such glorious shape contain ; since by descending from the thrones above , those happie places thou hast deignd a while to want , a●…d 〈◊〉 these , voutsafe with us two onely , who yet by 〈◊〉 ran gift possess this spacious ground , in yonder shadie bowre to rest , and what the garden choicest bears to sit and taste , till this meridian heat be over , and the sun more coole decline . whom thus the angelic vertue answerd milde . adam , i therefore came , nor art thou such created , or such place hast here to dwell , as may not oft invite , though spirits of heav'n to visit thee ; lead on then where thy bowre oreshades ; for these mid-hours , till eevning rise i have at will. so to the silvan lodge they came , that like pomona's arbour smi●…d with flourets deck't and fragrant smells ; but eve undeckt , save with her self more lovely fair then wood-nymph , or the fairest goddess feign'd of three that in mount ida naked strove , stood to entertain her guest from heav'n ; no vaile shee needed , vertue-proof , no thought infirme alterd her cheek . on whom the angel haile bestowd , the holy salutation us'd long after to blest marie , second eve. haile mother of mankind , whose fruitful womb shall fill the world more numerous with thy sons then with these various fruits the trees of god have heap'd this table . rais'd of grassie terf i hir table was , and mossie seats had round , and on her ample square from side to side all autumn pil'd , though spring and autumn here danc'd hand in hand . a while discourse they hold ; no fear lest dinner coole ; when thus began our authour . heav'nly stranger , please to taste these bounties which our nourisher , from whom all perfet good unmeasur'd out , descends , to us for food and for delight hath caus'd the earth to yeild ; unsavourie food perhaps to spiritual natures ; only this i know , that one celestial father gives to all . to whom the angel. therefore what he gives ( whose praise be ever sung ) to man in part spiritual , may of purest spirits be found no ingrateful food : and food alike those pure intelligential substances require as doth your rational ; and both contain within them every lower facultie of sense , whereby they hear , see , smell , touch , taste , ●…asting concoct , digest , assimilate , and corporeal to incorporeal turn . for know , whatever was created , needs to be sustaind and fed ; of elements the grosser feeds the purer , earth the sea , earth and the sea feed air , the air those fires ethereal , and as lowest first the moon ; whence in her visage round those spots , unpurg'd vapours not yet into her substance turnd . nor doth the moon no nourishment exhale from her moist continent to higher orbes . the sun that light imparts to all , receives from all his alimental recompence in humid exhalations , and at even morn sups with the ocean : though in heav'n the trees of life ambrosial frutage bear , and vines yeild nectar , though from off the boughs each we brush mellifluous dewes , and find the ground cover'd with pearly grain : yet god hath here varied his bounty so with new delights , as may compare with heaven ; and to taste think not i shall be nice . so down they sat , and to thir viands fell , nor seemingly the angel , nor in mist , the common gloss of theologians , but with keen dispatch of real hunger , and concoctive heate to transubstantiate ; what redounds , transpires through spirits with ease ; nor wonder ; if by fire of sooty coal the empiric alchimist can turn , or holds it possible to turn metals of drossiest ore to perfet gold as from the mine . mean while at table eve ministerd naked , and thir flowing cups with pleasant liquors crown'd : o innocence deserving paradise ! if ever , then , then had the sons of god excuse to have bin enamour'd at that sight ; but in those hearts love unlibidinous reign'd , nor jealousie was understood , the injur'd lovers hell. thus when with meats & drinks they had suffic'd , not burd'nd nature , sudden mind arose in adam , not to let th' occasion pass given him by this great conference to know of things above his world , and of thir being who dwell in heav'n , whose excellence he saw transcend his own so farr , whose radiant forms ▪ divine effulgence , whose high power so far exceeded human , and his wary speech thus to th'empyreal minister he fram'd . inhabitant with god , now know i well thy favour , in this honour done to man , under whose lowly roof thou hast voutsaf't to enter , and these earthly fruits to taste , food not of angels , yet accepted so , as that more willingly thou couldst not seem at heav'ns high feasts to have fed : yet what compare ? to whom the winged hierarch repli'd . o adam , one almightie is , from whom all things proceed , and up to him return , if not deprav'd from good , created all such to perfection , one first matter all , indu'd with various forms , various degrees of substance , and in things that live , of life ; but more refin'd , more spiritous , and pure , as neerer to him plac't or neerer tending each in thir several active sphears assignd , till body up to spirit work , in bounds proportiond to each kind . so from the root springs lighter the green stalk , from thence the leaves more aerie , last the bright consummate floure spirits odorous breathes : flours and thir fruit mans nourishment , by gradual scale sublim'd to vital spirits aspire , to animal , to intellectual , give both life and sense , fansie and understanding , whence the soule reason receives , and reason is her being , discursive , or intuitive ; discourse is oftest yours , the latter most is ours , differing but in degree , of kind the same . wonder not then , what god for you saw good if i refuse not , but convert , as you , to proper substance ; time may come when men with angels may participate , and find no inconvenient diet , nor too light fare : and from these corporal nutriments perhaps your bodies may at last turn all to spirit , improv'd by tract of time , and wingd ascend ethereal , as wee , or may at choice here or in heav'nly paradises dwell ; if ye be found obedient , and retain unalterably firm his love entire whose progenie you are . mean while enjoy your fill what happiness this happie state can comprehend , incapable of more . to whom the patriarch of mankind repli'd . o favourable spirit , propitious guest , well hast thou taught the way that might direct our knowledge , and the scale of nature set from center to circumference , whereon in contemplation of created things by steps we may ascend to god. but say , what meant that caution joind , if ye be found obedient ? can wee want obedience then to him , or possibly his love desert who formd us from the dust , and plac'd us here full to the ●…tmost measure of what bliss human desires can seek or apprehend ? to whom the angel. son of heav'n and earth , attend : that thou art happie , owe to god ; that thou continu'st such , owe to thy self , that is , to thy obedience ; therein stand . this was that caution giv'n thee ; be advis'd . god made thee perfet , not immutable ; and good he made thee , but to persevere he left it in thy power , ordaind thy will by nature free , not over-rul'd by fate inextricable , or strict necessity ; our voluntarie service he requires , not our necessitated , such with him findes no acceptance , nor can find , for how can hearts , not free , be tri'd whether they serve willing or no , who will but what they must by destinie , and can no other choose ? my self and all th' angelic host that stand in sight of god enthron'd , our happie state hold , as you yours , while our obedience holds ; on other surety none ; freely we serve . because wee freely love , as in our will to love or not ; in this we stand or fall : and som are fall'n , to disobedience fall'n , and so from heav'n to deepest hell ; o fall from what high state of bliss into what woe ! to whom our great progenitor . thy words attentive , and with more delighted eare divine instructer , i have heard , the●… when cherubic songs by night from neighbouring hills aereal music send : nor knew i not to be both will and deed created free ; yet that we never shall forget to love our maker , and obey him whose command single , is yet so just , my constant thoughts assur'd me and still assure : though what thou tellst hath past in heav'n , som doubt within me move , but more desire to hear , if thou consent , the full relation , which must needs be strange , worthy of sacred silence to be heard ; and we have yet large day , for scarce the sun hath finisht half his journey , and scarce begins his other half in the great zone of heav'n . thus adam made request , and raphael after short pause assenting , thus began . high matter thou injoinst me , o prime of men , sad task and hard , for how shall i relate to human sense th' invisible exploits of warring spirits ; how without remorse the ruin of so many glorious once and perfet while they stood ; how last unfould the secrets of another world , perhaps not lawful to reveal ? yet for thy good this is dispenc't , and what surmounts the reach of human sense , i shall delineate so , by lik'ning spiritual to corporal forms , as may express them best , though what if earth be but the shaddow of heav'n , and things therein each to other like , more then on earth is thought ? as yet this world was not , and chaos wilde reignd where these heav'ns now rowl , where earth now rests upon her center pois'd , when on a day ( for time , though in eternitie , appli'd to motion , measures all things durable by present , past , and future ) on such day as heav'ns great year brings forth , th'empyreal host of angels by imperial summons call'd , innumerable before th' almighties throne forth with from all the ends of heav'n appeerd under thir hierarchs in orders bright ten thousand thousand ensignes high advanc'd , standards , and gonfalons twixt van and reare streame in the aire , and for distinction serve of hierarchies , of orders , and degrees ; or in thir glittering tissues bear imblaz'd holy memorials , acts of zeale and love recorded eminent . thus when in orbes of circuit inexpressible they stood , orb within orb , the father infinite , by whom in bliss imbosom'd sat the son , a midst as from a flaming mount , whoseop brightness had made invisible , thus spake . hear all ye angels , progenie of light , thrones , dominations , princedoms , vertues , powers , hear my decree , which unrevok't shall stand . this day i have begot whom i declare my onely son , and on this holy hill him have anointed , whom ye now behold at my right hand ; your head i him appoint ; and by my self have sworn to him shall bow all knees in heav'n , and shall con●…ess him lord : under his great vice-gerent reign abide united as one individual soule for ever happie : him who disobeyes mee disobeyes , breaks union , and that day cast out from god and blessed vision , falls into utter darkness , deep ingulft , his place ordaind without redemption , without end . so spaketh ' omnipotent , and with his words all seemd well pleas'd , all seem'd , but were not all . that day , as other solem dayes , they spent in song and dance about the sacred hill , mystical dance , which yonder starrie spheare of planets and of fixt in all her wheeles resembles nearest , mazes intricate , eccentric , intervolv'd , yet regular then most , when most irregular they seem : and in thir motions harmonie divine so smooths her charming tones , that gods own ear listens delighted . eevning approachd ( for we have also our eevning and our morn , we ours for change delectable , not need ) forthwith from dance to sweet repast they turn desirous , all in circles as they stood , tables are set , and on a sudden pil'd with angels food , and rubied nectar flows : in pearl , in diamond , and massie gold , fruit of delicious vines , the growth of heav'n . they eat , they drink , and with refection sweet are fill'd , before th' all bounteous king , who showrd with copious hand , rejoycing in thir joy . now when ambrosial night with clouds exhal'd from that high mount of god , whence light & shade spring both , the face of brightest heav'n had changd to grateful twilight ( for night comes not there in darker veile ) and roseat dews dispos'd all but the unsleeping eyes of god to rest , wide over all the plain , and wider farr then all this globous earth in plain outspred , ( such are the courts of god ) th' angelic throng dispers●… in bands and files thir camp extend by living streams among the trees of life , pavilions numberless , and sudden reard , celestial tabernacles , where they slept fannd with coole winds , save those who in thir course melodious hymns about the sovran throne alternate all night long : but not so wak'd satan , so call him now , his former name is heard no more heav'n ; he of the first , if not the first arch-angel , great in power , in favour and praeeminence , yet fraught with envie against the son of god , that day honourd by his great father , and proclaimd messiah king anointed , could not beare through pride that sight , and thought himself impaird . deep malice thence conceiving & disdain , soon as midnight brought on the duskie houre friendliest to sleep and silence , he resolv'd with all his legions to dislodge , and leave unworshipt , unobey'd the throne supream contemptuous , and his next subordinate awak'ning , thus to him in secret spake . sleepst thou companion dear , what sleep can close thy eye-lids ? and remembrest what decree of yesterday , so late hath past the lips of heav'ns almightie . thou to me thy thoughts wast wont , i mine to thee was wont to impart ; both waking we were one ; how then can now thy sleep dissent ? new laws thou seest impos'd ; new laws from him who reigns , new minds may raise in us who serve , new counsels , to debate what doubtful may ensue , more in this place to utter is not safe . assemble thou of all those myriads which we lead the chief ; tell them that by command , ere yet dim night her shadowie cloud withdraws , i am to haste , and all who under me thir banners wave , homeward with flying march where we possess the quarters of the north , there to prepare fit entertainment to receive our king the great messiah , and his new commands , who speedily through all the hierarchies intends to pass triumphant , and give laws . so spake the false arch-angel , and infus'd bad influence into th' unwarie brest of his associate ; hee together calls , or several one by one , the regent powers , under him regent , tells , as he was taught , that the most high commanding , now ere night , now ere dim night had disincumberd heav'n , the great hierarchal standard was to move ; tells the suggested cause , and casts between ambiguous words and jealousies , to sound or taint integritie ; but all obey'd the wonted signal , and superior voice of thir great potentate ; for great indeed his name , and high was his degree in heav'n ; his count'nance , as the morning starr that guides the starrie flock , allur'd them , and with lyes drew after him the third part of heav'ns host : mean while th' eternal eye , whose sight discernes abstrusest thoughts , from forth his holy mount and from within the golden lamps that burne nightly before him , saw without thir light rebellion rising , saw in whom , how spred among the sons of morn , what multitudes were banded to oppose his high decree ; and smiling to his onely son thus said . son , thou in whom my glory i behold in full resplendence , heir of all my might , neerly it now concernes us to be sure of our omnipotence , and with what arms we mean to hold what anciently we claim of deitie or empire , such a foe is rising , who intends to erect his throne equal to ours , throughout the spacious north ; nor so content , hath in his thought to trie in battel , what our power is , or our right . let us advise , and to this hazard draw with speed what force is left , and all imploy in our defence , lest unawares we lose ▪ this our high place , our sanctuarie , our hill. to whom the son with calm aspect and cleer light'ning divine , ineffable , serene , made answer . mightie father , thou thy foes justly hast in derision , and secure laugh'st at thir vain designes and tumults vain , matter to mee of glory , whom thir hate illustrates , when they see all regal power giv'n me to quell thir pride , and in event know whether i be dextrous to subdue thy rebels , or be found the worst in heav'n . so spake the son , but satan with his powers farr was advanc't on winged speed , an host innumerable as the starrs of night , or starrs of morning , dew-drops , which the sun impearls on every leaf and every flouer . regions they pass'd , the mightie regencies of seraphim and potentates and thrones in thir triple degrees , regions to which all thy dominion , adam , is no more then what this garden is to all the earth , and all the sea , from one entire globose stretcht into longitude ; which having pass'd at leng●…h into the limits of the north they came , and satan to his royal seat high on a hill , far blazing , as a mount rais'd on a mount , with pyramids and towrs from diamond quarries hew'n , & rocks of gold , the palace of great lucifer , ( so call that structure in the dialect of men interpreted ) which not long after , hee affecting all equality with god , in imitation of that mount whereon messiah was declar'd in sight of heav'n , the mountain of the congregation call'd ; for thither he assembl'd all his train , pretending so commanded to consult about the great reception of thir king , thither to come , and with calumnious art of counterfeted truth thus held thir ears . thrones , dominations , princedomes , vertues , powers , if these magnific titles yet remain not meerly titular , since by decree another now hath to himself ingross't all power , and us eclipst under the name of king anointed , for whom all this haste of midnight march , and hurried meeting here , this onely to consult how we may best with what may be devis'd of honours new receive him coming to receive from us knee-tribute yet unpaid , prostration vile , too much to one , but double how endur'd , to one and to his image now proclaim'd ? but what if better counsels might erect our minds and teach us to cast off this yoke ? will ye submit your necks , and chuse to bend the supple knee ? ye will not , if i trust to know ye right , or if ye know your selves natives and sons of heav'n possest before by none , and if not equal all , yet free , equally free ; for orders and degrees jarr not with liberty , but well consist . who can in reason then or right assume monarchie over such as live by right his equals , if in power and splendor less , in freedome equal ? or can introduce law and edict on us , who without law erre not , much less for this to be our lord , and look for adoration to th' abuse of those imperial titles which a●…ert our being ordain'd to govern , not to serve ? thus farr his bold discourse without controule had audience , when among the seraphim ab●…iel , then whom none with more zeale ador'd the deitie , and divine commands obei'd , stood up , and in a flame of zeale severe the current of his fury thus oppos'd . o argument blasphemous , ●…alse and proud ! words which no eare ever to hear in heav'n expected , least of all from thee , ingrate in place thy self so high above thy peeres . canst thou with impious obloquie condemne the just decree of god , pronounc't and sworn , that to his only son by right endu'd with regal scepter , every soule in heav'n shall bend the knee , and in that honour due confess him rightful king ? unjust thou saist flatly unjust , to binde with laws the free , and equal over equals to let reigne , one over all with unsucceeded power . shalt thou give law to god , shalt thou dispute with him the points of libertie , who made thee what thou art , & formd the pow'rs of heav'n such as he pleasd , and circumscrib'd thir being ? yet by experience taught we know how good , and of our good , and of our dignitie how provident he is , how farr from thought to make us less , bent rather to exalt our happie state under one head more neer united . but to grant it thee unjust , that equal over equals monarch reigne : thy self though great & glorious dost thou count , or all angelic nature joind in one , equal to him begotten son , by whom as by his word the mighty father made all things , ev'n thee , and all the spirits of heav'n by him created in thir bright degrees , crownd them with glory , & to thir glory nam'd thrones , dominations , princedoms , vertues , powers essential powers , nor by his reign obscur'd , but more illustrious made , since he the head one of our number thus reduc't becomes , his laws our laws , all honour to him done returns our own . cease then this impious rage , and tempt not these ; but hast'n to appease th' incensed father , and th' incensed son , while pardon may be found in time besought . so spake the fervent angel , but his zeale none seconded , as out of season judg'd , or singular and rash , whereat rejoic'd th' apostat , and more haughty thus repli'd . that we were formd then saist thou ? & the work of secondarie hands , by task transferd from father to his son ? strange point and new ! doctrin which we would know whence learnt : who saw when this creation was ? rememberst thou thy making , while the maker gave thee being ? we know no time when we were not as now ; know none before us , self-begot , self-rais'd by our own quick'ning power , when fatal course had circl'd his full orbe , the birth mature of this our native heav'n , ethereal sons . our puissance is our own , our own right hand shall teach us highest deeds , by proof to try who is our equal : then thou ●…alt behold whether by supplication we intend address , and to begirt th' almighty throne beseeching or besieging . this report , these tidings carrie to th' anointed king ; and fly , ere evil intercept thy flight . he said , and as the sound of waters deep hoarce murmur echo'd to his words applause through the infinite host , nor less for that the flaming seraph fearless , though alone encompass'd round with foes , thus answerd bold . o alienate from god , o spirit accurst , forsak'n of all good ; i see thy fall determind , and thy hapless crew involv'd in this perfidious fraud , contagion spred both ofthy crime and punishment : henceforth no more be troubl'd how to quit the yoke of gods messiah ; those indulgent laws will not be now 〈◊〉 , other decrees against thee are gon forth without recall ; that golden scepter which thou didst reject is now an iron rod to bruise and breake thy disobedience . well thou didst advise , yet not for thy advise or threats i fly these wicked tents devoted , least the wrauth impendent , raging into sudden flame distinguish not : for soon expect to feel his thunder on thy head , devouring fire . then who created thee lamenting learne , when who can uncreate thee thou shalt know . so spake the seraph abdiel faithful found , among the faithless ▪ faithful only hee ; among 〈◊〉 false , unmov'd , unshak'n , unseduc'd , unterrifi'd his loyaltie he kept , his love , his zeale ; nor number , nor example with him wrought to 〈◊〉 from truth , or change his constant mind though single . from amidst them forth he passd , long way through hostile scorn , which he susteind superior , nor of violence fear'd aught ; and with retorted scorn his back he turn'd on those proud towrs to swift destruction doom'd ▪ the end of the fifth book . paradise lost . book vi. all night the dreadless angel unpursu'd through heav'ns wide champain held his way , till morn , wak't by the circling hours , with rosie hand unbarr'd the gates of light. there is a cave within the mount of god , fast by his throne , where light and darkness in perpetual round lodge and dislodge by turns , which makes through heav'n grateful vicissitude , like day and night ; light issues forth , and at the other dore obsequious darkness enters , till her houre to veile the heav'n , though darkness there might well seem twilight here ; and now went forth the morn such as in highest heav'n , arrayd in gold empyreal , from before her vanisht night , shot through with orient beams : when all the plain coverd with thick embatteld squadrons bright , chariots and flaming armes , and fierie steeds reflecting blaze on blaze , first met his view : warr he perceav'd , warr in procinct , and found already known what he for news had thought to have reported : gladly then he mixt among thosef riendly powers who him receav'd with joy and acclamations loud , that one that of so many myriads fall'n , yet one returnd not lost : on to the sacred hill they led him high applauded , and present before the seat supream ; from whence a voice from midst a golden cloud thus milde was heard . servant of god , well done , well hast thou fought the better fight , who single hast maintaind against revolted multitudes the cause of truth , in word mightier then they in armes ; and for the testimonie of truth hast born universal reproach , far worse to beare then violence : for this was all thy care to stand approv'd in sight of god , though worlds judg'd thee perverse : the easier conquest now remains thee , aided by this host of friends , back on thy foes more glorious to return then scornd thou didst depart , and to subdue by force , who reason for thir law refuse , right reason for thir law , and for thir king messiah , who by right of merit reigns . goe michael of celestial armies prince , and thou in military prowess next gabriel , lead forth to battel these my sons invincible , lead forth my armed saints by thousands and by millions rang'd for fight ; equal in number to that godless crew rebellious , them with fire and hostile arms fearless assault , and to the brow of heav'n pursuing drive them out from god and bliss , into thir place of punishment , the gulf of tartarus , which ready opens wide his fiery chaos to receave thir fall . so spake the sovran voice , and clouds began to darken all the hill , and smoak to rowl in duskie wreathes , reluctant flames , the signe of wrauth awak't : nor with less dread the loud ethereal trumpet from on high gan blow : at which command the powers militant , that stood for heav'n , in mighty quadrate joyn'd of union irresistible , mov'd on in silence thir bright legions , to the sound of instrumental harmonie that breath'd heroic ardor to advent'rous deeds under thir god-like leaders , in the cause of god and his messiah . on they move indissolubly firm ; nor obvious hill , nor streit'ning vale , nor wood , nor stream divides thir perfet ranks ; for high above the ground thir march was , and the passive air upbore thir nimble tread ; as when the total kind of birds in orderly array on wing came summond over eden to receive thir names of thee ; so over many a tract of heav'n they march'd , and many a province wide tenfold the length of this terrene : at last farr in th' horizon to the north appeer'd from skirt to skirt a fierie region , stretcht in battailous aspect , and neerer view bristl'd with upright beams innumerable of rigid spears , and helmets throng'd , and shields various , with boastful argument portraid , the banded powers of satan hasting on with furious expedition ; for they weend that self same day by fight , or by surprize to win the mount of god , and on his throne to set the envier of his state , the proud aspirer , but thir thoughts prov'd fond and vain in the mid way : though strange to us it seemd at first , that angel should with angel warr , and in fierce hosting meet , who wont to meet so oft in festivals of joy and love unanimous , as sons of one great sire hymning th' eternal father : but the shout of battel now began , and rushing sound of onset ended soon each milder thought . high in the midst exalted as a god th' apostat in his sun-bright chariot sate idol of majestie divine , enclos'd with flaming cherubim , and golden shields ; then lighted from his gorgeous throne , for now 'twixt host and host but narrow space was left , a dreadful interval , and front to front presented stood in terrible array of hideous length : before the cloudie van , on the rough edge of battel ere it joyn'd , satan with vast and haughtie strides advanc't , came towring , armd in adamant and gold ; abdiel that sight endur'd not , where he stood among the mightiest , bent on highest deeds , and thus his own undaunted heart explores . o heav'n ! that such resemblance of the highest should yet remain , where faith and realtie remain not ; wherfore should not strength & might there fail where vertue fails , or weakest prove where boldest ; though to sight unconquerable ? his puissance , trusting in th' almightie's aide , i mean to try , whose reason i have tri'd unsound and false ; nor is it aught but just , that he who in debate of truth hath won , should win in arms , in both disputes alike victor ; though brutish that contest and foule , when reason hath to deal with force , yet so most reason is that reason overcome . so pondering , and from his armed peers forth stepping opposite , half way he met his daring foe , at this prevention more incens't , and thus securely him defi'd . proud , art thou met ? thy hope was to have reacht the highth of thy aspiring unoppos'd , the throne of god unguarded , and his side abandond at the terror of thy power or potent tongue ; fool , not to think how vain against th' omnipotent to rise in arms ; who out of smallest things could without end have rais'd incessant armies to defeat thy folly ; or with solitarie hand reaching beyond all limit , at one blow unaided could have finisht thee , and whelmd thy legions under darkness ; but thou seest all are not of thy train ; there be who faith prefer , and pietie to god , though the●… to thee not visible , when i alone seemd in thy world erroneous to dissent from all : my sect thou seest , now learn too late how few somtimes may know , when thousands err . whom the grand foe with scornful eye askance thus answerd . ill for thee , but in wisht houre of my revenge , first sought for thou returnst from flight , seditious angel , to receave thy merited reward , the first assay of this right hand provok't , since first that tongue inspir'd with contradiction durst oppose a third part of the gods , in synod met thir deities to assert , who while they feel vigour divine within them , can allow omnipotence to none . but well thou comst before thy fellows , ambitious to win from me som plume , that thy success may show destruction to the rest : this pause between ( unanswerd least thou boast ) to let thee know ; at first i thought that libertie and heav'n to heav'nly soules had bin all one ; but now i see that most through sloth had rather serve , ministring spirits , traind up in feast and song ; such hast thou arm'd , the minstrelsie of heav'n , servilitie with freedom to contend , as both thir deeds compar'd this day shall prove . to whom in brief thus abdiel stern repli'd . apostat , still thou errst , nor end wilt find of erring , from the path of truth remote : unjustly thou deprav'st it with the name of servitude to serve whom god ordains , or nature ; god and nature bid the same , when he who rules is worthiest , and excells them whom he governs . this is servitude , to serve th' unwise , or him who hath rebelld against his worthier , as thine now serve thee , thy self not free , but to thy self enthrall'd ; yet leudly dar'st our ministring upbraid . reign thou in hell thy kingdom , let mee serve in heav'n god ever blessed , and his divine behests obey , worthiest to be obey'd , yet chains in hell , not realms expect : mean while from mee returnd , as erst thou saidst , from flight , this greeting on thy impious crest receive . so saying , a noble stroke he lifted high , which hung not , but so swift with tempest fell on the proud crest of satan , that no sight , nor motion of swift thought , less could his shield such ruin intercept : ten paces huge he back recoild ; the tenth on bended knee his massie spear upstaid ; as if on earth winds under ground or waters forcing way sidelong , had push't a mountain from his seat half sunk with all his pines . amazement seis'd the rebel thrones , but greater rage to see thus foil'd thir mightiest , ours joy filld , and shout , presage of victorie and fierce desire of battel : whereat michael bid sound th'arch-angel trumpet ; through the vast of heav'n it sounded , and the faithful armies rung hosanna to the highest : nor stood at gaze the adverse legions , nor less hideous joyn'd the horrid shock : now storming furie rose , and clamour such as heard in heav'n till now was never , arms on armour clashing bray'd horrible discord , and the madding wheeles of brazen chariots rag'd ; dire was the noise of conflict ; over head the dismal hiss of fiery darts in flaming volies flew , and flying vaulted either host with fire . sounder fierie cope together rush'd both battels ▪ maine , with ruinous assault and inextinguishable rage ; all heav'n resounded , and had earth bin then , all ea●…h had to her center shook . what wonder ? when millions of fierce encountring angels fought on either side , the least of whom could weild these elements , and arm him with the force of all thir regions : how much more of power armie against armie numberless to raise dreadful combustion warring , and disturb , though not destroy , thir happie native seat ; had not th' eternal king omnipotent from his strong hold of heav'n high over ▪ rul'd and limited thir might ; though numberd such as each divided legion might have seemd a numerous host , in strength each ar●…ed hand a legion ; led in fight , y●…t leader seemd each warriour single as in chief , expert when to advance , or stand , or turn the sway of battel , open when , and when to close the ridges of grim warr ; no thought of flight , none of retreat , no unbecoming deed that argu'd fear ; each on himself reli'd , as onely in his arm the moment lay of victorie ; deeds of eternal fame were don , but infinite : for wide was spred that warr and various ; somtimes on firm ground a standing fight , then soaring on main wing tormented all the air ; all air seemd then conflicting fire : long time in eeven scale the battel hung ; till satan , who that day prodigious power had shewn , and met in armes no equal , raunging through the dire attack of fighting seraphim confus'd , at length saw where the sword of michael smote , and fell'd squadrons at once , with huge two-handed sway brandisht aloft the horrid edge came down wide wasting ; such destruction to withstand he hasted , and oppos'd the rockie orb of tenfold adamant , his ample shield a vast circumference : at his approach the great arch-angel from his warlike toile surc●…'d , and glad as hoping here to end intestine war in heav'n , the arch foe subdu'd or captive drag'd in chains , with hostile frown and visage all enflam'd first thus began . author of evil , unknown till thy revolt , unnam'd in heav'n , now plenteous , as thou seest these acts of hateful strife , hateful to all , though heaviest by just measure on thy self and thy adherents : how hast thou disturb'd heav'ns blessed peace , and into nature brought miserie , uncreated till the crime of thy rebellion ? how h●…t thou instill'd thy malice into thousands , once upright and faithful , now prov'd false . but think not here to trouble holy rest ; heav'n casts thee out from all her confines . heav'n the seat of bliss brooks not the works of violence and warr. hence then , and evil go with thee along thy ofspring , to the place of evil , hell , thou and thy wicked crew ; there mingle broiles , ere this avenging sword begin thy doome , or som more sudden vengeance wing'd from god precipitate thee with augmented paine . so spake the prince of angels ; to whom thus the adversarie . nor think thou with wind of airie threats to aw whom yet with deeds thou canst not . hast thou turnd the least of these to flight , or if to fall , but that they rise unvanquisht , easier to transact with mee that thou shouldst hope , imperious , & with threats to chase me hence ? erre not that so shall end the strife which thou call'st evil , but wee style the strife of glorie : which we mean to win , or turn this heav'n it self into the hell t●…ou fablest , here however to dwell free , if not to reign : mean while thy utmost force , and join him nam'd almightie to thy aid , i flie not , but have sought thee farr and nigh . they ended parle , and both addrest for fight unspeakable ; for who , though with the tongue of angels , can relate , or to what things liken on earth conspicuous , that may lift human imagination to such highth of godlike power : for likest gods they seemd , stood they or mov'd , in stature , motion , arms fit to decide the empire of great heav'n . now wav'd thir fierie swords , and in the aire made horrid circles ; two broad suns thir shields blaz'd opposite , while expectation stood in horror ; from each hand with speed retir'd where erst was thickest fight , th' angelic throng , and left large field , unsafe within the wind of such commotion , such as to set forth great things by small , if natures concord broke , among the constellations warr were spru●… two planets rushing from as●…ect maligne of fiercest opposition in mid skie , should combat , and thir jarring sphears confound . together both with next to almightie arme , uplifted imminent one stroke they aim'd that might determine , and not need repea●…e , as not of power , at once ; nor odds appeerd in might or swift prevention ; but the sword of michael from the armorie of god was giv'n him temperd so , that neither keen nor solid might resist that edge ▪ it met the sword of satan with steep force to smite descending , and in halfcut sheere , nor staid , but with swift wheele reverse , deep entring shar'd all his right side ▪ then satan first knew pain , and writh'd him to and fro convolv'd ; so sore the griding sword with discontinuous wound pass'd through him , but th' ethereal substance clos'd not long divisible , and from the gash a stream of nectarous humor issuing flow'd sanguin , such as celestial spirits may bleed , and all his armour staind ere while so bright . forthwith on all sides to his aide was run by angels many and strong , who interpos'd defence , while others bore him on thir shields back to his chariot ; where it stood retir'd from off the ●…les of wa●… ▪ there they him laid gnashing for anguish and despite and shame to find him●… no●… matchless , and his pride humbl'd by such rebuke , so farr beneath his confidence to equal god in power . yet soon he heard ; for spirits that live throughout vital in 〈◊〉 part , not as 〈◊〉 man in entrailes , heart or head , liver or reines , cannot but by 〈◊〉 die ; nor in thir liquid texture mortal wound receive , no more then can the fluid aire : all 〈◊〉 th●… l●…ve , all head , all eye , all eare , all intellect , all sense , and as they please , they limb themselves ▪ and colour , shape or size assume , as likes them best , condense or rare . mean while i●… other parts like deeds deservd memorial , where the might of gabriel ●…ought , and with 〈◊〉 ensignes pierc'd the deep array of moloc 〈◊〉 king , who him defi'd , and at his 〈◊〉 wheeles to drag him bound threatn'd , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of heav'n refrein'd his tongue 〈◊〉 ; but anon down clov'n to the waste , with shatterd armes and uncouth paine sled bellowing . on each wing uriel and raphael his vaunting foe , though huge , and in a rock of diamond armd , vanquish'd adramelec , and a●…adai , two potent thrones , that to be less then gods disdain'd , but meaner thoughts learnd in thir flight , mangl'd with gastly wounds through plate and maile . nor stood unmindful abdiel to annoy the atheist crew , but with redoubl'd blow ariel and arioc , and the violence of ramiel scorcht and blas●… overthrew . i might relate of thousands , and thir names eternize here on earth ; but those elect angels contented with thir fame in heav'n seek not the praise of men : the other sort in might though wondrous and in acts of warr , nor of renown less eager , yet by doome canceld from heav'n and sacred memorie , nameless in dark oblivion let them dwell . for strength from truth divided and from just , illaudable , naught merits but dispraise and ignominie , yet to glorie aspires vain glorious , and through infamie seeks fame : therfore eternal silence be thir doome . and now thir mightiest quelld , the battel swerv'd , with many an inrode gor'd ; deformed rout enter'd , and foul disorder ; all the ground with shiverd armour strow'n , and on a heap chariot and charioter lay overturnd and fierie foaming steeds ; what stood , recoyld orewearied , through the faint satanic host defensive scarse , or with pale fear surpris'd , then first with fear surpris'd and sense of paine fled ignominious , to such evil brought by sinne of disobedience , till that hour not liable to fear or flight or paine . far otherwise th' inviolable saints in cubic phalanx firm advanc't entire , invulnerable , impenitrably arm'd : such high advantages thir innocence gave them above thir foes , not to have sinnd , not to have disobei'd ; in fight they stood unwearied , unobnoxious to be pain'd by wound , though from thir place by violence mov'd now night her course began , and over heav'n inducing darkness , grateful truce impos'd , and silence on the odious dinn of warr : under her cloudie covert both retir'd , victor and vanquisht : on the foughten field michael and his angels prevalent encamping , plac'd in guard thir watches round , cherubic waving fires : on th' other part satan with his rebellious disappeerd , far in the dark dislodg'd , and void of rest , his potentates to councel call'd by night ; and in the midst thus undismai'd began . o now in danger tri'd , now known in armes not to be overpowerd , companions deare , found worthy not of libertie alone , too mean pretense , but what we more affect , honour , dominion , glorie , and renowne , who have sustaind one day in doubtful fight , ( and if one day , why not eternal dayes ? ) what heavens lord had powerfullest to send against us from about his throne , and judg'd sufficient to subdue us to his will , but proves not so : then fallible , it seems , of future we may deem him , though till now omniscient thought . true is , less firmly arm'd , some disadvantage we endur'd and paine , till now not known , but known as soon contemnd , since now we find this our empyreal forme incapable of mortal injurie imperishable , and though peirc'd with wound , soon closing , and by native vigour heal'd . of evil then so small as easie think the remedie ; perhap●… more valid armes , weapons more violent , when next we meet , may serve to better us , and worse our foes , or equal what between us made the odds , in nature none : if other hidden cause left them superiour , while we can preserve unhurt our mindes , and understanding sound , due search and consultation will disclose . he sat ; and in th' assembly next upstood nisroc , of principalities the prime ; as one he stood escap't from cruel fight , sore toild , his riv'n armes to havoc hewn , and cloudie in aspect thus answering spake . deliverer from new lords , leader to free enjoyment of our right as gods ; yet hard for gods , and too unequal work we find against unequal armes to fight in paine , against unpaind , impassive ; from which evil ruin must needs ensue ; for what availes valour or strength , though matchless , quelld with pain which all subdues , and makes remiss the hands of mightiest . sense of pleasure we may well spare out of life perhaps , and not repine , but live content , which is the calmest life : but pain is perfet miserie , the worst of evils , and excessive , overtu●… all patience . he who therefore can invent with what more forcible we may offend our yet unwounded enemies , or arme our selves with like defence , to mee des●…ves no less then for deliv●…ce what w●… owe ▪ whereto with look compos'd satan repli'd . not uninvented that , which thou aright beleivst so main to our success , i bring ; which of us who beholds the bright surface of this ethe●…us mould wh●…on we stand , this continent of spacious heav'n , adornd with plant , fruit , flour ambrosial , ge●…s & gold , whose eye so superficially surveyes these things , as not to mind from whence they grow deep under ground , materials dark and crude , of spiritous and fierie spume , till toucht with heav'ns ray , and tempe●…d they shoot forth so beauteous ▪ op'ning to the ambient light . these in thir dark nativitie the deep shall yeild us , pregnant wi●… infernal flame , which into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and round thick-rammd , at th' other bore with touch of fire dilated and infuriate shall send forth from far with t●…dring noise among our ●…oes such imp●…nts of mi●…chief 〈◊〉 shaal●… 〈◊〉 to pieces , and o●…whelm what●… stands adverse , that they shall fear we have disarmd the thunderer of his only dreaded bolt . nor long shall be 〈◊〉 labour , yet 〈◊〉 dawne , effect shall 〈◊〉 our wish ▪ mean while revive ▪ abandon fear 〈◊〉 strength an●… c●…sel jo●…d think nothing hard , much less to be ●…spaird . he ended , and his words thir drooping chere enlightn'd , and thir languisht hope reviv'd . th' invention all admi●…d , and each , how hee to be 〈◊〉 ▪ inventer miss'd , so easie it ●…eemd once found , which yet unfound most would have thought impossible : yet haply of thy race in future dayes , if malice should abound , some one intent on mischief , or inspir'd with dev'lish machination might devise like instrument to plague the sons of men for sin , on warr and mutual slaughter bent . forthwith from councel to the work they flew , none arguing stood , ●…numerable hands were ready , in a moment up they turnd wide the celestial ●…oile , and saw beneath th' originals of nature in thir crude conception ; sulphurous and nitrous foame they found , they mingl'd , and with suttle art , concocted and adusted they reduc'd to blackest gra●… , and into store conveyd : part hidd'n veins diggd up ( nor hath this earth entrails unlike ) of mineral and stone , whereof to found thir engins and thir balls of missive ruin ; part incentive reed provide , pernicious with one touch to fire . so all ere day spring , under conscious night secret they finish'd , and in order set , with silent circumspection unespi'd . now when fair morn orient in heav'n appeerd up rose the victor angels , and to arms the matin trumpet sung : in arms they stood of golden panoplie , refulgent host , soon banded ; others from the dawning hills lookd round , and scouts each coast light-armed scoure , each quarter , to descrie the distant foe , where lodg'd , or whither fled , or if for fight , in motion or in alt : him soon they met under spred enfignes moving nigh , in slow but firm battalion ; back with speediest sail zophiel , of cherubim the swiftest wing , came flying , and in mid aire aloud thus cri'd . arme , warriours , arme for ●…ght , the foe at hand , whom fled we thought , will save us long pursuit this day , fear not his flight ; so thick a cloud he comes , and settl'd in his face i see sad resolution and secure : let each his adamantine coat gird well , and each fit well his helme , gripe fast his orbed shield , born eevn or high , for this day will pour down , if i conjecture aught , no drizling showr , but ratling storm of arrows barbd with fire . so warnd he them aware themselves ▪ and soo●… in order , quit of all impediment ; instant without disturb they took allarm , and onward move embattelld ; when behold not distant far with heavie pace the foe approaching gross and huge ; in hollow cube training his devilish enginrie , impal'd on every side with shaddowing squadrons deep , to hide the fraud . at interview both stood a while , but suddenly at head appeerd satan : and thus was heard commanding loud . vangard , to right and left the front unfould ; that all may see who hate us , how we seek peace and composure , and with open brest stand readie to receive them , if they like our overture , and turn not back perverse ; but that i doubt , however witness heaven , heav'n witness thou anon , while we discharge freely our part : yee who appointed stand do as you have in charge , and briefly touch what we propound , and loud that all may hear . so scoffing in ambiguous words , he scarce had ended ; when to right and left the front divided , and to either flank retir'd . which to our eyes discoverd new and strange , a triple-mounted row of pillars laid on wheels ( for like to pillars most they seem'd or hollow'd bodies made of oak or firr with branches lopt , in wood or mountain fell'd ) brass , iron , stonie mould , had not thir mouthes with hideous orifice gap't on us wide , portending hollow truce ; at each behind a seraph stood , and in his hand a reed stood waving tipt with fire ; while we suspense , collected stood within our thoughts amus'd , not long , for sudden all at once thir reeds put forth , and to a narrow vent appli'd with nicest touch . immediate in a flame , but soon obscur'd with smoak , all heav'n appeerd , from those deep-throated engins belcht , whose roar emboweld with outragious noise the air , and all her entrails tore , disgorging foule thir devillish glut , chaind thunderbolts and hail of iron globes , which on the victor host level'd , with such impetuous furie smote , that whom they hit , none on thir feet might stand , though standing else as rocks , but down they fell by thousands , angel on arch-angel rowl'd ; the sooner for thir arms , unarm'd they might have easily as spirits evaded swift by quick contraction or remove ; but now foule dissipation follow'd and forc't rout ; nor serv'd it to relax thir serried files . what should they do ? if on they rusht , repulse repeated , and indecent overthrow doubl'd , would render them yet more despis'd , and to thir foes a laughter ; for in view stood rankt of seraphim another row in posture to displode thir second tire of thunder : back defeated to return they worse abhorr'd . satan beheld thir plight , and to his mates thus in derision call'd . o friends , why come not on these victors proud ? ere while they fierce were coming , and when wee , to entertain them fair with open front and brest , ( what could we more ? ) propounded terms of composition , strait they chang'd thir minds , flew off , and into strange vagaries fell , as they would dance , yet for a dance they seemd somwhat extravagant and wilde , perhaps for joy of offerd peace : but i suppose if our proposals once again were heard we should compel them to a quick result . to whom thus belial in like gamesom mood . leader , the terms we sent were terms of weight , of hard contents , and full of force urg'd home , such as we might perceive amus'd them all , and stumbl'd many , who receives them right , had need from head to foot well understand ; not understood , this gift they have besides , they shew us when our foes walk not upright . so they among themselves in pleasant veine stood scoffing , highthn'd in thir thoughts beyond all doubt of victorie , eternal might to match with thir inventions they presum'd so easie , and of his thunder made a scorn , and all his host derided , while they stood a while in trouble ; but they stood not long , rage prompted them at length , & found them arms against such hellish mischief fit to oppose . forthwith ( behold the excellence , the power which god hath in his mighty angels plac'd ) thir arms away they threw , and to the hills ( for earth hath this variety from heav'n of pleasure situate in hill and dale ) light as the lightning glimps they ran , they flew , from thir foundations loosning to and fro they pluokt the seated hills with all thir load , rocks , waters , woods , and by the shaggie tops up lifting bore them in thir hands : amaze , be sure , and terrour seis'd the rebel host , when coming towards them so dread they saw the bottom of the mountains upward turn'd , till on those cursed engins triple-row they saw them whelmd , and all thir confidence under the weight of mountains buried deep , themselves invaded next , and on thir heads main promontories flung , which in the air came shadowing , and opprest whole legions arm'd , thir armor help'd thir harm , crush't in and brus'd into thir substance pent , which wrought them pain implacable , and many a dolorous groan , long strugling underneath , ere they could wind out of such prison , though spirits of purest light , purest at first , now gross by sinning grown . the rest in imitation to like armes betook them , and the neighbouring hills uptore ; so hills amid the air encounterd hills hurl'd to and fro with jaculation dire , that under ground they fought in dismal shade ; infernal noise ; warr seem'd a civil game to this uproar ; horrid confusion heapt upon confusion rose : and now all heav'n had gone to wrack , with ruin overspred , had not th' almightie father where he sits shrin'd in his sanctuarie of heav'n secure , consulting on the sum of things , foreseen this tumult , and permitted all , advis'd : that his great purpose he might so fulfill , to honour his anointed son aveng'd upon his enemies , and to declare all power on him transferr'd : whence to his son th' assessor of his throne he thus began . effulgence of my glorie , son belov'd , son in whose face invisible is beheld visibly , what by deitie i am , and in whose hand what by decree i doe , second omnipotence , two dayes are past , two dayes , as we compute the dayes of heav'n , since michael and his powers went forth to tame these disobedient ; sore hath been thir fight , as likeliest was , when two such foes met arm'd ; for to themselves i left them , and thou knowst , equal in their creation they were form'd , save what sin hath impaird , which yet hath wrought insensibly , for i suspend thir doom ; whence in perpetual fight they needs must last endless , and no solution will be found : warr wearied hath perform'd what warr can do , and to disorder'd rage let loose the reines , with mountains as with weapons arm'd , which makes wild work in heav'n , and dangerous to the maine . two dayes are therefore past , the third is thine ; for thee i have ordain'd it , and thus farr have sufferd , that the glorie may be thine of ending this great warr , since none but thou can end it . into thee such vertue and grace immense i have transfus'd , that all may know in heav'n and hell thy power above compare , and this perverse commotion governd thus , to manifest thee worthiest to be heir of all things , to be heir and to be king by sacred unction , thy deserved right . go then thou mightiest in thy fathers might , ascend my chariot , guide the rapid wheeles that shake heav'ns basis , bring forth all my warr , my bow and thunder , my almightie arms gird on , and sword upon thy puissant thigh ; pursue these sons of darkness , drive them out from all heav'ns bounds into the utter deep ▪ there let them learn , as likes them , to despise god and messiah ▪ his anointed king. he said , and on his son with rayes direct shon full , he all his father full exprest ineffably into his face receiv'd , and thus the filial godhead answering spake . o father , o supream of heav'nly thrones , first , highest , holiest , best , thou alwayes seekst to glorifie thy son , i alwayes thee , as is most just ; this i my glorie account , my exaltation , and my whole delight , that thou in me well pleas'd , declarst thy will fulfill'd , which to fulfil is all my bliss . scepter and power , thy giving , i assume , and gladlier shall resign , when in the end thou shalt be all in all , and i in thee for ever , and in mee all whom thou lov'st : but whom thou hat'st , i hate , and can put on thy terrors , as i put thy mildness on , image of thee in all things ; and shall soon , armd with thy might , rid heav'n of these rebell'd , to thir prepar'd ill mansion driven down to chains of darkness , and th' undying worm , that from thy just obedience could revolt , whom to obey is happiness entire . then shall thy saints unmixt , and from th' impure farr separate , circling thy holy mount unfained halleluiahs to thee sing , hymns of high praise , and i among them chief . so said , he o're his scepter bowing , rose from the right hand of glorie where he sate , and the third sacred morn began to shine dawning through heav'n : forth rush'd with whirlwind sound the chariot of paternal deitie , flashing thick flames , wheele within wheele undrawn , it self instinct with spirit , but convoyd by four cherubic shapes , four faces each had wondrous , as with starrs thir bodies all and wings were set with eyes , with eyes the wheels of beril , and careering fires between ; over thir heads a chrystal firmament , whereon a saphir throne , inlaid with pure amber , and colours of the showrie arch. hee in celestial panoplie all armd of radiant urim , work divinely wrought , ascended , at his right hand victorie sate eagle-wing'd , befide him hung his bow and quiver with three-bolted thunder stor'd , and from about him fierce effusion rowld of smoak and bickering flame , and sparkles dire ; attended with ten thousand thousand saints , he onward came , farr off his coming shon , and twentie thousand ( i thir number heard ) chariots of god , half on each hand were seen : hee on the wings of cherub rode sublime on the crystallin skie , in saphir thron'd . illustrious farr and wide , but by his own first seen , them unexpected joy surpriz'd , when the great ensign of messiah blaz'd aloft by angels ●…orn , his sign in heav'n : under whose conduct michael soon reduc'd his armie , circumfus'd on either wing , under thir head imbodied all in one . before him power divine his way prepar'd ; at his command the uprooted hills retir'd each to his place , they heard his voice and went obsequious , heav'n his wonted face renewd , and with fresh flourets hill and valley smil'd . this saw his hapless foes , but stood obdur'd , and to rebellious fight rallied thir powers insensate , hope conceiving from despair . in heav'nly spirits could such perverseness dwell ? but to convince the proud what signs availe , or wonders move th' obdurate to relent ? they hard'nd more by what might most reclame , grieving to see his glorie , at the sight took envie , and aspiring to his highth , stood reimbattell'd fierce , by force or fraud weening to prosper , and at length prevaile against god and messiah , or to fall in universal ruin last , and now to final battel drew , disdaining flight , or faint retreat ; when the great son of god to all his host on either hand thus spake . stand still in bright array ye saints , here stand ye angels arm'd , this day from battel rest ; faithful hath been your warfare , and of god accepted , fearless in his righteous cause , and as ye have receivd , so have ye don invincibly ; but of this cursed crew the punishment to other hand belongs , vengeance is his , or whose he sole appoints ; number to this dayes work is not ordain'd nor multitude ; stand onely and behold gods indignation on these godless pourd by mee ; not you but mee they have despis'd , yet envied ; against mee is all thir rage , because the father , t' whom in heav'n supream kingdom and power and glorie appertains , hath honourd me according to his will. therefore to mee thir doom he hath assig'n'd ; that they may have thir wish , to trie with mee in battel which the stronger proves , they all , or i alone against them , since by strength they measure all , of other excellence not emulous , nor care who them excells ; nor other strife with them do i voutsafe . so spake the son , and into terrour chang'd his count'nance too severe to be beheld and full of wrauth bent on his enemies . at once the four spred out thir starrie wings with dreadful shade contiguous , and the orbes of his fierce chariot rowld , as with the sound of torrent floods , or of a numerous host. hee on his impious foes right onward drove , gloomie as night ; under his burning wheel●…s the stedfast empyrean shook throughout , all but the throne it self of god. full soon among them he arriv'd ; in his right hand grasping ten thousand thunders , which he sent before him ; such as in thir soules infix'd plagues ; they astonisht all resistance lost , all courage ; down thir idle weapons drop'd ; o're shields and helmes , and helmed heads he rode of thrones and mighty seraphim prostrate , that wish'd the mountains now might be again thrown on them as a shelter from his ire . nor less on either side tempestuous fell his arrows , from the fourfold-visag'd foure , distinct with eyes , and from the living wheels , distinct alike with multitude of eyes , one spirit in them rul'd , and every eye glar'd lightning , and shot forth pernicious fire among th' accurst , that witherd all thir strength : and of thir wonted vigour left them draind , exhausted , spiritless , afflicted , fall'n . yet half his strength he put not forth , but check'd his thunder in mid volie , for he meant not to destroy , but root them out of heav'n : the overthrown he rais'd , and as a heard of goats or 〈◊〉 flock together throngd drove them before him thunder-struck , pursu'd with terrors and with suries to the bounds and chrystall wall of heav'n , which op'ning wide , rowld inward , and a spacious gap disclos'd into the wastful deep ; the monstrous sight strook them with horror backward , but far worse urg'd them behind ; headlong themselvs they threw dòwn from the verge of heav'n , eternal wrauth burnt after them to the bottomless pit . hell heard th' unsufferable noise , hell saw heav'n ruining from heav'n and would have fled affrighted ; but strict fate had cast too deep her dark foundations , and too fast had bound . nine dayes they fell ; confounded 〈◊〉 roard , and felt tenfold confusion in thir fall through his wilde anarchie , so huge a rout incumberd him with ruin : hell at last yawning receavd them whole , and on them clos'd , hell thir fit habitation fraught with fire unquenchable , the house of woe and paine . disburd'nd heav'n rejoie'd , and soon repaird her mural breach , returning whence it rowld . sole victor from th' expulsion of his foes messiah his triumphal cha●…iot turnd : to meet him all his saints , who silent stood eye witnesses of his almightie acts , with jubilie advanc'd ; and as they went , shaded with branching palme , each order bright , sung triumph , and him sung victorious king , son , heire , and lord , to him dominion giv'n , worthiest to reign : he celebrated rode triumphant through mid heav'n , into the courts and temple of his mightie father thron'd on high ; who into glorie him receav'd , where now he sits at the right hand of bliss . thus measuring things in heav'n by things on earth at thy request , and that thou maist beware by what is past , to thee i have reveal'd what might have else to human race bin hid ; the discord which befel , and warr in heav'n among th' angelic powers , and the deep fall of those too high aspiring , who rebelld with satan , hee who envies now thy state , who now is plotting how he may seduce thee also from obedience , that with him bereavd of happiness thou maist partake his punishment , eternal miserie ; which would be all his solace and revenge , as a despite don against the most high , thee once to gaine companion of his woe . but list'n not to his temptations , warne thy weaker ; let it profit thee to have heard by terrible example the reward of disobedience ; firm they might have stood , yet fell ; remember , and fear to transgress . the end of the sixth book . paradise lost . book vii . descend from heav'n urania , by that name if rightly thou art call'd , whose voice divine following , above th' ol●…mpian hill i soare , above the flight of pegasean wing . the meaning , not the name i call : for thou nor of the muses nine , nor on the top of old olympus dwell'st , but heav'nlie borne , before the hills appeerd , or fountain flow'd , thou with eternal wisdom didst converse , wisdom thy sister , and with her didst play in presence of th' . almightie father , pleas'd with thy celestiul song . up led by thee into the heav'n of heav'ns i have presum'd , an 〈◊〉 guest , and drawn empyreal aire , thy tempring ; with like safetie guided down return me to my native element : least from this flying steed unrein'd , ( as once bellerophon , though from a lower clime ) dismounted , on th' aleian field i fall erroneous , there to wander and forlorne . half yet remaines unsung , but narrower bound within the visible diurnal spheare ; standing on earth , not rapt above the pole , more safe i sing with mortal voice , unchang'd to hoarce or mute , though fall'n on evil dayes , on evil dayes though fall'n , and evil tongues ; in darkness , and with dangers compast rouud , and solitude ; yet not alone , while thou visit'st my slumbers nightly , or when morn purples the east : still govern thou my song , urania , and fit audience find , though few . but drive farr off the barbarous dissonance of bacchus and his revellers , the race of that wilde rout that tore the thracian bard in rhodope , where woods and rocks had eares to rapture , till the savage clamor dround both harp and voice ; nor could the muse defend her son. so fail not thou , who thee implores : for thou art heav'n lie , shee an empty dreame . say goddess , what ensu'd when raphael , the affable arch-angel , had forewarn'd adam by dire example to beware apostafie , by what befell in heaven to those apostates , least the like befall in paradise to adam or his race , charg'd not to touch the interdicted tree , if they transgress , and slight that sole command , so easily obeyd amid the choice of all tasts else to please thir appetite , though wandring . he with his consorted eve the storie heard attentive , and was fill'd with admiration , and deep muse to heare of things so high and strange , things to thirthought so unimaginable as hate in heav'n , and warr so neer the peace of god in bliss with such confusion : but the evil soon driv'n back redounded as a flood on those from whom it sprung , impossible to mix with blessedness . whence adam soon repeal'd the doubts that in his heart arose : and now led on , yet sinless , with desire to know what neerer might concern him , how this world of heav'n and earth conspicuous first began , when , and whereof created , for what cause , what within eden or without was done before his memorie , as one whose drouth yet scarce allay'd still eyes the current streame , whose liquid murmur heard new thirst excites , proceeded thus to ask his heav'nly guest . great things , and full of wonder in our eares , farr differing from this world , thou hast reveal'd divine interpreter , by favour sent down from the empyrean to forewarne us timely of what might else have bin our loss , unknown , which human knowledg could not reach : for which to the infinitly good we owe immortal thanks , and his admonishment receave with solemne purpose to observe immutably his sovran will , the end of what we are . but sin●…e thou hast voutsaf't gently for our instruction to impart things above earthly thought , which yet concernd our knowing , as to highest wisdom seemd , deign to descend now lower , and r●…late what may no less perhaps availe us known , how first began this heav'n which we behold distant so high , with moving fires adornd innumerable , and this which : yeelds or fills all space , the ambient aire wide interfus'd imbracing round this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what cause mov'd the creator in his holy rest through all eternitie so late to build in chaos , and the work begun , how soon absolv'd , if unforbid thou maist unfould what wee , not to explore the secrets 〈◊〉 of his eternal empire , but the more to magnifie his works , the more we know . and the great light of day yet wants to run much of his race though steep , suspens . in heav'n held by thy voice , thy potent voice he heares , and longer will delay to heare thee tell his generation , and the rising birth of nature from the unapp●…rent 〈◊〉 : or if the star●… of eevning and the 〈◊〉 haste to thy audience , night 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will bring silence , and sleep listning to thee will watch , or we can bid his absence , till thy song end , and dismiss thee ere the morning shine . thus adam his illustrous guest be sought : and thus the godlike angel answerd milde . this also thy request with caution askt obtaine : though to recount . almightie works what words or tongue of seraph can suffice , or heart of man suffice to comprehend ? yet what thou canst attain , which best may serve to glorifie the maker , and inferr thee also happier , shall not be withheld thy hearing , such commission from above i have receav'd , to answer thy desire of knowledge within bounds ; beyond abstain to ask , nor let 〈◊〉 own inventions hope things not reveal'd ▪ which th' invisible king , onely omnisci●…nt , hath suppres●… in night , to none communicable in earth or heaven : anough is left besides to search and know ▪ but knowledge is as food , 〈◊〉 needs no less her temperance over appetite , to know in measure what the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 well contain , oppresses , else with 〈◊〉 , and soon turns wisdom to folly , as nourishment to winde know then , tha●… 〈◊〉 lucifer from heav'n ( so call him , brighter once amidst the host of angles ▪ then that starr the starrs among ) fell with his flaming legions through the deep into his place , and the great 〈◊〉 returnd victorious with his 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eternal father 〈◊〉 his throne be held thir multitude , and to his son thus spake at least 〈◊〉 envious 〈◊〉 hath fail'd , who thought all like himself 〈◊〉 , by ●…hose ●…id this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s●…rength , the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ us 〈◊〉 , he trusted to have seis'd , and into fraud drew many , whom thir place knows here no more ; yet farr the greater part have kept , i see , thir station , heav'n yet populous retaines number sufficient to possess her realmes though wide , and this high temple to frequent with ministeries due and solemn rites : but least his heart exalt him in the harme already done , to have dispeopl'd heav'n , my damage fondly deem'd , i can repaire that detriment , if such it be to lose self-lost , and in a moment will create another world , out of one man a race of men innumerable , there to dwell , not here , till by degrees of merit rais'd they open to themselves at length the way up hither , under long obedience tri'd , and earth be chang'd to heavn , & heav'n to earth , one kingdom , joy and union without end . mean while inhabit laxe , ye powers of heav'n , and thou my word , begotten son , by thee this i perform , speak thou , and be it don : my overshadowing spirit and might with thee i send along , ride forth , and bid the deep within appointed bounds be heav'n and earth , boundless the deep , because i am who fill infinitude , nor vacuous the space . though i uncircumscrib'd my self retire , and put not forth my goodness , which is free to act or not , necessitie and chance approach not me●… , and what i will is fate . so spake th' almightie , and to what he spake his word , the filial godhead , gave effect . immediate are the acts of god , more swift then time or motion , but to human ears cannot without process of speech be told , so told as earthly notion can receave . great triumph and rejoycing was in heav'n when such was heard declar'd the almightie's will ; glorie they sung to the most high , good will to future men , and in thir dwellings peace : glorie to him whose just avenging ire had driven out th' ungodly from his sight and th' habitations of the just ; to him glorie and praise , whose wisdom had ordain'd good out of evil to create , in stead of spirits maligne a better race to bring into thir vacant room , and thence diffuse his good to worlds and ages infinite . so sang the hierarchies : mean while the son on his great expedition now appeer'd , girt with omnipotence , with radiance crown'd of majestie divine , sapience and love immense , and all his father in him shon . about his chariot numberless were pour'd cherub and seraph , potentates and thrones , and vertues , winged spirits , and chariots wing'd , from the armoury of god , where stand of old myriads between two brazen mountains lodg'd against a solemn day , harnest at hand , celestial equipage ; and now came forth spontaneous , for within them spirit livd , attendant on thir lord : heav'n op'nd wide her ever during gates , harmonious sound on golden hinges moving , to let forth the king of glorie in his powerful word and spirit coming to create new worlds . on heav'nly ground they stood , and from the shore they view'd the vast immeasurable abyss outrageous as a sea , dark , wasteful , wilde , up from the bottom turn'd by furious windes and surging waves , as mountains to assault heav'ns highth , and with the center mix the pole. silence , ye troubl'd waves , and thou deep , peace , said then th' 〈◊〉 word , your discord end : nor staid , but on the wings of cherubim uplifted , in paternal glorie rode farr into chaos , and the world unborn ; for chaos heard his voice ▪ him all his traine follow'd in bright procession to b●…hold . creation , and the wonders of his might . then staid the fervid wheeles , and in his hand he took the golden compasses , prepar'd in gods eternal store , to circumscribe this universe , and all created things : one foot he center'd , and the other turn'd round through the vast profunditie obscure , and said ▪ thus farr extend , thus farr thy bounds , this be thy just circumferen●…e , o world. thus god the heav'n created , thus the earth , matter unform'd and void : darkness profound cover'd th' abyss : but on the watrie calme his brooding wings the spirit of god 〈◊〉 spred , and vital 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but downward purg'd the black 〈◊〉 cold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adverse to life : then founded , then conglob'd like things to like , the rest to several place disparted , and between spun out the air , and earth self-ballanc't on her center hung . let ther be light , said god , and forthwith light ethereal , first of things , quintessence pure sprung from the deep , and from her native east to journie through the airie gloom began , sphear'd in a radiant cloud , for yet the sun was not ; shee in a cloudie tabernacle sojourn'd the while . god saw the light was good ; and light from darkness by the hemisphere divided : light the day , and darkness night he nam'd . thus was the first day eev'n and morn : nor past uncelebrated , nor unsung by the celestial quires , when orient light exhaling first from darkness they beheld ; birth-day of heav'n and earth ; with joy and shout the hollow universal orb they fill'd , and touch't thir golden harps , & hymning prais'd god and his works , creatour him they sung , both when first eevning was , and when first morn . again , god said , let ther be firmament amid the waters , and let it divide the waters from the waters : and god made the firmament , expanse of liquid , pure , transparent , elemental air , diffus'd in circuit to the uttermost convex of this great round : partition firm and sure , the waters underneath from those above dividing : for as earth , so hee the world built on circumfluous waters calme , in wide crystallin ocean , and the loud misrule of chaos farr remov'd , least fierce extreames contiguous might distemper the whole frame : and heav'n he nam'd the firmament : so eev'n and morning chorus sung the second day . the earth was form'd , but in the womb as yet of waters , embryon immature involv'd , appeer'd not : over all the face of earth main ocean flow'd , not idle , but with warme prolific humour soft'ning all her globe , fermented the great mother to conceave , satiate with genial moisture , when god said be gather'd now ye waters under heav'n into one place , and let dry land appeer . immediately the mountains huge appeer emergent , and thir broad bare backs upheave into the clouds , thir tops ascend the skie : so high as heav'd the tumid hills , so low down sunk a hollow bottom broad and deep , capacious bed of waters : thither they hasted with glad precipitance , uprowld as drops on dust conglobing from the drie ; part rise in crystal wall , or ridge direct , for haste ; such 〈◊〉 the great command impress'd on the swift slouds : as armies at the call of trumpet ( for of armies thou hast heard ) troop to thir standard , so the watrie throng , wave rowling after wave , where way they found , if steep , with torrent rapture , if through plaine , soft ▪ ebbing ; nor withstood them rock or hill , but they , or under ground , or circuit wide with serpent errour wandring , found thir way , and on the wa●…hie oose deep channels wore ; easie , e're god had bid the ground be drie , all but within those banks , where rivers now stream , and perpetual draw thir humid traine . the dry land , earth , and the great receptacle of congregated waters he call'd seas : and saw that it was good , and said , let th' earth put forth the verdant grass , herb yeilding seed , and fruit tree yeilding fruit after her kind ; whose seed is in her self upon the earth . he scarce had said , when the bare earth , till then desert and bare , unsightly , unadorn'd , brought forth the tender grass ▪ whose verdure clad her universal face with pleasant green , then herbs of every leaf , that sudden flour'd op'ning thir various colours , and made gay her bosom smelling sweet : and these scarce blown , forth flourish't thick the clustring vine , forth crept the smelling gourd , up stood the cornie reed embattell'd in her field : add the humble shrub , and bush with frizl'd hair implicit : last rose as in dance the stately trees , and spred thir branches hung with copious fruit ; or gemm'd thir blossoms : with high woods the hills were crownd , with tufts the vallies & each fountain side , with borders long the rivers . that earth now seemd like to heav'n , a seat where gods might dwell , or wander with delight , and love to haunt her sacred shades : though god had yet not rain'd upon the earth , and man to till the ground none was , but from the earth a dewie mist went up and waterd all the ground , and each plant of the field , which e're it was in the earth god made , and every herb , before it grew on the green stemm ; god saw that it was good : so eev'n and morn recorded the third day . again th' almightie spake : let there be lights high in th' expanse of heaven to divide the day from night ; and let them be for signes , for seasons , and for dayes , and circling years , and let them be for lights as i ordaine thir office in the firmament of heav'n to give light on the earth ; and it was so . and god made two great lights , great for thir use to man , the greater to have rule by day , the less by night alterne : and made the starrs , and set them in the firmament of heav'n to illuminate the earth , and rule the day in thir vicissitude , and rule the night , and light from darkness to divide . god saw , surveying his great work , that it was good : for of celestial bodies first the sun a mightie spheare he fram'd , unlight som first , though of ethereal mould : then form'd the moon globose , and everie magnitude of starrs , and sowd with starrs the heav'n thick as a field : of light by farr the greater part he took , transplanted from her cloudie shrine , and plac'd ●…n the suns orb , made porous to receive and drink the liquid light , firm to retaine her gather'd beams , great palace now of light. hither as to thir fountain other starrs repairing , in thir gold'n urns draw light , and hence the morning planet guilds his horns ; by tincture or reflection they augment thir small peculiar , though from human sight so farr remote , with diminution seen . first in his east the glorious lamp was seen , regent of day , and all th' horizon round invested with bright rayes , jocond to 〈◊〉 his longitude through heav'ns high rode : the gray dawn , and the pleiades before him danc'd shedding sweet influence : less bright the moon , but opposite in leveld west was set his mirror , with full face borrowing her light from him , for other light she needed none in that aspect , and still that distance keepes till night , then in the east her turn she shines , revolvd on heav'ns great axle , and her reign with thousand lesser lights dividual holds , with thousand thousand starres , that then appeer'd spangling the hemisphere : then first adornd with thir bright luminaries that set and rose , glad eevning & glad morn crownd the fourth day ▪ and god said , let the waters generate reptil with spawn abundant , living soule : and let fowle flie above the earth , with wings displayd on the op'n firmament of heav'n . and god created the great whales , and each soul living , each that crept , which ▪ plenteously the waters generated by thir kindes , and every bird of wing after his kinde ; and saw that it was good , and bless'd them , saying , be fruitful , multiply , and in the seas and lakes and running streams the waters fill ; and let the fowle be multiply'd on the earth . forth with the sounds and seas , each creek & bay with frie innumerable swarme , and shoales of fish that with thir finns and shining scales glide under the green wave , in sculles that oft bank the mid sea : part single or with mate graze the sea weed thir pasture , & through groves of coral stray , or sporting with quick glance show to the sun thir wav'd coats dropt with gold , or in thir pearlie shells at ease , attend moist nutriment , or under rocks thir food in jointed armour watch : on smooth the seale , and bended dolphins play : part huge of bulk wallowing unweildie , enormous in thir gate tempest the ocean : there leviathan hugest of living creatures , on the deep str●…tcht like a promontorie sleeps or swimmes , and seems a moving land , and at his gilles draws in , and at his trunck spouts out a sea. mean while the tepid caves , and fens and shoares thir brood as numerous hatch , from the egg that soon bu●…sting with kindly rupture forth disclos'd thir callow young , but featherd soon and fledge they summ'd thir penns ▪ and soaring th' air sublime with clang despis'd the ground , under a cloud in prospect ; there the eagle and the stork on cliffs and cedar tops thir eyries build : part loosly wing the region , part more wise in common , rang'd in figure wedge thir way , intelligent of seasons , and set forth thir aierie caravan high over sea's flying , and over lands with mutual wing easing thir flight ; so ●…tears the prudent crane her annual voiage , born on windes ; the aire floats , as they pass , fann'd with unnumber'd plumes : from branch to branch the smaller birds with song solac'd the woods , and spred thir painted wings till ev'n , nor then the solemn nightingal ceas'd warbling , but all night tun'd her soft layes : others on silver lakes and rivers bath'd thir downie brest ; the swan with arched neck between her white wings mantling proudly , rowes her state with oarie feet : yet oft they quit the dank , and rising on stiff pennons , towre the mid aereal skie : others on ground walk'd firm ; the erested cock whose clarion sounds the silent hours , and th' other whose gay traine adorns him , colour'd with the florid hue of rainbows and starrie eyes . the waters thus with fish replenisht , and the aire with fowle , ev'ning and morn solemniz'd the fi●…t day . the sixt , and of creation last arose with eevning harps and 〈◊〉 , when god said , let th' earth bring forth fowle living in her kinde , cattel and creeping things , and beast of the earth ▪ each in their kinde . the earth obey'd , and strait op'ning her fertil woomb teem'd at a birth innumerous living creatures , perfet formes , limb'd and full 〈◊〉 : out of the ground up rose as from his laire the wilde beast where he wonns in forrest wilde , in thicket , brake , or den ; among the trees in pairs they rose , they walk'd : the cattel in the fields and meddowes green : those rare and solitarie , these in flocks pasturing at once , and in broad herds upsprung . the grassie clods now calv'd , now half appeer'd the tawnie lion , pawing to get free his hinder parts , then springs as broke from bonds , and rampant shakes his brinded main ; the ounce , the libbard , and the tyger , as the moale rising , the crumbl'd earth above them threw in hillocks ; the swift stag from under ground bore up his branching head : scarfe from his mould behemoth biggest born of earth upheav'd his vastness : fleec't the flocks and bleating rose , as plants : ambiguous between sea and land the river horse and scalie crocodile . at once came forth whatever creeps the ground , insect or worme ; those wav'd thir limber fans for wings , and smallest lineaments exact in all the liveries dect of summers pride with spots of gold and purple , azure and green : these as a line thir long dimension drew , streaking the ground with sinuous trace ; not all minims of nature ; some of serpent kinde wondrous in length and corpulence involv'd thir snakie foulds , and added wings . first crept the parsimonious emmet , provident of future , in small room large heart enclos'd , pattern of just equalitie perhaps hereafter , join'd in her popular tribes of commonaltie : swarming next appeer'd the femal bee that feeds her husband drone deliciously , and builds her waxen cells with honey stor'd : the rest are numberless , a●…d thou thir natures know'st , and gav'st them names , needlest to thee repeaed ; nor unknown the serpent suttl'st beast of all the field , of huge extent somtimes , with brazen eyes and hairie main terrific , though to thee not noxious , but obedient at thy call . now heav'n in all her glorie shon , and rowld her motions , as the great first-movers ha●…d first wheeld thir course ; earth in her rich attire consummate lovly smil'd ; aire , water , earth , by fowl , fish , beast , was flown , was swum , was walkt frequent ; and of the sixt day yet remain'd ; there wanted yet the master work , the end of all yet don ; a creature who not prone and brute as other creatures , but endu'd with sanctitie of reason , might erect his stature , and upright with front serene govern the rest , self-knowing , and from thence magnanimous to correspond with heav'n , but grateful to acknowledge whence his good descends , thither with heart and voice and eyes directed in devotion , to adore and worship god supream , who made him chief of all his works : therefore the omnipotent eternal father ▪ for where is not hee present ) thus to his son audibly spake . let us make now man in our image , man in our similitude , and let them rule over the fish and fowle of sea and aire , beast of the field , and over all the earth , and every creeping thing that creeps the ground . this said , he 〈◊〉 thee , adam , thee o man dust of the ground , and in thy nostrils breath'd the breath of life ; in his own image hee created thee , in the image of god express , and thou becam'st a living soul. male he created thee , but thy consort femal for race ; then bless'd mankinde , and said , be fruitful , multiplie , and fill the earth , subdue it , and throughout dominion hold over fish of the sea , and fowle of the aire , and every living thing that moves on the earth . wherever thus created , for no place is yet distinct by name , thence , as thou know'st he brought thee into this delicious grove , this garden , planted with the trees of god , delectable both to behold and taste ; and freely all thir pleasant fruit for food gave thee , all sorts are here that all th' earth yeelds , varietie without end ; but of the tree which tasted works knowledge of good and evil , thou mai'st not ; in the day thou eat'st , thou di'st ; death is the penaltie impos'd , beware , and govern well thy appeti●…e , least sin surprise thee , and her black attendant death . here finish'd hee , and all that he had made view'd , and behold all was entirely good ; so ev'n and morn accomplish'd the sixt day : yet not till the creator from his work desisting , though unwearied , up returnd up to the heav'n of heav'ns his high abode , thence to behold this new created world th' addition of his empire , how it shew'd in prospect from his throne , how good , how faire , answering his great idea . up he rode followd with acclamation and the sound symphonious of ten thousand harpes that tun'd angelic harmonies : the earth , the aire resounded , ( thou remember'st , for thou heardst ) the heav'ns and all the constellations rung , the planets in thir stations list'ning stood , while the bright pomp ascended jubilant . open , ye everlasting gates , they sung , open , ye heav'ns , your living dores ; let in the great creator from his work returnd magnificent , his six days work , a world ; open , and henceforth oft ; for god will deigne to visit oft the dwellings of just men delighted , and with frequent intercourse thither will send his winged messengers on errands of supernal grace . so sung the glorious train ascending : he through heav'n , that open'd wide her blazing portals , led to gods eternal house direct the way , a broad and ample rode , whose dust is gold and pavement starrs , as starrs to thee appeer , seen in the galaxie , that milkie way which nightly as a circling zone thou seest pouderd with starrs . and now on earth the seaventh eev'ning arose in eden , for the sun was set , and twilight from the east came on , forerunning night ; when at the holy mount of heav'ns high-seated top , th' impereal throne of godhead , fixt forever firm and sure , the filial power arriv'd , and sate him down with his great father ( for he also went invisible , yet staid ( such priviledge hath omnipresence ) and the work ordain'd , author and end of all things , and from work now resting , bless'd and hallowd the seav'nth day , as resting on that day from all his work , but not in silence holy kept ; the 〈◊〉 had work and 〈◊〉 not , the solemn ●…ipe , and dulcimer , all organs of sweet stop , all sounds on fret by string or golden wire temper'd 〈◊〉 tunings , intermixt with voice choral or unison : of incense clouds fuming from golden c●…nsers hid the mount. creation and the six dayes acts they sung , great are thy works , jehovah , infinite thy power ; what thought can measure thee or tongue relate thee ; greater now in thy return then from the giant angels ; thee that day thy thunders 〈◊〉 , but to 〈◊〉 is greater then created to destroy . who can impair thee , mighty king , or bound thy empire ? easily the proud attempt of spirits apostat and thir counsels vaine thou hast repeld , while impiously they thought thee to diminish , and from thee withdraw the number of thy worshippers . who seekes to lessen thee , against his purpose serves to manifest the more thy might : his evil thou usest , and from thence creat'st more good . witness this new-made world , another heav'n from heaven gate not farr , founded in view on the cleer hyaline , the glassie sea ; of amplitude almost immense , with starr's numerous , and every starr perhaps a world of destind habitation ; but thou know'st thir seasons : among these the seat of men , earth with her nether ocean circumfus'd , thir pleasant dwelling place . thrice happie men , and sons of men , whom god hath thus advanc't , created in his image , there to dwell and worship him , and in reward to rule over his works , on earth , in sea , or air , and multiply a race of worshippers holy and just ▪ thrice happie if they know thir happiness , and persevere upright . so sung they , and the empyrean rung , with halleluiahs : thus was sabbath kept . and thy request think now fulfill'd , that ask'd how first this world and face of things began , and what before thy memorie was don from the beginning , that posteritie informd by thee might know ; if else thou seekst aught , not surpassing human measure , say . to whom thus adam gratefully repli'd . what thanks sufficient , or what recompence equal have i to render thee , divine hystorian , who thus largely hast allayd the thirst i had of knowledge , and voutsaf't this friendly condescention to relate things else by me unsearchable , now heard vvith wonder , but delight , and , as is due , with glorie attributed to the high creator ; some thing yet of doubt remaines , vvhich onely thy solution can resolve . vvhen i behold this goodly frame , this vvorld of heav'n and earth consisting , and compute , thir magnitudes , this earth a spot , a graine , an atom , with the firmament compar'd and all ●…er numberd starrs , that seem to rowle spaces incomprehensible ( for such thir distance argues and thir swift return diurnal ) meerly to officiate light round this opacous earth , this punctual spot , one day and night ; in all thir vast survey useless besides , reasoning i oft admire , how nature wise and frugal could commit such disproportions , with superfluous hand so many nobler bodies to create , greater so manifold to this one use , for aught appeers , and on thir orbs impose such restless revolution day by day repeated , while the sedentarie earth , that better might with farr less compass move , serv'd by more noble then her self , attaines her end without least motion , and receaves , as tribute such a sumless journey brought of incorporeal speed , her warmth and light ; speed , to describe whose swiftness number failes . so spake our sire , and by his count'nance seemd entring on studious thoughts abstruse , which eve perceaving where she sat retir'd in sight , with lowliness majestic from her seat , and grace that won who saw to wish her stay , rose , and went forth among her fruits and flours , to visit how they prosper'd , bud and bloom , her nurserie ; they at her coming sprung and toucht by her fair tendance gladlier grew . yet went she not , as not with such discourse delighted , or not capable her eare of what was high : such pleasure she reserv'd , adam relating , she sole auditress ; her husband the relater she preferr'd before the angel , and of him to ask chose rather ; hee , she knew would intermix grateful digressions , and solve high dispute with conjugal caresses , from his lip not words alone pleas'd her . o when meet now such pairs , in love and mutual honour joyn'd ? with goddess-like demeanour forth she went ; not unattended , for on her as queen a pomp of winning graces waited still , and from about her shot darts of desire into all eyes to wish her still in sight . and raphael now to adam's doubt propos'd benevolent and facil thus repli'd . to ask or search i blame thee not , for heav'n is as the book of god before thee set , wherein to read his wondrous works , and learne his seasons , hours , or days , or months , or yeares : this to attain , whether heav'n move or earth , imports not , if thou reck'n right , the rest from man or angel the great architect did wisely to conceal , and not divulge his secrets to be scann'd by them who ought rather admire ; or if they list to try conjecture , he his fabric of the heav'ns hath left to thir disputes , perhaps to move his laughter at thir quaint opinions wide hereafter , when they come to model heav'n and calculate the starrs , how they will weild the mightie frame , how build , unbuild , contrive to save appeerances , how gird the sphear with centric and eccentric scribl'd o're , cycle and epicycle , orb in orb : alreadie by thy reasoning this i guess , who art to lead thy ofspring , and supposest that bodies bright and greater should not serve the less not bright , nor heav'n such journies run , earth sitting still , when she alone receaves the benefit : consider first , that great or bright inferrs not excellence : the earth though , in comparison of heav'n , so small , nor glistering , may of solid good containe more plenty then the sun that barren shines , whose vertue on it self workes no effect , but in the fruitful earth ; there first receavd his beams , unactive else , thir vigor find . yet not to earth are those bright luminaries officious , but to thee earths habitant . and for the heav'ns wide circuit , let it speak the makers high magnificence , who built so spacious , and his line stretcht out so farr ; that man may know he dwells not in his own ; an edifice too large for him to fill , lodg'd in a small partition , and the rest ordain'd for uses to his lord best known . the swiftness of those circles attribute , though numberless , to his omnipotence , that to corporeal substances could adde speed almost spiritual ; mee thou thinkst not slow , who since the morning hour set out from heav'n where god resides , and ere mid-day arriv'd in eden , distance inexpressible by numbers that have name . but this i urge , admitting motion in the heav'ns , to shew invalid that which thee to doubt it mov'd ; not that i so affirm , though so it seem to thee who hast thy dwelling here on earth . god to remove his wayes from human sense , plac'd heav'n from earth so farr , that earthly sight , if it presume , might erre in things too high , and no advantage gaine . what if the sun be center to the world , and other starrs by his attractive vertue and thir own incited , dance about him various rounds ? thir wandring course now high , now low , then hid , progressive , retrograde , or standing still , in six thou seest , and what if sev'nth to these the planet earth , so stedfast though she seem , insensibly three different motions move ? which else to several sphears thou must ascribe , mov'd contrarie with thwart obliquities , or save the sun his labour , and that swift nocturnal and diurnal rhomb suppos'd , invisible else above all starrs , the wheele of day and night ; which needs not thy beleefe , if earth industrious of her self fetch day travelling east , and with her part averse from the suns beam meet night , her other part still luminous by his ray . what if that light sent from her through the wide transpicuous aire , to the terrestrial moon be as a starr enlightning her by day , as she by night this earth ? reciprocal , if land be there , feilds and inhabitants : her spots thou seest as clouds , and clouds may rain , and rain produce fruits in her soft'nd soile , for some to eate allotted there ; and other suns perhaps with thir attendant moons thou wilt descrie communicating male and femal light , which two great sexes animate the world , stor'd in each orb perhaps with some that live . for such vast room in nature unpossest by living soule , desert and desolate , onely to shine , yet scarce to contribute each orb a glimps of light , conveyd so farr down to this habitable , which returnes light back to them , is obvious to dispute . but whether thus these things , or whether not , whether the sun predominant in heav'n rise on the earth , or earth rise on the sun , hee from the east his flaming rode begin , or shee from west her silent course advance with inoffensive pace that spinning sleeps on her soft axle , while she paces eev'n , and be●…rs thee soft with the smooth air along , sollicit not thy thoughts with matters hid , leave them to god above , him serve and feare ; of other creatures , as him pleases best , wherever plac't , let him dispose : joy thou in what he gives to thee , this paradise and thy faire eve ; heav'n is for thee too high to know what passes there ; be lowlie wise : think onely what concernes thee and thy being ; dream not of other worlds , what creatures there live , in what state , condition or degree , contented that thus farr hath been reveal'd not of earth onely but of highest heav'n . to whom thus adam cleerd of doubt , repli'd . how fully hast thou satisfi'd mee , pure intelligence of heav'n , angel serene , and freed from intricacies , taught to live , the easiest way , nor with perplexing thoughts to interrupt the sweet of life , from which god hath bid dwell farr off all anxious cares , and not molest us , unless we our selves seek them with wandring thoughts , and notions vaine . but apt the mind or fancie is to roave uncheckt , and of her roaving is no end ; till warn'd , or by experience taught , she learne , that not to know at large of things remote from use , obscure and suttle , but to know that which before us lies in daily life , is the prime wisdom , what is more , is fume , or emptiness , or fond impertinence , and renders us in things that most concerne unpractis'd , unprepar'd , and still to seek . therefore from this high pitch let us descend a lower flight , and speak of things at hand useful , whence haply mention may arise of somthing not unseasonable to ask by sufferance , and thy wonted favour deign'd . thee i have heard relating what was don ere my remembrance : now hear mee relate my storie , which perhaps thou hast not heard ; and day is yet not spent ; till then thou seest how suttly to detaine thee i devise , inviting thee to hear while i relate , fond , were it not in hope of thy reply : for while i sit with thee , i seem in heav'n , and sweeter thy discourse is to my eare then fruits of palm-tree pleasantest to thirst and hunger both , from labour , at the houre of sweet repast ; they satiate , and soon fill , though pleasant , but thy words with grace divine imbu'd , bring to thir sweetness no satietie . to whom thus raphael answer'd heav'nly meek . nor are thy lips ungraceful , sire of men , nor tongue ineloquent ; for god on thee abundantly his gifts hath also pour'd inward and outward both , his image faire : speaking or mute all comliness and grace attends thee , and each word , each motion formes . nor less think wee in heav'n of thee on earth then of our fellow servant , and inquire gladly into the wayes of god with man : for god we see hath honour'd thee , and set ▪ on man his equal love : say therefore on ; for i that day was absent , as befell , bound on a voyage uncouth and obscure , farr on excursion toward the gates of hell ; squar'd in full legion ( such command we had ) to see that none thence issu'd forth a spie , or enemie , while god was in his work , least hee incenst at such eruption bold , destruction with creation might have mixt . not that they durst without his leave attempt , but us he sends upon his high behests for state , as sovran king , and to enure our prompt obedience . fast we found , fast shut the dismal gates , and barricado'd strong ; but long ere our approaching heard within noise , other then the sound of dance or song , torment , and lowd lament , and furious rage . glad we return'd up to the coasts of light ere sabbath eev'ning : so we had in charge . but thy relation now ; for i attend , pleas'd with thywords no less then thou with mine . so spake the godlike power , and thus our sire . for man to tell how human life began is hard ; for who himself beginning knew ? desire with thee still longer to converse induc'd me . as new wak't from soundest sleep soft on the flourie herb i found me laid in balmie sweat , which with his beames the sun soon dri'd , and on the reaking moisture fed . strait toward heav'n my wondring eyes i turnd , and gaz'd a while the ample skie , till rais'd by quick instinctive motion up i sprung , as thitherward endevoring , and upright stood on my feet ; about me round i saw hill , dale , and shadie woods , and sunnie plaines , and liquid lapse of murmuring streams ; by these , creatures that livd , and movd , and walk'd , or flew , birds on the branches warbling ; all things smil'd , with fragrance and with joy my heart oreflow'd . my self ▪ i then perus'd , and limb by limb survey'd , and sometimes went , and sometimes ran with supple joints , as lively vigour led : but who i was , or where , or from what cause , knew not ; to speak i tri'd , and forthwith spake , my tongue obey'd and readily could name what e're i saw . thou sun , said i , faire light , and thou enlight'nd earth , so fresh and gay , ye hills and dales , ye rivers , woods , and plaines , and ye that live and move , fair creatures , tell , tell , if ye saw , how came i thus , how here ? not of my self ; by some great maker then , in goodness and in power praeeminent ; tell me , how may i know him , how adore , from whom i have that thus i move and live , and feel that i am happier then i know . while thus i call'd , and stray'd i knew not whither , from where i first drew aire , and first beheld this happie light , when answer none return'd , on a green shadie bank profuse of flours pensive i sate me down ; there gentle sleep first found me , and with soft oppression seis'd my droused sense , untroubl'd , though i thought i the●… was passing to my former state insensible , and forthwith to dissolve : when suddenly stood at my head a dream , whose inward apparition gently mov'd my fancy to believe i yet had being , and livd : one came , methought , of shape divine , and said , thy mansion wants thee , adam , rise , first man , of men innumerable ordain'd first father , call'd by thee i come thy guide to the garden of bliss , thy seat prepar'd . so saying , by the hand he took me rais'd , and over fields and waters , as in aire smooth sliding without step , last led me up a woodie mountain ; whose high top was plaine , a circuit wide , enclos'd , with goodliest trees planted , with walks , and bowers , that what i saw of earth before scarse pleasant seemd . each tree load'n with fairest fruit , that hung to the eye tempting , stirr'd in me sudden appetite to pluck and eate ; whereat i wak'd , and found before mine eyes all real , as the dream had lively shadowd : here had new begun my wandring , had not hee who was my guide up hither , from among the trees appeer'd , presence divine . rejoycing , but with aw in adoration at his feet i fell submiss : he rear'd me , & whom thou soughtst i am , said mildely , author of all this thou seest above , or round about thee or beneath . this paradise i give thee , count it thine to till and keep , and of the fruit to eate : of every tr●…e that in the garden growes eate freely with glad heart ; fear here no dearth : but of the tree whose operation brings knowledg of good and ill , which i have set the pledge of thy obedience and thy faith , amid the garden by the tree of life , remember what i wa●…ne thee , shun to taste , and shun the bitter consequence : for know , the day thou eat'st thereof , my sole command transgrest , inevitably thou shalt dye ; from that day-mortal , and this happie state shalt loose , expell'd from hence into a world of woe and sorrow . sternly he pronounc'd the rigid interdiction , which resounds yet dreadful in mine eare , though in my choice not to incur ; but soon his cleer aspect return'd and gratious purpose thus renew'd . not onely these fair bounds , but all the earth to thee and to thy race i give ; as lords possess it , and all things that therein live , or live in sea , or aire , beast , fish , and fowle . in signe whereof cach bird and beast behold after thir kindes ; i bring them to receave from thee thir names , and pay thee fealtie with low subjection ; understand the same of fish within thir watry residence , not hither summond , since they cannot change thir element to draw the thinner aire . as thus he spake , each bird and beast behold approaching two and two , these cowring low with blandishment , each bird stoop'd on his wing . i nam'd them , as they pass'd , and understood thir nature , with such knowledg god endu'd my sudden apprehension : but in these i found not what me thought i wanted still ; and to the heav'nly vision thus presum'd . o by what name , for thou above all these , above mankinde , or aught then mankinde higher , surpassest farr my naming , how may i adore thee , author of this universe , and all this good to man , for whose well being so amply , and with hands so liberal thou hast provided all things : but with mee i see not who partakes . in solitude what happiness , who can enjoy alone , or all enjoying , what contentment find ? thus i presumptuous ; and the vision bright , as with a smile more bright'nd , thus repli'd . what call'st thou solitude , is not the earth with various living creatures , and the aire replenisht , and all these at thy command to come and play before thee , know'st thou not thir language and thir wayes , they also know , and reason not contemptibly ; with these find pastime , and beare rule ; thy realm is large . so spake the universal lord , and seem'd so ordering . i with leave of speech implor'd , and humble deprecation thus repli'd . let not my words offend thee , heav'nly power , my maker , be propitious while i speak . hast thou not made me here thy substitute , and these inferiour farr beneath me set ? among unequals what societie can sort , what harmonie or true delight ? which must be mutual , in proportion due giv'n and receiv'd ; but in disparitie the one intense , the other still ●…emiss cannot well suite with either , but soon prove tedious alike : of fellowship i speak such as i seek , fit to participate all rational delight , wherein the brute cannot be human consort ; they rejoyce each with thir kinde , lion with lioness ; so fitly them in pairs thou hast combin'd ; much less can bird with beast , or fish with fowle so well converse , nor with the ox the ape ; wors then can man with beast , and least of all . whereto 〈◊〉 almighty answer'd , not displeas'd . a nice and suttle happiness i see thou to thy self proposest , in the choice of thy associates , adam , and wilt taste no pleasure , though in pleasure , solitarie . what thinkst thou then of mee , and this my state , seem i to thee sufficiently possest of happiness , or not ? who am alone from all eternitie , for none i know second to mee or like , equal much less . how have i then with whom to hold converse save with the creatures which i made , and those to me inferiour , infinite descents beneath what other creatures are to thee ? he ceas'd , i lowly answer'd . to attaine the highth and depth of thy eternal wayes all human thoughts come short , supream of things ; thou in thy self art perfet , and in thee is no deficience found ; not so is man , but in degree , the cause of his desire by conversation with his like to help , or solace his defects . no need that thou shouldst propagat , already infinite ; and through all numbers absolute , though one ; b●…t man by number is to manifest his single imperfection , and beget like of his like , his image multipli'd , in unitie defective , which requires collateral love , and deerest amitie . thou in thy secresie although alone , best with thy self accompanied , seek'st not social communication , yet so pleas'd , canst raise thy creature to what highth thou wilt of union or communion , deifi'd ; i by conversing cannot these erect from prone , nor in thir wayes complacence find . thus i embold'nd spake , and freedom us'd permissive , and acceptance found , which gain'd this answer from the gratious voice divine . thus farr to try thee , adam , i was pleas'd , and finde thee knowing not of beasts alone , which thou hast rightly nam'd , but of thy self , expressing well the spirit within thee free , my image , not imparted to the brute , whose fellowship therefore unmeet for thee good reason was thou freely shouldst dislike , and be so minded still ; i , ere thou spak'st , knew it not good for man to be alone , and no such companie as then thou saw'st intended thee , for trial onely brought , to see how thou could'st judge of fit and meet : what next i bring shall please thee , be assur'd , thy likeness , thy fit help , thy other self , thy wish , exactly to thy hearts desire . hee ended , or i heard no more , for now my earthly by his heav'nly overpowerd , which it had long stood under , streind to the highth in that celestial colloquie sublime , as with an object that excels the sense , dazl'd and spent , sunk down , and sought repair of sleep , which instantly fell on me , call'd by nature as in aide , and clos'd mine eyes . mine eyes he clos'd , but op'n left the cell of fancie my internal sight , by which abstract as in a transe methought i saw , though sleeping , where i lay , and saw the shape still glorious before whom awake i stood ; who stooping op'nd my left side , and took from thence a rib , with cordial spirits warme , and life-blood streaming fresh ; wide was the wound , but suddenly with flesh fill'd up & heal'd : the rib he formd and fashond with his hands ; under his forming hands a creature grew , manlike , but different sex ; so lovly faire , that what seemd fair in all the world , seemd now mean , or in her summd up , in her containd and in her looks , which from that time infus'd sweetness into my heart , unfelt before , and into all things from her aire inspir'd the spirit of love and amorous delight . she disappeerd , and left me dark , i wak'd ▪ to find her , or for ever to deplore her loss , and other pleasures all abjure : when out of hope , behold her , not farr off ; such as i saw her in my dream , adornd with what all earth or heaven could bestow to make her amiable : on she came , led by her heav'nly maker , though unseen , and guided by his voice , nor uninformd of nuptial sanctitie and marriage rites : grace was in all her steps , heav'n in her eye , in every gesture dignitie and love . i overjoyd could not forbear aloud . this turn hath made amends ; thou hast fulfill'd thy words , creator bounteous and benigne , giver of all things faire , but fairest this of all thy gifts , nor enviest . i now see bone of my bone , flesh of my flesh , my self before me ; woman is her name , of man extracted ; for this cause he shall forgoe , father and mother , and to his wife adhere ; and they shall be one flesh , one heart , one soule . she heard me thus , and though divinely brought , yet innocence and virgin modestie , her vertue and the conscience of her worth , that would be woo'd , and not unsought be won , not obvious , not obtrusive , but retir'd , the more desirable , or to say all , nature herself , though pure of sinful thought , wrought in her so , that seeing me , she turn'd ; i follow'd her , she what was honour knew , and with obsequious majestie approv'd my pleaded reason . to the nuptial bowre i led her blushing like the morn : all heav'n , and happie constellations on that houre shed thir selectest influence ; the earth gave sign of gratulation , and each hill ; joyous the birds ; fresh gales and gentle aires whisper'd it to the woods , and from thir wings flung rose , flung odours from the spicie shrub , disporting , till the amorous bird of night sung spousal , and bid haste the eevning starr on his hill top , to light the bridal lamp. thus i have told thee all my state , and brought my storie to the sum of earthly bliss which i enjoy , and must confess to find in all things else delight indeed , but such as us'd or not , works in the mind no change , nor vehement desire , these delicacies i mean of taste , sight , smell , herbs , fruits , & flours , walks , and the melodie of birds ; but here ▪ farr otherwise , transported i behold ; transported touch ; here passion first i felt , commotion strange , in all enjoyments else superiour and unmov'd , here onely weake against the charm of beauties powerful glance . or nature faild in mee , and left some part not proof enough such object to sustain , or from my side subducting , took perhaps more then enough ; at least on her bestow'd too much of ornament , in outward shew elaborate , of inward less exact . for well i understand in the prime end of nature her th' inferiour , in the mind and inward faculties , which most excell , in outward also her resembling less his image who made both , and less expressing the character of that dominion giv'n o're other creatures ; yet when i approach her loveliness , so absolute she seems and in her self compleat , so well to know her own , that what she wills to do or say , seems wisest , vertuousest , discreetest , best ; all higher knowledge in her presence falls degraded , wisdom in discourse with her looses discount'nanc't , and like folly shewes ; authoritie and reason on her waite , as one intended first , not after made occasionally ; and to consummate all , greatness of mind and nobleness thir seat build in her loveliest , and create an awe about her , as a guard angelic plac't . to whom the angel with contracted brow . accuse not nature , she hath don her part ; do thou but thine , and be not diffident of wisdom , she deserts thee not , if thou dismiss not her , when most thou needst her nigh , by attributing overmuch to things less excellent , as thou thy self perceav'st . for what admir'st thou , what transports thee so , an outside ? fair no doubt , and worthy well thy cherishing , thy honouring , and thy love , not thy subjection : weigh with her thy self ; then value : oft times nothing profits more then self-esteem , grounded on just and right well manag'd ; of that skill the more thou know'st , the more she will acknowledge thee her head , and to realities yeild all her shows ; made so adorn for thy delight the more , so awful , that with honour thou maist love thy mate , who sees when thou art seen least wise . but if the sense of touch whereby mankind is propagated seem such dear delight beyond all other , think the same voutsaft to cattel and each beast ; which would not be to them made common & divulg'd , if aught therein enjoy'd were worthy to subdue the soule of man , or passion in him move . what higher in her societie thou findst attractive , human , rational , love still ; in loving thou dost well , in passion not , wherein true love consists not ; love refines the thoughts , and heart enlarges , hath his seat in reason , and is judicious , is the scale by which to heav'nly love thou maist as●…end , not sunk in carnal pleasure , for which cause among the beasts no mate for thee was found . to whom thus half abash't adam repli'd . neither her out-side formd so fair , nor aught in procreation common to all kindes ( though higher of the genial bed by far , and with mysterious reverence i deem ) so much delights me , as those graceful acts , those thousand decencies that daily flow from all her words and actions , mixt with love and sweet compliance , which declare unfeign'd union of mind , or in us both one soule ; harmonie to behold in wedded pair more grateful then harmonious sound to the eare . yet these subject not ; i to thee disclose what inward thence i feel , not therefore foild , who meet with various objects , from the sense variously representing ; yet still free approve the best , and follow what i approve . to love thou blam'st me not , for love thou saist leads upto heav'n , is both the way and guide ; bear with me then , if lawful what i ask ; love not the heav'nly spirits , and how thir love express they , by looks onely , or do they mix irradiance , virtual or immediate touch ? to whom the angel with a smile that glow'd celestial rosie red , loves proper hue , answer'd . let it suffice thee that thou know'st us happie , and without love no happiness . whatever pure thou in the body enjoy'st ( and pure thou wert created ) we enjoy in eminence , and obstacle find none of membrane , joynt , or limb , exclusive 〈◊〉 ▪ easier then air with air , if spirits embrace , total they mix , union of pure with pure desiring ; nor restrain'd conveyance need as flesh to mix with flesh , or soul with soul. but i can now no more ; the parting sun beyond the earths green cape and verdant isles hesperean sets , my signal to depart . be strong , live happie , and love , but first of all him whom to love is to obey , and keep his great command ; take heed least passion sway thy judgement to do aught , which else free will would not admit ; thine and of all thy sons the weal or woe in thee is plac't ; beware . i in thy persevering shall rejoyce , and all the blest : stand fast ; to stand or fall free in thine own arbitrement it lies . perfet within , no outward aid require ; and all temptation to transgress repel . so saying , he arose ; whom adam thus follow'd with benediction . since to part , go heavenly guest , ethereal messenger , sent from whose sovran goodness i adore . gentle to me and affable hath been thy condescension , and shall be honour'd ever with grateful memorie : thou to mankind be good and friendly still , and oft return . so parted they , the angel up to heav'n from the thick shade , and adam to his bowre . paradise lost . book viii . no more of talk where god or angel guest with man , as with his friend , familiar us'd to sit indulgent , and with him partake rural repast , permitting him the while venial discourse unblam'd : i now must change those notes to tragic ; foul distrust , and breach disloyal on the part of man , r●…volt , and diso●…dience : on the part of heav'n now ali●…ted , distance and distaste , anger and just rebuke , and judgement giv'n , that brought into this world a world of woe , sinne and her shadow death , and miserie deaths ●…arbinger : sad 〈◊〉 , yet argument not less but more heroic then the wrauth of stern aohilles on his foe pursu'd thrice fugitive about troy wall ; or rage of turnus for lavinia disespous'd , or neptun's ire or juno's , that so long perplex'd the greek and cytherea's son ; if answerable style i can obtaine of my celestial patroness , who deignes her nightly visitation unimplor'd , and dictates to me slumbring , or inspires easie my unpremeditated verse : since first this subject for heroic song pleas'd me long choosing , and beginning late ; not sedulous by nature to indite warrs , hitherto the onely argument heroic deem'd , chief maistrie to dissect with long and tedious havoc fabl'd knights in battels feign'd ; the better fortitude of patience and heroic martyrdom unsung ; or to describe races and games , or tilting furniture , emblazon'd shields , impreses quaint , caparisons and steeds ; bases and tinsel trappings , gorgious knights at joust and torneament ; then marshal'd feast serv'd up in hall with sewers , and seneshals ; the skill of artifice or office mean , not that which justly gives heroic name to person or to poem ▪ mee of these nor skilld nor ●…udious , higher argument remaines , sufficient of it self to raise that name , un●…ess an age too late , or cold climat , or years damp my intended wing deprest , and much they may , if all be mine , not hers who brings it nightly to my ear. the sun was sunk , and after him the starr of hesperus , whose office is to bring twilight upon the earth , short arbiter twixt day and night , and now from end to end nights hemisphere had veild the horizon round : when satan who late fled before the threats of gabriel out of eden , now improv'd in meditated fraud and malice , bent on mans destruction , maugre what might hap of heavier on himself , fearless return'd . by night he fled , and at midnight return'd from compassing the earth , cautious of day , since uriel regent of the sun descri'd his entrance , and forewarnd the cherubim that kept thir watch ; thence full of anguish driv'n , the space of seven continu'd nights he rode with darkness , thrice the equinoctial line he circl'd , four times cross'd the carr of night from pole to pole , traversing each colure ; on the eighth return'd , and on the coast averse from entrance or cherubic watch , by stealth found unsuspected way . there was a place , now not , though sin , not time , first wraught the change , where tigris at the foot of paradise into a gulf shot under ground , till part rose up a fountain by the tree of life ; in with the river sunk , and with it rose satan involv'd in rising mist , then sought where to lie hid ; sea he had searcht and land from eden over pontus , and the poole maeotis , up beyond the river ob ; downward as farr antartic ; and in length west from orontes to the ocean barr'd at darie●… , thence to the land where flowes ganges and indus : thus the orb he roam'd with narrow search ; and with inspection deep consider'd every creature , which of all most opportune might serve his wiles , and found the serpent suttlest beast of all the field . him after long debate , irresolute of thoughts revolv'd , his final sentence chose fit vessel , fittest imp of fraud , in whom to enter , and his dark suggestions hide from sharpest sight : for in the wilie snake , whatever sleights none would suspicious mark , as from his wit and native suttletie proceeding , which in other beasts observ'd doubt might beget of diabolic pow'r active within beyond the sense of brute . thus he resolv'd , but first from inward griefe his bursting passion into plaints thus pour'd : o earth , how like to heav'n , if not preferr'd more justly , seat worthier of gods , as built with second thoughts , reforming what was old ! for what god after better worse would build ? terrestrial heav'n , dan●…'t round by other heav'ns that shine , yet bear thir bright officious lamps , light above light , for thee alone , as seems , in thee concentring all thir precious beams of sacred influence : as god in heav'n is center , yet extends to all , so thou centring receav'st from all those orbs ; in thee , not in themselves , all thir known vertue appeers productive in herb , plant , and nobler birth of creatures animate with gradual life of growth , sense , reason , all summ'd up in man. with what delight could i have walkt thee round if i could joy in aught , sweet interchange of hill and vallie , rivers , woods and plaines , now land , now sea , & shores with forrest crownd , rocks , dens , and caves ; but i in none of these find place or refuge ; and the more i see pleasures about me , so much more i feel torment within me , as from the hateful siege of contraries ; all good to me becomes bane , and in heav'n much wor●…e would be my state . but neither here seek i , no nor in heav'n to dwell , unless by maistring heav'ns supreame ; nor hope to be my self less miserable by what i seek , but others to make such as i , though thereby worse to me redound : for onely in destroying i finde ease to my relentless thoughts ; and him destroyd , or won to what may work his utter loss , for whom all this was made , all this will soon follow , as to him linkt in weal or woe , in wo then ; that destruction wide may range : to mee shall be the glorie sole among the infernal powers , in one day to have marr'd what he almightie styl'd , six nights and days continu'd making , and who knows how long before had bin contriving , though perhaps not longer then since i in one night freed from servitude inglorious welnigh half th' angelic name , and thinner left the throng of his adorers : hee to be aveng'd , and to repaire his numbers thus impair'd , whether such vertue spent of old now faild more angels to create , if they at least are his created or to spite us more , determin'd to advance into our room a creature form'd of earth , and him endow , exalted from so base original , with heav'nly spoils , our spoils : what he decreed he effected ; man he made , and for him built magnificent this world , and earth his seat , him lord pronounc'd , and , o indignitie ! subjected to his service angel wings , and flaming ministers to watch and tend thir earthie charge : of these the vigilance i dread , and to elude , thus wrapt in mist of midnight vapor glide obscure , and prie in every bush and brake , where hap may finde the serpent sleeping , in whose mazie foulds to hide me , and the dark intent i bring . o foul descent ! that i who erst contended with gods to sit the highest , am now constraind into a beast , and mixt with bestial slime , this essence to incarnate and imbrute , that to the hight of deitie aspir'd ; but what will not ambition and revenge descend to ? who aspires must down as low as high he soard ; obnoxious first or last to basest things . revenge , at first though sweet , bitter ere long back on it self recoiles ; let it ; i reck not , so it light well aim'd , since higher i fall short , on him who next . provokes my envie , this new favorite of heav'n , this man of clay , son of despite , whom us the more to spite his maker rais'd from dust : spite then with spite is best repaid . so saying , through each thicket danck or drie , like a black mist low creeping , he held on his midnight search , where soonest he might finde the serpent : him fast sleeping soon he found in labyrinth of many a round self-rowld , his head the midst , well stor'd with suttle wiles : not yet in horrid shade or dismal den , not nocent yet , but on the grassie herbe fearless unfeard he slept : in at his mouth the devil enterd , and his brutal sense , in heart or head , possessing soon inspir'd with act intelligential ; but his sleep disturbd not , waiting close th' approach of morn . now whenas sacred light began to dawne in eden on the humid flours , that breathd thir morning incense , when all things that breath , from th' earths great altar send up silent praise to the creator , and his nostrils fill with gratefull smell , forth came the human pair and joynd thir vocal worship to the quire of creatures wanting voice , that done , partake the season , prime for sweetest sents and aires : then commune how that day they best may ply thir growing work : for much thir work outgrew the hands dispatch of two gardning so wide . and eve first to her husband thus began . adam , well may we labour still to dress this garden , still to tend plant , herb and flour . our pleasant task enjoyn'd , but till more hands aid us , the work under our labour grows , luxurious by restraint ; what we by day lop overgrown , or prune , or prop , or bind , one night or two with wanton growth derides tending to wilde . thou therefore now advise or hear what to my mind first thoughts present , let us divide our labours , thou where choice leads thee , or where most needs , whether to wind the woodbine round this arbour , or direct the clasping ivie where to climb , while i in yonder spring of roses intermixt with myrtle , find what to redress till noon : for while so near each other thus all day our task we choose , what wonder if so near looks intervene and smiles , or object new casual discourse draw on , which intermits our dayes work brought to little , though begun early , and th' hour of supper comes unearn'd . to whom mild answer adam thus return'd . sole eve , associate sole , to me beyond compare above all living creatures deare , well hast thou motion'd , wel thy thoughts imployd how we might best fulfill the work which here god hath assign'd us , nor of me shalt pass unprais'd : for nothing lovelier can be found in woman , then to studie houshold good , and good workes in her husband to promote . yet not so strictly hath our lord impos'd labour , as to debarr us when we need resreshment , whether food , or talk between , food of the mind , or this sweet intercourse of looks and smiles , for smiles from reason flow , to brute deni'd , and are of love the food , love not the lowest end of human life . f●…r not to irksom toile , but to delight he made us , and delight to reason joyn'd . th●…se paths and bowers doubt not but our joynt hands will keep from wilderness with ease , as wide as we need walk , till younger hands ere long assist us : but if much converse perhaps thee satiate , to short absence i could yeild . for solitude somtimes is best societie , and short retirement urges sweet returne . but other doubt possesses me , least harm befall thee sever'd from me ; for thou knowst what hath bin warn'd us , what malicious foe envying our happiness , and of his own despairing , seeks to work us woe and shame by sly assault ; and somwhere nigh at hand watches , no doubt , with greedy hope to find his wish and best advantage , us asunder , hopeless to circumvent us joynd , where each to other speedie aide might lend at need ; whether his first design be to withdraw our fealtie from god , or to disturb conjugal love , then which perhaps no bliss enjoy'd by us excites his envie more ; or this , or worse , leave not the faithful side that gave thee being , stil shades thee and protects . the wife , where danger or dishonour lurks , safest and seemliest by her husband staies , who guards her , or with her the worst endures . to whom the virgin majestie of eve , as one who loves , and some unkindn●…ss m●…ets , with sweet austeèr composure thus reply'd . ofspring of heav'n and earth , and all earths lord , that such an enemie we have , who seeks our ruin , both by thee informd i learne , and from the parting angel over-heard as in a shadie nook i stood behind , just then returnd at shut of evening flours . but that thou shouldst my firmness therfore doubt to god or thee , because we have a foe may tempt it , i expected not to hear . his violence thou fearst not , being such , as wee , not capable of death or paine , can either not receave , or can repell . his fraud is then thy fear , which plain inferrs thy equal fear that my firm faith and love can by his fraud be shak'n or seduc't ; thoughts , which how found they harbour in thy brest , adam , missthought of her to thee so dear ? to whom with healing words adam reply'd . daughter of god and man , immortal eve , for such thou art , from sin and blame entire : not diffident of thee do i dissuade thy absence from my sight , but to avoid th' attempt it self , intended by our foe . for hee who tempts , though in vain , at least asperses the tempted with dishonour foul , suppos'd not incorruptible of faith , not prooff against temptation : thou thy self with scorne and anger wouldst resent the offer'd wrong , though ineffectual found : misdeem not then , if such affront i labour to avert from thee alone , which on us both at once the enemie , though bold , will hardly dare ; or daring , first on ●…eeth ' assault shall light . nor thou his malice and false guile contemn ; suttle he needs must be , who ●…ould seduce angels , nor think superfluous others aid . i from the influence of thy looks receave access in every vertue , in thy sight more wise , more watchful , stronger , if need were of outward strength ; while shame , thou looking on , shame to be overcome or over-reacht would utmost vigor ▪ raise , and rais'd unite . why shouldst not thou like sense within thee feel when i am present , and thy trial choose with me , best witness of thy vertue tri'd . so spake domestick adam in his care and matrimonial love , but eve , who thought less attributed to her faith sincere , thus her reply with accent sweet renewd . if this be our condition , thus to dwell in narrow circuit strait'nd by a foe , suttle or violent , we not endu'd single with like defence , wherever met , how are we happie , still in fear of harm ? ●…ut harm precedes not sin : onely our foe tempting affronts us with his foul esteem of our integritie : his foul esteeme sticks no dishonor on our front , but turns foul on himself ; then wherfore shund or feard by us ? who rather double honour gaine from his surmise prov'd false , finde peace within , favour from heav'n , our witness from th' event . and what is faith , love , vertue unassaid alone , without exterior help sustaind ? let us not then suspect our happie state l●…ft so imperfet by the maker w●…se , as not secure to single or combin'd . fraile is our happiness , if this be so , and eden were no eden thus expos'd . to whom thus adam fervently repli'd . o woman , best are all things as the will of god ordaind them , his creating hand nothing imperfet or deficient left of all that he created , much less man , or ought that might his happie state secure , secure from outward force ; within himself the danger lies , yet lies within his power : against his will he can receave no harme . but god left free the will , for what obeyes reason , is free , and reason he made right , but bid her well beware , and still erect , least by some faire appeering good surpris'd she dictate false , and missinforme the will to do what god expresly hath forbid . not then mistrust , but tender love enjoynes , that i should mind thee oft , and mind thou me . firm we subsist , yet possible to swerve , since reason not impossibly may meet some specious object by the foe subornd , and fall into deception unaware , not keeping strictest watch , as she was warnd . seek not temptation then , which to avoide were better , and most likelie if from ●…ee thou sever not : trial will come unsoug●…t . wouldst thou approve thy constancie , approve first thy obedience ; th' other who can know , not seeing thee attempted , who attest ? but if thou think , trial unsought may finde us both securer then thus warnd thou seemst , go ; for thy stay , not free , absents thee more ; go in thy native innocence , relie on what thou hast of vertue , summon all , for god towards thee hath done his part , do thine . so spake the patriarch of mankinde , but eve persisted , yet submiss , though last , repli'd . with thy permission then , and thus forewarnd chiefly by what thy own last reasoning words touchd onely , that our trial , when least sought , may finde us both perhaps farr less prepar'd , the willinger i goe , nor much expect a foe so proud will first the weaker seek ; so bent , the more shall shame him his repulse . thus saying , from her husbands hand her hand soft she withdrew , and like a wood-nymph light oread or dryad , or of delia's traine , betook her to the groves , but delia's self in gate surpass'd and goddess-like deport , though not as shee with bow and quiver armd , but with such gardning tools as art yet rude , guiltless of fire had formd , or angels brought . to pales , or pomona , thus adornd , likest she seemd , pomona when she fled vertumnus , or to ceres in her prime , yet virgin of proserpina from jove . her long with ardent look his eye pursu'd delighted , but desiring more her stay . oft he to her his charge of quick returne repeated , shee to him as oft engag'd to be returnd by noon amid the bowre , and all things in best order to invite noontide repast , or afternoons repose . o much deceav'd , much failing , hapless eve , o●… thy presum'd return ! event perverse ! thou never from that houre in paradise foundst either sweet repast , or sound repose ; such ambush hid among sweet flours and shades waited with hellish rancor imminent to intercept thy way , or send thee back despoild of innocence , of faith , of bliss . for now , and since first break of dawne the fiend , meer serpent in appearance , forth was come , and on his quest , where likeliest he might finde the onely two of mankinde , but in them the whole included race , his purposd prey . in bowre and field he sought , where any tuft of grove or garden-plot more pleasant lay , thir tendance or plantation for delight , by fountain or by shadie rivulet he sought them both , but wish'd his hap might find eve separate , he wish'd , but not with hope of what so seldom chanc'd , when to his wish , beyond his hope , eve separate he spies , veild in a cloud of fragrance , where she stood , half spi'd , so thick the roses bushing round about her glowd , oft stooping to support each flour of slender stalk , whose head though gay carnation , purple , azure , or spect with gold , hung drooping unsustaind , them she upstaies gently with mirtle band , mindless the while , her self , though fairest unsupported flour , from her best prop so farr , and storm so nigh . neerer he drew , and many a walk travers'd of stateliest covert , cedar , pine , or palme , then voluble and bold , now hid , now seen among thick-wov'n arborets and flours imborderd on each bank , the hand of eve : spot more delicious then those gardens feign'd or of reviv'd adonis , or renownd alcinous , host of old laertes son , or that , not mystic , where the sapient king held dalliance with his faire egyptian spouse . much hee the place admir'd , the person more . as one who long in populous city pent , where houses thick and sewers annoy the aire , forth issuing on a summers morn to breathe among the pleasant villages and farmes adjoynd , from each thing met conceaves delight , the smell of grain , or tedded grass , or kine , or dairie , each rural sight , each rural sound ; if chance with nymphlike step fair virgin pass , what pleasing seemd , for her now pleases more , she most , and in her look summs all delight . such pleasure took the serpent to behold this flourie plat , the sweet recess of eve thus earlie , thus alone ; her heav'nly forme angelic , but more soft , and feminine , her graceful innocence , her every aire of gesture or lest action overawd his malice , and with rapine sweet bereav'd his fierceness of the fierce intent it brought : that space the evil one abstracted stood from his own evil , and for the time remaind stupidly good , of enmitie disarm'd , of guile , of hate , of envie , of revenge ; but the hot hell that alwayes in him burnes , though in mid heav'n , soon ended his delight , and tortures him now more , the more he sees of pleasure not for him ordain'd : then soon fierce hate he recollects , and all his thoughts of mischief , gratulating , thus excites . thoughts , whither have ye led me , with what sweet compulsion thus transported to forget what hither brought us , hate , not love , nor hope of paradise for hell , hope here to taste of pleasure , but all pleasure to destroy , save what is in destroying , other joy to me is lost . then let me not let pass occasion which now smiles , behold alone the woman , opportune to all attempts , her husband , for i view far round , not nigh , whose higher intellectual more i shun , and strength , of courage hautie , and of limb heroic built , though of terrestrial mould , foe not informidable , exempt from wound , i not ; so much hath hell debas'd , and paine infeebl'd me , to what i was in heav'n . shee fair , divinely fair , fit love for gods , not terrible , though terrour be in love and beautie , not approacht by stronger hate , hate stronger , under shew of love well feign'd , the way which to her ruin now i tend . so spake the enemie of mankind , enclos'd in serpent , inmate bad , and toward eve address'd his way , not with indented wave , prone on the ground , as since , but on his reare , circular base of rising foulds , that tour'd fould above fould a surging maze , his head crested aloft , and carbuncle his eyes ; with burnisht neck of verdant gold , erect amidst his circling spires , that on the grass floted redundant : pleasing was his shape , and lovely , never since of serpent kind lovelier , not those that in illyria chang'd hermione and cadmus , or the god in epidaurus ; nor to which transformd ammonian jove , or capitoline was seen , hee with olympias , this with her who bore scipio the highth of rome . with tract oblique at first , as one who sought access , but feard to interrupt , side-long he works his way . as when a ship by skilful stearsman wrought nigh rivers mouth or foreland , where the wind veres oft , as oft so steers , and shifts her saile ; so varied hee , and of his tortuous traine curld many a wanton wreath in sight of eve , to lure her eye ; shee busied heard the sound of rusling leaves , but minded not , as us'd to such disport before her through the field , from every beast , more duteous at her call , then at circean call the herd disguis'd . hee boulder now , uncall'd before her stood ; but as in gaze admiring : oft he bowd his turret crest , and sleek enamel'd neck , fawning , and lick'd the ground whereon she trod . his gentle dumb expression turnd at length the eye of eve to mark his play ; he glad of her attention gaind , with serpent tongue organic , or impulse of vocal air , his fraudulent temptation thus began . wonder not , sovran mistress , if perhaps thou canst , who art sole wonder , much less arm thy looks , the heav'n of mildness , with disdain , displeas'd that i approach thee thus , and gaze in●…atiate , i thus single , nor have feard thy awful brow , more awful thus retir'd . fairest resemblance of thy maker faire , thee all things living gaze on , all things thine by gift , and thy celestial beautie adore with ravishment beheld , there best beheld where universally admir'd ; but here in this enclosure wild , these beasts among , beholders rude , and shallow to discerne half what in thee is fair , one man except , who sees thee ? ( and what is one ? ) who shouldst be seen a goddess among gods , ador'd and serv'd by angels numberless , thy daily train . so gloz'd the tempter , and his proem tun'd ; into the heart of eve his words made way , though at the voice much marveling ; at length not unamaz'd she thus in answer spake . what may this mean ? language of man pronounc't by tongue of brute , and human sense exprest ? the first at lest of these i thought deni'd to beasts , whom god on thir creation-day created mute to all articulat sound ; the latter i demurre , for in thir looks much reason , and in thir actions oft appeers . thee , serpent , suttlest beast of all the field i knew , but not with human voice endu'd ; redouble then this miracle , and say , how cam'st thou speakable of mute , and how to me so friendly grown above the rest of brutal kind , that daily are in sight ? say , for such wonder claims attention due . to whom the guileful tempter thus reply'd . empress of this fair world , resplendent eve , easie to mee it is to tell thee all what thou commandst , and right thou shouldst be obeyd : i was at first as other beasts that graze the trodden herb , of abject thoughts and low , as was my food , nor aught but food discern'd or sex , and apprehended nothing high : till on a day roaving the field , i chanc'd a goodly tree farr distant to behold loaden with fruit of fairest colours mixt , ruddie and gold : i nearer drew to gaze ; when from the boughes a savorie odour blow'n , grateful to appetite , more pleas'd my sense then smell of sweetest fenel , or the teats of ewe or goat dropping with milk at eevn , unsuckt of lamb or kid , that tend thir play . to satisfie the sharp desire i had of tasting those fair apples , i resolv'd not to deferr ; hunger and thirst at once , powerful perswaders , quick'nd at the scent of that alluring fruit , urg'd me so keene . about the mo●…ie trunk i wound me ●…oon , for high from ground the branches would require thy utmost reach or adams : round the tree all other beasts that saw , with like desire longing and envying stood , but could not reach . amid the tree now got , where plentie hung tempting so nigh , to pluck and eat my fill i spar'd not , for such pleasure till that hour at feed or fountain never had i found . sated at length , ere long i might perceave strange alteration in me , to degree of reason in my inward powers , and speech wanted not long , though to this shape retaind . thenceforth to speculations high or deep i turnd my thoughts , and with capacious mind considerd all things visible in heav'n , or earth , or middle , all things fair and good ; but all that fair and good in thy divine semblance , and in thy beauties heav'nly ray united i beheld ; no fair to thine equivalent or second , which compel'd mee thus , though importune perhaps , to come and gaze , and worship thee of right declar'd sovran of creatures , universal dame. so talk'd the spirited sly snake ; and eve yet more amaz'd unwarie thus reply'd . serpent , thy overpraising leaves in doubt the vertue of that fruit , in thee first prov'd : but say , where grows the tree , from hence how far ? for many are the trees of god that grow in paradise , and various , yet unknown to us , in such abundance lies our choice , as leaves a greater store of fruit untoucht , still hanging incorruptible , till men grow up to thir provision , and more hands help to disburden nature of her bearth . to whom the wilie adder , blithe and glad . empress , the way is readie , and not long , beyond a row of myrtles , on a flat , fast by a fountain , one small thicket past of blowi●…g myrrh and balme ; if thou accept my conduct , i can bring thee thither soon . lead then , said eve. hee leading swiftly rowld in tangles , and make intricate seem strait , to mischief swift . hope elevates , and joy bright'ns his crest , as when a wandring fire compact of unctuous vapor , which the night condenses , and the cold invirons round , kindl'd through agitation to a flame , which oft , they say , some evil spirit attends , hovering and blazing with delusive light , misleads th' amaz'd night-wanderer from his way to boggs and mires , & oft through pond or poole , there swallow'd up and lost , from succour farr . so glister'd the dire snake , and into fraud led eve our credulous mother , to the tree of prohibi●…ion , root of all our woe ; which when she saw , thus to her guide she spake . serpent , we might have spar'd our coming hither , fruitless to me , though fruit be here to excess , the credit of whose vertue rest with thee , wondrous indeed , if cause of such effects . but of this tree we may not taste nor touch ; god so commanded , and left that command sole daughter of his voice ; the rest , we live law to our selves , our reason is our law. to whom the tempter guilefully repli'd . indeed ? hath god then said that of the fruit of all these garden trees ye shall not eate , yet lords declar'd of all in earth or aire ? to whom thus eve yet sinless . of the fruit of each tree in the garden we may eate , but of the fruit of this fair tree amidst the garden , god hath said , ye shall not eate thereof , nor shall ye touch it , least ye die . she scarse had said , though brief , when now more bold the tempter , but with shew of zeale and love to man , and indignation at his wrong , new part puts on , and as to passion mov'd , fluctuats disturbd , yet comely , and in act rais'd , as of som great matter to begin . as when of old som orator renound in athens or free rome , where eloquence flourishd , since mute , to som great cause 〈◊〉 ▪ stood in himself collected , while each part , motion , each act won audience ere the tongue , somtimes in highth began , as no delay of preface brooking through his zeal of right . so standing , moving , or to highth upgrown the tempter all impassiond thus began . o sacred , wise , and wisdom-giving plant , mother of science , now i feel thy power within me cleere , not onely to discerne things in thir causes , but to trace the wayes of highest agents , deemd however wise . queen of this universe , doe not believe those rigid threats of death ; ye shall not die : how should ye ? by the fruit ? it gives you life to knowledge ? by the threatner , look on mee , mee who have touch'd and tasted , yet both live , and life more perfet have attaind then fate meant mee , by ventring higher then my lot. shall that be shut to man , which to the beast is open ? or will god incense his ire for such a petty trespass , and not praise rather your dauntless vertue , whom the pain of death denounc't , whatever thing death be , deterrd not from atchieving what might leade to happier life , knowledge of good and evil ; of good , how just ? of evil , if what is evil be real , why not known , since easier shunnd ? god therefore cannot hurt ye , and be just ; not just , not god ; not feard then , nor obeid : your feare it self of death removes the feare . why then was this forbid ? why but to awe , why but to keep ye low and ignorant , his worshippers ; he knows that in the day ye eate thereof , your eyes that seem so cleere , yet are but dim , shall perfetly be then op'nd and cleerd , and ye shall be as gods , knowing both good and evil as they know . that ye should be as gods , since i as man , internal man , is but proportion meet , i of brute human , yee of human gods. so ye shall die perhaps ▪ by putting off human , to put on gods , death to be wisht , though threat'nd , which no worse then this can bring . and what are gods that man may not become as they , participating god-like food ? the gods are first , and that advantage use on our belief , that all from them proceeds ; i question it , for this fair earth i see , warm'd by the sun , producing every kind , them nothing : if they all things , who enclos'd knowledge of good and evil in this tree , that whoso eats thereof , forthwith attains wisdom without their leave ? and wherein lies th' offence , that man should thus attain to know ? what can your knowledge hurt him , or this tree impart against his will if all be his ? or is it envie , and can envie dwell in heav'nly brests ? these , these and many more causes import your need of this fair fruit. goddess humane , reach then , and freely taste . he ended , and his words replete with guile into her heart too easie entrance won : fixt on the fruit she gaz'd , which to behold might tempt alone , and in her ears the sound yet rung of his perswasive words , impregn'd with reason , to her seeming , and with truth ; meanwhile the hour of noon drew on , and wak'd an eager appetite , rais'd by the smell so savorie of that fruit , which with desire , inclinable now grown to touch or taste , sollicited her longing eye ; yet first pausing a while , thus to her self she mus'd . great are thy vertues , doubtless , best of fruits , though kept from man , & worthy to be admir'd , whose taste , too long forborn , at first assay gave elocution to the mute , and taught the tongue not made for speech to speak thy praise : thy praise hee also who forbids thy use , conceales not from us , naming thee the tree of knowledge , knowledge both of good and evil ; forbids us then to taste , but his forbidding commends thee more , w●…ile it inf●…s the good by thee communicated , and our want : for good unknown , sure is not had , or had and yet unknown , is as not had at all . in plain then , what forbids he but to know , forbids us good , forbids us to be wise ? such prohibitions binde not . but if death bind us with after-bands , what profits then our inward freedom ? in the day we eate of this fair fruit , our doom is , we shall die . how dies the serpent ? hee hath eat'n and lives , and knows , and speaks , and reasons , and discernes , irrational till then . for us alone was death invented ? or to us deni'd this intellectual food , for beasts reserv'd ? for beasts it seems : yet that one beast which first hath tasted , envies not , but brings with joy the good befall'n him , author unsuspect , friendly to man , farr from deceit or guile . what fear i then , rather what know to feare under this ignorance of good and evil , of god or death , of law or penaltie ? here grows the cure of all , this fruit divine , fair to the eye , inviting to the taste , of vertue to make wise : what hinders then to reach , and feed at once both bodie and mind ? so saying , her rash hand in evil hour forth reaching to the fruit , she pluck'd , she eat : earth felt the wound , and n●…ure from her seat sighing through all her works gave signs of woe , that all was lost . back to the thicket slunk the guiltie serpent , and well might , for eve intent now wholly on her taste , naught else regarded , such delight till then , as seemd , in fruit she never tasted , whether true or fansied so , through expectation high of knowledg , nor was god-head from her thought . greedily she ingorg'd without restraint , and knew not eating death : satiate at length , and hight'nd as with wine , jocond and boon , thus to her self she pleasingly began . o sovran , vertuous , precious of all trees in paradise , of operation blest to sapience , hitherto obscur'd , infam'd , and thy fair fruit let hang , as to no end created ; but henceforth my early care , not without song , each morning , and due praise shall tend thee , and the fertil burden ease of thy full branches offer'd free to all ; till dieted by thee i grow mature in knowledge , as the gods who all things know ; though others envie what they cannot give ; for had the gift bin theirs , it had not here thus grown . experience , next to thee i owe , best guide ; not following thee , i had remaind in ignorance , thou op'nst wisdoms way , and giv'st access , though secret she retire . and i perhaps am secret ; heav'n is high , high and remote to see from thence distinct each thing on earth ; and other care perhaps may have diverted from continual watch our great forbidder , safe with all his spies about him . but to adam in what sort shall i appeer ? shall i to him make known as yet my change , and give him to partake full happiness with mee , or rather not , but keep the odds of knowledge in my power without copartner ? so to add what wants in femal sex , the more to draw his love , and render me more equal , and perhaps , a thing not undesireable , somtime superior ; for inferior who is free ? this may be well : but what if god have seen , and death ensue ? then i shall be no more , and adam wedded to another eve , shall live with her enjoying , i extinct ; a death to think . confirm'd then i resolve , adam shall share with me in bliss or woe : so dear i love him , that with him all deaths i could endure , without him live no life . so saying , from the tree her step she turnd , but first low reverence don , as to the power that dwelt within , whose presence had infus'd into the plant sciential sap , deriv'd from nectar , drink of gods. adam the while waiting desirous her return , had wove of choicest flours a garland to adorne her tresses , and her rural labours crown as reapers oft are wont thir harvest queen . great joy he promis'd to his thoughts , and new solace in her return , so long delay'd ; yet oft his heart , divine of somthing ill , misgave him ; hee the faultring measure felt ; and forth to meet her went , the way she took that morn when first they parted ; by the tree of knowledge he must pass , there he her met , scarse from the tree returning ; in her hand a bough of fairest fruit that downie smil'd , new gatherd , and ambrosial smell diffus'd . to him she hasted , in her face excuse came prologue , and apologie to prompt , which with bland words at will she thus addrest . hast thou not wonderd , adam , at my stay ? thee i have misst , and thought it long , depriv'd thy presence , agonie of love till now not felt , nor shall be twice , for never more mean i to trie , what rash untri'd i sought , the paine of absence from thy sight . but strange hath bin the cause , and wonderful to heare : this tree is not as we are told , a tree of danger tasted , nor to evil unknown op'ning the way , but of divine effect to open eyes , and make them gods who taste ; and hath bin tasted such : the serpent wise , or not restraind as wee , or not obeying , hath eat'n of the fruit , and is become , not dead , as we are threatn'd , but thenceforth endu'd with human voice and human sense , reasoning to admiration , and with mee perswasively hath so prevaild , that i have also tasted , and have also found th' effects to correspond , opener mine eyes , dimm erst , dilated spirits , ampler heart , and growing up to godhead ; which for thee chiefly i ▪ sought , without thee can despise . for bliss , as thou hast part , to me is bliss , tedious , unshar'd with thee , and odious soon . thou therfore also taste , that equal lot may joyne us , equal joy , as equal love ; least thou not tasting , different degree disjoyne us , and i then too late renounce deitie for thee , when fate will not permit . thus eve with countnance blithe her storie told ; but in her cheek distemper flushing glowd . on th' other side , adam , soon as he heard the fatal trespass don by eve , amaz'd , astonied stood and blank , while horror chill ran through his v●…ins , and all his joynts relax'd ; from his slack hand the garland wreath'd for eve down drop'd , and all the faded roses shed : speechless he stood and pale , till thus at length first to himself he inward silence broke . o fairest of creation , last and best of all gods works , creature in whom excell'd whatever can to sight or thought be formd , holy , divine , good , amiable , or sweet ! how art thou lost , how on a sudden lost , defac't , deflourd , and now to death devote ? rather how hast thou yeelded to transgress the strict forbiddance , how to violate the sacred fruit forbidd'n ! som cursed fraud of enemie hath beguil'd thee , yet unknown , and mee with thee hath ruind , for with thee certain my resolution is to die ; how can i live without thee , how forgoe thy sweet converse and love so dearly joyn'd , to live again in these wilde woods forlorn ? should god create another eve , and i another rib afford , yet loss of thee would never from my heart ; no no , i feel the link of nature draw me : flesh of flesh , bone of my bone thou art , and from thy state mine never shall be parted , bliss or woe . so having said , as one from sad dismay recomforted , and after thoughts disturbd submitting to what seemd remediless , thus in calme mood his words to eve he turnd . bold deed thou hast presum'd , adventrous eve , and peril great provok't , who thus hast dar'd had it bin onely coveting to eye that sacred fruit , sacred to abstinence , much more to taste it under banne to touch . but past who can recall , or don undoe ? not god omnipotent , nor fate , yet so perhaps thou shalt not die , perhaps the fact is not so hainous now , for●…tasted fruit , profan'd first by the serpent , by him first made common and unhallowd ere our taste ; nor yet on him found deadly , he yet lives , lives , as thou saidst , and gaines to live as man higher degree of life , inducement strong to us , as likely tasting to attaine proportional ascent , which cannot be but to be gods , or angels demi-gods . nor can i think that god , creator wise , though threatning , will in earnest so destroy us his prime creatures , dignisi'd so high , set over all his works , which in our fall , for us created , needs with us must faile , dependent made ; so god shall uncreate , be frustrate , do , undo , and labour loose , not well conceav'd of god , who though his power creation could repeate , yet would be loath us to abolish , least the adversary triumph and say ; fickle their state whom god most favors , who can please him long ? mee first he ruind , now mankind ; whom will he next ? matter of scorne , not to be given the foe . however i with thee have fixt my lot , certain to undergoe like doom , if death consort with thee , death is to mee as life ; so forcible within my heart i feel the bond of nature draw me to my owne , my own in thee , for what thou art is mine ; our state cannot be severd , we are one , one flesh ; to loose thee were to loose my self . so adam , and thus eve to him repli'd . o glorious trial of exceeding love , illustrious evidence , example high ! i●…gaging me to emulate , but short of thy perfection , how shall i attaine , adam , from whose deare side i boast me sprung , and gladly of our union heare thee speak , one heart , one soul in both ; whereof good prooff this day affords , declaring theè resolvd , rather then death or aught then death more dread shall separate us , linkt in love so deare , to undergoe with mee one guilt , one crime , if any be , of tasting this fair fruit , whose vertue , for of good still good proceeds , direct , or by occasion hath presented this happie trial of thy love , which else so eminently never had bin known . were it i thought death menac't would ensue this my attempt , i would sustain alone the worst , and not perswade thee , rather die deserted , then oblige thee with a fact pernicious to thy peace , chiefly assur'd remarkably so late of thy so true , so faithful love unequald ; but i feel farr otherwise th' event , not death , but life augmented , op'nd eyes , new hopes , new joyes , taste so divine , that what of sweet before hath toucht my sense , flat seems to this , and harsh . on my experience , adam , freely taste , and fear of death deliver to the windes . so saying , she embrac'd him , and for joy tenderly wept , much won that he his love had so enobl'd , as of choice to incurr divine displeasure for her sake , or death . in recompence ( for such compliance bad such recompence best merits ) from the bough she gave him of that fair enticing fruit with liberal hand : he scrupl'd not to eat against his better knowledge , not deceav'd , but fondly overcome with femal charm . earth trembl'd from her entrails , as again in pangs , and nature gave a second groan , skie lowr'd , and muttering thunder , som sad drops wept at compleating of the mortal sin original ; while adam took no thought , eating his fill , nor eve to iterate her former trespass fear'd , the more to soothe him with her lov'd societie , that now as with new wine intoxicated both they swim in mirth , and fansie that they feel divini●…e within them breeding wings where with to scorn the ea●…h : but that false fruit farr other operation first : displaid , carnal desire en●…ming , hee on eve began to cast lascivious eyes ▪ she him as want only repaid ; in lust they burne : till adam ●…us ●…gan eve to dalliance move . eve , now i see thou art exact of taste , and elegant , of sapience no small part , since to each meaning savour we apply , and palate call judicious ; i the praise yeild thee , so well this day thou hast purvey'd . much pleasure we have lost , while we abstain'd from this delightful fruit , nor known till now true relish , tasting ; if such pleasure be in things to us forbidden , it might be wish'd , for this one tree had bin forbidden ten . but come , so well refresh't , now let us play , as meet is , after such delicious fare ; for never did thy beautie since the day i saw thee first and wedded thee , adorn'd with all perfections , so en●…ame my sense with ardor to enjoy thee , ●…airer now then ever , bountie of this vertuous tree . so said he , and forbore not glance or toy of amorous intent , well understood of eve , whose eye darted contagious fire . her hand he seis'd , and to a shadie bank , thick overhead with verdant roof imbowr'd he led her nothing loath ; flours were the couch , pansies , and violets , and a●…phodel , and hyacinth , earths fresh●…st softest lap . there they thir ●…ill of love and loves disport took largely , of thir ▪ mutual guilt the seale , the ●…olace of thir sin , till dewie sleep oppress'd them , wearied with thir amorous play . soon as the force of that fallacious fruit , that with exhile rating vapour bland about thir spi●…ts had plaid , and inmost powers made erre , was now exhal'd , and gro●…er sleep bred of unkindly fumes , with conscious dreams encumberd , now had le●…t them , up they rose as from unrest , and each the other 〈◊〉 ▪ soon found thir eyes how op●…d , and thir minds how dark'nd ; i●…ocence , that as a v●…le had ●…dow'd them from knowing 〈◊〉 , was gon , just confidence , and na●…ve righteousness , and honour from about them , naked left to guiltie shame hee cover'd , but his robe uncover'd more . so rose the dani●…e strong herculean samson from the harlot-lap of philistean dalil●… , and wak'd shorn of his strength , they destitute and bare of all thir vertue : silent , and in face confounded long they sate , as struck'n mute , till adam , though not less then eve abasht , at length gave utterance to these words constraind . o eve , in evil ●…our thou didst give eare to that 〈◊〉 w●…rm , of whomsoever taught to counterfet mans voice , true in our fall , false in our promis'd rising ; since our eyes op'nd we find indeed , and find we know both good and evil , good lost , and evil got , bad fruit of knowledge , if this be to know , which leaves us naked thus , of honour void , of innocence , of faith , of puritie , our wonted ornaments now soild and staind , and in our faces evident the signes of foul concupiscence ; whence evil store ; even shame , the last of evils ; of the first be sure then . how shall i be hold the face hencef●…th of god or angel , earst with joy and rapture so oft beheld ? those heav'nly shapes will dazle now this earthly , with thir blaze insufferably bright . o might i here in solitude live savage , in some glade obscur'd , where highest woods impenetrable to starr or sun-light , spread thir umbrage broad , and brown as evening : co●…er me ye pines , ye cedars , with innumerable boughs hide me , where i may never see them more . but let us now , as in bad plight , devise what best may for the present serve to hide the parts of each from other , that seem most to shame obnoxious , and unseemliest seen , some tree whose broad ▪ smooth leaves together sowd , and girded on our loyns , may cover round those middle parts , that this new commer , shame , there sit not , and reproach us as unclean . so counsel'd hee ▪ and both together went into the thickest wood , there soon they chose the figtree , not that kind for fr●…it renown'd , but such as at this day to indians known in malabar or decan spreds her armes braunching so broad and long , that in the ground the bended twigs take root , and daughters grow about the mother tree , a pillard shade high overarch't , and echoing walks between ; there oft the indian herdsman shunning heate shelters in coole , and tends his pasturing herds at loopholes cut through thickest shade : those leaves they gatherd ; broad as amazonian targe , and with what skill they had , together sowd , to gird thir waste , vain covering if to hide thir guilt and dreaded shame ; o how unlike to that first naked glorie . such of late columbus found th' american so girt with featherd cincture , naked else and wilde among the trees on iles and woodie shores. thus fenc't , and as they thought , thir shame in part coverd , but not at rest or ease of mind , they sate them down to weep , nor onely teares raind at thir eyes , but high winds worse within began to rise , high passions , anger , hate ▪ mistrust , suspicion , discord , and shook sore thir inward state of mind , calme region once and full of peace , now tost and turbulent : for understanding rul'd not , and the will heard not her lore , both in subjection now to sensual appetite , who from beneathe usurping over sovran reason claimd superior sway : from thus distemperd brest , adam , estrang'd in look and alterd stile , speech intermitted thus to eve renewd . would thou hadst heark'nd to my words , & stai'd with me , as i besought thee , when that strange desire of wandring this unhappie morn , i know not whence possessd thee ; we had then remaind still happie , not as now , despoild of all our good , sham'd , naked , miserable . let none henceforth seek needless cause to approve the faith they owe ; when earnestly they seek such proof , conclude , they then begin to faile . to whom soon mov'd with touch of blame thus eve. what words have past thy lips , adam severe , imput'st thou that to my default , or will of wandering , as thou call'st it , which who knows but might as ill have happ'nd thou being by , or to thy self perhaps : hadst thou bin there , or here th' attempt , thou couldst not have discernd fraud in the serpent , speaking as he spake ; no ground of enmitie between us known , why hee should mean me ill , or seek to harme . was i to have never parted from thy side ? as good have grown there still a liveless rib. being as i am , why didst not thou the head command ●…e absolutely not to go , going into such danger as thou saidst ? too facil then thou didst not much gainsay , nay , didst permit , approve , and fair dismiss . hadst thou bin firm and fixt in thy dissent , neither had i transgress'd , nor thou with mee . to whom then first incenst adam repli'd . is this the love , is this the recompence of mine to thee , ingrateful eve , exprest immutable when thou wert lost , not i , who might have liv'd and joyd immortal bliss , yet willingly chose rather death with thee : and am i now upbraided , as the cause of thy transgressing ? not enough severe , it seems , in thy restraint : what could i more ? i warn'd thee , i admonish'd thee , foretold the danger , and the lurking enemie that lay in wait ; beyond this had bin force , and force upon free will hath here no place . but confidence then bore thee on , secure either to meet no danger , or to finde matter of glorious trial ; and perhaps i also err'd in overmuch admiring what seemd in thee so perfet , that i thought no evil durst attempt thee , but i rue that errour now , which is become my crime , and thou th' accuser . thus it shall befall him who to worth in women overtrusting lets her will rule ; restraint she will not brook , and left to her self , if evil thence ensue , shee first his weak indulgence will accuse . thus they in mutual accusation spent the fruitless hours , but neither self-condemning , and of thir vain contest appeer'd no end . the end of the eighth book . paradise lost . book ix . meanwhile the hainous and despightfull act of satan done in paradise , and how hee in the serpent had perverted eve , her husband shee , to taste the fatall fruit , was known in heav'n ; for what can scape the eye of god all-seeing , or deceave his heart omniscient , who in all things wise and just , hinder'd not satan to attempt the minde of man , with strength entire , and free will arm'd , complete to have discover'd and repulst whatever wiles of foe or seeming friend . for still they knew , and ought to have still remember'd the high injunction not to taste that fruit , whoever tempted ; which they not obeying , incurr'd , what could they less , the penaltie , and manifold in sin , deserv'd to fall . up into heav'n from paradise in hast th' angelic guards ascended , mute and sad for man , for of his state by this they knew , much wondring how the suttle fiend had stoln entrance unseen . soon as th' unwelcome news from earth arriv'd at heaven gate , displeas'd all were who heard , dim sadness did not spare that time celestial visages , yet mixt with pitie , violated not thir bliss . about the new-arriv'd , in multitudes th' ethereal people ran , to hear and know how all befell : they towards the throne supream accountable made haste to make appear with righteous plea , thir utmost vigilance , and easily approv'd ; when the most high eternal father from his secret cloud , amidst in thunder utter'd thus his voice . assembl'd angels , and ye powers return'd from unsuccessful charge , be not dismaid , nor troubl'd at these tidings from the earth , which your sincerest care could not prevent , foretold so lately what would come to pass , when first this tempter cross'd the gulf from hell. i told ye then he should prevail and speed on his bad errand , man should be seduc't and ●…latter'd out of all , believing lies against his maker ; no decree of mine concurring to necessitate his fall , or touch with lightest moment of impulse his free will , to her own inclining left in eevn scale . but fall'n he is , and now what rests , but that the mortal sentence pass on his transgression , death denounc't that day , which he presumes already vain and void , because not yet inflicted , as he fear'd , by some immediate stroak ; but soon shall find forbearance no acquittance ere day end . justice shall not return as bountie scorn'd . but whom send i to judge them ? whom but thee vicegerent son , to thee i have transferr'd all judgement , whether in heav'n , or earth , or hell. easie it may be seen that i intend mercie collegue with justice , sending thee mans friend , his mediator , his design'd both ransom and redeemer voluntarie , and destin'd man himself to judge man fall'n . so spake the father , and unfoulding bright toward the right hand his glorie , on the son blaz'd forth unclouded deitie ; he full resplendent all his father manifest express'd , and thus divinely answer'd milde . father eternal , thine is to decre●… , mine both in heav'n and earth to do thy will supream , that thou in mee thy son belov'd mayst ever rest well pleas'd . i go to j●…dge on earth these thy transgressors , but thou knowst , whoever judg'd , the worst on mee must light , when time shall be , for so i undertook before thee ; and not repenting , this obtaine of right , that i may mitigate thir doom on me deriv'd , yet i shall temper so justice with mercie , as may illustrate most them fully satisfied , and thee appease . attendance none shall need , nor train , where none are to behold the judgement , but the judg'd , those two ; the third best absent is condemn'd , convict by flight , and rebel to all law conviction to the serpent none belongs . thus saying , from his radiant seat he rose of high collateral glori●… : him thrones and powers , princedoms , and dominations ministrant accompanied to heaven gate , from whence eden and all the coast in prospect lay . down he descended strait ; the speed of gods time counts not , though with swiftest minutes wing'd . now was the sun in western cadence low from noon , and gentle aires due at thir hour to fan the earth now wak'd , and usher in the eevning coole when he from wrauth more coole came the mild judge and intercessor both to sentence man : the voice of god they heard now walking in the garden , by soft windes brought to thir 〈◊〉 , while day declin'd , they heard , and from his presence hid themselves among the thickest trees , both man and wife , till god approaching , thus to adam call'd aloud . where art thou adam , wont with joy to meet my coming seen far off ? i miss thee here , not pleas'd , thus entertaind with solitude , where obvious dutie erewhile appear'd unsaught : or come i less conspicuous , or what change absents thee , or what chance detains ? come forth . he came , and with him eve , more loth , though first to offend , discount'nanc't both , and discompos'd ; love was not in thir looks , either to god or to each other , but apparent guilt , and shame , and perturbation , and despaire , anger , and obstinacie , and hate , and guile . whence adam faultring long , thus answer'd brief . i heard thee in the garden , and of thy voice affraid , being naked , hid my self . to whom the gracious judge without revile repli'd . my voice thou oft hast heard , and hast not fear'd , but still rejoyc't , how is it now become so dreadful to thee ? that thou art naked , who hath told thee ? hast thou 〈◊〉 of the tree whereof i gave thee charge thou shouldst not eat ? to whom thus adam sore beset repli'd . o heav'n ! in evil strait this day i stand before my judge , either to undergoe my self the total crime , or to accuse my other self , the partner of my life ; whose failing , while her faith to me remaines , i should conceal , and not expose to blame by my complaint ; but strict necessitie subdues me , and calamitous constraint , least on my head both sin and punishment , however insupportable , be all devolv'd ; though should i hold my peace , yet thou wouldst easily detect what i conceale . this woman whom thou mad'st to be my help , and gav'st me as thy perfet gift , so good , so fit , so acceptable , so divine , that from her hand i could suspect no ill , and what she did , whatever in it self , her doing seem'd to justifie the deed ; shee gave me of the tree , and i did eate . to whom the sovran presence thus repli'd . was shee thy god , that her thou didst obey before his voice , or was shee made thy guide , superior , or but equal , that to her thou did'st resigne thy manhood , and the place wherein god set thee above her made of thee , and for thee , whose perfection farr excell'd hers in all real dignitie adornd she was indeed , and lovely to attract thy love , not thy subjection , and her gifts were such as under government well seem'd , unseemly to beare rule , which was thy part and person , had'st thou known thy self aright . so having said , he thus to eve in few : say woman , what is this which thou hast done ? to whom sad eve with shame nigh overwhelm'd , confessing soon , yet not before her judge bold or loquacious , thus 〈◊〉 repli'd . the serpent me beguil'd and i did eate . which when the lord god heard , without delay to judgement he proceeded on th' accus'd serpent though brute , unable to transferre the guilt on him who made him instrument of mischief , and polluted from the end of his creation ; justly then accurst , as vitiated in nature : more to know concern'd not man ( since he no further knew ) nor alter'd his offence ; yet god at last to satan ●…irst in sin his doom apply'd , though in mysterious terms , judg'd as then best : and on the serpent thus his curse let fall . because thou hast done this , thou art accurst above all cattel , each beast of the field ; upon thy belly groveling thou sh●…lt goe , and dust shalt eat all the days of thy life . between thee and the woman i will put enmitie , and between thine and her seed ; her seed shall bruise thy head , thou bruise his heel . so spake this ' oracle , then verifi'd when jesus son of mary second eve , saw satan fall like lightning down from heav'n , prince of the aire ; then rising from his grave spoild principalities and powers , triumpht in open shew , and with ascention bright captivity led captive through the a●…re , the realme it self of satan long usurpt , whom he shall tread at last under our feet ; eevn hee who now foretold his fatal bruise , and to the woman thus his sentence turn'd . thy sorrow i will greatly multiplie by thy conception ; childern thou shalt bring in sorrow forth , and to thy husbands will thine shall submit , hee over thee shall rule . on adam last thus judgement he pronounc'd . because thou hast heark'nd to the voice of thy wife , and eaten of the tree concerning which i charg'd thee , saying : thou shalt not eate thereof , curs'd is the ground for thy sake , thou in sorrow shalt eate thereof all the days of thy life ; thornes also and thistles it shall bring thee forth unbid , and thou shalt eate th' herb of th' field , in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eate bread , till thou return unto the ground , for thou out of the ground wast taken , know thy birth , for dust thou art , and shalt to dust returne . so judg'd he man , both judge and saviour sent , and th' instant stroke of death denounc't that day remov'd farr off ; then pittying how they stood before him naked to the aire , that now must suffer change , disdain'd not to begin thenceforth the forme of servant to assume , as when he wash'd his servants feet , so now as father of his familie he clad thir nakedness with skins of beasts , or slain , or as the snake with youthful coate repaid ; and thought not much to cloath his enemies : nor hee thir outward onely with the skins of beasts , but inward nakedness , much more opprobrious , with his robe of righteousness , araying cover'd from his fathers sight . to him with swift ascent he up returnd , into his blissful bosom reassum'd in glory as of old , to him appeas'd all , though all-knowing , what had past with man recounted , mixing intercession sweet . meanwhile ere thus was sin'd and judg'd on earth , within the gates of hell sate sin and death , in counterview within the gates , that now stood open wide , belching outrageous flame farr into chaos , since the fiend pass'd through , sin opening , who thus now to death began . o son , why sit we here each other viewing idlely , while satan our great author thrives in other worlds , and happier seat provides for us his ofspring deare ? it cannot be but that success attends him ; if mishap , ere this he had return'd , with fury driv'n by his avenger , since no place like this can fit his punishment , or their revenge . methinks i feel new strength within me rise , wings growing , and dominion giv'n me large beyond this deep ; whatever drawes me on , or sympathie , or som connatural force powerful at greatest distance to unite with secret amity things of like kinde by secretest conveyance . thou my shade inseparable must with mee along : for death from sin no power can separate . but least the difficultie of passing back stay his returne perhaps over this gulfe impassable , impervious , let us try adventrous work , yet to thy power and mine not unagreeable , to found a path over this maine from hell to that new world where satan now prevailes , a monument of merit high to all th' infernal host , easing thir passage hence , for intercourse , or transmigration , as thir lot shall lead . nor can i miss the way , so strongly drawn by this new felt attraction and instinct . whom thus the meager shadow answerd soon . goe whither fate and inclination strong leads thee , i shall not lag behinde , nor erre the way , thou leading , such a sent i draw of carnage , prey innumerable , and taste the savour of death from all things there that live : nor shall i to the work thou enterprisest be wanting , but afford thee equal aid . so saying , with delight he snuff'd the smell of mortal change on earth . as when a flock of ravenous fowl , though many a league remote , against the day of battel , to a field , where armies lie encampt , come flying , lur'd with sent of living carcasses design'd for death , the following day , in bloodie fight . so sented the grim feature , and upturn'd his nostril wide into the murkie air , sagacious of his quarrey from so farr . then both from out hell gates into the waste wide anarchie of chaos damp and dark flew divers , & with power ( thir power was great ) hovering upon the waters ; what they met solid or slimie , as in raging sea tost up and down , together crowded drove from each side shoaling towards the mouth of hell. as when two polar winds blowing adverse upon the cronian sea , together drive mountains of ice , that stop th' imagin'd way beyond petsora eastward , to the rich cathaian coast. the aggregated soyle death with his mace petrific , cold and dry , as with a trident smote , and fix't as firm as delos floating once ; the rest his look bound with gorgonian rigor not to move , and with asphaltic slime ; broad as the gate , deep to the roots of hell the gather'd beach they fasten'd , and the mole immense wraught on over the foaming deep high archt , a bridge of length prodigious joyning to the wall immoveable of this now fenceless world forfeit to death ; from hence a passage broad , smooth , easie , inoffensive down to hell. so , if great things to small may be compar'd , xerxes , the libertie of greece to yoke , from susa his memnonian palace high came to the sea , and over hellespont bridging his way , europe with asia joyn'd , and scourg'd with many a stroak th' indignant waves . now had they brought the work by wondrous art pontifical , a ridge of pendent rock over the vext abyss , following the track of satan , to the self same place where hee first lighted from his wing , and landed safe from out of chaos to the outside bare of this round world : with pinns of adamant and chains they made all fast , too fast they made and durable ; and now in little space the confines met of empyrean heav'n and of this world , and on the left hand hell with long reach interpos'd ; three sev'ral wayes in sight , to each of these three places led . and now thir way to earth they had descri'd , to paradise first tending , when behold satan in likeness of an angel bright betwixt the centaure and the scorpion stearing his zenith , while the sun in aries rose : disguis'd he came , but those his childern dear thir parent soon discern'd , though in disguise . hee , after eve seduc't , unminded slunk into the wood fast by , and changing shape to observe the sequel , saw his guileful act by eve , though all unweeting , seconded upon her husband , saw thir shame that sought vain covertures ; but when he saw descend the son of god to judge them , terrifi'd hee fled , not hoping to escape , but shun the present , fearing gu●…ie what his wrauth might suddenly inflict ; that past , return'd by night , and listning where the hapless paire sate in thir sad discourse , and various plaint , thence gatherd his own doom , which understood not instant , but of future time . with joy and tidings fraught , to hell he now return'd , and at the brink of chaos , neer the foot of this new wondrous pontifice , unhop't met who to meet him came , his ofspring dear . great joy was at thir meeting , and at sight of that stupendious bridge his joy encreas'd . long hee admiring stood , till sin , his faire inchanting daughter , thus the silence broke . o parent , these are thy magnific deeds , thy trophies , which thou view'st as not thine own , thou art thir author and prime architect : for i no sooner in my heart divin'd , my heart , which by a secret harmonie still moves with thine , joyn'd in connexion sweet , that thou on earth hadst prosper'd , which thy looks now also evidence , but straight i felt though distant from thee worlds between , yet felt that i must a●…ter thee with this thy son ; such fatal consequence unites us three : hell could no longer hold us in her bounds , nor this unvoyageable gulf obscure detain from following thy illustrious track . thou hast atchiev'd our libertie , confin'd within hell gates till now , thou us impow'rd to fortifie thus farr , and overlay with this portentous bridge the dark abyss . thine now is all this world , thy vertue hath won what thy hands builded not , thy wisdom gain'd with odds what warr hath lost , and fully aveng'd our foile in heav'n ; here thou shalt monarch reign , there didst not ; there let him still victor sway , as battel hath adjudg'd , from this new world retiring , by his own doom alienated , and henceforth monarchie with thee divide of all things , parted by th' empyreal bounds , his quadrature , from thy orbicular world , or trie thee now more dang'rous to his throne . whom thus the prince of darkness answerd glad . fair daughter , and thou son and grandchild both , high proof ye now have giv'n to be the race of satan ( for i glorie in the name , antagonist of heav'ns almightie king ) amply have merited of me , of all th' infernal empire , that so neer heav'ns dore triumphal with triumphal act have met , mine with this glorious work , & made one realm hell and this world , one realm , one continent of easie thorough-fare . therefore while i descend through darkness , on your rode with ease to my associate powers , them to acquaint with these successes , and with them rejoyce , you two this way , among those numerous orbs all yours , right down to paradise descend ; there dwell & reign in bliss , thence on the earth dominion exercise and in the aire , chiefly on man , sole lord of all declar'd , him first make sure your thrall , and lastly kill . my substitutes i send ye , and create plenipotent on earth , of matchless might issuing from mee : on your joynt vigor now my hold of this new kingdom all depends , through sin to death expos'd by my exploit . if your joynt power prevaile , th' affaires of hell no detriment need feare , goe and be strong . so saying he dismiss'd them , they with speed thir course through thickest constellations held spreading thir bane ; the blasted starrs lookt wan , and planets , planet-strook , real eclips then sufferd . th' other way satan went down the causey to hell gate ; on either side disparted chaos over built exclaimd , and with rebounding surge the barrs assaild , that scorn'd his indignation : through the gate , wide open and unguarded , satan pass'd , and all about found desolate ; for those appointed to sit there , had left thir charge , flown to the upper world ; the rest were all farr to the in land retir'd , about the walls of pandaemonium , citie and proud seate of lucifer , so by allusion calld , of that bright starr to satan paragond . there kept thir watch the legions , while the grand in council sate , sollicitous what chance might intercept thir emperour sent , so hee departing gave command , and they observ'd . as when the tartar from his russian foe by 〈◊〉 over the snowie plaines retires , or bactrian sophi from the hornes of turkish crescent , leaves all waste beyond the realme of aladule , in his retreate to tauris or casbeen . so these the late heav'n-banisht host , left desert utmost hell many a dark league , reduc't in careful watch round thir metropolis , and now expecting each hour their great adventurer from the search of forrein worlds : he through the midst unmarkt , in shew plebeian angel militant of lowest order , past ; and from the dore of that plutonian hall , invisible ascended his high throne , which under state of richest texture spred , at th' upper end was plac't in regal lustre . down a while he sate , and round about him saw unseen : at last as from a cloud his fulgent head and shape starr-bright appeer'd , or brighter , clad with what permissive glory since his fall was left him , or false glitter : all amaz'd at that so sudden blaze the stygian throng bent thir aspect , and whom they wish'd beheld , thir mighty chief returnd : loud was th'acclaime : forth rush'd in haste the great consulting peers , rais'd from thir dark divan , and with like joy congratulant approach'd him , who with hand silence , and with these words attention won . thrones ▪ dominations , princedoms , vertues , powers , for in possession such , not onely of right , i call ye and declare ye now , returnd successful beyond hope , to lead ye forth triumphant out of this infernal pit abominable , accurst , the house of woe , and dungeon of our tyrant : now possess , as lords , a spacious world , to our native heaven little inferiour , by my adventure hard with peril great atchiev'd . long were to tell what i have don , what sufferd , with what paine voyag'd th' unreal , vast , unbounded deep of horrible confusion , over which by sin and death a broad way now is pav'd to expedite your glorious march ; but i toild out my uncouth passage , for●…'t to ride th' untractable abysse , plung'd in the womb of unoriginal night and chaos wilde , that jealous of thir secrets fiercely oppos'd my journey strange , with clamorous uproare protesting fate supreame ; thence how i found the new created world , which fame in heav'n long had foretold , a fabrick wonderful of absolute perfection , therein man plac't in a paradise , by our exile made happie : him by fraud i have seduc'd from his creator , and the more to increase your wonder , with an apple ; he thereat offended , worth your laughter , hath giv'n up both his beloved man and all his world , to sin and death a prey , and so to us , without our hazard , labour , or allarme , to range in , and to dwell , and over man to rule , as over all he should have rul'd . true is , mee also he hath judg'd , or rather mee not , but the brute serpent in whose shape man i deceav'd : that which to mee belongs , is enmity , which he will put between mee and mankinde ; i am to bruise his heel ; his seed , when is not set , shall bruise my head : a world who would not purchase with a bruise , or much more grievous pain ? ye have th' account of my performance : what remaines , ye gods , but up and enter now into full bliss . so having said , a while he stood , expecting thir universal shout and high applause to fill his eare , when contrary he hears on all sides , from innumerable tongues a dismal universal hiss , the sound of public scorn ; he wonderd , but not long had leasure , wondring at himself now more ; his visage drawn he felt to sharp and spare , his armes clung to his ribs , his leggs entwining each other , till supplanted down he fell a monstrous serpent on his belly prone , reluctant , but in vaine , a greater power now rul'd him , punisht in the shape he sin'd , according to his doom : he would have spoke , but hiss for hiss returnd with forked tongue to forked tongue , for now were all transform'd alike , to serpents all as accessories to his bold riot : dreadful was the din of hissing through the hall , thick swarming now with complicated monsters , head and taile , scorpion and asp , and amphisbaen●… dire , cerastes hornd , hydrus , and ellops drear , and dipsas ( not so thick swarm'd once the soil bedropt with blood of gorgon , or the isle ▪ ophiusa ) but still greatest hee the midst , now dragon grown , larger then whom the sun ingenderd in the pythian vale on slime , huge python , and his power no less he seem'd above the rest still to retain ; they all him follow'd issuing forth to th' open field , where all yet left of that revolted rout heav'n-fall'n , in station stood or just array , sublime with expectation when to see in triumph issuing forth thir glorious chief ; they saw , but other sight instead , a crowd of ugly serpents ; horror on them fell , and horrid sympathie ; for what they saw , they felt themselvs now changing ; down thir arms , down fell both spear and shield , down they as fast , and the dire hiss renew'd , and the dire form catcht by contagion , like in punishment , as in thir crime . thus was th' applause they meant , turnd to exploding hiss , triumph to shame cast on themselves from thir own mouths . there stood a grove hard by , sprung up with this thir change , his will who reigns above , to aggravate thir penance , laden with fair fruit , like that vvhich grew in paradise , the bait of eve us'd by the tempter : on that prospect strange thir earnest eyes they fix'd , imagining for one forbidden tree a multitude now ris'n , to work them furder woe or shame ; yet parcht with scalding thurst and hunger 〈◊〉 , though to delude them sent , could not abstain , but on they rould in heaps , and up the trees climbing , sat thicker then the snakie locks that curld megaera : greedily they pluck'd the frutage fair to sight , like that which grew neer that bituminous lake where sodom flam'd ; this more delusive , not the touch , but taste deceav'd ; they fondly thinking to allay thir appetite with gust , instead of fruit chewd bitter ashes , which th' offended taste vvith spattering noise rejected : oft they assayd , hunger and thirst constraining , drugd as oft , vvith hatefullest disrelish writh'd thir jaws vvith soot and cinders fill'd ; so oft they fell into the same illusion , not as man whom they triumph'd once lapst . thus were they plagu'd and worn with famin , long and ceasless hiss , till thir lost shape , permitted , they resum'd , yearly enjoynd , some say , to undergo this annual humbling certain number'd days , to dash thir pride , and joy for man seduc't . however some tradition they dispers'd among the heathen of thir purchase got , and fabl'd how the serpent , whom they calld ophion with eurynome , the wide - encroaching eve perhaps , had first the rule of high olympus , thence by saturn driv'n and ops , ere yet dictaean jove was born . mean while in paradise the hellish pair too soon arriv'd , sin there in power before , once actual , now in body , and to dwell habitual habitant ; behind her death close following pace for pace , not mounted yet on his pale horse : to whom sin thus began . second of satan sprung , all conquering death , what thinkst thou of our empire now , though earnd with travail difficult , not better farr then stil at hels dark threshold to have sate watch , unnam'd , undreaded , and thy self half starv'd ? whom thus the sin-born monster answerd soon . to mee , who with eternal famin pine , alike is hell , or paradise , or heaven , there best , where most with ravin i may meet ; which here , though plenteous , all too little seems to stuff this maw , this vast unhide-bound corps . to whom th' incestuous mother thus repli'd . thou therefore on these herbs , and fruits , & flours feed first , on each beast next , and fish , and fowle , no homely morsels , and whatever thing the 〈◊〉 of time mowes down , devour unspar'd , till i in man residing through the race , his thoughts , his looks , words , actions all infect , and 〈◊〉 him thy last and sweetest prey . this said , they both betook them several wayes , both to destroy ▪ 〈◊〉 unimmortal make all kinds , and for destruction to mature sooner or later ; which th' almightie seeing , from his transcendent seat the saints among , to those bright orders utterd thus his voice . see with what heat these dogs of hell advance to waste and havoc yonder vvorld , which i so fair and good created , and had still kept in that state , had not the folly of man let in these wastful furies , who impute folly to mee , so doth the prince of hell and his adherents , that with so much ease i suffer them to enter and possess a place so heav'nly , and conniving seem to gratifie my scornful enemies , that laugh , as if transported with some fit of passion , i to them had quitted all , at random yeilded up to their misrule ; and know not that i call'd and drew them thither my hell-hounds , to lick up the draff and filth which mans polluting sin with taint hath shed on what was pure , till cramm'd and gorg'd , nigh burst with suckt and glutted offal , at one sling of thy victorious arm , well-pleasing son , both sin , and death , and yawning grave at last through chaos hurld , obstruct the mouth of hell for ever , and seal up his ravenous jawes . then heav'n and earth renewd shall be made pure to sanctitie that shall receive no staine : till then the curse pronounc't on both precedes . hee ended , and the heav'nly audience loud sung halleluia , as the sound of seas , through multitude that sung : just are thy ways , righteous are thy decrees on all thy works ; who can extenuate thee ? next , to the son , destin'd restorer of mankind , by whom new heav'n and earth shall to the ages rise , or down from heav'n descend . such was thir song , while the creator calling forth by name his mightie angels gave them several charge , as sorted best with present things the sun had first his precept so to move , so shine , as might affect the earth with cold and heat scarce tollerable , and from the north to call decrepit winter , from the south to bring solstitial summers heat . to the blanc moone her office they prescrib'd , to th' other five thir planetarie motions and aspects in sextile , square , and trine , and opposite , of noxious efficacie , and when to joyne in synod unbenigne , and taught the fixt thir influence malignant when to showre , which of them rising with the sun , or falling , should prove tempestuous : to the winds they set thir corners , when with bluster to confound sea , aire , and shoar , the thunder when to rowle with terror through the dark aereal hall. some say he bid his angels turne ascanse the poles of earth twice ten degrees and more from the suns axle ; they with labour push'd oblique the centric globe : som say the sun was bid turn reines from th' equinoctial rode like distant breadth to taurus with the seav'n atlantick sisters , and the spartan twins up to the tropic crab ; thence down amaine by leo and the virgin and the scales , as deep as capricorne , to bring in change of seasons to each clime ; else had the spring perpetual smil'd on earth with vernant flours , equal in days and nights , except to those beyond the polar circles ; to them day had unbenighted shon , while the low sun to recompence his distance , in thir sight had rounded still th' horizon , and not known or east or west , which had forbid the snow from cold estotiland , and south as farr beneath magellan . at that tasted fruit the sun , as from thyestean banquet , turn'd his course intended ; else how had the world inhabited , though sinless , more then now , avoided pinching cold and scorching heate ? these changes in the heav'ns , though slow , produc'd like change on sea and land , sideral blast , vapour , and mist , and exhalation hot , corrupt and pestilent : now from the north of norumbega , and the samoed shoar bursting thir brazen dungeon , armd 〈◊〉 ice and snow and haile and stormie gust and flaw , boreas and caecias and argestes loud and thrascias rend the woods and seas upturn ; with adverse blast up-turns them from the south notus and afer black with thundrous clouds from serraliona ; thwart of these as fierce forth rush the levant and the ponent vvindes eur●…s and zephir with thir lateral noise , sirocco , and libecchio . thus began outrage from liveless things ; but discord first daughter of sin , among th' irrational , death introduc'd through fierce antipathie : beast now with beast gan war , & fowle with fowle , and fish with fish ; to graze the herb all leaving , devourd each other ; nor stood much in awe of man , but fled him , or with count'nance grim glar'd on him passing : these were from without the growing miseries , which adam saw alreadie in part , though hid in gloomiest shade , to sorrow abandond , but worse felt within , and in a troubl'd sea of passion tost , thus to disburd'n sought with sad complaint . o miserable of happie ! is this the end of this new glorious world , and mee so late the glory of that glory , who now becom accurst of blessed , hide me from the face of god , whom to behold was then my highth of happiness : yet well , if here would end the miserie , i deserv'd it , and would beare my own deservings ; but this will not serve ; all that i eate or drink , or shall beget , is propagated curse . o voice once heard delightfully , encrease and multiply , now death to heare ! for what can i encrease or multiplie , but curses on my head ? who of all ages to succeed , but feeling the evil on him brought by me , will curse my head , ill fare our ancestor impure , for this we may thank adam ; but his thanks shall be the execration ; so besides mine own that bide upon me , all from mee shall with a fierce reflux on mee redound , on mee as on thir natural center light heavie , though in thir place . o fleeting joyes of paradise , deare bought with lasting woes ! did i request thee , maker , from my clay to mould me man , did i sollicite thee from darkness to promote me , or here place in this delicious garden ? as my will concurd not to my being , it were but right and equal to reduce me to my dust , desirous to resigne , and render back all i receav'd , unable to performe thy terms too hard , by which i was to hold the good i sought not . to the loss of that , sufficient penaltie , why hast thou added the sense of endless woes ? inexplicable thy justice seems ; yet to say truth , too late , i thus contest ; then should have been refusd those terms whatever , when they were propos'd : thou didst accept them ; wilt thou enjoy the good , then cavil the conditions ? and though god made thee without thy leave , what if thy son prove disobedient , and reprov'd , retort , wherefore didst thou beget me ? i sought it not : wouldst thou admit for his contempt of thee that proud excuse ? yet him not thy election , but natural necessity begot . god made thee of choice his own , and of his own to serve him , thy reward was of his grace , thy punishment then justly is at his will. be it so , for i submit , his doom is fair , that dust i am , and shall to dust returne : o welcom hour whenever ! why delayes his hand to execute what his decree fixd on this day ? why do i overlive , why am i mockt with death , and length'nd out to deathless pain ? how gladly would i meet mortalitie my sentence , and be earth insensible , how glad would lay me down as in my mothers lap ? there i should rest and sleep secure ; his dreadful voice no more would thunder in my ears , no fear of worse to mee and to my ofspring would torment me with cruel expectation . yet one doubt pursues me still , least all i cannot die , least that pure breath of life , the spirit of man which god inspir'd , cannot together perish with this corporeal clod ; then in the grave , or in some other dismal place , who knows but i shall die a living death ? o thought horrid , if true ! yet why ? it was but breath of life that sinn'd ; what dies but what had life and sin ? the bodie properly hath neither . all of me then shall die : let this appease the doubt , since humane reach no further knows . for though the lord of all be infinite , is his wrauth also ? be it , man is not so , but mortal doom'd . how can he exercise wrath without end on man whom death must end ? can he make deathless death ? that were to make strange contradiction , which to god himself impossible is held , as argument of weakness , not of power . will he , draw out , for angers 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 man , to 〈◊〉 his rigour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that were to extend his sentence beyond dust and natures law , by which all causes else according still to the reception of thir matter act , not to th' extent of thir own spheare . but say that death be not one stroak , as i suppos'd , bereaving sense , but endless miserie from this day onward , which i feel begun both in me , and without 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 last to perpetuitie ; ay me , that 〈◊〉 comes thundring back with dreadful 〈◊〉 on my 〈◊〉 head ; both death and i am found eternal , and incorporate both , nor i on my part ●…ingle , in mee all posteritie stands curst : fair patrimonie that i must leave ye , sons ; o were i able to waste it all my self , and leave 〈◊〉 none so disinherited how would ye bless me now your curse ! ah , why should all mankind for one mans fault thus guiltless be condemn'd , if guiltless ? but from 〈◊〉 what can proceed , but all corrupt , both mind and will 〈◊〉 , not to do onely , but to will the same with me ? how can they acquitted stand in sight of god ? him after all disputes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : all my 〈◊〉 vain and 〈◊〉 , though through mazes , lead me still but to my own conviction . first and last on mee , mee onely , as the sourse and spring of all corruption , all the blame lights due ; so might the wrauth . fond wish ! 〈◊〉 thou support that burden heavier then the earth to 〈◊〉 , then all the world much heavier , though divided with that bad woman ? thus what thou 〈◊〉 , and what thou fearst , alike destroyes all hope of refuge , and concludes thee miserable beyond all past 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like both 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 . o conscience , into what abyss of fears and horrors 〈◊〉 thou 〈◊〉 me ; out of which i find no way . from 〈◊〉 to deeper plung'd ! thus adam to himself lamented loud 〈◊〉 the still night , not now , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wholsom and cool , and mild , but with 〈◊〉 air accompanied , with damps and dreadful gloom , which to his evil conscience represented all things with double terror : on the ground outstretcht he lay , on the cold ground , and oft curs'd his creation , death as 〈◊〉 accus'd of tardie execution , since denounc't the day of his offence . why comes not death , said hee , with one thrice acceptable stroke to end me ? shall truth fail to keep her word , justice divine not hast'n to be just ? but death comes not at call , justice divine mends not her slowest pace for prayers or cries . o woods , o fountains , hillocks , dales and bowrs , vvith other echo late i taught your shades to answer , and resound farr other song . vvhom thus afflicted when sad eve beheld , desolate where she sate , approaching nigh , soft words to his fierce passion she assay'd : but her with ●…tern regard he thus repell'd . out of my sight , thou serpent , that name b●…st befits thee with him leagu'd , thy self as false and hateful ; nothing wants , but that thy shape , like his , and colour serpentine may shew thy inward fraud , to warn all creatures from thee henceforth ; least that too heav'nly form , pretended to hellish falshood , 〈◊〉 them . but for thee i had persisted happie , had not thy pride and wandring vanitie , when lest was safe , rejected my fore warning , and disdain'd not to be trusted , longing to be seen though by the devil himself , him overweening to over-reach , but with the serpent meeting fool'd and beguil'd , by him thou , i by thee , to trust thee from my side , imagin'd wise , constant , mature , proof against all assaults , and understood not all was but a shew rather then solid vertu , all but a rib crooked by nature , bent , as now appears , more to the part sinister from me drawn , well if thrown out , as supernumerarie to my just number found . o why did god , creator wise , that peopl'd highest heav'n with spirits masculine , create at last this noveltie on earth , this fair defect of nature , and not fill the world at once with men as angels without feminine , or find some other way to generate mankind ? this mischief had not then befall'n , and more that shall befall , innumerable disturbances on earth through femal snares , and straight conjunction with this sex : for either he never shall find out fit mate , but such as some misfortune brings him , or mistake , or whom he wishes most shall seldom gain through her perverseness , but shall see her gaind by a farr worse , or if she love , withheld by parents , or his happiest choice too late shall meet , alreadie linkt and wedlock-bound to a fell adversarie , his hate or shame : which infinite calamitie shall cause to humane life , and houshold peace confound . he added not , and from her turn'd , but eve not so repulst , with tears that 〈◊〉 not flowing , and tresses all disorderd , at his feet fell humble , and imbracing them , be saught his peace , and thus proceeded in her plaint . forsake me not thus , adam , witness heav'n what love sincere , and reverence in my heart i beare thee , and unweeting have offended , unhappilie deceav'd ; thy suppliant i beg , and clasp thy knees ; bereave me not , whereon i live , thy gentle looks , thy aid , thy counsel in this uttermost distress , my onely strength and stay : forlorn of thee , whither shall i betake me , where subsist ? while yet we live , scarse one short hour perhaps , between us two let there be peace , both joyning , as joyn'd in injuries , one enmitie against a foe by doom express assign'd us , that cruel serpent : on me exercise not thy hatred for this miserie befall'n , on me already lost , mee then thy self more miserable ; both have sin'd , but thou against god onely , i against god and thee , and to the place of judgement will return , there with my cries importune heaven , that all the sentence from thy head remov'd may light on me , fole cause to thee of all this woe , mee mee onely just object of his ire . she ended weeping , and her lowlie plight , immoveable till peace obtain'd from fault acknowledg'd and deplor'd , in adam 〈◊〉 commiseration ; ●…oon his heart relented towards her , his life so late and sole delight , now at his feet submissive in distress , creature so faire his reconcilement ●…eeking , his counsel whom she had displeas'd , his aide ; as one disarm'd , his anger all he lost , and thus with peaceful wprds uprais'd her soon . unwarie , and too desirous , as before , so now of what thou knowst not , who desir'st the punishment all on thy self ; alas , beare thine own first , ill able to sustaine his full wrauth whose thou feelst as yet lest part , and my displeasure bearst so ill . if prayers could alter high decrees , i to that place would speed before thee , and be louder heard , that on my head all might be visited , thy frailtie and infirmer sex forgiv'n , to me committed and by me expos'd . but rise , let us no more contend , nor blame each other , blam'd enough elsewhere , but strive in offices of love , how we may light'n each others burden in our share of woe ; since this days death denounc't , if ought i see , will prove no sudden , but a slow-pac't evill , a long days dying to augment our paine , and to our seed ( o hapless seed ! ) deriv'd . to whom thus eve , recovering heart , repli'd . adam , by sad experiment i know how little weight my words with thee can finde , found so erroneous , thence by just event found so unfortunate ; nevertheless , restor'd by thee , vile as i am , to place of new acceptance , hopeful to regaine thy love , the sole contentment of my heart , living or dying from thee i will not hide what thoughts in my unquiet brest are ris'n , tending to 〈◊〉 relief of our extremes , or end , though sharp and sad , yet tolerable , as in our evils , and of easier choice . if care of our descent perplex us most , which must be born to certain woe , devourd by death at last , and miserable it is to be to others cause of misery , our own begotten , and of our loines to bring into this cursed world a woful race , that after wretched li●…e must be at last food for so soule a monster , in thy power it lies , yet ere conception to prevent the race unblest , to being yet unbegot . childless thou art , childless r●…maine : so death shall be deceav'd his glut , and with us two be forc'd to satissie his rav'nous maw . but if thou judge it hard and difficult , conversing , looking , loving , to abstain from loves due rites , nuptial embraces sweet , and with desire to languish without hope , before the present object languishing with like desire , which would be miserie and torment less then none of what we dread , then both our 〈◊〉 and seed at once to free from what we fear for both , let us make short , let us ●…eek death , or hee not found , supply with our own hands his office on our selves ; why stand we longer shivering under ●…eares , that shew no end but death , and have the power , of many wayes to die the 〈◊〉 choosing , destruction with destruction to destroy . she ended heer , or vehement despaire broke off the rest ; so much of death her thoughts had entertaind , as di'd her cheeks with pale . but adam with such counsel nothing sway'd , to better hopes his more attentive minde labouring had rais'd , and thus to eve repli'd . eve , thy contempt of life and pleasure seems to argue in thee somthing more sublime and excellent then what thy minde contemnes ; but self-destruction therefore saught , refutes that excellence thought in thee , and implies , not thy contempt , but anguish and regret for loss of life and pleasure overlov'd . or if thou ●…ovet death , as utmost end of miserie , so thinking to evade the penaltie pronounc't , doubt not but god hath wiselier arm'd his vengefulire then so to be forestall'd ; much more i fear least death so snatcht will not exempt us from the paine we are by doom to pay ; rather such acts of contumacie will provoke the highest to make death in us live : then let us seek som safer resolution , which methinks i have in view , calling to minde with heed part of our sentence , that thy seed shall bruise the serpents head ; piteous amends , unless be meant , whom i conjecture , our grand foe s●…tan , who in the serpent hath contriv'd against us this deceit : to 〈◊〉 his head would be r●…venge indeed ; which will be lost by death brought on our selves , or childless days resolv'd , as thou proposest ; so our foe shall scape his punishment ordain'd , and wee instead shall double ours upon our heads . no more be mention'd then of violence against our selves , and wilful barrenness , that cuts us off from hope , and savours onely rancor and pride , impatience and despite , reluctance against god and his just yoke laid on our necks . remember with what mild and gracious temper he both heard and judg'd without wrauth or reviling ; wee expected immediate dissolution , which we thought was meant by death that day , when lo , to thee pains onely in child-bearing were foretold , and bringing forth , soon recompenc't with joy , fruit of thy womb : on mee the curse 〈◊〉 glanc'd on the ground , with labour i must earne my bread ; what harm ? idleness had bin worse ; my labour will sustain me ; and least cold or heat should injure us , his timely care hath unbesaught provided , and his hands cloath'd us unworthie , pitying while he judg'd ; how much more , if we pray him , will his ear be open , and his heart to pitie incline , and teach us fu●…ther by what means to shun th'inclement seasons , rain , ice , hail and snow , which now the skie with various face begins to shew us in this mountain , while the winds blow moist and keen , sh●…ttering the graceful locks of these fair spreading trees ; which bids us seek som better shroud , som better warmth to cherish our limbs benumm'd , ere this diurnal starr leave cold the night , how we his gather'd beams reflected , may with matter sere foment , or by collision of two bodies grinde the air attrite to fire , as late the clouds justling or pusht with winds rude in thir shock tine the slant lightning , whose thwart flame driv'n down kindles the gummie bark of firr or pine , and sends a comfortable heat from farr , which might supply the sun : such fire to use , and what may else be remedie or cure to evils which our own misdeeds have wrought , hee will instruct us praying , and of grace beseeching him , so as we need not fear to pass commodiously this life , sustain'd by him with many comforts , till we end in dust , our final rest and native home . what better can we do , then to the place repairing where he judg'd us , prostrate fall before him reverent , and there confess humbly our faults , and pardon beg , with tears vvatering the ground , and with our sighs the air frequenting , se●…t from hearts contrite , in sign of sorrow unfeign'd , and humiliation meek . undoubtedly he will relent and turn from his displeasure ; in whose look serene , vvhen angry most he seem'd and most severe , vvhat else but favor , grace , and mercie shon ? so spake our father penitent , nor eve felt less remorse : they forthwith to the plac●… repairing where he judg'd them prostrate fell before him reverent , and both confess'd humbly thir faults , and pardon beg'd , with tears vvatering the ground , and with thir sighs the air frequenting , sent from hearts contrite , in sign of sorrow unfeign'd , and humiliation meek . the end of the ninth book . paradise lost . book x. thus they in lowliest plight repentant stood praying , for from the mercie-seat above 〈◊〉 - grace deseending had remov'd the stonie from thir hearts , and made new flesh regenerat grow instead , that sighs now breath'd unutterable , which the spirit of prayer inspir'd , and wing'd for heav'n with speedier flight then loudest oratorie : yet thir port not of mean suiters , nor important less seem'd thir petition , then when th' ancient pair 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , less ancient yet then these , deucalion and chaste pyrrha to restore the race of mankind drownd , before the shrine of themis stood devout . to heav'n thir prayers flew up , nor missd the way , by envious windes blow'n vagabond or frustrate : in they passd dimentionless through heav'nly dores ; then clad with ineense , where the golden altar fum'd , by thir great intercessor , came in sight before the fathers throne : them the glad son presenting , thus to intercede began . see father , what first fruits on earth are sprung from thy-implanted grace in m●…n , these sighs and prayers , which in this golden censer , mixt with incense , i thy p●…iest before thee bring , fruits of more pleasing savour from thy seed sow'n with contrition in his heart , then those which his own hand manuring all the trees of paradise could have produc't , ere fall ▪ n from innocence . now ●…herefore bend thine eare to supplication , heare his sighs though mute ; unskilful with what words to pray , let mee interpret for him , mee his advocate and propiriation , all his works on mee good or not good ingraft , my merit those shall perfet , and for these my death shall pay . accept me , and in mee from these receave the smell of peace toward mankinde , let him live before thee reconcil'd , at least his days numberd , though sad , till death , his doom ( which i to mi●…igate thus plead , not to reverse ) to better life shall yeeld him , where with mee all my redeemd may dwell in joy and bliss , made one with me as i with thee am one ▪ to whom the father , without cloud , serene ▪ all thy request for man , accepted son , obtain , all thy request was my decree : but longer in that paradise to dwell , the law i gave to nature him forbids : those pure immortal elements that know no gross , no unharmoneous mixture foule , eject him tainted now , and purge him off as a distemper , gross to aire as gross , and mortal food , as may dispose him best for dissolution wrought by si●… , that first distemperd all things , and of incorrupt corrupted . i at first with two fair gifts created him endowd , with happiness and immortalitie : that fondly lost , this other serv'd but to eternize woe ; till i provided death ; so death becomes his final remedie , and after life tri'd in sharp tribulation , and refin'd by faith and faithful works , to second life , wak't in the renovation of the just , resignes him up with heav'n and earth renewd . but let us call to synod all the blest through heav'ns wide bounds ; from them i will not hide my judgments , how with mankind i proceed , as how with peccant angels late they saw ; and in thir state , though firm , stood more confirmd . he ended , and the son gave signal high to the bright minister that watchd , hee blew his trumpet , heard in oreb since perhaps when god descended , and perhaps once more to sound at general doom . th' angelic blast filld all the regions : from thir blissful bowrs of amarantin shade , fountain or spring , by the waters of life , where ere they sate in fellowships of joy : the sons of light hasted , resorting to the summons high , and took thir seats ; till from his throne supream th' almighty thus pronounc'd his sovran will. o sons , like one of us man is become to know both good and evil , since his taste of that defended fruit ; but let him boast his knowledge of good lost , and evil got , happier , had it suffic'd him to have known good by it self , and evil not at all . he sorrows now , repents , and prayes contrite , my motions in him , longer then they move , his heart i know , how variable and vain self-left . least therefore his now bolder hand reach also of the tree of life , and eat , and live for ever , dream at least to live for ever , to remove him i decree , and send him from the garden forth to till the ground whence he was taken , fitter soile . michael , this my behest have thou in charge , take to thee from among the cherubim thy choice of flaming warriours , least the fiend or in behalf of man , or to invade vacant possession som new trouble raise : hast thee , and from the paradise of god without remorse drive out the sinful pair , from hallowd ground th' unholie , and denounce to them and to thir progenie from thence perpetual bani●…ent . yet least they faint at the sad sentence rigorously urg'd , for i behold the●… so●…nd and with tears bewailing thir excess , all terror hide . if patiently thy bidding they obey , dismiss them not disconsolate ; reveale to adam what shall come in future dayes , as i shall thee enlighten , intermix my cov'nant in the womans seed renewd ; so send them forth , though sorrowing , yet in peace : and on the east side of the garden place , where entrance up from eden easiest climbes , cherubic watch , and of a sword the flame wide waving , all approach farr off to fright , and guard all passage to the tree of life : least paradise a receptacle prove to spirits foule , and all my trees thir prey , with whose stol'n fruit man once more to delude . he ceas'd ; and th' archangelic power prepar'd for swist descent , with him the cohort bright of watchful cherubim ; four faces each had , like a double janus , all thir shape spangl'd with eyes more numerous then those of argus , and more wakeful then to drouze , charm'd with arcadian pipe , the pastoral reed of hermes , or his opiate rod. mean while to resalute the world with sacred light l●…cothea wak'd , and with fresh dews imbalmd the earth , w●…en adam and first matron eve had ended now thir orisons , and found , strength added from above , new hope to spring out of despaire , joy , but with fear yet link●… ; which thus to eve his welcome words renewd . eve , easily may faith admit , that all the good which we enjoy , from heav'n descends but that from us ought should ascend to heav'n so prevalent as to concerne the mind of god high-blest , or to incline his will , hard to belief may 〈◊〉 ▪ yet this will prayer , or one short sigh of 〈◊〉 breath , up-borne ev'n to the seat of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i saught by prayer th' offended deitie co appease , kneel'd and before him humbl'd all my heart , methought i saw him placable and mil●… , bending hi●…●…are ; perswasion in me grew that i was heard with favour ; peace returnd home to my brest , and to my memorie his promise , that thy seed shall bruise our foe ; which then not minded in dismay , yet now assures me that the bitterness of death is past , and we shall live . whence haile to thee , eve rightly call'd , mother of all mankind , mother of all things living , since by thee man is to live , and all things live for man. to whom thus eve with sad demeanour meek . ill worthie i such title should belong to me transgressour , who for thee ordaind a help , became thy s●…are ; to mee reproach rather belongs , distrust and all dispraise : but infinite in pardon was my judge , that i who first brought death on all , am grac't the sourse of life ; next favourable t●…u , who highly thus to entitle me voutsat 〈◊〉 , farr othe●… name deserving . but the field to labour calls us now with sweat impos'd , though after sleepless night ; for see the morn , all unconcern'd with our unrest , begins her rosie progress smiling ; let us ●…orth , i never from thy side henceforth to stray , wherere our days work lies , though now enjoind laborious , till day droop ; while her●… we dwell , what can be toilsom in these pleas●…nt walkes ? here let us live , though in fall'n state , c●…ntent . so spake , so wish'd much-humbl'd eve , but fate subscrib'd not ; nature first gave signs , imprest on bird , beast , aire , aire suddenly eclips'd after short blush of morn ; nigh in her sight the bird of jove , stoopt from his aerie tour , two birds of gayest plume before him drove : down from a hill the beast that reigns in woods , first hunter then , pursu'd a gentle brace , goodliest of all the forrest , hart and hinde ; direct to th' eastern gate was bent thir flight . adam observ'd , and with his eye the chase pursuing , not unmov'd to eve thus spake . o eve , some furder change awaits us nigh , which heav'n by these mute signs in nature shews forerunners of his purpose , or to warn us haply too secure of our discharge from penaltie , because from death releast s●…e days ; how long , and what till then our life , who knows , or more then this , that we are dust , and thither must return and be no more . vvhy else this double object in our sight of slight pursu'd in th' air and ore the ground one way the self-same hour ? why in the east darkness ere dayes mid-course , and morning light more orient in yon vvestern cloud that draws o're the blew firmament a radiant white , and slow descends , with somthing heav'nly fraught . he err'd not , for by this the heav'nly bands down from a skie of jasper lighted now in paradise , and on a hill made alt , a glorious apparition , had not doubt and carnal fear that day dimm'd adams eye . not that more glorious , when the angels met jacob in mahanaim , where he saw the sield pavilion'd with his guardians bright ; nor that which on the flaming mount appeerd in dothan , cover'd with a camp of fire , against the s●…rian king , who to surprize one man , assassin-like had levied warr , warr unproclam'd . the princely hierarch in thir bright stand , there left his powers to seise possession of the gard●…n ; hee alone , to finde where adam shelterd , took his way , not unperceav'd of adam , who to eve , while the great visitant approachd , thus spake . eve , now expect great tidings , which perhaps of us will soon determin , or impose new laws to be observ'd ; f●…r i descrie from yonder blazing cloud ●…hat veils the hill one of the heav'nly host , and by his gate none of the meanest , some great potentate or of the thrones above , such majestie invests him coming ; yet not terrible , that i should fear , nor sociably mild , as raphael , that i should much confide , but solemn and sublime , whom not to offend , with reverence i must meet , and thou retire . he ended ; and th' arch-angel soon drew nigh , not in his shape celestial , but as man clad to meet man ; over his lucid armes a militarie vest of purple flowd livelier then meliboean , or the graine of sarra , worn by kings and hero's old in time of truce ; iris had dipt the wooff ; his starrie helme unbuckl'd shew'd him prime in manhood where youth ended ; by his side as in a glistering zodiac hung the sword , satans dire dread , and in his hand the spear . adam bowd low , hee kingly from his state inclin'd not , but his coming thus declar'd . adam , heav'ns high behest no preface needs : sufficient that thy prayers are heard , and death , then due by sentence when thou didst transgress , defeated of his seisure many dayes giv'n thee of grace , wherein thou may'st repent , and one bad act with many deeds well done mayst cover : well may then thy lord appeas'd redeem thee quite from deaths rapacious claime ; but longer in this paradise to dwell permits not ; to remove thee i am come , and send thee from the garden forth to till the ground whence thou wast tak'n , fitter soile . he added not , for adam at the newes heart-strook with chilling gripe of sorrow stood , that all his senses bound ; eve , who unseen yet all had heard , with audible lament discover'd soon the place of her retire . o unexspected stroke , worse then of death ! must i thus leave thee paradise ? thus leave thee native soile , these happie walks and shades , fit haunt of gods ? where i had hope to spend , quiet though sad , the respit of that day that must be mortal to us both . o flours , that never will in other climate grow , my early visitation , and my last at eev'n , which i bred up with tender hand from the first op'ning bud , and gave ye names , who now shall reare ye to the sun , or ranke your tribes , and water from th' ambrosial fount ? thee lastly nuptial bowre , by mee adornd with what to sight or smell was sweet ; from thee how shall i part , and whither wander down into a lower world , to this obscure and wilde , how shall we breath in other aire less pure , accustomd to immortal fruits ? whom thus the angel interrupted milde . lament not eve , but patiently resigne what justly thou hast lost ; nor set thy heart , thus over fond , on that which is not thine ; thy going is not lonely , with thee goes thy husband , him to follow thou art bound ; where he abides , think there thy native soile . adam by this from the cold sudden damp recovering , and his scatterd spirits returnd , to michael thus his humble words addressd . celestial , whether among the thrones , or nam'd of them the highest , for such of shape may seem prince above princes , gently hast thou tould thy message , which might else in telling wound , and in performing end us ; what besides of sorrow and dejection and despair our frailtie can sustain , thy tidings bring , departure from this happy place , our sweet recess , and onely consolation left familiar to our eyes , all places else in hospitable appeer and desolate , nor knowing us nor known : and if by prayer incessant i could hope to change the will of him who all things can , i would not cease to wearie him with my assiduous cries : but prayer against his absolute decree no more availes then breath against the winde , blown stifling back on him that breaths it forth : therefore to his great bidding i submit . this most a●…icts ●…e , that departing hence , as from his face i shall be hid , deprivd his blessed count'nance ; here i could frequent , with worship , place by place where he voutsaf'd presence divine , and to my sons relate ; on this mount he appeerd , under this tree stood visible , among these pines his voice i heard , here with him at this fountain talk'd : so many grateful altars i would reare of grassie terfe , and pile up every stone of lustre from the brook , in memorie , or monument to ages , and thereon offer sweet smelling gumms & fruits and flours : in yonder nether world where shall i seek his bright appearances , or footstep trace ? for though i fled him angrie , yet recall'd to life prolongd and promisd race , i now gladly behold though but his utmost skirts of glory , and farr off his steps adore . to whom thus michael with regard benigne . adam , thou know'st heav'n his , and all the earth ▪ not this rock onely ; his omnipresence fills land , sea , and aire , and every kinde that lives , fomented by his virtual power and warmd : all th' earth he gave thee to possess and rule , no despicable gift ; surmi●… not then his presence to these narrow bounds confin'd of paradise or eden : this had been perhaps thy capital seate , from whence had spred all generations , and had hither come from all the ends of th' earth , to celebrate and reverence thee thir great progenitor . but this praeeminence thou hast lost , brought dow●… to dwell on eeven ground now with thy sons : yet doubt not but in vallie and in plaine god is as here , and will be found alike present , and of his presence many a ●…gne still following thee , still compassing th●…e round with goodness and paternal love , his face express , and of his steps the track divine . which that thou mayst beleeve , and be confirmd , ere thou from hence depart , know i am sent ●…o shew thee what shall come in future dayes ●…o thee and to thy ofspring ; good with bad expect to hear , supernal grace contending with sinfulness of men ; thereby to learn true patience , and to temper joy with fear and pious sorrow , equally enur'd by moderation either ●…ate to beare , prosperous or adverse : so shalt thou lead safest thy life , and best prepar'd endure thy mortal passage when it comes . ascend this hill●… let eve ( for i have drencht her eyes ) here sleep ●…elow while thou to foresight wak'st , as once 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , while shee to life was formd . to w●…m 〈◊〉 adam gratefully repli'd . 〈◊〉 , i follow ●…hee , safe guide , the path 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to the hand of heav'n submit , ●…wever ch●…'ning , to the evil turne my obvious breast , arming to overcom 〈◊〉 suffering , and earne rest from labour won , if so i 〈◊〉 attain . so both ascend in the visions of god : it was a hill o●… paradise the highest , from whose top the hemisphere of earth in cleerest ken stretcht out to amplest reach of prospect lay . not higher that hill nor wider looking round , whereon for different cause the tempter set our second adam in the wilderness , to shew him all earths kingdomes and thir glory . his eye might there command wherever stood city of old or modern fame , the seat of mightiest empire , from the destind walls of cambalu , seat of cathaian can and samarchand by oxus , temirs throne , to paq●…in of sinaean kings , and thence to agra and lahor of great mogul down to the golden chersonese , or where the persian in ecbatan sate , or since in hispahan , or where the russian ksar in mosco , or the sultan in bizance , turchestan-born ; nor could his eye not ken th' empire of negus to his utmost port ercoco and the less maritine kings mombaza , and quiloa , and melind , and sofala thought ophir , to the realme of congo , and angola fardest south ; or thence from niger flood to atlas mount the kingdoms of almansor , fez and sus , marocco and algiers ; and tremisen ; on europe thence , and where rome was to sway the vvorld : in spirit perhaps he also saw rich mexico the seat of motezume , and cusco in peru , the richer seat of atabalipa , and yet unspoil'd guiana , whose great citie geryons sons call el dorado : but to nobler sights michael from adams eyes the filme remov'd vvhich that false fruit that promis'd clearer sight had bred ; then purg'd with euphrasie and rue the visual nerve , for he had much to see ; and from the vvell of life three drops instill'd . so deep the power of these ingredients pierc'd , eevn to the inmost seat of mental sight , that adam now enfor●… to close his eyes , sunk down and all his spirits became intranst : but him the gentle angel by the hand soon rais'd , and his attention thus recall'd . adam , now ope thine eyes , and first behold th' effects which thy original crime hath wrought in some to spring from thee , who never touch'd th' excepted tree , nor with the snake conspir'd , nor sinn'd thy sin , yet from that sin derive corruption to bring forth more violent deeds . his eyes he op'nd , and beheld a field , part arable and tilth , whereon were sheaves new reapt , the other part sheep walks and foulds ; i th' midst an altar as the land-mark stood rustic , of grassie sord ; thither anon a sweatie reaper from his tillage brought first fruits , the green eare , and the yellow sheaf , uncull'd , as came to hand ; a shepherd next more 〈◊〉 came with the firstlings of his flock choicest and best ; then sacrificing , laid the inwards and thir fat , with incense strew'd , on the cleft wood , and all due rites perform'd . his offring soon propitious fire from heav'n consum'd with nimble glance , and grateful steame ; the others not , for his was not sincere ; whereat hee inlie rag'd , and as they talk'd , smote him into the midriff with a stone that beat out life ; he fell , and deadly pale groand out his soul with gushing bloud effus'd . much at that sight was adam in his heart dismai'd , and thus in haste to th' angel cri'd . o teacher , some great mischief hath befall'n to that meek man , who well had sacrific'd ; is pietie thus and pure devotion paid ? t' whom michael thus , hee also mov'd , repli'd . these two are brethren , adam , and to come out of thy loyns ; th' unjust the just hath slain , for envie that his brothers offering ●…ound from heav'n acceptance ; but the bloodie fact will be aveng'd , and th' others faith approv'd loose no reward , though here thou see him die , rowling in dust and gore . to which our sire . alas , both for the deed and for the cause ! but have i now seen death ? is this the way i must return to native dust ? o sight of terrour , foul and ugly to behold , horrid to think , how horrible to feel ! to whom thus m●…l . death thou hast seen in his ●…irst shape on man ; ●…ut many shapes of death , and many are the wayes that lead to his grim cave , all dismal ; yet to sense m●…re terrible at th' entrance then within . so●…e , as thou saw'st , by violent stroke shall die , by fire , flood , famin , by intemperance more in meats and drinks , which on the earth shal bring diseases dire , of which a monstrous crew before thee shall appear ; that thou mayst know what miserie th' inabstinence of eve shall bring on men . immediately a place before his eyes appeard , sad , noysom , dark , a lazar-house it seemd , wherein were laid numbers of all diseas'd , all maladies of gastly spasm , or racking torture , qualmes of heart-fick agonie , all feavorous kinds , convulsions , epilepsies , 〈◊〉 catarrhs , intestin stone and ulcer , colic pangs , dropsies , and 〈◊〉 , and joint-racking rheums . dire was the tossing , deep the groans , despair tended the sick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 couch to couch ; and over them triumphant death his dart shook , but delaid to strike , though oft invok't with vows , as thir chief good , and final hope . sight so deform what heart of rock could long drie-ey'd behold ? adam could not , but wept , though not of woman born , compassion quell'd his best of man , and gave him up to tears a space , till firmer thoughts restraind excess , and scarce recovering words his plaint renew'd . o miserable mankind , to what fall degraded , to what wretched state reserv'd ! better end heer unborn . why is life giv'n to be thus wrested from us ? rather why obtruded on us thus ? who if we knew what we receive , would ei●…her not accept life offer'd , or soon beg to lay it down , glad to be so dismist in peace . can thus th' image of god in man created once so goodly and erect , though faultie since , to such unsightly sufferings be debas't 〈◊〉 inhuman pains ? why should not man , r●…taining still divine similitude in part , from such deformities be free , and for his makers image sake exempt ? thir makers image , answerd michael , then forsook them , when themselves they villifi'd to serve ungovern'd appetite , and took his image whom they serv'd , a 〈◊〉 vice , inductive mainly to the sin of eve. therefore so abject is thir punishment , disfiguring not gods likeness , but thir own , or if his likeness , by themselves 〈◊〉 while they pervert 〈◊〉 natures healthful rules to loathsom sickness , worthily , since they gods image did not reverence in themselves . i yeild it just , said adam , and submit . but is there yet no other way , 〈◊〉 these painful passages , how we may come to death , and mix with our 〈◊〉 dust ? there is , said michael , if thou well observe the rule of not too much , by temperance taught in what thou eatst and drinkst , seeking from thence due nourishment , not gluttonous delight , till many years over thy head return : so maist thou live , till like ripe fruit thou drop into thy mothers lap , or be with ease gatherd , not harshly pluckt , for death mature : this is old age ; but then thou must outlive thy youth , thy strength , thy beauty , which will change to witherd weak & gray ; thy senses then o●…se , all taste of pleasure must forgoe , to what thou hast , and for the aire of youth hopeful and cheerful , in thy blood will reigne a melancholly damp of cold and dry to waigh thy spirits down , and last consume the balme of life . to whom our ancestor . henceforth i flie not death , nor would prolong life much , bent rather how i may be quit fairest and easiest of this combrous charge , which i must keep till my appointed day of rendring up . michael to him repli'd . nor love thy life , nor hate ; but what thou livst live well , how long or short permit to heav'n : and now prepare thee for another sight . he lookd and saw a spacious plaine , whereon were tents of various hue ; by some were herds of cattel grazing : others , whence the sound of instruments that made melodious chime was heard , of harp and organ ; and who moovd thir stops and chords was feen : his volant touch instinct through all proportions low and high fled and pursu'd transverse the resonant fugue . in other part stood one who at the forge labouring , two massie clods of iron and brass had melted ( whether found where casual fire had wasted woods on mountain or in vale , down to the veins of earth , thence gliding hot to som caves mouth , or whether washt by stream from underground ) the liquid ore he dreind into fit moulds prepar'd ; from which he formd first his own tooles ; then , what might else be wrought fusil or grav'n in mettle . after these , but on the hether side a different sort from the high neighbouring hills , which was thir seat , down to the plain descended : by thir guise just men they seemd , and all thir study bent to worship god aright , and know his works not ●…id , nor those things lost which might preserve freedom and peace to men : they on the plain long had not walkt , when from the tents behold a beavie of fair women , richly gay in gems and wanton dress ; to the harp they sung soft amorous ditties , and in dance came on : the men though grave , ey'd them , and let thir eyes rove without rein , till in the amorous net fast caught , they lik'd , and each his liking chose ; and now of love they treat till th' eevning star loves harbinger appeerd ; then all in heat they light the nuptial torch , and bid invoke hymen , then first to marriage rites invok't ; with feast and musick all the ten●…si resound . such happy interview and fair event of love & youth not lost , songs , garlands , flours , and charming symphonies attach'd the heart of adam , soon enclin'd to admit delight , the bent of nature ; which he thus express'd . true opener of mine eyes , prime angel blest , much better seems this vision , and more hope of peaceful dayes portends , then those two past ; those were of hate and death , or pain much worse , here nature seems fulfilld in all her ends . to whom thus michael . judg not what is best by pleasure , though to nature seeming meet , created , as thou art , to nobler end holie and pure , conformitie divine . those tents thou sawst so pleasant , were the tents of wickedness , wherein shall dwell his race who slew his brother ; studious they appere of arts that polish life , inventers rare , unmindful of thir maker , though his spirit taught them , but they his gifts acknowledg'd none . yet they a beauteous ofspring shall beget ; for that fair femal troop thou sawst , that seemd of goddesses , so blithe , so smooth , so gay , yet empty of all good wherein consists womans domestic honour and chief praise ; bred onely and completed to the taste of lustful appetence , to sing , to dance , to dress , and troule the tongue , and roule the eye . to these that sober race of men , whose lives religious titl'd them the sons of god , shall yeild up all thir vertue , all thir fame ignobly , to the traines and to the smiles of these fair atheists , and now swim in joy , ( erelong to swim at larg ) and laugh ; for which the world erelong a world of tears must weepe . to whom thus adam of short joy bereft . o pittie and shame , that they who to live well enterd so faire , should turn aside to tread paths indirect , or in the mid way faint ! but still i see the tenor of mans woe holds on the same , from woman to begin . from mans effeminate slackness it begins , said th' angel , who should better hold his place by wisdome , and superiour gifts receavd . but now prepare thee for another scene . he lookd and saw wide territorie spred before him , towns , and rural works between , cities of men with lofty gates and towrs , concours in arms , fierce faces threatning warr , giants of mightie bone , and bould emprise ; part wield thir arms , part courb the foaming steed , single or in array of battel rang'd both horse and foot , nor idely mustring stood ; one way a band select from forage drives a herd of beeves , faire oxen and faire kine from a fat meddow ground ; or fleecy flock , ewes and thir bleating lambs over the plaine , thir bootie ; scarce with life the shepherds flye , but call in aide , which tacks a bloody fray ; with cruel tournament the squadrons joine ; where cattel pastur'd late , now scatterd lies with carcasses and arms th' ensanguind field deserted : others to a citie strong lay siege , encampt ; by batterie , scale , and mine , assaulting ; others from the wall defend with dart and jav'lin , stones and sulfurous fire ; on each hand slaughter and gigantic deeds . in other part the scepter'd haralds call to council in the citie gates : anon grey-headed men and grave , with warriours mixt , assemble , and harangues are heard , but soon in factious opposition , till at last of middle age one rising , eminent in wise deport , spake much of right and wrong , of justice , of religion , truth and peace , and judgement from above : him old and young exploded , and had seiz'd with violent hands , had not a cloud descending snatch'd him thence unseen amid the throng : so violence proceeded , and oppression , and sword-law through all the plain , and refuge none was found . adam was all in tears , and to his guide lamenting turnd full sad ; o what are these , deaths ministers , not men , who thus deal death inhumanly to men , and multiply ten thousand fould the sin of him who slew his brother ; for of whom such massacher make they but of thir brethren , men of men ? but who was that just man , whom had not heav'n rescu'd , had in his righteousness bin lost ? to whom thus michael ; these are the product of those ill-mated marriages thou saw'st ; where good with bad were matcht , who of themselves abhor to joyn ; and by imprudence mixt , produce prodigious births of bodie or mind . such were these giants , men of high renown ; for in those dayes might onely shall be admir'd , and valour and heroic vertu call'd ; to overcome in battel , and subdue nations , and bring home spoils with infinite man-slaughter , shall be held the highest pitch of human glorie , and for glorie done of triumph , to be styl'd great conquerours , patrons of mankind , gods , and sons of gods , destroyers rightlier call'd and plagues of men . thus fame shall be achiev'd , renown on earth , and what most merits fame in silence hid . but hee the seventh from thee , whom thou beheldst the onely righteous in a world perverse , and therefore hated , therefore so beset with foes for daring single to be just , and utter odious truth , that god would come to judge them with his saints : him the most high rapt in a balmie cloud with winged steeds ▪ did , as thou sawst , receave , to walk with god high in salvation and the climes of bliss , exempt from death ; to shew thee what reward awaits the good , the rest what punishment ; which now direct thine eyes and soon behold . he look'd , & saw the sace of things quite chang'd ▪ the brazen throat of warr had ceast to roar , all now was turn'd to jollitie and game , to luxurie and riot , feast and dance , marrying or prostituting , as befell , rape or adulterie , where passing faire allurd them ; thence from cups to civil broiles . at length a reverend sire among them came , and of thir ▪ doings great dislike declar'd , and testifi'd against thir wayes ; hee oft frequented thir assemblies , whereso met , triumphs or festivals , and to them preachd conversion and repentance , as to souls in prison under judgements imminent : but all in vain : which when he saw , he ceas'd contending , and remov'd his tents farr off ; then from the mountain hewing timber tall , began to build a vessel of huge bulk , measur'd by cubit , length , & breadth , and highth , smeard round with pitch , and in the side a dore contriv'd , and of provisions laid in large for man and beast : when loe a wonder strange ! of everie beast , and bird , and insect small came seavens , and pairs , and enterd in , as taught thir order ; last the sire , and his three sons with thir four wives ; and god made fast the dore . meanwhile the southwind rose , & with black wings wide hovering , all the clouds together drove from under heav'n ; the hills to their supplie vapour , and exhalation dusk and moist , sent up amain ; and now the thick'nd skie like a dark ceeling stood ; down rush'd the rain impetuous , and continu'd till the earth no more was seen ; the floating vessel swum uplifted ; and secure with beaked prow rode tilting o're the waves , all dwellings else flood overwhelmd , and them with all thir pomp deep under water rould ; sea cover'd sea , sea without shoar ; and in thir palaces where luxurie late reign'd , sea-monsters whelp'd and stabl'd ; of mankind , so numerous late , all left , in one small bottom swum imbark't . how didst thou grieve then , adam , to behold the end of all thy ofspring , end so sad , depopulation ; thee another floud , of tears and sorrow a floud thee also drown'd , and sunk thee as thy sons ; till gently reard by th' angel , on thy feet thou stoodst at last , though comfortless , as when a father mourns his childern , all in view destroyd at once ; and scarce to th' angel utterdst thus thy plaint . o visions ill foreseen ! better had i liv'd ignorant of future , so had borne my part of evil onely , each dayes lot anough to bear ; those now , that were dispenst the burd'n of many ages , on me light at once , by my foreknowledge gaining birth abortive , to torment me ere thir being , with thought that they must be . let no man seek henceforth to be foretold what shall befall him or his childern , evil he may be sure , which neither his foreknowing can prevent , and hee the future evil shall no less in apprehension then in substance feel grievous to bear : but that care now is past , man is not whom to warne : those few escap't famin and anguish will at last consume wandring that watrie desert : i had hope when violence was ceas't , and warr on earth , all would have then gon well , peace would have crownd with length of happy days the race of man ; but i was farr deceav'd ; for now i see peace to corrupt no less then warr to waste . how comes it thus ? unfould , celestial guide , and whether here the race of man will end . to whom thus michael . those whom last thou sawst in triumph and luxurious wealth , are they first seen in acts of prowess eminent and great exploits , but of true vertu void ; who having spilt much blood , and don much waste subduing nations , and achievd thereby fame in the world , high titles , and rich prey , shall change thir course to pleasure , ease , and sloth , surfet , and lust , till wantonness and pride raise out of friendship hostil deeds in peace . the conquerd also , and enslav'd by warr shall with thir freedom lost all vertu loose and feare of god , from whom thir pietie feign'd in sharp contest of battel found no aide against invaders ; therefore coold in zeale thenceforth shall practice how to live secure , worldlie or dissolute , on what thir lords shall leave them to enjoy ; for th' earth shall bear more then anough , that temperance may be tri'd : so all shall turn degenerate , all deprav'd , justice and temperance , truth and faith forgot ; one man except , the onely son of light in a dark age , against example good , against allurement , custom , and a world offended ; fearless of reproach and scorn , or violence , hee of thir wicked wayes shall them admonish , and before them set the paths of righteousness , how much more safe , and full of peace , denouncing wrauth to come on thir impenitence ; and shall returne of them derided , but of god observd the one just man alive ; by his command shall build a wondrous ark , as thou beheldst , to save himself and houshold from amidst a world devote to universal rack . no sooner hee with them of man and beast select for life shall in the ark be lodg'd , and shelterd round , but all the cataracts of heav'n set open on the earth shall powre raine day and night , all fountaines of the deep broke up , shall heave the ocean to usurp beyond all bounds , till inundation rise above the highest hills : then shall this mount of paradise by might of waves be moovd out of his place , pushd by the horned floud , with all his verdure spoil'd , and trees adrift down the great river to the op'ning gulf , and there take root an iland salt and bare , the haunt of seales and orcs , and sea-mews clang . to teach thee that god attributes to place no sanctitie , if none be thither brought by men who there frequent , or therein dwell . and now what further shall ensue , behold . he lookd , and saw the ark hull on the floud , which now abated , for the clouds were fled , drivn by a keen north-winde , that blowing drie wrinkl'd the face of deluge , as decai'd ; and the cleer sun on his wide watrie glass gaz'd hot , and of the fresh wave largely drew , as after thirst , which made thir flowing shrink from standing lake to tripping ebbe , that stole with soft foot towards the deep , who now had stopt ●…is is sluces , as the heav'n his windows shut . the ark no more now flotes , but seems on ground fast on the top of som high mountain fixt . and now the tops of hills as rocks appeer ; with clamor thence the rapid currents drive towards the retreating sea thir furious tyde . forthwith from out the arke a raven flies , and after him , the surer messenger , a dove sent forth once and agen to spie green tree or ground whereon his foot may light ; the second time returning , in his bill an olive leafe he brings , pacific signe : anon drie ground appeers , and from his arke the ancient sire descends with all his train ; then with uplifted hands , and eyes devout , grateful to heav'n , over his head beholds a dewie cloud , and in the cloud a bow conspicuous with three listed colours gay , betok'ning peace from god , and cov'nant new . whereat the heart of adam erst so sad greatly rejoyc'd , and thus his joy broke forth . o thou that future things canst represent as present , heav'nly instructer , i revive at this last sight , assur'd that man shall live with all the creatures , and thir seed preserve . farr less i now lament for one whole world of wicked sons destroyd , then i rejoyce for one man found so perfet and so just , that god voutsafes to raise another world from him , and all his anger to forget . but say , what mean those colourd streaks in heavn , distended as the brow of god appeas'd , or serve they as a flourie verge to binde the fluid skirts of that same watrie cloud , least it again dissolve and showr the earth ? to whom th' archangel . dextrously thou aim'st ; so willingly doth god remit his ire , though late repenting him of man deprav'd , griev'd at his heart , when looking down he saw the whole earth ●…ill'd with violence , and all flesh corrupting each thirway ; yet those remoov'd , such grace shall one just man find in his sight , that he relents , not to blot out mankind , and makes a covenant never to destroy the earth again by flood , nor let the sea surpass his bounds , nor rain to drown the world with man therein or beast ; but when he brings over the earth a cloud , will therein set his triple-colour'd bow , whereon to look and call to mind his cov'nant : day and night , seed time and harvest , heat and hoary frost shall hold thir course , till fire purge all things new , both heav'n and earth , wherein the just shall dwell . thus thou hast seen one world begin and end ; and man as from a second stock proceed . much thou hast yet to see , but i perceave thy mortal sight to faile ; objects divine must needs impaire and wearie human sense : henceforth what is to com i will relate , thou therefore give due audience , and attend . this second sours of men , while yet but few ; and while the dread of judgement past remains fresh in thir mindes , fearing the deitie , with some regard to what is just and right shall lead thir lives , and multiplie apace , labouring the soile , and reaping plenteous crop , corn wine and oyle ; and from the herd or flock , oft sacrificing bullock , lamb , or kid , with large winé-offerings pour'd , and sacred feast shal spend thir dayes in joy unblam'd , and dwell long time in peace by families and tribes under paternal rule ; till one shall rise of proud ambitious heart , who not content with fair equalitie , fraternal state , will arrogate dominion undeserv'd over his brethren , and quite dispossess concord and law of nature from the earth ; hunting ( and men not beasts shall be his game ) with warr and hostile snare such as refuse subjection to his empire tyrannous : a mightie hunter thence he shall be styl'd before the lord , as in despite of heav'n , or from heav'n claming second sovrantie ; and from rebellion shall derive his name , though of rebellion others he accuse . hee with a crew , whom like ambition joyns with him or under him to tyrannize , marching from eden towards the west , shall finde the plain , wherein a black bituminous gurge boiles out from under ground , the mouth of hell ; of brick , and of that stuff they cast to build a citie & towre , whose top may reach to heav'n ; and get themselves a name , least far disperst in foraign lands thir memorie be lost , regardless whether good or evil fame . but god who oft descends to visit men unseen , and through thir habitations walks to mark thir doings , them beholding soon , comes down to see thir citie , ere the tower obstruct heav'n towrs , and in derision sets upon thir tongues a various spirit to rase quite out thir native language , and instead to sow a jangling noise of words unknown : forthwith a hideous gabble rises loud among the builders ; each to other calls not understood , till hoarse , and all in rage , as mockt they storm ; great laughter was in heav'n and looking down , to see the hubbub strange and hear the din ; thus was the building left ridiculous , and the work confusion nam'd . whereto thus adam fatherly displeas'd . o execrable son so to aspire above his brethren , to himself assuming authoritie usurpt , from god not giv'n : he gave us onely over beast , fish , fowl dominion absolute ; that right we hold by his donation ; but man over men he made not lord ; such title to himself reserving , human left from human free . but this usurper his encroachment proud stayes not on man ; to god his tower intends siege and defiance : wretched man ! what food will he convey up thither to sustain himself and his rash armie , where thin aire above the clouds will pine his entrails gross , and famish him of breath , if not of bread ? to whom thus michael . justly thou abhorr'st that son , who on the quiet state of men such trouble brought , affecting to subdue rational libertie ; yet know withall , since thy original lapse , true libertie is lost , which alwayes with right reason dwells twinn'd , and from her hath no dividual being : reason in man obscur'd , or not obeyd , immediately inordinate desires and upstart passions ca●…ch the government from reason , and to fervitude reduce man till then free . therefore since hee permits within himself unworthie powers to reign over free reason , god in judgement just subjects him from without to violent lords ; who oft as undeservedly enthrall his outward freedom : tyrannie must be , though to the tyrant thereby no excuse . yet somtimes nations will decline so low from vertue , which is reason , that no wrong , but justice , and some fatal curse annext deprives them of thir outward libertie , thir inward lost : witness th' irreverent son of him who built the ark , who for the shame don to his father , heard this heavie curse , servant of servants , on his vitious race . thus will this latter , as the former world , still tend from bad to worse , till god at last wearied with their iniquities , withdraw his presence from among them , and avert his holy eyes ; resolving from thenceforth to leave them to thir own polluted wayes ; and one peculiar nation to select from all the rest , of whom to be invok'd , a nation from one faithful man to spring : him on this side euphrates yet residing , bred up in idol-worship ; o that men ( canst thou believe ? ) should be so stupid grown , while yet the patriark liv'd , who scap'd the flood , as to forsake the living god , and fall to worship thir own work in wood and stone for gods ! yet him god the most high voutsafes to call by vision from his fathers house , his kind●…ed and false gods , into a land which he will shew him , and from him will raise a mightie nation , and upon him showre his benediction so , that in his seed all nations shall be blest ; hee straight obeys , not knowing to what land , yet firm believes : i see him , but thou canst not , with what faith he leaves his gods , his friends , and native soile ur of chaldaea , passing now the ford to haran , after him a cumbrous train of herds and flocks , and numerous servitude ; not wandring poor , but trusting all his wealth with god , who call'd him , in a land unknown . canaan he now attains , i see his tents pitcht about sechem , and the neighbouring plaine of moreh ; there by promise he receaves gift to his progenie of all that land ; from hamath northward to the desert south ( things by thir names i call , though yet unnam'd ) from hermon east to the great western sea , mount hermon , yonder sea , each place behold in prospect , as i point them ; on the shoare mount carmel ; here the double-founted stream jordan , true limit eastward ; but his sons shall dwell to senir , that long ridge of hills . this ponder , that all nations of the earth shall in his seed be blessed ; by that seed is meant thy great deliverer , who shall bruise the serpents head ; whereof to thee anon plainlier shall be reveald . this patriarch blest , whom faithful abraham due time shall call , a son , and of his son a grand-childe leaves , like him in faith , in wisdom , and renown ; the grandchilde with twelve sons increast , departs from canaan , to a land hereafter call'd egypt , divided by the river nile ; see where it flows , disgorging at seaven mouthes into the sea : to sojourn in that land he comes invited by a yonger son in time of dearth , a son whose worthy deeds raise him to be the second in that realme of pharao : there he dies , and leaves his race growing into a nation , and now grown suspected to a sequent king , who seeks to stop thir overgrowth , as inmate guests too numerous ; whence of guests he makes them slaves inhospitably , and kills thir infant males : till by two brethren ( those two brethren call moses and aaron ) sent from god to claime his people from enthralment , they return with glory and spoile back to thir promis'd land. but first the lawless tyrant , who denies to know thir god , or message to regard , must be compelld by signes and judgements dire ; to blood unshed the rivers must be turnd , frogs , lice and flies must all his palace ●…ill with loath'd intru●…on , and fill all the land ; his cattel must of rot and murren die , botches and blaines must all his flesh imboss , and all his people ; thunder mixt with haile , haile mixt with fire must rend th' egyptian skie and wheel on th' earth , devouring where it rouls ; what it devours not , herb , or fruit , or graine , a darksom cloud of locusts swarming down must eat , and on the ground leave nothing green : darkness must overshadow all his bounds , palpable darkness , and blot out three dayes ; last with one midnight stroke all the first-born of egypt must lie dead . thus with ten wounds this river-dragon tam'd at length submits to let his sojourners depart , and oft humbles his stubborn heart , but still as ice more hard'nd after thaw , till in his rage pursuing whom he late dismissd , the sea swallows him with his host , but them le ts pass as on drie land between two christal walls , aw'd by the rod of moses so to stand divided , till his rescu'd gain thir shoar : such wondrous power god to his saint will lend , though present in his angel , who shall goe before them in a cloud , and pillar of fire , by day a cloud , by night a pillar of fire , to guide them in thir journey , and remove behinde them , while th' obdurat king pursues : all night he will pursue , but his approach darkness defends between till morning watch ; then through the firey pillar and the cloud god looking forth will trouble all his host and craze thir chariot wheels : when by command moses once more his potent rod extends over the sea ; the sea his rod obeys ; on thir imbattelld ranks the waves return , and overwhelm thir warr : the race elect safe towards canaan from the shoar advance through the wilde desert , not the readiest way , least entring on the canaanite allarmd warr terrifie them inexpert , and feare return them back to egypt , choosing rather inglorious life with servitude ; for life to noble and ignoble is more sweet untraind in armes , where rashness leads not on . this also shall they gain by thir delay in the wide wilderness , there they shall found thir government , and thir great senate choose through the twelve tribes , to rule by laws ordaind : god from the mount of sinai , whose gray top shall tremble , he descending , will himself in thunder lightning and loud trumpets sound ordaine them lawes ; part such as appertaine to civil justice , part religious rites of sacrifice , informing them , by types and shadowes , of that destind seed to bruise the serpent , by what meanes he shall achieve mankinds deliverance . but the voice of god to mortal eare is dreadful ; they beseech that moses might report to them his will , and terror cease ; he grants them thir desire , instructed that to god is no access without mediator , whose high office now moses in figure beares , to introduce one greater , of whose day he shall foretell , and all the prophets in thir age the times of great messiah shall sing . thus laws and rites establisht , such delight hath god in men obedient to his will , that he voutsafes among them to set up his tabernacle , the holy one with mortal men to dwell : by his prescript a sanctuary is fram'd of cedar , overlaid with gold , therein an ark , and in the ark his testimony , the records of his cov'nant , over these a mercie-seat of gold between the wings of two bright cherubim , before him burn seaven lamps as in a zodiac representing the heav'nly fires ; over the tent a cloud shall rest by day , a 〈◊〉 gleame by night , save when they journie , and at length they come , conducted by his angel to the land promisd to abraham and his seed : the rest were long to tell , how many battels fought , how many kings destroyd , and kingdoms won , or how the sun shall in mid heav'n stand still a day entire , and nights due course adjourne , mans voice commanding , sun in gibeon stand , and thou moon in the vale of aialon , till israel overcome ; so call the third from abraham , son of isaac , and from him his whole descent , who thus shall canaan win . here adam interpos'd . o sent from heav'n , enlightner of my darkness , gracious things thou hast reveald , those chiefly which concerne just abraham and his seed : now first i finde mine eyes true op'ning , and my heart much eas'd , erwhile perplext with thoughts what would becom of mee and all mankind ; but now i see his day , in whom all nations shall be blest , favour unmerited by me , who sought forbidd'n knowledge by forbidd'n means . this yet i apprehend not , why to those among whom god will deigne to dwell on earth so many and so various laws are giv'n ; so many laws argue so many sins among them ; how can god with such refide ? to whom thus michael . doubt not but that sin will reign among them , as of thee begot ; and therefore was law given them to evince thir natural pravitie , by stirring up sin against law to fight ; that when they see law can discover sin , but not remove , save by those shadowie expiations weak , the bloud of bulls and goats , they may conclude some bloud more precious must be paid for man , just for unjust , that in such righteousness to them by faith imputed , they may finde justification towards god , and peace of conscience , which the law by ceremonies cannot appease , nor man the moral part perform , and not performing cannot live . so law appears imperfet , and but giv'n with purpose to resign them in full time up to a better cov'nant , disciplin'd from shadowie types to truth , from flesh to spirit , from imposition of strict laws , to free acceptance of large grace , from servil fear to filial ▪ works of law to works of faith. and therefore shall not moses , though of god highly belov'd , being but the minister of law , his people into canaan lead ; but joshua whom the gentiles jesus call , his name and office bearing , who shall quell the adversarie serpent , and bring back through the worlds wilderness long wanderd man safe to eternal paradise of rest . meanwhile they in thir earthly canaan plac't long time shall dwell and prosper , but when sins national interrupt thir public peace , provoking god to raise them enemies : from whom as oft he saves them penitent by judges first , then under kings ; of whom the second , both for pietie renownd and puissant deeds , a promise shall receive irrevocable , that his regal throne for ever shall endure ; the like shall sing all prophecie , that of the royal stock of david ( so i name this king ) shall rise a son , the womans seed to thee foretold , foretold to abraham , as in whom shall trust all nations , and to kings foretold , of kings the last , for of his reign shall be no end . but first a long succession must ensue , and his next son for wealth and wisdom fam'd , the clouded ark of god till then in tents wandring , shall in a glorious temple enshrine . such follow him , as shall be registerd part good , part bad , of bad the longer scrowle , whose foul idolatries , and other faults heapt to the popular summe , will so incense god , as to leave them , and expose thir land , thir citie , his temple , and his holy ark with all his sacred things , a scorn and prey to that proud citie , whose high walls thou saw'st left in confusion , babylon thence call'd . there in captivitie he lets them dwell the space of seventie years , then brings them back , remembring mercie , and his cov'nant sworn to david , stablisht as the dayes of heav'n . returnd from babylon by leave of kings thir lords , whom god dispos'd , the house of god they first re-edifie , and for a while in mean estate live moderate , till grown in wealth and multitude , factious they grow ; but first among the priests dissension springs , men who attend the altar , and should most endeavour peace : thir strife pollution brings upon the temple it self : at last they seise the scepter , and regard not davids sons , then loose it to a stranger , that the true anointed king messiah might be born barr'd of his right ; yet at his birth a starr unseen before in heav'n proclaims him com , and guides the eastern sages , who enquire his place , to offer incense , myrrh , and gold ; his place of birth a solemn angel tells to simple shepherds , keeping watch by night ; they gladly thither haste , and by a quire of squadrond angels hear his carol sung . a virgin is his mother , but his sire the power of the most high ; he shall ascend the throne hereditarie , and bound his reign with earths wide bounds , his glory with the heav'ns . he ceas'd , discerning adam with such joy surcharg'd , as had like grief bin dew'd in tears , without the vent of words , which these he breathd . o prophet of glad tidings , finisher of utmost hope ! now clear i understand what oft my steddiest thoughts have searcht in vain , why our great expectation should be call'd the seed of woman : virgin mother , haile , high in the love of heav'n , yet from my loynes thou shalt proceed , and from thy womb the son of god most high ; so god with man unites . needs must the serpent now his capital bruise expect with mortal paine : say where and when thir fight , what stroke shall bruise the victors heel . to whom thus michael . dream not of thir fight , as of a duel , or the local wounds of head or heel : not therefore joynes the son manhood to god-head , with more strength to foil thy enemie ; nor so is overcome satan , whose fall from heav'n , a deadlier bruise , disabl'd not to give thee thy deaths wound : which hee , who comes thy saviour , shall recure , not by destroying satan , but his works in thee and in thy seed : nor can this be , but by fulfilling that which thou didst want , obedience to the law of god , impos'd on penaltie of death , and suffering death , the penaltie to thy transgression due , and due to theirs which out of thine will grow : so onely can high justice rest appaid . the law of god exact he shall fulfill both by obedience and by love , though love alone fulfill the law ; thy punishment he shall endure by coming in the flesh to a reproachful life and cursed death , proclaming life to all who shall believe in his redemption , and that his obedience imputed becomes theirs by faith , his merits to save them , not thir own , though legal works . for this he shall live hated , be blasphem'd , seis'd on by force , judg'd , and to death condemnd a shameful and accurst , naild to the cross by his own nation , slaine for bringing life ; but to the cross he nailes thy enemies , the law that is against thee , and the sins of all mankinde , with him there crucifi'd , never to hurt them more who rightly trust in this his satisfaction ; so he dies , but soon revives , death over him no power shall long usurp ; ere the third dawning light returne , the starres of morn shall see him rise out of his grave , fresh as the dawning light , thy ransom paid , which man from death redeems , his death for man , as many as offerd life neglect not , and the benefit imbrace by faith not void of workes : this god-like act annuls thy doom ▪ the death thou shouldst have dy'd , in sin for ever lost from life ; this act shall bruise the head of satan , crush his strength defeating sin and death , his two maine armes , and fix farr deeper in his head thir stings then temporal death shall bruise the victors heel , or theirs whom he redeems , a death like sleep , a gentle wafting to immortal life . nor after resurrection shall he stay longer on earth then certaine times to appeer to his disciples , men who in his life still follow'd him ; to them shall leave in charge to teach all nations what of him they learn'd and his salvation , them who shall beleeve baptizing in the profluent streame , the signe of washing them from guilt of sin to life pure , and in mind prepar'd , if so befall , for death , like that which the redeemer dy'd . all nations they shall teach ; for from that day not onely to the sons of abrahams loines salvation shall be preacht , but to the sons of abrahams faith wherever through the world ; so in his seed all nations shall be blest . then to the heav'n of heav'ns he shall ascend with victory , triumphing through the aire over his foes and thine ; there shall surprise the serpent , prince of aire , and drag in chaines through all his realme , & there confounded leave ; then enter into glory , and resume his seat at gods right hand , exalted high above all names in heav'n ; and thence shall come , when this worlds dissolution shall be ripe , with glory and power to judge both quick & dead , to judge th' unfaithful dead , but to reward his faithful , and receave them into bliss , whether in heav'n or earth , for then the earth shall all be paradise , far happier place then this of eden , and far happier daies . so spake th' archangel michael , then paus'd , as at the worlds great period ; and our sire replete with joy and wonder thus repli'd . o goodness infinite , goodness immense ! that all this good of evil shall produce , and evil turn to good ; more wonderful then that which by creation first brought forth light out of darkness ! full of doubt i stand , whether i should repent me now of sin by mee done and occasiond , or rejoyce much more , that much more good thereof shall spring , to god more glory , more good will to men from god , and over wrauth grace shall abound . but say , if our deliverer up to heav'n must reascend , what will betide the few his faithful , left among th' unfaithful herd , the enemies of truth ; who then shall guide his people , who defend ? will they not deale wors with his followers then with him they dealt ? be sure they will , said th' angel ; but from heav'n hee to his own a comforter will send , the promise of the father , who shall dwell his spirit within them , and the law of faith working through love , upon thir hearts shall write , to guide them in all truth , and also arme with spiritual armour , able to resist satans assaults , and quench his fierie darts , what man can do against them , not affraid , though to the death , against such cruelties with inward consolations recompenc't , and oft supported so as shall amaze thir proudest persecuters : for the spirit powrd first on his apostles , whom he sends to evangelize the nations , then on all baptiz'd , shall them with wondrous gifts endue to speak all tongues , and do all miracles , as did thir lord before them . thus they win great numbers of each nation to receave with joy the tidings brought from heav'n : at length thir ministry perform'd , and race well run , thir doctrine and thir story written left , they die ; but in thir room , as they forewarne , wolves shall succeed for teachers , grievous wolves , who all the sacred mysteries of heav'n to thir own vile advantages shall turne of lucre and ambition , and the truth with superstitions and traditions taint , left onely in those written records pure , though not but by the spirit understood . then shall they seek to avail themselves of names , places and titles , and with these to joine secular power , though feigning still to act by spiritual , to themselves appropriating the spirit of god , promisd alike and giv'n to all beleevers ; and from that pretense , spiritual lawes by carnal power shall force on every conscience ; laws which none shall finde left them inrould , or what the spirit within shall on the heart engrave . what will they then but force the spirit of grace it self , and binde his consort libertie ; what , but unbuild his living temples , built by faith to stand , thir own faith not anothers : for on earth who against faith and conscience can be heard infallible ? yet many will presume : whence heavie persecution shall arise on all who in the worship persevere of spirit and truth ; the rest , farr greater part , will deem in outward rites and specious formes religion satisfi'd ; truth shall retire bestuck with slandrous darts , and works of faith rarely be found : so shall the world goe on , to good malignant , to bad men benigne , under her own waight groaning , till the day appeer of respiration to the just , and vengeance to the wicked , at return of him so lately promiss'd to thy aid , the womans seed , obscurely then foretold , now amplier known thy saviour and thy lord , last in the clouds from heav'n to be reveald in glory of the father , to dissolve satan with his perverted world , then raise from the conflagrant mass , purg'd and refin'd , new heav'ns , new earth , ages of endless date founded in righteousness and peace and love , to bring forth fruits joy and eternal bliss . he ended ; and thus adam last reply'd . how soon hath thy prediction , seer blest , measur'd this transient world , the race of time , till time stand fixt : beyond is all abyss , eternitie , whose end no eye can reach . greatly instructed i shall hence depart , greatly in peace of thought , and have my fill of knowledge , what this vessel can containe ; beyond which was my folly to aspire . henceforth i learne , that to obey is best , and love with feare the onely god , to walk as in his presence , ever to observe , his providence , and on him sole depend , merciful over all his works , with good still overcoming evil , and by small accomplishing great things , by things deemd weak subverting worldly strong , and worldly wise by simply meek ; that suffering for truths sake is fortitude to highest victorie , and to the faithful death the gate of life ; taught this by his example whom i now acknowledge my redeemer ever blest . to whom thus also th' angel last repli'd : this having learnt , thou hast attaind the summe of wisdom ; hope no higher , though all the starrs thou knewst by name , and all th' ethereal powers , all secrets of the deep , all natures works , or works of god in heav'n , air , earth , or sea , and all the riches of this world enjoydst , and all the rule , one empire ; onely add deeds to thy knowledge answerable , add faith , add vertue , patience , temperance , add love , by name to come call'd charitie , the soul of all the rest : then wilt thou not be loath to leave this paradise , but shalt possess a paradise within thee , happier farr . let us descend now therefore from this top of speculation ; for the hour precise exacts our parting hence ; and see the guards , by mee encampt on yonder hill , expect thir motion , at whose front a flaming sword , in signal of remove , waves fiercely round ; we may no longer stay : go , waken eve ; her also i with gentle dreams have calm'd portending good , and all her spirits compos'd to meek submission : thou at season fit let her with thee partake what thou hast heard , chiefly what may concern her faith to know , the great deliverance by her seed to come ( for by the womans seed ) on all mankind . that ye may live , which will be many dayes , both in one faith unanimous though sad , with cause for evils past , yet much more cheer'd with meditation on the happie end . he ended , and they both descend the hill ; descended , adam to the bowre where eve lay sleeping ran before , but found her wak't ; and thus with words not sad she him receav'd . whence thou returnst , & whither wentst , i know ; for god is also in sleep , and dreams advise , which he hath sent propitious , some great good presaging , since with sorrow and hearts distress vvearied i fell asleep : but now lead on ; in mee is no delay ; with thee to goe , is to stay here ; without thee here to stay , is to go hence unwilling ; thou to mee art all things under heav'n , all places thou , vvho for my wilful crime art banisht hence . this further consolation yet secure i carry hence ; though all by mee is lost , such favour i unworthie am voutsaft , by mee the promis'd seed shall all restore . so spake our mother eve , and adam heard vvell pleas'd , but answer'd not ; for now too nigh th' archangel stood , and from the other hill to thir fixt station , all in bright array the cherubim descended ; on the ground gliding meteorous , as ev'ning mist ris'n from a river o're the marish glides , and gathers ground fast at the labourers heel homeward returning . high in front advanc't , the brandisht sword of god before them blaz'd fierce as a comet ; which with torrid heat , and vapour as the libyan air adust , began to parch that temperate clime ; whereat in either hand the hastning angel caught our lingring parents , and to th' eastern gate led them direct , and down the cliff as fast to the subjected plaine ; then disappeer'd . they looking back , all th' eastern side beheld of paradise , so late thir happie seat , wav'd over by that flaming brand , the ●…ate with dreadful faces throng'd and fierie armes : som natural tears they drop'd , but wip'd them soon ; the world was all before them , where to choose thir place of rest , and providence thir guide : they hand in hand with wandring steps and slow , through eden took thir solitarie way . the end . poems of mr. john milton, both english and latin, compos'd at several times. printed by his true copies. / the songs were set in musick by mr. henry lawes gentleman of the kings chappel, and one of his maiesties private musick. printed and publish'd according to order. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m thomason e _ this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) poems of mr. john milton, both english and latin, compos'd at several times. printed by his true copies. / the songs were set in musick by mr. henry lawes gentleman of the kings chappel, and one of his maiesties private musick. printed and publish'd according to order. milton, john, - . lawes, henry, - . marshall, william, fl. - , engraver. [ ], , , [ ] p., [ ] leaf of plates printed by ruth raworth for humphrey moseley, and are to be sold at the signe of the princes arms in s. pauls church-yard, london : . includes: joannes miltoni londinensis poemata (separately listed in wing as m ), which has a separate dated title page, pagination and register. includes a separate dated title page for a mask of the same author presented at ludlow-castle, ; pagination and register are continuous. variant exists: "in the last line of the imprint in some copies 's. pauls' occurs without the 's.'"--pforzheimer catalogue (shawcross ). engraved portrait of milton on frontispiece, with greek epigram, signed: w.m. sculp. annotation on thomason copy: "jan: d". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jason colman sampled and proofread - jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion poems of mr. john milton , both english and latin , compos'd at several times . printed by his true copies . the songs were set in musick by mr. henry lawes gentleman of the kings chappel , and one of his maiesties private musick . — baccare frontem cingite , ne vati noceat mala lingua futuro , virgil , eclog. . printed and publish'd according to order . london , printed by ruth raworth for humphrey moseley , and are to be sold at the signe of the princes arms in s. pauls church-yard . . melpomene . erato . ioannis miltoni angli effigies anno aetatis vigess : pri : urania . clio. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . w. m. sculp the stationer to the reader . it is not any private respect of gain , gentle reader , for the slightest pamphlet is now adayes more vendible then the works of learnedest men ; but it is the love i have to our own language that hath made me diligent to collect , and set forth such peeces both in prose and vers , as may renew the wonted honour and esteem of our english tongue : and it 's the worth of these both english and latin poems , not the flourish of any prefixed encomions that can invite thee to buy them , though these are not without the highest commendations and applause of the learnedst academicks , both domestick and forrein : and amongst those of our own countrey , the unparallel'd attestation of that renowned provost of eaton , sir henry wootton : i know not thy palat how it relishes such dainties , nor how harmonious thy soul is ; perhaps more trivial airs may please thee better . but howsoever thy opinion is spent upon these , that incouragement i have already received from the most ingenious men in their clear and courteous entertainment of mr. wallers late choice peeces , hath once more made me adventure into the world , presenting it with these ever-green , and not to be blasted laurels . the authors more peculiar excellency in these studies , was too well known to conceal his papers , or to keep me from attempting to sollicit them from him . let the event guide it self which way it will , i shall deserve of the age , by bringing into the light as true a birth , as the muses have brought forth since our famous spencer wrote ; whose poems in these english ones are as rarely imitated , as sweetly excell'd . reader if thou art eagle-eied to censure their worth , i am not fearful to expose them to thy exactest perusal . thine to command humph. moseley . on the morning of christs nativity . compos'd . i. this is the month , and this the happy morn wherin the son of heav'ns eternal king , of wedded maid , and virgin mother born , our great redemption from above did bring ; for so the holy sages once did sing , that he our deadly forfeit should release , and with his father work us a perpetual peace , ii. that glorious form , that light unsufferable , and that sar-beaming blaze of majesty , wherwith he wont at heav'ns high councel-table , to sit the midst of trinal unity , he laid aside ; and here with us to be , forsook the courts of everlasting day , and chose with us a darksom house of mortal clay , iii. say heav'nly muse , shall not thy sacred vein afford a present to the infant god ? hast thou no vers , no hymn , or solemn strein , to welcom him to this his new abode , now while the heav'n by the suns team untrod , hath took no print of the approching light , and all the spangled host keep watch in squadrons bright ? iv. see how from far upon the eastern rode the star-led wisards haste with odours sweet : o run , prevent them with thy humble ode , and lay it lowly at his blessed feet ; have thou the honour first , thy lord to greet , and joyn thy voice unto the angel quire , from out his secret altar toucht with hallow'd fire . the hymn . i. it was the winter wilde , while the heav'n-born-childe , all meanly wrapt in the rude manger lies ▪ nature in aw to him had doff't her gawdy trim , with her great master so to sympathize ▪ it was no season then for her to wanton with the sun her lusty paramour . ii. onely with speeches fair she woo's the gentle air to hide her guilty front with innocent snow ▪ and on her naked shame , pollute with sinfull blame , the saintly vail of maiden white to throw , confounded , that her makers eyes should look so neer upon her foul deformities . iii. but he her fears to cease , sent down the meek-eyd peace , she crown'd with olive green , came softly sliding down through the turning sphear his ready harbinger , with turtle wing the amorous clouds dividing , and waving wide her mirtle wand , she strikes a universall peace through sea and land . iv. no war , or battails sound was heard the world around : the idle spear and shield were high up hung ▪ the hooked chariot stood unstain'd with hostile blood , the trumpet spake not to the armed throng , and kings sate still with awfull eye , as if they surely knew their sovran lord was by . v. but peacefull was the night wherin the prince of light his raign of peace upon the earth began : the windes with wonder whist , smoothly the waters kist , whispering new joyes to the milde ocean , who now hath quite forgot to rave , while birds of calm sit brooding on the charmed wave ▪ vi . the stars with deep amaze stand fixt in stedfast gaze , bending one way their pretious influence , and will not take their flight , for all the morning light , or lucifer that often warn'd them thence ; but in their glimmering orbs did glow , untill their lord himself bespake , and bid them go . vii . and though the shady gloom had given day her room , the sun himself with-held his wonted speed , and hid his head for shame , as his inferiour flame , the new-enlightn'd world no more should need ; he saw a greater sun appear then his bright throne , or burning axletree could bear . viii . the shepherds on the lawn , or ere the point of dawn , sate simply chatting in a rustick row ; full little thought they than , that the mighty pan was kindly com to live with them below ; perhaps their loves , or els their sheep , was all that did their silly thoughts so busie keep . ix . when such musick sweet their hearts and ears did greet , as never was by mortall finger strook , divinely-warbled voice answering the stringed noise , 〈…〉 all their souls in blisfull rapture took ▪ the air such pleasure loth to lose , with thousand echo's still prolongs each heav'nly close ▪ x. nature that heard such sound beneath the hollow round of cynthia's seat , the airy region thrilling , now was almost won to think her part was don , and that her raign had here its last fulfilling ; she knew such harmony alone could hold all heav'n and earth in happier union . xi . at last surrounds their sight a globe of circular light , that with long beams the shame-fac●t night array'd , the helmed cherubim and sworded seraphim , are seen in glittering ranks with wings displaid . harping in loud and solemn quire , with unexpressive notes to heav'ns new-born heir . xii . such musick ( as 't is said ) before was never made , but when of old the sons of morning sung , while the creator great his constellations set , and the well-ballanc't world on hinges hung , and cast the dark foundations deep , and bid the weltring waves their oozy channel keep . xiii . ring out ye crystall sphears , once bless our human ears , ( if ye have power to touch our senses so ) and let your silver chime move in melodious time ; and let the base of heav'ns deep organ blow , and with your ninefold harmony make up full consort to th' angelike symphony . xiv . for if such holy song enwrap our fancy long , time will run back , and fetch the age of gold , and speckl'd vanity will sicken soon and die , and leprous sin will melt from earthly mould , and hell it self will pass away , and leave her dolorous mansions to the peering day . xv . yea truth , and justice then will down return to men , th'enameld arras of the rainbow wearing , and mercy set between , thron'd in celestiall sheen , with radiant feet the tissued clouds down stearing , and heav'n as at som festivall , will open wide the gates of her high palace hall . xvi . but wisest fate sayes no , this must not yet be so , the babe lies yet in smiling infancy that on the bitter cross must redeem our loss ; so both himself and us to glorifie : yet first to those ychain'd in sleep , the wakefull trump of doom must thunder through the deep , xvii . with such a horrid clang as on mount sinai rang while the red fire , and smouldring clouds out brake : the aged earth agast with terrour of that blast , shall from the surface to the center shake ; when at the worlds last session , the dreadfull judge in middle air shall spread his throne . xviii . and then at last our bliss full and perfect is , but now begins ; for from this happy day th'old dragon under ground in straiter limits bound , not half so far casts his usurped sway , and wrath to see his kingdom fail , swindges the scaly horrour of his foulded tail . xix . the oracles are dumm , no voice or hideous humm runs through the arched roof in words deceiving . apollo from his shrine can no more divine , with hollow shreik the steep of d●lphos leaving . no nightly trance , or breathed spell , inspire's the pale-ey'd priest from the prophetic cell . xx . the lonely mountains o're , and the resounding shore , a voice of weeping heard , and loud lament ; from haunted spring , and dale edg'd with poplar pale . the parting genius is with sighing sent , with flowre-inwov'n tresses torn the nimphs in twilight shade of tangled thickets mourn . xxi . in consecrated earth , and on the holy hearth , the lars , and lemures moan with midnight plaint , in urns , and altars round , a drear , and dying sound affrights the flamins at their service quaint ▪ and the chill marble seems to sweat , while each peculiar power forgoes his wonted seat . xxii . peor , and baalim , forsake their temples dim , with that twise batter'd god of palestine , and mooned ashtaroth , heav'ns queen and mother both , now sits not girt with tapers holy shine , the libyc hammon shrinks his horn , in vain the tyrian maids their wounded thamuz mourn . xxiii . and sullen moloch fled , hath left in shadows dred , his burning idol all of blackest hue , in vain with cymbals ring , they call the grisly king , in dismall dance about the furnace blue , the brutish gods of nile as fast , isis and orus , and the dog anubis hast . xxiv . nor is osiris seen in memphian grove , or green , trampling the unshowr'd grasse with lowings loud : nor can he be at rest within his sacred chest , naught but profoundest hell can be his shroud , in vain with timbrel'd anthems dark the sable-stoled sorcerers bear his worshipt ark . xxv . he feels from juda's land the dredded infants hand , the rayes of bethlehem blind his dusky eyn ; nor all the gods beside , longer dare abide , not typhon huge ending in snaky twine : our babe to shew his godhead true , can in his swadling bands controul the damned ●rew . xxvi . so when the sun in bed , curtain'd with cloudy red , pillows his chin upon an orient wave . the flocking shadows pale , troop to th'infernall jail , each fetter'd ghost slips to his severall grave , and the yellow-skirted fayes , fly after the night-steeds , leaving their moon-lov'd maze . xxvii . but see the virgin blest , hath laid her babe to rest . time is our tedious song should here have ending , heav'ns youngest teemed star , hath fixt her polisht car. her sleeping lord with handmaid lamp attending . and all about the courtly stable , bright-harnest angels sit in order serviceable . a paraphrase on psalm . this and the following psalm were don by the author at fifteen yeers old . when the blest seed of terah's faithfull son , after long toil their liberty had won , and past from pharian fields to canaan land , led by the strength of the almighties hand , hovah's wonders were in israel shown , is praise and glory was in israel known . ●at saw the troubl'd sea , and shivering fled , nd sought to hide his froth-becurled head ow in the earth , jordans clear streams recoil , as a faint host that hath receiv'd the foil . the high , huge-bellied mountains skip like rams amongst their ews , the little hills like lambs . why fled the ocean ? and why skipt the mountains ? why turned jordan toward his crystall fountains ? ●hake earth , and at the presence be agast of him that ever was , and ay shall last , that glassy flouds from rugged rocks can crush , and make soft rills from fiery flint-stones gush ▪ psalm . let us with a gladsom mind ▪ praise the lord , for he is kind , for his mercies ay endure , ever faithfull , ever sure . ●et us blaze his name abroad , ●or of gods he is the god ▪ for &c. o let us his praises tell , that doth the wrathfull tyrants quell . for , &c. that with his miracles doth make amazed heav'n and earth to shake . for , &c. that by his wisdom did create the painted heav'ns so full of state ▪ for his , &c. that did the solid earth ordain to rise above the watry plain . for his , &c. that by his all-commanding might , did fill the new-made world with light . for his , &c. and caus'd the golden-tressed sun , all the day long his cours to run . for his , &c. the horned moon to shine by night , amongst her spangled sisters bright ▪ for his , &c. he with his thunder ▪ clasping hand , mote the first ▪ born of egypt land ▪ for his , &c. and in despight of pharao fell , he brought from thence his israel . for , &c. the ruddy waves he cleft in twain , of the erythraean main . for , &c. the floods stood still like walls of glass ▪ while the hebrew bands did pass . for , &c. but full soon they did devour the tawny king with all his power ▪ for , &c. his chosen people he did bless in the wastfull wildernes . for , &c. in bloody battail he brought down kings of prowess and renown . for , &c. he foild bold seon and his host , that rul'd the amorrean coast . for , &c. and large-lim'd og he did subdue , with all his over hardy crew ▪ for , &c. and to his servant israel , he gave their land therin to dwell . for , &c. he hath with a piteous eye beheld us in our misery . for , &c. and freed us from the slavery of the invading enimy . for , &c. all living creatures he doth feed . and with full hand supplies their need ▪ for , &c. let us therfore warble forth his mighty majesty and worth . for , &c. that his mansion hath on high above the reach of mortall ey . for his mercies ay endure , ever faithfull , ever sure . the passion . i. ere-while of musick , and ethereal mirth , wherwith the stage of ayr and earth did ring ▪ and joyous news of heav'nly infants birth , my muse with angels did divide to sing ; but headlong joy is ever on the wing , in wintry solstice like the shortn'd light soon swallow'd up in dark and long out-living nigh● . ii. for now to sorrow must i tune my song , and set my harpe to notes of saddest wo , which on our dearest lord did sease er'e long , dangers , and snares , and wrongs , and worse then so ▪ which he for us did freely undergo . most perfect heroe , try'd in heaviest plight of labours huge and hard , too hard for human wight ▪ iii. he sov'ran priest stooping his regall head that dropt with odorous oil down his fair eyes , poor fleshly tabernacle entered , his starry front low-rooft beneath the skies ; o what a mask was there , what a disguise ! yet more ; the stroke of death he must abide , then lies him meekly down fast by his brethrens side . iv. these latter scenes confine my roving vers , to this horizon is my phoebus bound , his godlike acts , and his temptations fierce , and former sufferings other where are found ; loud o're the rest cremona's trump doth sound ▪ me softer airs befit , and softer strings of lute , or viol still , more apt for mournful things . v. befriend me night best patroness of grief , over the pole thy thickest mantle throw , and work my flatter'd fancy to belief , that heav'n and earth are colour'd with my wo ; my sorrows are too dark for day to know : the leaves should all be black wheron i write , and letters where my tears have washt a wannish white . vi . see see the chariot , and those rushing wheels , that whirl d the prophet up at chebar flood , my spirit som transporting cherub feels , to bear me where the towers of salem stood , once glorious towers , now sunk in guiltles blood ; there doth my soul in holy vision sit in pensive trance , and anguish , and ecstatick fit . vii . mine eye hath found that sad sepulchral rock that was the casket of heav'ns richest store , and here though grief my feeble hands up-lock , yet on the softned quarry would i score my plaining vers as lively as before ; for sure so well instructed are my tears , that they would fitly fall in order's characters . viii . or should i thence hurried on viewles wing ▪ take up a weeping on the mountains wilde , the gentle neighbourhood of grove and spring would soon unboosom all thir echoes milde , and i ( for grief is easily beguild ) might think th'infection of my sorrows loud , had got a race of mourners on som pregnant cloud . this subject the author finding to be above the yeers he had , when he wrote it , and nothing satisfi'd with what was begun , left it unfinisht . on time . fly envious time , till thou run out thy race , call on the lazy leaden-stepping hours , whose speed is but the heavy plummets pace ; and glut thy self with what thy womb devours ▪ which is no more then what is false and vain , and meerly mortal dross ; so little is our loss , so little is thy gain . for when as each thing bad thou hast entomb'd , and last of all , thy greedy self consum'd , then long eternity shall greet our bliss with an individual kiss ; and joy shall overtake us as a flood , when every thing that is sincerely good and perfectly divine , with truth , and peace , and love shall ever shine about the supreme throne of him , t'whose happy-making sight alone , when once our heav'nly-guided soul shall clime , then all this earthy grosnes quit , attir'd with stars , we shall for ever sit , triumphing over death , and chance , and thee o time ▪ upon the circumcision . ye flaming powers , and winged warriours bright , that erst with musick , and triumphant song first heard by happy watchful shepherds ear , so sweetly sung your joy the clouds along through the soft silence of the list'ning night ; now mourn , and if sad share with us to bear your fiery essence can distill no tear , burn in your sighs , and borrow seas wept from our deep sorrow , he who with all heav'ns heraldry whileare enter'd the world , now bleeds to give us ease ; alas , how soon our sin sore doth begin his infancy to sease ! o more exceeding love or law more just ? just law indeed , but more exceeding love ! for we by rightfull doom remediles were lost in death , till he that dwelt above high thron'd in secret bliss , for us frail dust emptied his glory , ev'n to nakednes ; and that great cov'nant which we still transgress intirely satisfi'd , and the full wrath beside of vengeful justice bore for our excess , and seals obedience first with wounding smart this day , but o ere long huge pangs and strong will pierce more neer his heart . at a solemn musick . blest pair of sirens , pledges of heav'ns joy , sphear-born harmonious sisters , voice , and vers , wed your divine sounds , and mixt power employ dead things with inbreath'd sense able to pierce , and to our high-rais'd phantasie present , that undisturbed song of pure content , ay sung before the saphire-colour'd throne to him that sits theron with saintly shout , and solemn jubily , where the bright seraphim in burning row their loud up-lifted angel trumpets blow , and the cherubick host in thousand quires touch their immortal harps of golden wires , with those just spirits that wear victorious palms , hymns devout and holy psalms singing everlastingly ; that we on earth with undiscording voice may rightly answer that melodious noise ; as once we did , till disproportion'd sin jarr'd against natures chime , and with harsh din broke the fair musick that all creatures made to their great lord , whose love their motion sway'd in perfect diapason , whilst they stood in first obedience , and their state of good . o may we soon again renew that song , and keep in tune with heav'n ▪ till god ere long to his celestial consort us unite , to live with him , and sing in endles morn of light . an epitaph on the marchioness of winchester . this rich marble doth enterr the honour'd wife of winchester , a vicounts daughter , an earls heir , besides what her vertues fair added to her noble birth , more then she could own from earth . summers three times eight save one she had told , alas too soon , after so short time of breath , to house with darknes , and with death . yet had the number of her days bin as compleat as was her praise , nature and fate had had no strife in giving limit to her life . her high birth , and her graces sweet , quickly found a lover meet ; the virgin quite for her request the god that sits at marriage feast ; he at their invoking came but with a scarce-wel lighted flame ; and in his garland as he stood , ye might discern a cipress bud . once had the early matrons run to greet her of a lovely son , and now with second hope she goes , and calls lucina to her throws ; but whether by mischance or blame atropos for lucina came ; and with remorfles cruelty , spoil'd at once both fruit and tree : the haples babe before his birth had burial , yet not laid in earth , and the languisht mothers womb was not long a living tomb . so have i seen som tender slip sav'd with care from winters nip , the pride of her carnation train , pluck't up by som unheedy swain , who onely thought to crop the flowr new shot up from vernall showr ; but the fair blossom hangs the head side-ways as on a dying bed , and those pearls of dew she wears , prove to be presaging tears which the sad morn had let fall on her hast'ning funerall . gentle lady may thy grave peace and quiet ever have ; after this thy travail sore sweet rest sease thee evermore , that to give the world encrease , shortned hast thy own lives lease , here besides the sorrowing that thy noble house doth bring , here be tears of perfect moan weept for thee in helicon , and som flowers , and som bays , for thy hears to strew the ways , sent thee from the banks of came , devoted to thy vertuous name ; whilst thou bright saint high sit'st in glory ▪ next her much like to thee in story , that fair syrian shepherdess , who after yeers of barrenners , the highly favour'd joseph bore to him that serv'd for her before , and at her next birth much like thee , through pangs fled to felicity , far within the boosom bright of blazing majesty and light , there with thee , new welcom saint ▪ like fortunes may her soul acquaint , with thee there clad in radiant sheen , no marchioness , but now a queen . song on may morning . now the bright morning star , dayes harbinger , comes dancing from the ●ast , and leads with her the flowry may , who from her green lap throws the yellow cowslip , and the pale primrose . hail bounteous may that dost inspire mirth and youth , and warm desire , woods and groves , are of thy dressing , hill and dale , doth boast thy blessing . thus we salute thee with our early song , and welcom thee , and wish thee long . on shakespear . . what needs my shakespear for his honour'd bones , the labour of an age in piled stones , or that his hallow'd reliques should be hid under a star-ypointing pyramid ? dear son of memory , great heir of fame , what need'st thou such weak witnes of thy name ? thou in our wonder and astonishment hast built thy self a live-long monument . for whilst toth'shame of slow-endeavouring art , thy easie numbers flow , and that each heart hath from the leaves of thy unvalu'd book , those delphick lines with deep impression took , then thou our fancy of it self bereaving , dost make us marble with too much conceaving ; and so sepulcher'd in such pomp dost lie , that kings for such a tomb would wish to die . on the university carrier who sickn'd in the time of his vacancy , being forbid to go to london , by reason of the plague . here lies old hobson , death hath broke his girt , a here alas , hath laid him in the dirt , or els the ways being foul , twenty to one , he 's here stuck in a slough , and overthrown . ▪ t was such a shifter , that if truth were known , death was half glad when he had got him down ; for he had any time this ten yeers full , dodg'd with him , betwixt cambridge and the bull . and surely , death could never have prevail'd , had not his weekly cours of carriage fail'd ; but lately finding him so long at home , and thinking now his journeys end was come , and that he had tane up his latest inne , in the kind office of a chamberlin shew'd him his room where he must lodge that night , pull'd off his boots , and took away the light : if any ask for him , it shall be sed , hobson has supt , and 's newly gon to bed ▪ another on the same . here lieth one who did most truly prove , that he could never die while he could move , so hung his destiny never to rot while he might still jogg on , and keep his trot , made of sphear-metal , never to decay untill his revolution was at stay . time numbers motion , yet ( without a crime 'gainst old truth ) motion number'd out his time ; and like an engin mov'd with wheel and waight , his principles being ceast , he ended strait , re●t that gives all men life , gave him his death , and too much breathing put him out of breath ▪ nor were it contradiction to affirm too long vacation hastned on his term . meerly to drive the time away he sickn'd , fainted , and died , nor would with ale be quickn'd ; nay , quoth he , on his swooning bed outstretch'd , if i may not carry , sure i le ne're be fetch'd , but vow though the cross doctors all stood hearers ▪ for one carrier put down to make six bearers . ease was his chief disease , and to judge right , he did for heavines that his cart went light , his leasure told him that his time was com ▪ and lack of load , made his life burdensom , that even to his last breath ( ther be that say 't ) as he were prest to death , he cry'd more waight ▪ but had his doings lasted as they were , he had bin an immortall carrier . obedient to the moon he spent his date in cours reciprocal , and had his fate linkt to the mutual flowing of the seas , yet ( strange to think ) his wain was his increase his letters are deliver'd all and gon , onely remains this superscription . l'allegro . hence loathed melancholy of cerberus , and blackest midnight born , in stygian cave forlorn mongst horrid shapes , and shreiks , and sights unholy , find out som uncouth cell , wher brooding darknes spreads his jealous wings , and the night-raven sings ; there under ebon shades , and low-brow'd rocks , as ragged as thy locks , in dark cimmerian defert ever dwell . but com thou goddes fair and free , in heav'n ycleap'd euphrosyne , and by men , heart-easing mirth , whom lovely venus at a birth with two sister graces more to ivy-crowned bacchus bore ; or whether ( as som sager sing ) the frolick wind that breathes the spring , zephir with aurora playing , as he met her once a maying , there on beds of violets blew ▪ and fresh-blown roses washt in dew , fill'd her with thee a daughter fair . so bucksom , blith , and debonair . haste thee nymph , and bring with thee jest and youthful jollity , quips and cranks , and wanton wiles , nods , and becks , and wreathed smiles , such as hang on hebe's cheek , and love to live in dimple sleek ; sport that wrincled care derides , and laughter holding both his sides ▪ com , and trip it as ye go on the light fantastick toe ▪ and in thy right hand lead with thee , the mountain nymph , sweet liberty ; and if i give thee honour due ▪ mirth , admit me of thy crue to live with her , and live with thee , in unreproved pleasures free ; to hear the lark begin his flight , and singing startle the dull night , from his watch-towre in the skies , till the dappled dawn doth rise ; then to com in spight of sorrow , and at my window bid good morrow , through the sweet-briar , or the vine , or the twisted eglantine . while the cock with lively din , scatters the rear of darknes thin , and to the stack , or the barn dore , stoutly struts his dames before , oft list'ning how the hounds and horn , chearly rouse the slumbring morn , from the side of som hoar hill , through the high wood echoing shrill . som time walking not unseen by hedge-row elms , on hillocks green , right against the eastern gate , wher the great sun begins his state , rob'd in flames , and amber light , the clouds in thousand liveries dight ▪ while the plowman neer at hand , whistles ore the furrow'd land , and the milkmaid singeth blithe , and the mower whets his sithe , and every shepherd tells his tale under the hawthorn in the dale . streit mine eye hath caught new pleasures whilst the lantskip round it measures , russet lawns , and fallows gray , where the nibling flocks do stray , mountains on whose barren brest the labouring clouds do often rest : meadows trim with daisie● pide , shallow brooks , and rivers wide . towers , and battlements it sees boosom'd high in tufted trees , wher perhaps som beauty lies , the cynosure of neighbouring eyes . hard by , a cottage chimney smokes , from betwixt two aged okes , where corydon and thyrsis met , are at their savory dinner set of hearbs , and other country messes , which the neat-handed phillis dresses ; and then in haste her bowre she leaves , with thestylis to bind the sheaves ; or if the earlier season lead to the tann'd haycock in the mead , som times with secure delight the up-land hamlets will invite , when the merry bells ring round ▪ and the jocond rebecks sound to many a youth , and many a maid , dancing in the chequer'd shade ; and young and old com forth to play on a sunshine holyday , till the live-long day-light fail , then to the spicy nut-brown ale , with stories told of many a feat , how faery mab the junkets eat , she was pincht , and pull'd she sed , and he by friars lanthorn led tells how the drudging goblin swet , to ern his cream-bowle duly set , when in one night , ere glimps of morn , his shadowy flale hath thresh'd the corn that ten day labourers could not end , then lies him down the lubbar fend . and stretch'd out all the chimney's length , basks at the fire his hairy strength ; and crop-full out of dores he flings , ere the first cock his mattin rings . thus don the tales , to bed they creep , by whispering windes soon lull'd asleep . towred cities please us then , and the busie humm of men , where throngs of knights and barons bold , in weeds of peace high triumphs hold , with store of ladies , whose bright eies rain influence , and judge the prise of wit , or arms , while both contend to win her grace , whom all commend . there let hymen oft appear in saffron robe , with taper clear , and pomp , and feast , and revelry , with mask , and antique pageantry , such sights as youthfull poets dream on summer eeves by haunted stream . then to the well-trod stage anon , if jonsons learned sock be on , or sweetest shakespear fancies childe , warble his native wood-notes wilde , and ever against eating cares , lap me in soft lydian aires , married to immortal verse such as the meeting soul may pierce in notes , with many a winding bout of lincked sweetnes long drawn out , with wanton heed , and giddy cunning ▪ the melting voice through mazes running ; untwisting all the chains that ty the hidden soul of harmony . that orpheus self may heave his head from golden slumber on a bed of heapt elysian flowres , and hear such streins as would have won the ear of pluto , to have quite set free his half regain'd eurydice . these delights , if thou canst give , mirth with thee , i mean to live . il penseroso . hence vain deluding joyes , the brood of folly without father bred , how little you bested , or fill the fixed mind with all your toyes ; dwell in som idle brain , and fancies fond with gaudy shapes possess , as thick and numberless as the gay motes that people the sun beams , or likest hovering dreams the fickle pensioners of morpheus train . but hail thou goddes , sage and holy , hail divinest melancholy , whose saintly visage is too bright to hit the sense of human sight ; and therfore to our weaker view , ore laid with black staid wisdoms hue ▪ black , but such as in esteem , prince memnons sister might beseem , or that starr'd ethiope queen that strove to set her beauties praise above the sea nymphs , and their powers offended . yet thou art higher far descended , thee bright-hair'd vesta long of yore , to solitary saturn bore ; his daughter she ( in saturns raign , such mixture was not held a stain ) oft in glimmering bowres , and glades he met her , and in secret shades of woody ida's inmost grove , while yet there was no fear of jove ▪ com pensive nun , devout and pure , sober , stedfast , and demure , all in a robe of darkest grain , flowing with majestick train , and sable stole of cipres lawn , over thy decent shoulders drawn . com , but keep thy wonted state , with eev'n step , and musing gate , and looks commercing with the skies , thy rapt soul sitting in thine eyes : there held in holy passion still , forget thy self to marble , till with a sad leaden downward cast , thou fix them on the earth as fast . and joyn with thee calm peace , and quiet , spare fast , that oft with gods doth diet , and hears the muses in a ring , ay round about joves altar sing . and adde to these retired leasure , that in trim gardens takes his pleasure ; but first , and chiefest , with thee bring , him that yon soars on golden wing , guiding the fiery-wheeled throne , the cherub contemplation , and the mute silence hist along , ' less philomel will daign a song , id her sweetest , saddest plight , smoothing the rugged brow of night , while cynthia checks her dragon yoke , gently o're th'accustom'd oke ; sweet bird that shunn'st the noise of folly , most musicall , most melancholy ▪ thee chauntress oft the woods among , i woo to hear thy eeven-song ; and missing thee , i walk unseen on the dry smooth-shaven green ▪ to behold the wandring moon ▪ riding neer her highest noon , like one that had bin led astray through the heav'ns wide pathles way ; and oft , as if her head she bow'd , stooping through a fleecy cloud . oft on a plat of rising ground , i hear the far-off curfeu sound , over som wide-water'd shoar , swinging slow with sullen roar ; or if the ayr will not permit , som still removed place will fit , where glowing embers through the room teach light to counterfeit a gloom , far from all resort of mirth , save the cricket on the hearth , or the belmans drousie charm , to bless the dores from nightly harm : or let my lamp at midnight hour , be seen in som high lonely towr , where i may oft out-watch the bear , with thrice great hermes , or unsphear the spirit of plato to unfold what worlds , or what vast regions hold the immortal mind that hath forsook her mansion in this fleshly nook : and of those daemons that are found in fire , air , flood , or under ground , whose power hath a true consent with planet , or with element . som time let gorgeous tragedy in scepter'd pall com sweeping by . presenting thebs , or pelops line , or the tale of troy divine . or what ( though rare ) of later age , ennobled hath the buskind stage . but , o sad virgin , that thy power might raise musaeus from his bower , or bid the soul of orpheus sing such notes as warbled to the string . drew iron tears down pluto's cheek , and made hell grant what love did seek . or call up him that left half told the story of cambuscan bold , of camball , and of algarsife , and who had canace to wife , that own'd the vertuous ring and glass . and of the wondrous hors of brass , on which the tartar king did ride ; and if ought els , great bards beside ▪ in sage and solemn tunes have sung ▪ of turneys and of trophies hung ▪ of forests , and inchantments drear , where more is meant then meets the ear . thus night oft see me in thy pale career , till civil-suited morn appeer , not trickt and frounc't as she was wont , with the attick boy to hunt , but cherchef't in a comly cloud , while rocking winds are piping loud , or usher'd with a shower still , when the gust hath blown his fill , ending on the russling leaves , with minute drops from off the eaves ▪ and when the sun begins to fling his flaring beams , me goddes bring to arched walks of twilight groves , and shadows brown that sylvan loves of pine , or monumental oake , where the rude ax with heaved stroke , was never heard the nymphs to daunt , or fright them from their hallow'd haunt . there in close covert by som brook , where no profaner eye may look , hide me from day's garish eie , while the bee with honied thie , that at her flowry work doth sing ▪ and the waters murmuring with such consort as they keep , entice the dewy-feather'd sleep ; and let som strange mysterious dream , wave at his wings in airy stream , of lively portrature display'd , softly on my eye-lids laid . and as i wake , sweet musick breath above , about , or underneath , sent by som spirit to mortals good , or th'unseen genius of the wood . but let my due feet never fail , to walk the studious cloysters pale , and love the high embowed roof , with antick pillars massy proof , and storied windows richly dight , casting a dimm religious light . there let the pealing organ blow , to the full voic'd quire below , in service high , and anthems cleer , as may with sweetnes , through mine ear , dissolve me into extasies , and bring all heav'n before mine eyes ▪ and may at last my weary age find out the peacefull hermitage , the hairy gown and mossy cell , where i may sit and rightly spell , of every star that heav'n doth shew , and every herb that sips the dew ; till old experience do attain to somthing like prophetic strain . these pleasures melancholy give , and i with thee will choose to live . sonnets . i. o nightingale , that on yon bloomy spray warbl'st at eeve , when all the woods are still , thou with fresh hope the lovers heart dost fill , while the jolly hours lead on propitious may , thy liquid notes that close the eye of day , first heard before the shallow cuccoo's bill portend success in love ; o if jove's will have linkt that amorous power to thy soft lay , now timely sing , ere the rude bird of hate foretell my hopeles doom in som grove ny : as thou from yeer to yeer hast sung too late for my relief ; yet hadst no reason why , whether the muse , or love call thee his mate , both them i serve , and of their train am i . ii. donna leggiadra il cui bel nome honor● l'herbosa val di rheno , e il ●obil varc● ▪ ben è colui d'ogni valore scarco qual tuo spirto gentil non innamora , che dolcemente mostra si di fuora de suoi atti soavi giamai parco , e i don ' , che son d'amor saette ed arc● , l● onde l'alta tua virtù s'infiora . quando tu vaga parli , o lieta canti che mover possa duro alpestre legno , guardi ciascun a gli occhi , ed a gli orecchi l'entrata , chi di te si truova indegno ; gratia sola di sù gli vaglia , inanti che'l disio amoroso al cuor s'invecchi . iii. qual in colle aspro , al imbrunir di sera l'avezza giovinetta pastorella va bagnando l'herbetta strana e bella che mal si spande a disusata spera fuor di sua natia alma primavera , cosi amor meco ins● la lingua snella desta il fior novo di strania favella , mentre io di te , vezzosamente altera , canto , dal mio buon popol non inteso e'l bel tamigi cangio col bel arno . amor lo volse , ed io a l'altrui peso seppi ch'amor cosa mai volse indarno . deh ! foss'il mio cuor lento e'l duro sen● a chi pianta dal ciel si buon terreno . canzone . ridonsi donne e giovani amorosi m'accostandosi attorno , e perche scrivi , perche tu scrivi in lingua ignota e stra●a verseggiando d'amor , e come t'osi ? dinne , se la tua speme sia mai vana , e depensieri lo miglior t'arrivi ; cosi mi van burlando , altri rivi altri lidi t'aspettan , & altre onde nelle cui verdi sponde spuntati ad hor , ad hor a la tua chioma l'immortal guiderdon d'eterne frondi perche alle spalle tue soverchia soma ? ●anzon dirotti , e tu per me rispond● dicemia donna , e'l su● dir , è il mio cuore questa è lingua di cui si vanta amore . iv. diodati , e te'l dirò con maraviglia , quel ritroso io ch'amor spreggiar soléa e de suoi lacci spesso mi ridéa gia caddi , ov'huom dabben talhor s'impiglia ▪ ne treccie d'oro , ne guancia vermiglia m'abbaglian si , ma sotto nova idea pellegrin a bellezza che'l cuor bea , portamenti alti honesti , e nelle ciglia quel sereno fulgor d'amabil nero , parole adorne di lingua piu d'una , e'l cantar che di mezzo l'hemispero traviar ben può la faticosa luna , e degli occhi suoi auventa si gran fuo●o che l'incerar gli orecchi mi fia poco . v. per certo i bei vostr'occhi donna mi● esser non puo che non ●ian lo mio sole si mi percuoton forte , come ei suol● per l'arene di libia chi s'invia ▪ mentre un caldo vapor ( ne senti pria ) da quel lato si spinge ove mi duole , che forse amanti nelle lor parole chiaman sospir ; io non so che si sia : parte rinchiusa , e turbida fi cela scosso mi il petto , e poi n'uscendo poco quivi d'attorno o s'agghiaccia , o s'ingiela ; ma quanto a gli occhi giunge a trovar loco tutte le notti a me suol far piovose finche mia alba rivien colma di rose . vi . giovane piano , e semplicetto amante poi che fuggir me stesso in dubbio sono , madonna a voi del mio cuor l'humil dono farò divoto ; io certo a prove tante l'hebbi fedele , intrepido , costa●te , de pensieri leggiadro , accorto , e buono ; quando rugge il gran mondo , e scocca il tuono , s'arma di se , e d' intero diamante , tanto del forse , e d' invidia sicuro , di timori , e speranze al popol use quanto d'ingegno , e d'alto valor vago , e di cetra sonora , e delle muse : sol troverete in tal parte men duro ove amor mise l'insanabil ago . vii . how soon hath time the suttle theef of youth , stoln on his wing my three and twentith yeer ! my hasting dayes flie on with full career , but my late spring no bud or blossom shew'th . perhaps my femblance might deceive the truth , that i to manhood am arriv'd so near , and inward ripenes doth much less appear , that som more timely-happy spirits indu'th ▪ yet be it less or more , or soon or slow , it shall be still in strictest measure eev'n , to that same lot , however mean , or high , toward which time leads me , and the will of heav'n ; all is , if i have grace to use it so , as ever in my great task masters eye . viii . captain or colonel , or knight in arms , whose chance on these defenceless dores may sease , if ever deed of honour did thee please , guard them , and him within protect from harms ▪ he can requite thee , for he knows the charms that call fame on such gentle acts as these , and he can spred thy name o're lands and seas , what ever clime the suns bright circle warms . lift not thy spear against the muses bowre , the great emathian conqueror bid spare the house of pindarus , when temple and towre went to the ground : and the repeated air of sad electra's poet had the power to save th'athenian walls from ruine bare . ix . lady that in the prime of earliest youth , wisely hast shun'd the broad way and the green , and with those few art eminently seen , that labour up the hill of heav'nly truth , the better part with mary , and the ruth , chosen thou hast , and they that overween , and at thy growing vertues fret their spleen , no anger find in thee , but pity and ruth . thy care is fixt , and zealously attends to fill thy odorous lamp with deeds of light , and hope that reaps not shame . therefore be sure thou , when the bridegroom with his seastfull friends passes to bliss at the mid hour of night , hast gain'd thy entrance , virgin wise and pure . x. daughter to that good earl , once president of englands counsel , and her treasury , who liv'd in both , unstain'd with gold or fee , and left them both , more in himself content , till the sad breaking of that parlament broke him , as that dishonest victory at chaeron●a , fatal to liberty kil'd with report that old man eloquent , though later born , then to have known the dayes wherin your father flourisht , yet by you madam , me thinks i see him living yet ; so well your words his noble vertues praise , that all both judge you to relate them true , and to possess them , honour'd margaret ▪ arcades . part of an entertainment presented to the countess dowager of darby at harefi●ld , by som noble persons of her family , who appear on the scene in pastoral habit , moving toward the seat of state , with this song . . song . look nymphs , and shepherds look , what sudden blaze of majesty is that which we from hence descry too divine to be mistook : this this is she to whom our vows and wishes bend , heer our solemn search hath end . fame that her high worth to raise , seem'd erst so lavish and profuse , we may justly now accuse of detraction from her praise , less then half we find exprest , envy bid conceal the rest . ma●k what radiant state she spreds , in circle round her shining throne , shooting her beams like silver threds , this this is she alone , sitting like a goddes bright , in the center of her light . might she the wise latona be , or the towred cybele , mother of a hunderd gods ; juno dare's not give her odds ; who had thought this clime had held a deity so unparalel'd ▪ as they com forward , the genius of the wood appears , and turning toward them , speaks . gen. stay gentle swains , for though in this disguise , i see bright honour sparkle through your eyes , of famous ar●ady ye are , and sprung of that renowned flood , so often sung , divine alpheus , who by secret sluse , stole under seas to meet his arethuse ; and ye the breathing roses of the wood , fair silver-buskind nymphs as great and good , i know this quest of yours , and free intent was all in honour and devotion ment to the great mistres of yon princely shrine , whom with low reverence i adore as mine , and with all helpful service will comply to further this nights glad solemnity ; and lead ye where ye may more neer behold what shallow-searching fame hath left untold ▪ which i full oft amidst these shades alone have sate to wonder at , and gaze upon : for know by lot from jove i am the powr of this fair wood , and live in oak'n bowr ▪ to nurse the saplings tall , and curl the grove with ringlets quaint , and wanton windings wove . and all my plants i save from nightly ill , of noisom winds , and blasting vapours chill . and from the boughs brush off the evil dew , and heal the harms of thwarting thunder blew , or what the cross dire-looking planet smites , or hurtfull worm with canker d venom bites . when eev'ning gray doth rise , i fetch my round over the mount , and all this hallow'd ground ▪ and early ere the odorous breath of morn awakes the slumbring leaves , or tasseld horn shakes the high thicket , haste i all about , number my ranks , and visit every sprout with puissant words , and murmurs made to bless , but els in deep of night when drowsines hath lockt up mortal sense , then listen i to the celestial sirens harmony , that sit upon the nine enfolded sphears , and sing to those that hold the vital shears , and turn the adamantine spindle round , on which the fate of gods and men is wound . such sweet compulsion doth in musick ly , to lull the daughters of necessity , and keep unsteddy nature to her law , and the low world in measur'd motion draw after the heavenly tune , which none can hear of human mould with grosse unpurged ear ; and yet such musick worthiest were to blaze the peerles height of her immortal praise , whose lustre leads us , and for her most fit , if my inferior hand or voice could hit inimitable sounds , yet as we go , what ere the skill of lesser gods can show ▪ i will assay , her worth to celebrate , and so attend ye toward her glittering state ; where ye may all that are of noble stemm approach , and kiss her sacred vestures hemm ▪ . song . o're the smooth enameld green where no print of step hath been , follow me as i sing , and touch the warbled string . under the shady roof of branching elm star-proof . follow me , i will bring you where she fits , clad in splendor as befits her deity . such a rural queen all arcadia hath not seen . . song . nymphs and shepherds dance no more by sandy ladons lillied banks . on old lycaeus or cyllene hoar , trip no more in twilight ranks , though erymanth your loss deplore , a better soyl shall give ye thanks . from the stony maenalus , bring your flocks , and live with us , here ye shall have greater grace , to serve the lady of this place . though syrinx your paus mistres were , yet syrinx well might wait on her . such a rural queen all arcadia hath not seen . lycidas . in this monody the author bewails a learned friend , unfortunatly drown'd in his passage from chester on the irish seas , . and by occasion foretels the ruine of our corrupted clergy then in their height . yet once more , o ye laurels , and once more ye myrtles brown , with ivy never-sear , i com to pluck your berries harsh and crude , and with forc'd fingers rude , shatter your leaves before the mellowing year ▪ bitter constraint , and sad occasion dear , compels me to disturb your season due : for lycidas is dead , dead ere his prime young lycidas , and hath not left his peer ▪ who would not sing for lycidas ? he knew himself to sing , and build the lofty rhyme . he must not flote upon his watry bear unwept , and welter to the parching wind , without the meed of som melodious tear . begin then , sisters of the sacred well , that from beneath the seat of jove doth spring , begin , and somwhat loudly sweep the string . hence with denial vain , and coy excuse , so may som gentle muse with lucky words favour my destin'd urn , and as he passes turn , and bid fair peace be to my sable shrowd . for we were nurst upon the self-same hill , fed the same flock ; by fountain , shade , and rill . together both , ere the high lawns appear'd under the opening eye-lids of the morn , we drove a field , and both together heard what time the gray-fly winds her sultry horn , batt'ning our flocks with the fresh dews of night , oft till the star that rose , at ev'ning , bright toward heav'ns descent had slop'd his westering wheel . mean while the rural ditties were not mute , temper'd to th'oaten flute , rough s●tyrs danc'd , and fauns with clov'n heel , from the glad sound would not be absent long , and old damoetas lov'd to ●ear our song . but o the heavy change , now thou art gon , now thou art gon , and never must return ▪ thee shepherd , thee the woods , and desert caves ▪ with wilde thyme and the gadding vine o●regrown , and all their echoes mourn . the willows , and the hazle copses green , shall now no more be seen , fanning their joyous leaves to thy soft layes . as killing as the canker to the rose , or taint-worm to the weanling herds that graze . or frost to flowers , that their gay wardrop wear , when first the white thorn blows ; such , lycidas , thy loss to shepherds ear . where were ye nymphs when the remorseless deep clos'd o're the head of your lov'd lycidas ? for neither were ye playing on the steep , where your old bards , the famous druids ▪ ly , nor on the shaggy top of mona high , nor yet where deva spreads her wisard stream : ay me , i fondly dream ! had ye bin there — for what could that have don ? what could the muse her self that orpheus bore , the muse her self , for her inchanting son whom universal nature did lament , when by the rout that made the hideous roar , his goary visage down the stream was sent , down the swift hebrus to the letbian shore . alas ! what boots it with uncessant care to tend the homely slighted shepherds trade , and strictly meditate the thankles muse , were it not better don as others use , to sport with amaryllis in the shade , or with the tangles of neaera's hair ? fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise ( that last infirmity of noble mind ) to scorn delights , and live laborious dayes ; but the fair guerdon when we hope to find , and think to burst out into sudden blaze , comes the blind fury with th'abhorred shears , and slits the thin spun life . but not the praise , phoebus repli'd , and touch'd my trembling ears ; fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil , nor in the glistering foil set off to th'world , nor in broad rumour lies , but lives and spreds aloft by those pure eyes , and perfetwitnes of all judging jove ; as he pronounces lastly on each deed , of so much fame in heav'n expect thy meed . o fountain arcthuse , and thou honour'd floud , smooth-sliding mincius , crown'd with vocall reeds . that strain i heard was of a higher mood : but now my oate proceeds , and listens to the herald of the sea that came in neptune's plea , he ask'd the waves , and ask'd the fellon winds , what hard mishap hath doom'd this gentle swain ? and question'd every gust of rugged wings that blows from off each beaked promontory , they knew not of his story , and sage hippotades their answer brings , that not a blast was from his dungeon stray'd , the ayr was calm , and on the level brine , sleek panope with all her sisters play'd . it was that fatall and perfidious bark built in th'eclipse , and rigg'd with curses dark , that sunk so low that sacred head of thine . next camus , reverend sire , went footing slow , his mantle hairy , and his bonnet sedge , inwrought with figures dim , and on the edge like to that sanguine flower inscrib'd with woe . ah! who hath reft ( quoth he ) my dearest pledge ? last came , and last did go , the pilot of the galilean lake , two massy keyes he bore of metals twain , ( the golden opes , the iron shuts amain ) he shook his miter'd locks , and stern bespake , how well could i have spar'd for thee young swain . anow of such as for their bellies sake , creep and intrude , and climb into the fold ? of other care they little reck'ning make , then how to scramble at the shearers feast , and shove away the worthy bidden guest . blind mouthes ! that scarce themselves know how to hold a sheep-hook , or have learn'd ought els the least that to the faithfull herdmans art belongs ! what recks it them ? what need they ? they are sped ; and when they list , their lean and flashy songs grate on their scrannel pipes of wretched straw , the hungry sheep look up , and are not fed , but swoln with wind , and the rank mist they draw , rot inwardly , and foul contagion spread : besides what the grim woolf with privy paw daily devours apace , and nothing sed , but that two-handed engine at the door , stands ready to smite once , and smite no more . return alpheus , the dread voice is past , that shrunk thy streams ; return si●ilian muse , and call the vales , and bid them hither cast their bels , and flourets of a thousand hues . ye valleys low where the milde whispers use , of shades and wanton winds , and gushing brooks , on whose fresh lap the swart star sparely looks , throw hither all your quaint enameld eyes , that on the green terf suck the honie● showres , and purple all the ground with vernal flowres . bring the rathe primrose that forsaken dies . the tufted crow-toe , and pale gessamine , the white pink , and the pansie freakt with jeat , the glowing violet . the musk-rose , and the well attir'd woodbine , with cowslips wan that hang the pensive hed , and every flower that sad embroidery wears : bid amaranthus all his beauty shed , and daffadillies fill their cups with tears , to strew the laureat herse where lycid lies . for so to interpose a little ease , let our frail thoughts dally with false surmise . ay me ! whilst thee the shores , and sounding seas wash far away , where ere thy bones are hurld , whether beyond the stormy hebrides , where thou perhaps under the whelming tide visit'st the bottom of the monstrous world ; or whether thou to our moist vows deny'd , sleep'st by the fable of bellerus old , where the great vision of the guarded mount looks toward namancos and bayona's hold ; look homeward angel now , and melt with ruth . and , o ye dolphins , waft the haples youth . weep no more , woful shepherds weep no more ▪ for lycidas your sorrow is not dead , sunk though he be beneath the watry floar , so sinks the day-star in the ocean bed , and yet anon repairs his drooping head , and tricks his beams , and with new spangled ore , flames in the forehead of the morning sky : so lycidas sunk low , but mounted high , through the dear might of him that walk'd the waves where other groves , and other streams along , with nectar pure his oozy lock's he laves , and hears the unexpressive nuptiall song , in the blest kingdoms meek of joy and love . there entertain him all the saints above ▪ in solemn troops , and sweet societies that sing , and singing in their glory move , and wipe the tears for ever from his eyes ▪ now lycidas the shepherds weep no more ▪ hence forth thou art the genius of the shore ▪ in thy large recompense , and shalt be good to all that wander in that perilous flood . thus sang the uncouth swain to th'okes and rills ▪ while the still morn went out with sandals gray , he touch'd the tender stops of various quills , with eager thought warbling his dorick lay : and now the sun had stretch'd out all the hills , and now was dropt into the western bay ; at last he rose , and twitch'd his mantle blew : to morrow to fresh woods , and pastures new ▪ a mask of the same author presented at lvdlow-castle , . before the earl of bridgewater then president of wales . anno dom. . now to offer it up in all rightfull devotion to those fair hopes , and rare endowments of your much-promising youth , which give a full assurance , to all that know you , of a future excellence . live sweet lord to be the honour of your name , and receive this as your own , from the hands of him , who hath by many favours been long oblig'd to your most honour'd parents , and as in this representation your attendant thyrsis , so now in all reall expression your faithfull , and most humble servant h. lawes . the còpy of a letter writt'n by sir henry wootton , to the author , upon the following poem . from the colledge , this . of april , . sir , it was a special favour , when you lately bestowed upon me here , the first taste of your acquaintance , though no longer then to make me know that i wanted more time to value it , and to enjoy it rightly ; and in truth , if i could then have imagined your farther stay in these parts , which i understood afterwards by mr. h. , i would have been bold in our vulgar phrase to mend my draught ( for you left me with an extreme thirst ) and to have begged your conversation again , joyntly with your said learned friend , at a poor meal or two , that we might have banded together som good authors of the antient time : among which , i observed you to have been familiar . since your going , you have charg'd me with new obligations , both for a very kinde letter from you dated the sixth of this month , and for a dainty peece of entertainment which came therwith . wherin i should much commend the tragical part , if the lyrical did not ravish me with a certain dorique delicacy in your songs and odes , wherunto i must plainly confess to have seen yet nothing parallel in our language : ipsa mollities . but i must not omit to tell you , that i now onely owe you thanks for intimating unto me ( how modestly soever ) the true artificer . for the work it self , i had view'd som good while before , with singular delight , having receiv'd it from our common friend mr. r. in the very close of the late r's poems , printed at oxford , wherunto it was added ( as i now suppose ) that the accessory might help out the principal , according to the art of stationers , and to leave the reader con la bocca dolce . now sir , concerning your travels , wherin i may chalenge a little more priviledge of discours with you ; i suppose you will not blanch paris in your way ; therfore i have been bold to trouble you with a few lines to mr. m. b. whom you shall easily find attending the young lord s. as his governour , and you may surely receive from him good directions for the shaping of your farther journey into italy , where he did reside by my choice som time for the king , after mine own recess from venice . i should think that your best line will be thorow the whole length of france to marseilles , and thence by sea to genoa , whence the passage into tuscany is as diurnal as a gravesend barge : i hasten as you do to florence , or siena , the rather to tell you a short story from the interest you have given me in your safety . at siena i was tabled in the house of one alberto scipioni an old roman courtier in dangerous times , having bin steward to the duca di pagliano , who with all his family were strangled , save this onely man that escap'd by foresight of the tempest : with him i had often much chat of those affairs ; into which he took pleasure to look back from his native harbour ; and at my departure toward rome ( which had been the center of his experience ) i had wonn confidence enough to beg his advice , how i might carry my self securely there , without offence of others , or of mine own conscience . signor arrigo mio ( sayes he ) i pensieri stretti , & il viso sciolto will go safely over the whole world : of which delphian oracle ( for so i have found it ) your judgement doth need no commentary ; and therfore ( sir ) i will commit you with it to the best of all securities , gods dear love , remaining your friend as much at command as any of longer date henry wootton . postscript . sir , i have expresly sent this my foot-boy to prevent your departure without som acknowledgement from me of the receipt of your obliging letter , having my self through som busines , i know not how , neglected the ordinary conveyance . in any part where i shall understand you fixed , i shall be glad , and diligent to entertain you with home-novelties ; even for som fomentation of our friendship , too soon interrupted in the cradle . the persons . the attendant spirit afterwards in in the habit of thyrsis . comus with his crew . the lady . . brother . . brother . sabrina the nymph . the cheif persons which presented , were the lord bracly , mr. thomas egerton his brother , the lady alice egerton . a mask presented at ludlow-castle , . &c. the first scene discovers a wilde wood . the attendant spirit descends or enters . before the starry threshold of joves court my mansion is , where those immortal shapes of bright aëreal spirits live insphear'd in regions milde of calm and serene ayr , above the smoak and stirr of this dim spot , which men call earth , and with low-thoughted care confin'd , and pester'd in this pin-fold here ▪ strive to keep up a frail , and feaverish being unmindfull of the crown that vertue gives after this mortal change , to her true servants amongst the enthron'd gods on sainted seats . yet som there be that by due steps aspire to lay their just hands on that golden key that ope's the palace of eternity : to snch my errand is , and but for such , i would not soil these pure ambrosial weeds , with the rank vapours of this sin-worn mould . but to my task . neptune besides the sway of every salt flood , and each ebbing stream , took in by lot 'twixt high , and neather jove , imperial rule of all the sea-girt iles that like to rich , and various gemms inlay the unadorned boosom of the deep , which he to grace his tributary gods by course commits to severall goverment , and gives them leave to wear their saphire crowns ▪ and weild their little tridents , but this i le the greatest , and the best of all the main he quarters to his blu hair'd deities , and all this tract that front the falling sun a noble peer of mickle trust , and power has in his charge , with temper'd awe to guide an old , and haughty nation proud in arms : where his fair off-spring nurs't in princely lore , are coming to attend their fathers state , and new-entrusted scepter , but their way lies through the perplex't paths of this drear wood ▪ the nodding horror of whose shady brows threats the forlorn and wandring passinger . and here their tender age might suffer perill , but that by quick command from soveran jove i'was dispatcht for their defence , and guard ; and listen why , for i will tell ye now what never yet was heard in tale or song from old , or modern bard in hall , or bowr . baccbus that first from out the purple grape , crush't the sweet poyson of mis-used wine after the tuscan mariners transform'd coasting the tyrrhene shore , as the winds listed , on circes iland fell ( who knows not circe the daughter of the sun ? whose charmed cup whoever tasted , lost his upright shape , and downward fell into a groveling swine ) this nymph that gaz'd upon his clustring locks , with ivy berries wreath'd , and his blithe youth , had by him , ere he parted thence , a son much like his father , but his mother more , whom therfore she brought up and comus nam'd , who ripe , and frolick of his full grown age , roaving the celtick , and iberian fields , at last betakes him to this ominous wood , and in thick shelter of black shades imbowr'd , excells hi● mother at her mighty art , ●ffring to every weary travailer , his orient liquor in a crystal glasse , to quench the drouth of phoebus , which as they taste ( for most do ●as●e through fond intemperate thirst ) soon as the potion works , their human count'rance , th'express resemblance of the gods , is chang'd into som brutish form of woolf , or bear , or ounce , or tiger , hog , or bearded goat , all other parts remaining as they were , and they , so perfect is their misery , not once perceive their foul disfigurement , but boast themselves more comely then before and all their friends , and native home forget to roule with pleasure in a sensual stie . therfore when any favour'd of high jove , chances to passe through this adventrous glade , swift as the sparkle of a glancing star , i shoot from heav'n to give him safe convoy , as now i do : but first i must put off these my skierobes spun out of iris wooff , and take the weeds and likenes of a swain , that to the service of this house belongs , who with his soft pipe , and smooth-dittied song , well knows to still the wilde winds when they roar , and hush the waving woods , nor of lesse faith , and in this office of his mountain watch , likeliest , and neerest to the present ayd of this occasion . but i hear the tread of hatefull steps , i must be viewles now . comus enters with a charming rod in one hand , his glass in the other , with him a rout of monsters headed like sundry sorts of wilde beasts , but otherwise like men and women , their apparel glistring , they com in making a riotous and unruly noise , with torches in their hands . comus . the star that bids the shepherd fold , now the top of heav'n doth hold , and the gilded car of day , his glowing axle doth allay in the steep atlantick stream , and the slope sun his upward beam shoots against the dusky pole ▪ pacing toward the other gole of his chamber in the east . mean while welcom joy , and feast , midnight shout , and revelry , tipsie dance , and jollity . braid your locks with rosie twine dropping odours , dropping wine . rigor now is gon to bed , and advice with scrupulous head , strict age , and sowre severity , with their grave saws in slumber ly . we that are of purer fire ▪ i mitate the starry quire , who in their nightly watchfull sphears , lead in swift round the months and years . the sounds , and seas with all their finny drove now to the moon in wavering morrice move , and on the tawny sands and shelves , trip the pert fairies and the dapper elves ; by dimpled brook , and fountain brim , the wood-nymohs deckt with daisies trim , their merry wakes and pastimes keep ▪ what hath night to do with sleep ? night hath better sweets to prove , venus now wakes , and wak'ns love . com let us our rights begin , t is onely day-light that makes sin which these dun shades will ne're report . hail goddesse of nocturnal sport dark vaild cotytto , t'whom the secret flame of mid-night torches burns ; mysterious dame that ne're art call'd , but when the dragon woom of stygian darknes spets her thickest gloom , and makes one blot of all the ayr , stay thy cloudy ebon chair , wherin thou rid'st with hecat ' , and befriend us thy vow'd priests , till utmost end of all thy due be done , and none left out ▪ ere the blabbing eastern scout , the nice morn on th' indian steep from her cabin'd loop hole peep , and to the tel-tale sun discry our conceal'd solemnity . com , knit hands , and beat the ground , in a light fantastick round . the measure . break off , break off , i feel the different pace , of som chast footing neer about this ground , run to your shrouds , within these brakes and trees , our number may affright : som virgin sure ( for so can distinguish by mine art ) benighted in these woods . now to my charms , and to my wily trains , i shall e're long be well stock't with as fair a herd as graz'd about my mother circe . thus i hurl my dazling spells into the spungy ayr , of power to cheat the eye with blear illusion , and give it false presentments , lest the place and my quaint habits breed astonishment , and put the damsel to suspicious flight , which must not be , for that 's against my course ; i under fair pretence of friendly ends , and well plac't words of glozing courtesie baited with reasons not unplausible wind me into the easie-hearted man , and hugg him into snares . when once her eye hath met the vertue of this magick dust , i shall appear som harmles villager whom thrift keeps up about his country gear ▪ but here she comes , i fairly step aside and hearken , if i may , her busines here . the lady enters . this way the noise was , if mine ear be true , my best guide now , me thought it was the sound of riot , and ill manag'd merriment , such as the jocond flute , or gamesom pipe stirs up among the loose unleter'd hinds , when for their teeming flocks , and granges full in wanton dance they praise the bounteous pan , and thank the gods amiss . i should be loath to meet the rudenesse , and swill'd insolence of such late wassailers ; yet o where els shall i inform my unacquainted feet in the blind maze of this tangl'd wood ? my brothers when they saw me wearied out with this long way , resolving here to lodge under the spreading favour of these pines , stept as they se'd to the next thicket side to bring me berries , or such cooling fruit as the kind hospitable woods provide . they left me then , when the gray-hooded eev'n like a sad votarist in palmers weed rose from the hindmost wheels of phoebus wain . but where they are , and why they came not back , is now the labour of my thoughts , 't is likeliest they had ingag'd their wandring steps too far , and envious darknes , e're they could return , had stole them from me , els o theevish night why shouldst thou , but for som fellonious end , in thy dark lantern thus close up the stars , that nature hung in heav'n , and fill'd their lamps with everlasting oil , to give due light to the misled and lonely travailer ? this is the place , as well as i may guess , whence eev'n now the tumult of loud mirth was rife , and perfet in my list'ning ear , yet nought but single darknes do i find ▪ what might this be ? a thousand fantasies begin to throng into my memory of calling shapes , and beckning shadows dire , and airy tongues , that syllable mens names on sands , and shoars , and desert wildernesses . these thoughts may startle well , but not astound the vertuous mind , that ever walks attended by a strong siding champion conscience . — o welcom pure ey'd faith , white-handed hope , thou hovering angel girt with golden wings , and thou unblemish't form of chastity , i see ye visibly , and now beleeve that he , the supreme good , t'whom all things ill are but as slavish officers of vengeance , would send a glistring guardian if need were to keep my life and honour unassail'd . was i deceiv'd , or did a sable cloud turn forth her silver lining on the night ? i did not err , there does a sable cloud turn forth her silver lining on the night , and casts a gleam over this tufted grove . i cannot hallow to my brothers , but such noise as i can make to be heard farthest i le venter , for my new enliv'nd spirits prompt me ; and they perhaps are not far off . song . sweet echo , sweetest nympb that liv'st unseen within thy airy shell by slow meander's margent green , and in the violet imbroider'd vale where the love-lorn nightingale nightly to thee her sad song mourneth well . c●●st thou not tell me of a gentle pair that likest thy narcissus are ? o if thou have hid them in som flowry cave , tell me but where sweet queen of parly , daughter of the sphear ▪ so maist thou be translated to the skies , and give resounding grace to all heav'ns harmonies . com. can any mortai mixture of earths mould breath such divine inchanting ravishment ? sure somthing holy lodges in that brest , and with these raptures moves the vocal air to testifie his hidd'n residence ; how sweetly did they float upon the wings of silence , through the empty-vaulted night at every fall smoothing the raven doune of darknes till it smil'd : i have oft heard my mother circe with the sirens three , amidst the flowry-kirtl'd naiades culling their potent hearbs , and balefull drugs , who as they sung , would take the prison'd soul , and lap it in elysium , scylla wept , and chid her barking waves into attention , and fell charybdis murmur'd soft applause : yet they in pleasing slumber lull'd the sense , and in sweet madnes rob'd it of it self , but such a sacred ▪ and home-felt delight , such sober certainty of waking bliss i never heard till now . i le speak to her and she shall be my queen . hail forren wonder whom certain these rough shades did never breed unlesse the goddes that in rurall shrine dwell dwell st here with pan , or silvan , by blest song forbidding every bleak unkindly fog to touch the prosperous growth of this tall wood ▪ la nay gentle shepherd ill is lost that praise that is addrest to unattending ears , not any boast of skill , but extreme shift how to regain my sever'd company compell'd me to awake the courteous echo to give me answer from her mossie couch . co. what chance good lady hath bereft you thus ? la. dim darknes , and this leavy labyrinth . co. could that divide you from neer-ushering guides ? la. they left me weary on a grassie terf . co. by falshood , or discourtesie ▪ or why ? la. to seek i' th vally som cool friendly spring . co. and left your fair side all unguarded lady ? la. they were but twain , and purpos'd quick return . co. perhaps fore-stalling night prevented them . la. how easie my misfortune is to hit ! co. imports their loss , beside the present need ? la. no less then if i should my brothers loose . co. were they of manly prime , or youthful bloom ? la. as smooth as hebe's their unrazor'd lips . co. two such i saw , what time the labour'd oxe in his loose traces from the furrow came , and the swink't hedger at his supper sate ; i saw them under a green mantling vine that crawls along the side of yon small hill , plucking ripe clusters from the tender shoots , their port was more then human , as they stood ▪ i took it for a faery vision of som gay creatures of the element that in the colours of the rainbow live and play i' th plighted clouds . i was aw-strook , and as i past , i worshipt ; if those you seek it were a journey like the path to heav'n , to help you find them . la. gentle villager what readiest way would bring me to that place ? co. due west it rises from this shrubby point . la. to find out that , good shepherd , i suppose , in such a scant allowance of star-light , would overtask the best land-pilots art , without the sure guess of well-practiz'd feet . co. i know each lane , and every alley green dingle , or bushy dell of this wilde wood , and every bosky bourn from side to side my daily walks and ancient neighbourhood ▪ and if your stray attendance be yet lodg'd , or shroud within these limits , i shall know ere morrow wake , or the low roosted lark from her thach't pallat rowse , if otherwise ▪ i can conduct you lady to a low but loyal cottage , where you may be safe till further quest ' . la. shepherd i take thy word , and trust thy honest offer'd courtesie , which oft is sooner found in lowly sheds with smoaky rafters , then in tapstry halls and courts of princes , where it first was nam'd , and yet is most pretended : in a place less warranted then this , or less secure i cannot be , that i should fear to change it , eie me blest providence , and square my triall to my proportion'd strength . shepherd lead on . the two brothers . eld. bro. unmuffle ye faintstars , and thou fair moon that wontst to love the travailers benizon , stoop thy pale visage through an amber cloud , and disinherit chaos , that raigns here in double night of darknes , and of shades ; or if your influence be quite damm'd up with black usurping mists , som gentle taper though a rush candle from the wicker hole of som clay habitation visit us with thy long levell'd rule of streaming light , and thou shalt be our star of arcady , or tyrian cynosure ▪ bro. or if our eyes be barr'd that happines , might we but hear the folded flocks pen'd in their watled cotes , or sound of pastoral reed with oaten stops , or whistle from the lodge , or village cock count the night watches to his feathery dames , t' would be som solace yet , som little chearing in this close dungeon of innumerous bowes . but o that haples virgin our lost sister where may she wander now , whether betake her from the chill dew , amongst rude burrs and thistles ? perhaps som cold bank is her boulster now or'gainst the rugged bark of som broad elm leans her unpillow'd head fraught with sad fears . what if in wild amazement , and affright , or while we speak within the direfull grasp of savage hunger , or of savage heat ▪ eld. bro. peace brother , be not over-exquisite to cast the fashion of uncertain evils ; for grant they be so , while they rest unknown , what need a man forestall his date of grief , and run to meet what he would most avoid ? or if they be but false alarms of fear , how bitter is such self-delusion ? i do not think my sister so to seek , or so unprincipl'd in vertues book , and the sweet peace that goodnes boosoms ever , as that the single want of light and noise ( not being in danger , as i trust she is not ) could stir the constant mood of her calm thoughts , and put them into mis-becoming plight . vertue could see to do what vertue would by her own radiant light , though sun and moon were in the flat sea sunk . and wisdoms self oft seeks to sweet retired solitude , where with her best nurse contemplation she plumes her feathers , and le ts grow her wings that in the various bussle of resort were all to ruffl'd , and somtimes impair'd . he that has light within his own cleer brest may sit i' th center , and enjoy bright day , but he that hides a dark soul , and foul thoughts benighted walks under the mid-day sun ; himself is his own dungeon . . bro. t is most true that musing meditation most affects the pensive secrecy of desert cell , far from the cheerfull haunt of men , and herds , and sits as safe as in a senat house , for who would rob a hermit of his weeds , his few books , or his beads , or maple dish , or do his gray hairs any violence ? but beauty like the fair hesperian tree laden with blooming gold , had need the guard of dragon watch with uninchanted eye , to save her blossoms , and defend her fruit from the rash hand of bold incontinence . you may as well spred out the unsun'd heaps of misers treasure by an out-laws den , and tell me it is safe , as bid me hope danger will wink on opportunity , and let a single helpless maiden pass uninjur'd in this wilde surrounding wast . of night , or lonelines it recks me not , i fear the dred events that dog them both , lest som ill greeting touch attempt the person of our unowned sister . eld. bro. i do not , brother , inferr , as if i thought my sisters state secure without all doubt , or controversie : yet where an equall poise of hope and fear does arbitrate th'event , my nature is that i encline to hope , rather then fear , and gladly banish squint suspicion . my sister is not so defenceless left as you imagine , she has a hidden strength which you remember not . . bro. what hidden strength , unless the strength of heav'n , if you mean that ? eld. bro. i mean that too , but yet a hidden strength which if heav'n gave it , may be term'd her own : 't is chastity , my brother , chastity : she that has that , is clad in compleat steel , and like a quiver'd nymph with arrows keen may trace huge forests , and unharbour'd heaths , infamous hills , and sandy perilous wildes , where through the sacred rayes of chastity , no savage fierce , bandite , or mountaneer will dare to soyl her virgin purity , yea there , where very desolation dwels by grots , and caverns shag'd with horrid shades , she may pass on with unblench't majesty , be it not don in pride , or in presumption . som say no evil thing that walks by night in fog , or fire , by lake , or moorish fen , blew meager hag , or stubborn unlaid ghost , that breaks his magick chains at curfeu time ▪ no goblin , or swart faëry of the mine , hath hurtfull power o're true virginity . do ye beleeve me yet , or shall i call antiquity from the old schools of greece to testifie the arms of chastity ? hence had the huntress dian her dred bow fair silver-shafted queen for ever chaste , wherwith she tam'd the brinded lioness and spotted mountain pard , but set at nought the frivolous bolt of cupid , gods and men fear'd her stern frown , and she was queen oth'woods . what was that snaky-headed gorgon sheild that wise minerva wore , unconquer d virgin , wherwith she freez'd her foes to congeal'd stone ? but rigid looks of chast austerity , and noble grace that dash't brute violence with sudden adoration , and blank aw . so dear to heav'n is saintly chastity , that when a soul is found sincerely so , a thousand liveried angels lacky her , driving far off each thing of sin and guilt , and in cleer dream , and solemn vision tell her of things that no gross ear can hear , till oft convers with heav'nly habitants begin to cast a beam on th'outward shape , the unpolluted temple of the mind , and turns it by degrees to the souls essence , till all be made immortal : but when lust by unchaste looks , loose gestures , and foul talk , but most by leud and lavish act of sin , le ts in defilement to the inward parts , the soul grows clotted by contagion , imbodies , and imbrutes , till she quite loose the divine property of her first being . such are those thick and gloomy shadows damp oft seen in charnell vaults , and sepulchers lingering , and sitting by a new made grave , as loath to leave the body that it lov'd , and link't it self by carnal sensualty to a degenerate and degraded state . . bro. how charming is divine philosophy ▪ not harsh , and crabbed as dull fools suppose , but musical as is apollo's lute , and a perpetual feast of nectar'd sweets , where no crude surfet raigns . eld. bro. list , list , i hear som far off hallow break the silent air . . bro. me thought so too ; what should it be ? eld. bro. for certain either som one like us night-founder'd here , or els som neighbour wood-man , or at worst , som roaving robber calling to his fellows . bro. heav'n keep my sister , agen agen and neer , best draw , and stand upon our guard . eld. bro. i le hallow , if he be friendly he comes well , if not , defence is a good cause , and heav'n be for us . the attendant spirit habited like a shepherd . that hallow i should know , what are you ? speak ; com not too neer , you fall on iron stakes else . spir. what voice is that , my young lord ? speak agen● . bro. o brother , 't is my father shepherd sure . el. bro. thyrsis ? whose artful strains have oft delaid the huddling brook to hear his madrigal , and sweeten'd every muskrose of the dale , how cam'st thou here good swain ? hath any ram slip't from the fold , or young kid lost his dam , or straggling weather the pen't flock forsook ▪ how couldst thou find this dark sequester'd nook ? spir. o my lov'd masters heir , and his next joy , i came not here on such a trivial toy as a stray'd ewe , or to pursue the stealth of pilfering woolf , not all the fleecy wealth that doth enrich these downs , is worth a thought to this my errand , and the care it brought . but o my virgin lady , where is she ? how chance she is not in your company ? eld. bro. to tell thee sadly shepherd , without blame , or our neglect , we lost her as we came ▪ spir. ay me unhappy then my fears are true . el. bro. what fears good thyrsis ? prethee briefly shew . spir. i le tell ye , 't is not vain , or fabulous , ( though so esteem'd by shallow ignorance ) what the sage poets taught by th'heav'nly muse , storied of old in high immortal vers of dire chimera's and inchanted iles , and ●ifted rocks whose entrance leads to hell , for such there be , but unbelief is blind . within the navil of this hideous wood , immur'd in cypress shades a sorcerer dwels of bacchus , and of circe born , great comus , deep skill'd in all his mothers witcheries , and here to every thirsty wanderer , by sly enticement gives his banefull cup , with many murmurs mixt , whose pleasing poison the visage quite transforms of him that drinks , and the inglorious likenes of a beast fixes instead , unmoulding reasons mintage character'd in the face ; this have i learn't tending my flocks hard by i' th hilly crofts , that brow this bottom glade , whence night by night he and his monstrous rout are heard to howl like stabl'd wolves , or tigers at their prey , doing abhorred rites to hecate in their obscured haunts of inmost bowres . yet have they many baits , and guilefull spells to inveigle and invite th'unwary sense of them that pass unweeting by the way ▪ this evening late by then the chewing flocks had ta'n their supper on the savoury herb of knot-grass dew●besprent , and were in fold ▪ i sate me down to watch upon a bank with ivy canopied , and interwove with flaunting hony-suckle , and began wrapt in a pleasing fit of melancholy to meditate my rural minstrelsie , till fancy had her fill , but ere a close the wonted roar was up amidst the woods , and fill'd the air with barbarous dissonance ▪ at which i ceas't , and listen'd them a while , till an unusuall stop of sudden silence gave respit to the drowsie frighted steeds that draw the litter of close-curtain'd sleep . at last a soft and solemn breathing sound rose like a steam of rich distill d perfumes , and stole upon the air , that even silence was took e're she was ware , and wish't she might deny her nature , and be never more still to be so displac't . i was all eare , and took in strains that might create a soul under the ribs of death , but o ere long too well i did perceive it was the voice of my most honour'd lady , your dear sister . amaz'd i stood , harrow'd with grief and fear , and o poor hapless nightingale thought i , how sweet thou sing'st , how neer the deadly snare ! then down the lawns i ran with headlong hast through paths , and turnings oft'n trod by day , till guided by mine ear i found the place where that damn'd wisard hid in sly disguise ( for so by certain signes i knew ) had met already , ere my best speed could praevent , the aidless innocent lady his wish't prey , who gently ask't if he had seen such two , supposing him som neighbour villager ; longer i durst not stay , but soon i guess't ye were the two she mean't , with that i sprung into swift flight , till i had found you here , but furder know i not . . bro. o night and shades , how are ye joyn'd with hell in triple knot against th'unarmed weakness of one virgin alone , and helpless ! is this the confidence you gave me brother ? eld. bro. yes , and keep it still , lean on it safely , not a period shall be unsaid for me : against the threats of malice or of sorcery , or that power which erring men call chance , this i hold firm , vertue may be assail'd , but never hurt , surpriz'd by unjust force , but not enthrall'd , yea even that which mischief meant most harm , shall in the happy trial prove most glory . but evil on it self shall back recoyl , and mix no more with goodness , when at last gather'd like scum , and setl'd to it self it shall be in eternal restless change self-fed , and self-consum'd , if this fail , the pillar'd firmament is rott'nness , and earths base built on stubble . but com let 's on ▪ against th'opposing will and arm of heav'n may never this just sword be lifted up , but for that damn'd magician , let him be girt with all the greisly legions that troop under the sooty flag of acheron , harpyies and hydra's , or all the monstrous forms 'twixt africa , and iude , i le find him out , and force him to restore his purchase back , or drag him by the curls , to a foul death , curs d as his life . spir. alas good ventrous youth , i love thy courage yet , and bold emprise , but here thy sword can do thee little stead , farr other aries , and other weapons must be those that 〈…〉 of hellish charms , he with his bare wand can untared thy joynts , and crumble all thy sinews . eld. bro. why prethee shepherd how durst thou then thy self approach so neer as to make this relation ? spir. care and utmost shifts how to secure the lady from surprisal , brought to my mind a certain shepherd lad of small regard to see to , yet well skill'd in every vertuous plant and healing herb that spreds her verdant leaf to th'morning ray , he lov'd me well , and oft would beg me sing , which when i did , he on the tender grass would sit , and hearken even to extasie , and in requitall ope his leather'n scrip , and shew me simples of a thousand names telling their strange and vigorous faculties ; amongst the rest a small unsightly root , but of divine effect , he cull'd me out ; the leaf was darkish , and had prickles on it , but in another countrey , as he said , bore a bright golden flowre , but not in this soyl : unknown , and like esteem'd , and the dull swayn treads on it daily with his clouted shoon , and yet more med'cinal is it then that moly that hermes once to wise vlysses gave ; he call'd it h●emony , and gave it me , and bad me keep it as of sovran use 'gainst all inchantments , mildew blast , or damp or gastly furies apparition ; i purs't it up , but little reck'ning made , till now that this extremity compell'd , but now i find it true ; for by this means i knew the foul inchanter though disguis'd , enter'd the very lime-twigs of his spells , and yet came off : if you have this about you ( as i will give you when we go ) you may boldly assault the necromancers hall ; where if he be , with dauntless hardihood , and brandish't blade rush on him , break his glass , and shed the lushious liquor on the ground , but sease his wand , though he and his curst crew feirce signe of battail make , and menace high , or like the sons of vulcan vomit smoak , yet will they soon retire , if he but shrink . eld. bro. thyrsis lead on apace , i le follow thee , and som good angel bear a sheild before us . the scene changes to a stately palace , set out with all manner of deliciousness : soft musick , tables spred with all dainties . comus appears with his rabble , and the lady set in an inchanted chair , to whom he offers his glass , which she puts by , and goes about to rise . comus . nay lady sit ; if i but wave this wand , your nervs are all chain'd up in alablaster , and you a statue ; or as daphne was root-bound , that fled apollo , la. fool do not boast , thou canst not touch the freedom of my minde withall thy charms , although this corporal rinde ▪ thou haste immanacl'd , while heav'n sees good . co. why are you vext lady ? why do you frown ? here dwel no frowns , nor anger , from these gates sorrow flies farr : see here be all the pleasures that fancy can beget on youthfull thoughts , when the fresh blood grows lively , and returns brisk as the april buds in primrose-season , and first behold this cordial julep here that flames , and dances in his crystal bounds with spirits of balm , and fragrant syrops mixt ▪ not that nepenthes which the wife of thone , in egypt gave to jove-born helena is of such power to stir up joy as this , to life so friendly , or so cool to thirst ▪ why should you be so cruel to your self , and to those dainty limms which nature lent for gentle usage , and soft delicacy ? but you invert the cov'nants of her trust , and harshly deal like an ill borrower with that which you receiv'd on other terms , scorning the unexempt condition by which all mortal frailty must subsist , refreshment after toil , ease after pain , that have been tir'd all day without repast , and timely rest have wanted , but fair virgin this will restore all soon . la. 't will not false traitor , 't will not restore the truth and honesty that thou hast banish't from thy tongue with lies , was this the cottage , and the safe abode thou told'st me of ? what grim aspects are these , these oughly-headed monsters ? mercy guard me ! hence with thy brew'd inchantments , foul deceiver , hast thou betrai'd my credulous innocence with visor'd falshood , and base forgery , and wouldst thou seek again to trap me here with lickerish baits fit to ensnare a brute ? were it a draft for juno when she banquets , i would not taste thy treasonous offer ; none but such as are good men can give good things , and that which is not good , is not delicious to a wel govern'd and wise appetite . co. o foolishnes of men ! that lend their ears to those budge doctors of the stoick furr , and fetch their precepts from the cynick tub , praising the lean and sallow abstinence . wherefore did nature powre her bounties forth , with such a full and unwithdrawing hand , covering the earth with odours , fruits , and flocks , thronging the seas with spawn innumerable , but all to please , and sate the curious taste ? and set to work millions of spinning worms , that in their green shops weave the smooth-hair'd silk to deck her sons , and that no corner might be vacant of her plenty , in her own loyns she hutch't th'all-worshipt ore , and precious gems to store her children with ; if all the world should in a pet of temperance feed on pulse , drink the clear stream , and nothing wear but freize , th'all-giver would be unthank't , would be unprais'd , not half his riches known , and yet despis'd , and we should serve him as a grudging master , as a penurious niggard of his wealth , and live like natures bastards , not her sons , who would be quite surcharg'd with her own weight , and strangl'd with her waste fertility ; th'earth cumber'd , and the wing'd air dark't with plumes , the herds would over-multitude their lords , the sea o'refraught would swell , & th'unsought diamonds would so emblaze the forhead of the deep , and so bestudd with stars , that they below would grow inur'd to light , and com at last to gaze upon the sun with shameless brows . list lady be not coy , and be not cosen'd with that same vaunted name virginity , beauty is natures coyn , must not be hoorded . but must be currant , and the good thereof consists in mutual and partak'n bliss , unsavoury in th'injoyment of it self if you let slip time , like a neglected rose it withers on the stalk with languish't head . beauty is natures brag , and must be shown in courts , at feasts , and high solemnities where most may wonder at the workmanship ; it is for homely features to keep home , they had their name thence ; course complexions and cheeks of sorry grain will serve to ply the sampler , and to teize the huswifes wooll . what need a vermeil-tinctur'd lip for that love-darting eyes , or tresses like the morn ? there was another meaning in these gifts , think what , and be adviz'd , you are but young yet . la. i had not thought to have unlockt my lips in this unhallow'd air , but that this jugler would think to charm my judgement , as mine eyes obtruding false rules pranckt in reasons garb . i hate when vice can bolt her arguments , and vertue has no tongue to check her pride : impostor do not charge most innocent nature , as if she would her children should be riotous with her abundance , she good cateress means her provision onely to the good that live according to her sober laws , and holy dictate of spare temperance : if every just man that now pines with want had but a moderate and beseeming share ▪ of that which lewdly-pamper'd luxury now heaps upon som few with vast excess , natures full blessings would be well dispenc't in unsuperfluous eeven proportion , and she no whit encomber'd with her store , and then the giver would be better thank't , his praise due paid , for swinish gluttony ne're looks to heav'n amidst his gorgeous feast , but with besotted base ingratitude cramms , and blasphemes his feeder . shall i go on ? or have i said anough ? to him that dares arm his profane tongue with contemptuous words against the sun-clad power of chastity , fain would i somthing say , yet to what end ? thou hast nor eare , nor soul to apprehend the sublime notion , and high mystery that must be utter'd to unfold the sage and serious doctrine of virginity , and thou art worthy that thou shouldst not know more happines then this thy present lot . enjoy your deer wit , and gay rhetorick that hath so well been taught her dazling fence , thou art not fit to hear thy self convinc't ; yet should i try , the uncontrouled worth of this pure cause would kindle my rap't spirits to such a flame of sacred vehemence , that dumb things would be mov'd to sympathize , and the brute earth would lend her nerves , and shake , till all thy magick structures rear'd so high , were shatter'd into heap o're thy false head . co. she fa●●●● not , i feel that i do fear her words ● t off by som superior power ; and though not mortal , yet a cold shuddring dew dips me all o're , as when the wrath of jove speaks thunder , and the chain● of erebus to som of saturns crew . i must dissemble , and try her yet more strongly . com , no more , this is meer moral babble , and direct against the canon laws of our foundation ; i must not suffer this , yet 't is but the lees and s●tling● of a melancholy blood ; but this will cure all streight , one sip of this will bathe the drooping spirits in delight ●eyond the bliss of dreams . be wise , and taste . — the brothers rush in with swords drawn , wrest his glass out of his hand , and break it against the ground ; his rout make signe of resistance , but are all driven in ; the attendant spirit comes in . spir. what , have you let the false enchanter scape ? o ye mistook , ye should have s●atcht his wand and bound him fast ; without his rod revers't , and backward mutters of dissevering power , we cannot free the lady that sits here in stony fetters fixt , and motionless ; yet stay , be not disturb'd , now i bethink me , som other means i have which may be us'd , which once of melibaeus old i learnt the soothest shepherd that ere pip't on plains . there is a gentle nymph not fair from hence , that with moist curb sways the smooth severn stream , sabrina is her name , a virgin pure , whilom she was the daughter of locrine , that had the scepter from his father brute . she guiltless damsell flying the mad pursuit of her enraged stepdam guendolen , commended her fair innocence to the flood that stay'd her flight with his cross flowing course , the water nymphs that in the bottom plaid , held up their pearled wrists and took her in , bearing her straight to aged nereus hall , who piteous of her woes , rear'd her lank head , and gave her to his daughters to imbathe in nectar'd lavers strew'd with asphodil , and through the porch and inlet of each fense dropt in ambrosial oils till she reviv'd , and underwent a quick immortal change made goddess of the river ; still she retains her maid'n gentlenes , and oft at eeve visits the herds along the twilight meadows , helping all urchin blasts , and ill luck signes that the shrewd medling elfe delights to make , which she with pretious viold liquors heals . for which the shepherds at their festivals carrol her goodnes lowd in rustick layes , and throw sweet garland wreaths into her stream of pancies , pinks , and gaudy daffadils . and , as the old swain said , she can unlock the clasping charm , and thaw the numming spell , if she be right invok't in warbled song , for maid'nhood she loves , and will be swift to aid a virgin , such as was her self in hard besetting need , this will i try and adde the power of som adjuring verse . song . sabrina fair listen where thou art fitting under the glassie , cool , translucent wave ▪ in twisted braids of lillies knitting the loose train of thy amber-dropping hair ▪ listen for dear honours sake , goddess of the silver lake , listen and save . listen and appear to us in name of great oceanus , by the earth-shaking neptune's mace , and tethys grave majestick pace , by hoary nereus wrincled look , and the carpathian wisards hook , by scaly tritons winding shell , and old sooth-saying glaucus spell , by leucothea's lovely hands , and her son that rules the strands , by thetis tinsel-slipper'd feet , and the songs of sirens sweet , by dead parthenope's dear tomb , and fair ligea's golden comb , wherwith she sits on diamond rocks sleeking her soft alluring locks , by all the nymphs that nightly dance upon thy streams with wily glance , rise , rise , and heave thy rosie head from thy coral pav'● bed , and bridle in thy headlong wave , till thou our summons answer'd have . listen and save . sabrina rises , attended by water-nymphes , and sings . by the rushy-fringed bank , where grows the willow and the osier dank ▪ my sliding chariot stayes , thick set with agat , and th●●azurn sheen of turkis blew , and emrauld green that in the channell strayes , whilst from off the waters fleet thus i set my printless feet o're the cowslips velvet head , that bends not as i tread , gentle swain at thy request i am here . spir. goddess dear we implore thy powerful hand to undoe the charmed band of true virgin here distrest , through the force , and through the wile of unblest inchanter vile . sab . shepherd 't is my office best to help insnared chastity ; brightest lady look on me , thus i sprinkle on thy brest drops that from my fountain pure , i have kept of pretious cure , thrice upon thy fingers tip , thrice upon thy rubied lip , next this marble venom'd seat smear'd with gumms of glutenous heat i touch with chaste palms moist and cold , now the spell hath lost his hold ; and i must haste ere morning hour to wait in amphitrite's bowr . sabrina descends , and the lady rises out of her seat . spir. virgin , daughter of locrine sprung of old anchises line , may thy brimmed waves for this their full tribute never miss from a thousand petty rills , that tumble down the snowy hills : summer drouth , or singed air never scorch thy tresses fair , nor wet octobers torrent flood thy molten crystal fill with mudd , may thy billows rowl ashoar the beryl , and the golden ore , may thy lofty head be crown'd with many a tower and terrass round , and here and there thy banks upon with groves of myrrhe , and cinnamon . com lady while heaven lends us grace , let us fly this cursed place , lest the sorcerer us intice with som other new device . not a waste , or needless sound till we com to holier ground , i shall be your faithfull guide through this gloomy covert wide , and not many furlongs thence is your fathers residence , where this night are met in state many a friend to gratulate his wish't presence , and beside all the swains that there abide , with jiggs , and rural dance resort , we shall catch them at their sport , and our sudden coming there will double all their mirth and chere ; com let us haste , the stars grow high , but night sits monarch yet in the mid sky . the scene changes presenting ludlow town and the presidents castle , then com in countrey-dancers , after them the attendant spirit , with the two brothers and the lady . song . spir. back shepherds , back , anough your play , till next sun-shine holiday , here be without duck or nod other trippings to hetrod of lighter toes , and such court guise as mercury did first devise with the mincing dryades on the lawns , and on the leas . this second song presents them to their father and mother . noble lord , and lady bright , i have brought ye new delight , here behold so goodly grown three fair branches of your own , heav'n hath timely tri'd their youth , their saith , their patience , and their truth . and sent them here through hard assays with a crown of deathless praise , to triumph in victorious dance o're sensual folly , and intemperance . the dances ended , the spirit epilognizer . spir. to the ocean now i fly , and those happy climes that ly where day never shuts his eye , up in the broad fields of the sky : there i suck the liquid ayr all amidst the gardens fair of hesperus , and his daughters three that sing about the golden tree : along the crisped shades and bowres revels the spruce and jocond spring , the graces , and the rosie-boosom'd howres ▪ thither all their bounties bring , that there eternal summer dwels , and west winds , with musky wing about the cedar'n alleys fling nard , and cassia's balmy smels . iris there with humid bow , waters the odorous banks that blow flowers of more mingled hew then her purf●d scarf can shew , and drenches with elysian dew ( list mortals , if your ears be true ) beds of hyacinth , and roses where young adonis oft reposes , waxing well of his deep wound in slumber soft , and on the ground sadly sits th'assyrian queen ; but farr above in spangled sheen celestial cupid her fam'd son advanc't , holds his dear psyche sweet intranc't after her wandring labours long , till free consent the gods among make her his eternal bride , and from her fair unspotted side two blissful twins are to be born , youth and joy ; so jove hath sworn . but now my task is smoothly don , i can fly , or i can run quickly to the green earths end , where the bow'd welkin slow doth bend , and from thence can soar as soon to the corners of the moon . mortals that would follow me , love vertue , she alone is free , she can teach ye how to clime higher then the spheary chime ▪ or if vertue feeble were , heav'n it self would stoop to her . the end . joannis miltoni londinensis poemata ▪ quorum pleraque intra annum aetatis vigesimum conscripsit . nunc primum edita . londini , typis r. r. prostant ad insignia principis , in coemeterio d. pauli , apud humphredum moseley . . haec quae sequuntur de authore testimonia , tametsi ipse intelligebat non tam de se quàm supra se esse dicta , eò quòd preclaro ingenio viri , nec non amici ita fere solent laudare , ut omnia suis potius virtutibus , quàm veritati congruentia nimis cupidè affingant , noluit tamen horum egregiam in se voluntatem non esse notam ; cum alii praesertim ut id faceret magnopere suaderent . dum enim nimiae laudis invidiam totis ab se viribus amolitur , sibique quod plus aequo est non attributum esse mavult , judicium interim hominum cordatorum atque illustrium quin summo sibi honori ducat , negare non potest . joannes baptista mansus , marchio villensis neapolitanus ad joannem miltonium anglum . ut mens , forma , decor , facies , mos , si pietas sie , non anglus , verùm hercle angelus ipse fores . ad joannem miltonem anglum triplici poeseos laureâ coronandum graecâ nimirum , latinâ , atque hetruscâ , epigramma joannis salsilli romani . cede meles , cedat depressa mincius urna ; sebetus tassum desinat usque loqui ; at thamesis victor cunctis ferat altior undas nam per te milto par tribus unus erit . ad joannem miltonum . graecia maeonidem , jactet sibi roma maronem , anglia miltonum jactat utrique parem . selvaggi . al signor gio. miltoni nobile inglese . ode . ergimi ali ' etra ò clio perche di stelle intreccierò corona non più del biondo dio la fronde eterna in pindo , e in elicona , diensi a merto maggior , maggiori i fregi , a'celeste virtù celesti pregi . non puo del tempo edace rimaner preda , eterno alto valore non può l'oblio rapace furar dalle memorie eccelso onore , su l'arco di mia cetra un dardo forte virtù m'adatti , e ferirò la morte . del ocean profondo cinta dagli ampi gorghi anglia risiede separata dal mondo , però che il suo valor l'umano ec●ede questa feconda sà produrre eroi , ch' hanno a ragion del sovruman tra noi . alla virtù sbandita danno ne i petti lor fido ricetto , quella gli è sol gradita , perche in lei san trovar gioia , e diletto ; ridillo tu giovanni e mostra in tanto con tua vera virtù , vero il mio canto . lungi dal patrio lido spinse zeusi l'industre ardente brama ; ch' udio d' helena il grido con aurea tromba rimbombar la fama , e per poterla effigiare al paro dalle più belle idee trasse il priù raro . cosi l' ape ingegnosa trae con industria il suo liquor pregiato dal giglio e dalla rosa , e quanti vaghi fiori ornano il prato ; formano un dolce suon diverse chorde , fan varie voci melodia concorde . di bella gloria amante milion dal ciel natio per varie parti le peregrine piante volgesti a ricercar scienze , ed arti ; del gallo regnator vedesti i regni , e dell ' italia ancor gl'eroi piu degni . fabro quasi divino sol virtù rintracciando il tuo pensiero vide in ogni confino chi di nobil valor calcail sentiero ; l' ottimo dal miglior dopo scegliea per fabbricar a'ogni virtu l' idea . quanti nacquero in flora o in lei del parlar tosco appreser l'arte , la cui memoria onora il mondo fatta eterna in dotte carte , volesti ricercar per tuo tesoro , e parlasti con lor nell ' opre loro . nell ' altera babelle per te il parlar confuse giove in vano , che per varie favelle di se stessa trofeo cadde su'l piano : ch' ode oltr ' all anglia il suo piu degno idioma spagna , francia , toscana , e grecia e roma ▪ i piu profondi arcani ch' occulta la natura e in eielo e in terra ch'á ingegni sovrumani troppo avar a tal'hor gli chiude , e serra , chiaramente conosci , e giungi al fine della moral virtud ▪ al gran confine . non batta il tempo l' ale , fermisi immoto , e in un fermin si gl' anni , che di virtù immortale s●orron di troppo ingiuriosi a i danni ▪ ch● s'opre d●gne di poema o storia furon gia , l'hai presenti alla memoria , dammi tua dolce cetra se vuoi ch'io dica del tuo dolce canto , ch' inalzandoti all' etra di farti huomo celeste otticne il vanto , il tamigi il dir à che gl' è concesso per te suo cigno pareggiar permesso . i o che in riva del arno tento spiegar tuo merto alto , e preclaro so che fatico indarno , e ad ammir ar , non a lodar lo imparo ; freno dunque la lingua , e ascolto il core che ti prende a lodar con lo stupore . del sig. antonio francini gentilhuomo fiorentino . joanni miltoni londiniensi . juveni patria , virtutibus eximio , viro qui multa peregrinatione , studio cuncta orbis terrararum loca perspexit , ut novus vlysses omnia ubique ab omnibus apprehenderet . polyglotto , in cujus ore linguae jam deperditae sic reviviscunt , ut idiomata omnia sint in ejus laudibus infacunda ; et jure ea percallet ut admirationes & plausus populorum ab propria sapientia excitatos , intelligat . illi , cujus animi dotes corporisque , sensus ad admirationem commovent , & per ipsam motum cuique auferunt ; cujus opera ad plausus hortantur , sed vastitate vocem laudatoribus adimunt . cui in memoria totus orbis : in intellectu sapientia . in voluntate ardor gloriae . in ore eloquentia : harmoni cos celestium sphaerarum sonitus astronomia duce audieuti , characteres mirabilium naturae per quos dei magnitudo describitur magistra philosophia legenti ; antiquitatum latebras , vetustatis excidia , eruditionis ambages comite assidua autorum lectione . exquirenti , restauranti , percurrenti . at cur nitor in arduum ? illi in cujus virtutibus evulgandis ora famae non sufficiant , nec hominum stupor in laud and is satis est , reverentiae & amoris ergo hoc ejus meritis debitum admirationis tributum offert carolus datus patricius florentinus . tanto homini servus , tantae virtutis amator . elegiarum liber primus . elegia prima ad carolum diodatum . tandem , chare , tuae mihi pervenere tabellae , pertulit & voces nuntia charta tuas , pertulit occiduâ devae cestrensis ab orâ vergivium prono qu● petit amne salum . multùm crede juvat terras aluisse remotas pectus amans nostri , tamque fidele caput , quòdque mihi lepidum tellus longinqua sodalem debet , at unde brevi reddere jussa velit . me tenet urbs refluâ quam thamesis alluit undâ ▪ meque nec invitum patria dulcis habet . jam nec arundiferum mihi cura revisere camum , nec dudum vetiti melaris angit amor . nuda nec arva placent , umbrasque negantia molle quàm male phoebicolis convenit ille locus ! nec duri libet usque minas perferre magistri caeteraque ingenio non subeunda meo , si sit hoc exilium patrios adiisse penates , et vacuum curis otia grata sequi , non ego vel p●ofugi nomen , sortemve recuso , laetus & exilii conditione fruor . o utinam vates nunquam graviora tulisset ille tomitano flebilis exul agro ; non tunc jonio quicquam cessisset homero neve foret victo i●us tibi prima maro . tempora nam licet hic placidis dare libera musis , et totum rapiunt me mea vita libri . excipit hinc fessum sinuosi pompa theatri , et vocat ad plausus garrula scena suos . seu catus auditur senior , seu prodigus haeres , seu procus , aut posit● casside miles adest , sive decennali foecundus lite patronus detonat inculto barbara verba foro , saepe vafer gnato succurrit servus amanti , et nasum rigidi fallit ubique patris ; saepe novos illic virgo mirata calores quid sit amor nescit , dum quoque nescit , amat ▪ sive cruentatum furiosa tragoedia sceptrum quassat , & effusis crinibus ora rotat , et dolet , & specto , juvat & spectasse dolendo , interdum & lacrymis dulcis amaror inest : seu puer infelix indelibata reliquit gaudia , & abrupto flendus amore eadit , seu ferus e tenebris iterat styga criminis ultor conscia funereo pectora torre movens , seu maeret pelopeia domus , seu nobilis ili , aut luit incestos aula creontis avos . sed neque sub tecto semper nec in urbe latemus , irrita nec nobis tempora veris eunt . nos quoque lucus habet vicinâ consitus ulmo atque suburbani nobilis umbra loci . saepius hic blandas spirantia sydera flammas virgineos videas praeteriisse choros . ah quoties dignae stupui miracula formae quae posset senium vel reparare iovis ; ah quoties vidi superantia lumina gemmas , atque faces quotquot volvit uterque polus ; collaque bis vivi pelopis quae brachia vincant , quae que fluit puro nectare tincta via , et decus eximium frontis ▪ tremulosque capillos , aurea quae fallax retia tendit amor . pellacesque genas , ad quas hyacinthina sordet purpura , & ipse tui floris , adoni , rubor . cedite laudatae toties heroides olim , et quaecunque vagum cepit amica jovem , cedite achaemeniae turritâ fronte puellae , et quot susa colunt , memnoniamque ninon . vos etiam danaae fasces submittite nymphae , et vos iliacae , romuleaeque nurus . nec pompeianas tarpëia musa columnas jactet , & ausoniis plena theatra stolis . gloria virginibus debetur prima britannis , extera sat tibi sit foemina posse sequi . tuque urbs dardaniis londinum structa colonis turrigerum late conspicienda caput , tu nimium felix intra tua moenia claudis quicquid formosi pendulus orbis habet . non tibi tot caelo scintillant astra sereno endymioneae turba ministra deae , quot tibi conspicuae formáque auróque puellae per medias radiant turba videnda vias . creditur huc geminis venisse invecta columbis alma pharetrigero milite cincta venus , huic cnidon , & riguas simoentis flumine valles , huic paphon , & roseam posthabitura cypron . ast ego , dum pueri sinit indulgentia caeci , moenia quàm subitò linquere fausta paro ▪ et vitare procul malefidae infamia circes atria , divini molyos usus ope . stat quoque juncosas cami remeare paludes , atque iterum raucae murmur adire scholae . interea fidi parvum cape munus amici , paucaque in alternos verba coacta modos . elegia secunda , anno aetatis . in obitum praeconis academici cantabrigiensis . te , qui conspicuus baculo fulgente solebas palladium toties ore ciere gregem , ultima praeconum praeconem te quoque saeva mors rapit , officio nec favet ipsa suo . candidiora licet fuerint tibi tempora plumis sub quibus accipimus delituisse jovem , o dignus tamen haemonio juvenescere succo , dignus in aesonios vivere posse dies , dignus quem stygiis medicâ revocaret ab undis arte coronides , saepe rogante dea . tu si jussus eras acies accire togatas , et celer a phoebo nuntius ire tuo talis in iliacâ stabat cyllenius aula alipes , aethereâ missus ab arce patris . talis & eurybates ante ora furentis achillei rettulit atridae jussa severa ducis . magna sepulchrorum regina , satelles averni saeva nimis musis , palladi saeva nimis , quin illos rapias qui pondus inutile terrae , turba quidem est telis ista petenda tuis . vestibus hunc igitur pullis academia luge , et madeant lachrymis nigra feretra tuis . fundat & ipsa modos querebunda elegeia tristes , personet & totis naenia moesta scholis . elegia tertia , anno aetatis . in obitum praesulis wintoniensis . moestus eram , & tacitus nullo comitante sedebam , haerebantque animo tristia plura meo , protinus en subiit funestae cladis imago fecit in angliaco quam libitina solo ; dum procerum ingressa est splendentes marmore turres dira sepulchrali mors metuenda face ; pulsavitque auro gravidos & jaspide muros , nec metuit satrapum sternere falce greges . tunc memini clarique ducis , fratrisque verendi intempestivis ossa cremata rogis ▪ et memini heroum quos vidit ad aethera raptos , flevit & amissos belgia tota duces . at te praecipuè luxi dignissime praesul , wintoniaeque olim gloria magna tuae ; delicui fletu , & tristi sic ore querebar , mors fera tartareo diva secunda jovi , nonne satis quod sylva tuas pe●senriat iras , et quod in herbosos j●s tibi detur agros , quodque afflata tuo marcescant lilia tabo , et crocus , & pulchrae cypridi sacra rosa , nec sinis ut semper fluvio contermina quercus miretur lapsus praetereuntis aquae ? et tibi succumbit liquido quae plurima caelo evehitur pennis quamlibet augur avis , et quae mille nigris errant animalia sylvis , et quod alunt mutum proteos antra pecus , invida , tanta tibi cum sit concessa potestas ; quid juvat humanâ tingere caede manus ? nobileque in pectus certas acuisse sagittas , semideamque animam sede fugâsse suà ? talia dum lacrymans alto sub pectore volvo , roscidus occiduis hesperus exit aquis , et tartessiaco submerserat aequore currum phoebus ab eöo littore mensus iter . nec mora , membra cavo posui refovenda cubili , condiderant oculos noxque soporque meos . cum mihi visus eram lato spatiarier agro , heu nequit ingenium visa referre meum . illic puniceâ radiabant omnia luce , ut matutino cum juga sole rubent . ac veluti cum pandit opes thaumantia proles , vestitu nituit multicolore solum . non dea tam variis ornavit floribus hortos alcinoi , zephyro chloris amata levi . flumina vernantes lambunt argentea campos , ditior hesperio flavet arena tago . serpit odoriferas per opes levis aura favoni , aura sub innumeris humida nata rosis . talis in extremis terrae gangetidis oris luciferi regis fingitur esse domus . ipse racemiferis dum densas vitibus umbras et pellucentes miror ubique locos , ecce mihi subito praesul wintonius astat , sydereum nitido sulsit in ore jubar ; vestis ad auratos defluxit candida talos , infula divinum cinxerat alba caput . dumque senex tali incedit venerandus amictu , intremuit laeto florea terra sono . agmina gemmatis plaudunt caelestia pennis , pura triumphali personat aethra tubâ . quisque novum amplexu comitem cantuque saluta● , hosque aliquis placido misit ab ore sonos ; nate veni , & patrii felix cape gaudia regni , semper ab hinc duro , nate , labore vaca . dixit , & aligerae tetigerunt nablia turmae , at mihi cum tenebris aurea pulsa quies . flebam turbatos cephaleiâ pellice somnos ; talia contingant somnia saepe mihi . elegia quarta . anno aetatis . ad thomam junium praeceptore● suum apud mercatores anglicos hamburgae agentes pastoris munere fungentem . curre per immensum subitò mea littera pontum ▪ i , pete teutonicos laeve per aequor agros , segnes rumpe moras , & nil , precor , obstet eunti , et festinantis nil remoreturiter . ipse ego sicanio fraenantem carcere ventos aeolon , & virides sollicitabo deos ; caeruleamque suis comitatam dorida nymphis , ut tibi dent placidam per sua regna v●am . at tu , si poteris , celeres tibi sume jugales , vecta quibus colchis fugit ab ore viri . aut queis triptolemus scythicas devenit in oras gratus eleusinâ missus ab urbe puer . atque ubi germanas flavere videbis arenas ditis ad hamburgae moenia flecte gradum , dicitur occiso quae ducere nomen ab hamâ , cimbrica quem fertur clava dedisse neci . vivit ibi antiquae clarus pieta tis honore praesul christicolas pascere doctus oves ; ille quidem est animae plusquam pars altera nostrae , dimidio vitae vivere cogor ego . hei mihi quot pelagi , quot montes interjecti me faciunt aliâ parte carere mei ! charior ille mihi quam tu doctissime graium cliniadi , pronepos qui telamonis erat . quámque stagirites generoso magnus alumno , quem peperit libyco chaonis alma jovi . qualis amyntorides , qualis philyrëius heros myrmidonum regi , talis & ille mihi . primus ego aonios illo praeeunte recessus lustrabam , & bifidi sacra vireta jugi , pieriosque hausi latices , clioque favente , castalio sparsi laeta ter ora mero . flammeus at signum ter viderat arietis aethon , jnduxitque auro lanea terga novo , bisque novo terram sparsisti chlori senilem gramine , bisque tuas abstulit auster opes : necdum ejus licuit mihi lumina pascere vultu , aut linguae dulces aure bibisse sonos . vade igitur , cursuque eurum praeverte sonorum , qu●m sit opus monitis res docet , ipsa vides . invenies dulci cum conjuge forte sedentem , mulcentem gremio pignora chara suo , forsitan aut veterum praelarga volumina patrum versantem , aut veri biblia sacra dei . caelestive animas saturantem rore tenellas , grande salutiferae religionis opus . utque solet , multam , sit dicere cura salutem , dicere quam decuit , si modo adesset , herum . haec quoque paulum oculos in humum defixa modestos , verba verecundo sis memor ore loqui : haec tibi , si teneris vacat inter praelia musis mittitab angliaco littore fida manus . accipe sinceram , quamvis sit sera , salutem fiat & hoc ipso gratior illa tibi . sera quidem , sed vera fuit , quam casta recepit ▪ icaris a lento penelopeia viro . ast ego quid volui manifestum tollere crimen , ipse quod ex omni parte levare nequit . arguitur tardus meritò , noxamque fatetur , et pudet officium deseruisse suum . tu modò da veniam fasso , veniamque roganti , crimina diminui , quae patuere , solent . non ferus in pavidos rictus diducit hiantes , vulnifico pronos nec rapit ungue leo . saepe farissiferi crudelia pectora thracis supplicis ad moestas delicuere preces . extensaeque manus avertunt fulminis ictus , placat & iratos hostia parva deos. jamque diu scripsisse tibi fuit impetus illi , neve mora ultra ducere passus amor . nam vaga fama refert , heu nuntia vera malorum ! in tibi finitimis bella tumere locis , teque tuàmque urbem truculento milite cingi , et jam saxonicos arma parasse duces . te circum latè campos populatur enyo , et sata carne virum jam cruor arva rigat . germanisque suum concessit thracia martem , illuc odrysios mars pater egit equos . perpetuóque comans jam deslorescit oliva , fugit & aerisonam diva perosa tubam , fugit io terris , & jam non ultima virgo creditur ad superas justa volasse domos . te tamen intereà belli circumsonat horror , vivis & ignoto solus inópsque solo ; et , tibi quam patrii non exhibuere penates sede peregrinâ quaeris egenus opem. patria dura parens , & saxis saevior albis spumea quae pulsat littoris unda tui , siccine te decet innocuos exponere faetus , siccine in externam ferrea cogis humum , et sinis ut terris quaerant alimenta remotis quos tibi prospiciens miserat ipse deus , et qui laeta ferunt de caelo nuntia , quique quae via post cineres ducat ad astra , docent ? digna quidem stygii● quae viva● clausa tenebris , aeternâque animae digna perire fame ! haud aliter va●es terrae thesbitidis olim pressit inassueto devia tesqua pede , desertasque arabum salebras , dum regis achabi effugit atque tuas , sidoni dira , manus . talis & horrisono laceratus membra flagello , paulus ab aemathiâ pellitur urbe cilix . piscosaeque ipsum gergessae civis jesu● finibus ingratus jussit abire suis . at tu sume animos , nec spes cadat anxia curis nec tua concutiat decolor ossa metus . sis eteni ● quamvis fulgentibus obsitus armis , intententque tibi millia tela necem , at nullis vel in●rme latus violabitur armis , deque tuo cuspis nullo cruore bibet . namque eris ipse dei radiante sub aegide tutus , ille tibi custos , & pugil ille tibi ; ille sion●●ae qui tot sub ●oenibus arcis assyrios f●●it nocte silente viros , inque fugam vertit quos in samaritidas oras misit ab antiquis prisca damascus agris , terruit & densas ●●vido cum rege cohortes , aere dum vacuo buccina clara sonat , cornea pulvereum dum verberat ungula campum , currus arenosam dum quatit actus humum , auditurque hinnitus equorum ad bella ruentúm , et strepitus ferri , murmuraque alta virûm . et tu ( quod superest miseris ) sperare memento , et tua magnanimo pectore vince mala . nec dubites quandoque frui melioribus annis , atque iterum patrios posse videre lares . elegia quinta , anno aetatis . in adventum veris . in se perpetuo tempus revolubile gyro jam revocat zephyros vere tepen●e novos . induiturque brevem tellus reparata juventam , jamque soluta gelu dulce virescit humus . fallor ? an & nobis redeunt in carmina vires , ingeniumque mihi munere veris adest ? munere veris adest , iterumque vigescit ab illo ( quis putet ) atque aliquod jam sibi poscit opus , castalis ante oculos , bifidumque cacumen oberrat . et mihi pyrenen somnia nocte ferunt . concitaque arcano fervent mihi pectora motu , et furor , & sonitus me sacer intùs agit . delius ipse venit , video penëide lauro implicitos crines , delius ipse venit . jam mihi mens liquidi raptatur in ardua coeli , perque vagas nubes corpore liber eo . perque umbras , perque antra feror penetralia vatum , et mihi fana patent interiora deûm . intuiturque animus toto quid agatur olympo , nec fugiunt oculos tartara caeca meos . quid tam grande sonat distento spiritus ore ? quid parit haec rabies , quid sacer iste furor ? ver mihi , quod dedit ingenium , cantab●tur illo ; profuerint isto reddita dona modo . jam philomela tuos foliis adoperta novellis instituis modulos , dum silet omne nemus . urbe ego , tu sylvâ simul incipiamus utrique ▪ et simul adventum veris uterque canat . veris io rediere vices , celebremus honores veris , & hoc subeat musa quotannis opus . jam sol aet iopas fugiens titnoniaque arva , flectit ad arctöas aurea lora plagas . est breve noctis iter , brevis est mora noctis opacae horrida cum tenebris exulat illa suis . jamque lycaonius plaustrum caeleste boötes non longâ sequitur fessus ut ante viâ , nunc etiam solitas circum jovis atria toto excubias agitant sydera rara polo . nam dolus & caedes , & vis cum nocte recessit , neve giganteum dii timuere scelus . forte aliquis scopuli recubans in vertice pastor , roscida cum primo sole rubescit humus , hac , ait ▪ hac certè caruisti nocte puellâ phoebe tuâ , celeres quae retineret equos . laeta suas repetit sylvas , pharetramque resumit cynthia , luciferas ut videtalta rotas , et tenues ponens radios gaudere videtur officium fieri tam breve fratris ope . desere , phoebus ait , thalamos aurora seniles , quid juvat effoeto procubuisse toro ? te manet aeolides viridi venator in herba , surge , tuos ignes altus hymettus habet . flava verecundo dea crimen in ore fatetur , et matutinos ocyus urget equos . exuit invisam tellus rediviva senectam , et cupit amplexus phoebe subire tuos ; et cupit , & digna est , quid enim formosius ill● , pandit ut omniferos luxuriosa sinus , atque arabum spirat messes , & ab ore venusto mitia cum paphiis fundit amoma rosis . ecce coronatur sacro frons ardua luco , cingit ut idaeam pinea turris opim ; et vario madidos intexit flore capillos , floribus & visa est posse placere suis . floribus effusos ut erat redimita capillos taenario placuit diva sicana deo. a●pice phoebe tibi faciles hortantur amores , mellitasque movent flamina verna preces . cinnameâ zephyrus leve plaudit odorifer alâ , blanditiasque tibi ferre videntur aves . nec sine dote tuos temeraria quaerit amores terra , nec optatos poscit egena toros , alma salutiferum medicos tibi gramen in usus praebet , & hinc titulos adjuvat ipsa tuos . quòd si te pretium , si te fulgentia tangunt munera , ( muneribus faepe coemptus amor ) illa tibi osten●●t quascunque sub aequore vasto ▪ et superinjectis montibus abdit opes . ah quoties cum tu ●livoso fessus olympo in vespertinas praecipitaris aquas , cur te , inquit , cursu languentem phoebe diurno hesperiis recipit caerula mater aquis ? quid tibi cum tethy ? quid cum tartesside lymphâ , dia quid immundo perluis ora salo ? frigora phoebe meâ melius captabis in umbrâ , huc ades , ardentes imbue rore comas . mollior egelidâ veniet tibi somnus in herbâ , huc ades , & gremio lumina pone meo . quáque jaces circum mulcebit lene susurrans aura per humentes corpora fusa rosas . nec me ( crede mihi ) terrent semeleia fata , nec phäetontéo fumidus axis equo ; cum tu phoebe tuo sapientius uteris igni , huc ades & gremio lumina pone meo . sic tellus lasciva suos suspirat amores ; matris in exemplum caetera turba ruunt . nunc etenim toto currit vagus orbe cupido , languentesque fovet solis ab igne faces . insonuere novis lethalia cornua nervis , triste micant ferro tela corusca novo . jamque vel invictam tentat superasse dianam , quaeque sedet sacro vesta pudica foco . ipsa senescentem reparat venus annua formam , atque iterum tepido creditur orta mari . marmoreas juvenes clamant hymenaee per urbes , littus io hymen , & cava saxa sonant . cultior ille venit tunicâque decentior aptâ , puniceum redolet vestis odora crocum . egrediturque frequens ad amoeni gaudia veris virgineas auro cincta puella sinus . votum est cuique suum , votum est tamen omnibus unum ▪ un sibi quem cupiat , det cytherea virum . nunc quoque septenâ modulatur arundine pastor , et sua quae jungat carmina phyllis habet . navita nocturno placat sua sydera cantu , delphinasque leves ad vada summa vocat . jupiter ipse alto cum conjuge ludit olympo , convocat & famulos ad sua festa deos. nunc etiam satyri cum sera crepuscula surgunt ▪ pervolitant celeri florea rura choro ; sylvanusque suâ cyparissi fronde revinctus , semicaperque deus , semideusque caper . quaeque sub arboribus dryades latuere vetustis per juga , per solos expatiantur agros . per sata luxuriat fruticetaque maenalius pan , vix cybele mater , vix sibi tuta ceres , atque aliquam cupidus praedatur oreada faunus ▪ consulit in trepidos dum sibi nympha pedes ▪ jamque latet , latitansque cupit male tecta videri ▪ et fugit , & fugiens pervelit ipsa capi . dii quoque non dubitant caelo praeponere sylvas , et sua quisque sibi numina lucus habet . et sua quisque diu sibi numina lucus habeto , nec vos arboreâ dii precor ite domo . te referant miseris te jupiter aurea terris saecla , quid ad nimbos aspera tela redis ? tu saltem lentè rapidos age phoebe jugales quà potes , & sensim tempora veris eant . brumaque productas tarde ferat hispida noctes , ingruat & nostro serior umbra polo . elegia sexta . ad carolum diodatum ruri commorantem . qui cum idibus decemb. scripsisset , & sua carmina excusari postulasset si solito minus essent bona , quòd inter lautitias quibus er at ab amic is exceptus , haud satis felicem operam musis dare se posse affirmabat , hunc habuit responsum . mitto tibi sanam non pleno ventre salutem ▪ quâ tu distento forte carere potes . at tua quid nostram prolectat musa camoenam , nec sinit optatas posse sequi tenebras ? carmine seire velis quàm te redamémque colámque ▪ crede mihi vix hoc carmine scire queas . nam neque noster amor modulis includitur arctis , nec venit ad claudos integer ipse pedes . quàm bene solennes epulas , hilaremque decembrim festaque coelifugam quae coluere deum , deliciasque refers , hyberni gaudia ruris , haustaque per lepidos gallica musta focos . quid quereris refugam vino dapibusque poesin ? carmen amat bacchum , carmina bacchus amat . nec puduit phoebum virides gestasse corymbos ▪ atque hederam lauro praeposuisse suae . saepius aoniis clamavit collibus euoe mista thyonêo turba novena choro . naso corallaeis mala carmina misit ab agris : non illic epulae non sata vitis erat . quid nisi vina , rosasque racemiferumque lyaeum cantavit brevibus tëia musa modis ▪ pindaricosque inflat numeros teumesius euan , et redolet sumptum pagina quaeque merum . dum gravis everso currus crepat axe supinus , etvolat eléo pulvere fu●cus eques . quadrimoque madens lyricen romanus jaccho dulce canit glyceran , flavicomamque chloen . jam quoque lauta tibi generoso mensa paratu , mentis alit vires , ingeniumque fovet . massica foecundam despumant pocula venam , fundis & ex ipso condita metra cado . addimus his artes , fusumque per intima phoebum corda , favent uni bacchus , apollo , ceres . scilicet haud mirum tam dulcia carmina per te numine composito tres peperisse deos. nunc quoque thressa tibi caelato barbitos auro insonat argutâ molliter icta manu ; auditurque chelys suspensa tapetia circum , virgineos tremulâ quae regat arte pedes . illa tuas saltem teneant spectacula musas , et revocent , quantum crapula pellit iners . crede mihi dum psallit ebur , comitataque plectrum implet odoratos festa chorea tholos , percipies tacitum per pectora serpere phoebum , quale repentinus permeat ossa calor , perque puellares oculos digitumque sonantem irruet in totos lapsa thalia sinus . namque elegia levis multorum cura deorum est , et vocat ad numeros quemlibet illa suos ; liber adest elegis , eratoque , ceresque , venusque ▪ et cum purpureâ matre tenellus amor . talibus inde licent convivia larga poetis , saepius & veteri commaduisse mero . at qui bella refert , & adulto sub jove caelum ▪ heroasque pios , semideosque duces , et nunc sancta canit superum consulta deorum ▪ nunc latrata fero regna profunda cane , ille quidem parcè samii pro more magistri vivat , & innocuos praebeat herba cibos ; stet prope fagineo pellucida lympha catillo , sobriaque è puro pocula fonte bibat . additur huic scelerisque vacans , & casta juventus , et rigidi mores , & sine labe manus . qualis veste nitens sacrâ , & lustralibus undis surgis ad infensos augur iture deos. hoc ritu vixisse ferunt post rapta sagacem lumina tiresian , ogygiumque linon , et lare devoto profugum calchanta , senemque orpheon edomitis sola per antra feris ; sic dapis exiguus , sic rivi potor homerus dulichium vexit per freta longa virum , et per monstrificam perseiae phoebados aulam , et vada foemineis insidiosa sonis , perque tuas rex ime domos , ubi sanguine nigro dicitur umbrarum detinuisse greges . diis etenim sacer est vates , divûmque sacerdos , spirat & occultum pectus , & ora jovern . at tu siquid agam , scitabere ( si modò saltem esse putas tanti noscere siquid agam ) paciferum canimus caelesti semine regem , faustaque sacratis saecula pacta libris , vagitumque dei , & stabulantem paupere tecto qui suprema suo cum patre regna colit . stelliparumque polum , modulantesque aethere turmas , et subitò elisos ad sua fana deos. dona quidem dedimus christi natalibus illa , illa sub auroram lux mihi prima tulit . te quoque pressa manent patriis meditata cicutis ▪ tu mihi , cui recitem , judicis instar eris . elegia septima , anno aetatis undevigesimo . nondum blanda tuas leges amathusia nor●m ▪ et paphio vacuum pectus ab igne suit , saepe cupidineas , puerilia tela , sagittas , atque tuum sprevi maxime , numen , amor ▪ tu puer imbelles dixi transfige columbas ▪ conveniunt tenero mollia bella duci . aut de passeribus tumidos age , parve , triumphos , haec sunt militiae digna trophaea tuae . in genus humanum quid inania dirigis arma ? non valet in fortes ista pharetra viros . non tulit hoc cyprius , ( neque enim deus ullus ad iras promptior ) & duplici jam ferus igne calet . ver erat , & summae radians per culmina villae attulerat primam lux tibi maie diem : at mihi adhuc refugam quaerebant lumina noctem nec matutinum sustinuere jubar . astat amor lecto , pictis amor impiger alis , prodidit astantem mota pharetra deum : prodidit & facies , & dulce minantis ocelli , et quicquid puero , dignum & amore fuit . talis in aererno juvenis sigeius olympo miscet amatori pocula plena jovi ▪ aut qui formosas pellexit ad oscula nymphas thiodamantaeus naiade raptus hylas ; addideratque iras , sed & has decuisse putares , addideratque truces , nec sine felle minas . et miser exemplo sapuisses tutiùs , inquit , nunc mea quid possit dextera testis eris . inter & expertos vires numerabere nostras , et faciam vero per tua damna fidem . ipse ego si nescis strato pythone superbum edomui phoebum , cessit & ille mihi ; et quoties meminit peneidos , ipse fatetur certiùs & graviùs tela nocere mea . me nequit adductum curvare peritiùs arcum , qui post terga solet vincere parthus eques . cydoniusque mihi cedit venator , & ille inscius uxori qui necis author erat . est etiam nobis ingens quoque victus orion , herculeaeque manus , herculeusque comes . jupiter ipse licet sua fulmina torqueat in me , haerebuntlateri spicula nostra jovis . caetera quae dubitas meliùs mea tela docebunt , et tua non leviter corda petenda mihi . nec te stulte tuae poterunt defendere musae , nec tibi phoebaeus porriget anguis opem. dixit , & aurato quatiens mucrone sagittam , evolat in tepidos cypridos ille sinus . at mihi risuro tonuit ferus ore minaci , et mihi de puero non metus ullus erat . et modò qu● nostri spatiantur in urbe quirites et modò villarum proxima rura placent . turba frequens , faciéque simillima turba dearum splendida per medias itque reditque vias . auctaqueluce dies gemino fulgore coruscat , fallor ? an & radios hinc quoque phoebus habet . haec ego non fugi spectacula grata severus , impetus & quò me fert juvenilis , agor . lumina luminibus malè providus obvia misi , neve oculos potui continuisse meos . unam forte aliis supereminuisse notabam , principium nostri lux erat illa mali . sic venus optaret mortalibus ipsa videri , sic regina deûm conspicienda fuit . hanc memor objecit nobis malus ille cupido , solus & hos nobis texuit antè dolos . nec procul ipse vafer iatuit , multaeque sagittae , et facis a tergo grande pependit onus . nec mora , nunc ciliis haesit , nunc virginis ori , insilit hinc labiis , insidet inde genis : et quascunque agilis partes jaculator oberrat , hei mihi , mille locis pectus inerme ferit . protinus insoliti subierunt corda furores , uror amans intùs , flammaque totus eram . interea misero quae jam mihi sola placebat , ablata est oculis non reditura meis . ast ego progredior tacitè querebundus , & excors , et dubius volui saepe referre pedem . findor , & haec remanet , sequitur pars altera votum , raptaque tàm subitò gaudia flere juvat . sic dolet amissum proles junonia coelum , inter lemniacos praecipitata focos . talis & abreptum solem respexit , ad orcum vectus ab attonitis amphiaraus equis . quid faciam infelix , & luctu victus , amores neclicet inceptos ponere , neve sequi . o utinam spectare semel mihi detur amatos vultus , & coràm tristia verba loqui ; forsitan & duro non est adamante creata , forte nec ad nostras surdeat illa preces . crede mihi nullus sic infeliciter arsit , ponar in exemplo primus & unus ego . parce precor teneri cum sis deus ales amoris , pugnent officio nec tua facta tuo . jam tuus o certè est mihi formidabilis arcus , nate deâ , jaculis nec minus igne potens : et tua fumabunt nostris altaria donis , solus & in superis tu mihi summus eris . deme meos tandem , verùm nec deme furores , nescio cur , miser est suaviter omnis amans : tu modo da facilis , posthaec mea siqua futura est ▪ cuspis amaturos figat ut una duos . haec ego mente olim laevâ , studioque supino nequitiae posui vana trophaea meae . scilicet abreptum sic me malus impulit error , indocilisque aetas prava magistra fuit . donec socraticos umbrosa academia rivos praebuit , admissum dedocuitque jugum . protinus extinctis ex illo tempore flammis , cincta rigent multo pectora nostra gelu . unde suis frigus metuit puer ipse sagittis , et diomedéam vim timet ipsa venus ▪ in proditionem bombardicam . cum simul in regem nuper satrapasque britannos ausus es infandum perfide fauxe nefas , fallor ? an & mitis voluisti ex parte videri , et pensare malâ cum pietate scelus ; scilicet hos alti missurus ad atria caeli , sulphureo curru flammivolisque rotis . qualiter ille feris caput inviolabile parcis liquit jordanios turbine raptus agros . in eandem . siccine tentasti caelo donâsse jacobum quae septemgemino bellua monte late 's ? ni meliora tuum poterit dare munera numen , parce precor donis insidiosa tuis . ille quidem sine te consortia serus adivit astra , nec inferni pulveris usus ope . sic potiùs foedos in caelum pelle cucullos , et quot habet brutos roma profana deos , namque hac aut aliâ nisi quemque adjuveris arte , crede mihi caeli vix bene scandet iter . in eandem . purgatorem animae derisit jacobus ignem , et sine quo superûm non adeunda domus . frenduit hoc trinâ monstrum latiale coronâ movit & horrificùm cornua dena minax . et nec inultus ait temnes mea sacra britanne , supplicium spretá relligione dabis . et si stelligeras unquam penetraveris arces , non nisi per flammas triste patebit iter . o quàm funesto cecinisti proxima vero , verbaque ponderibus vix caritura suis ! nam prope tartareo sublime rotatus ab igni ibat ad aethereas umbra perusta plagas . in eandem . quem modò roma suis devoverat impia diris . et styge damnarât taenarioque sinu , hunc vice mutatâ jam tollere gestit ad astra , et cupit ad superos evehere usque deos. in inventorem bombardae . japetionidem laudavit caeca vetustas , qui tulit aetheream solis ab axe facem ; at mihi major erit , qui lurida creditur arma , et trifidum fulmen surripuisse jovi . ad leonoram romae canentem . angelus unicuique suus ( sic credite gentes ) obtigit aethereis ales ab ordinibus . quid mirum ? leonora tibi si gloria major , nam tua praesentem vox sonat ipsa deum . aut deus , aut vacui certè mens tertia coeli per tua secretò guttura serpit agens ; serpit agens , facilisque docet mortalia corda sensim immortali assuescere posse sono . quòd si cuncta quidem deus est , per cunctaque fusus , in te unâ loquitur , caetera mutus habet . ad eandem . altera torquatum cepit leonora poëtam , cujus ab insano cessit amore furens . ah miser ille tuo quantò feliciùs aevo perditus , & propter te leonora foret ! et te pieriâ sensisset voce canentem aurea maternae fila movere lyrae , quamvis dircaeo torsisset lumina pentheo saevior , aut totus desipuiiset iners ▪ tu tamen errantes caecâ vertigine sensus voce eadem poteras composuisse tuâ ; et poteras aegro spirans sub corde quietem flexanimo cantu restituisse sibi . ad eandem . credula quid liquidam sirena neapoli jactas , claraque parthenopes fana achelöiados , littoreamque tuâ defunctam naiada ripâ corpora chalcidico sacra dedisse rogo ? illa quidem vivitque , & amoenâ tibridis und● mutavit rauci murmura pausilipi . illic romulidûm studiis ornata secundis , atque homines cantu detinet atque deos. elegiarum finis . sylvarum liber . anno aetatis . in obitum procancellarii medioi . parére fati discite legibus , manusque parcae jam date supplices , qui pendulum telluris orbem japeti colitis nepotes . vos si relicto mors vaga taenaro semel vocârit flebilis , heu morae tentantur incassùm dolique ; per tenebras stygis ire certum est . si destinatam pellere dextera mortem valeret , non ferus hercules nessi venenatus cruore aemathiâ jacuisset oetâ. nec fraude turpi palladis invidae vidisset occisum ilion hectora , aut quem larva pelidis peremit ense locro , jove lacrymante ▪ si triste fatum verba hecatëia fugare possint , telegoni parens vixisset infamis , potentique aegiali soror usa virgâ . numenque trinum fallere si queant artes medentûm , ignotaque gramina , non gnarus herbarum machaon eurypyli cecidisset hastâ . laesisset & nec te philyreie sa●itta echidnae perlita sanguine , nec tela te fulmenque avitum caese puer genitricis alvo . tuque o alumno major apolline , gentis togatae cui regimen datum , frondosa quem nunc cirrha luget ▪ et mediis helicon in undis , ●am praefuisses palladio gregi laetus , superstes , nec sine gloria , nec puppe lustrasses charontis horribiles barathri recessus ▪ at fila rupit persephone tua ●ata , cum te viderit artibus succoque pollenti tot atris faucibus eripuisse mortis . colende praeses , membra precor tua molli quiescant cespite , & ex tuo crescant rosae , calthaeque busto , purpureoque hyacinthus ore . sit mite de te judicium aeaci , subrideatque aetnaea proserpina , interque felices perennis elysio spatiere campo . in quintum novembris , anno aetatis . jam pius extremâ veniens jâcobus ab arcto teucrigenas populos , latéque patentia regna albionum tenuit , jamque inviolabile foedus sceptra caledoniis conjunxerat anglica scotis : pacificusque novo felix divesque sedebat in solio , occultique doli securus & hostis : cum ferus ignifluo regnans acheronte tyrannus , eumenidum pater , aethereo vagus exul olympo , forte per immensum terrarum erraverat orbem , dinumerans sceleris socios , vernasque fideles , participes regni post funera moesta futuros ; hic tempestates medio ciet aëre ditas , illic unanimes odium struit inter amicos , armat & invictas in mutua viscera gentes ; regnaque olivifera vertit florentia pace , et quoscunque videt purae virtutis amantes , hos cupit adjicere imperio , fraudumque magister tentat inaccessum sceleri corrumpere pectus , insidiasque locat tacitas , cassesque latentes tendit , ut incautos rapiat , seu caspia tigris insequitur trepidam deserta per avia praedam nocte sub illuni , & somno nictantibus astris . talibus infestat populos summanus & urbes cinctus caeruleae fumanti turbine flammae . jamque fluentisonis albentia rupibus arva apparent , & terra deo dilecta marino , cui nomen dederat quondam neptunia proles amphitryoniaden qui non dubitavit atrocem aequore tranato furiali poscere bello , ante expugnatae crudelia saecula troiae . at simul hanc opibusque & festâ pace beatam aspicit , & pingues donis cerealibus agros , quodque magis doluit , venerantem numina veri sancta dei populum , tandem suspiria rupit tartareos ignes & luridum olentia sulphur . qualia trinacriâ trux ab jove clausus in aetna efflat tabifico monstrosus ab ore tiphoeus . ignescunt oculi , stridetque adamantinus ordo dentis , ut armorum fragor , ictaque cuspide cuspis . atque pererrato solum hoc lacrymabile mundo inveni , dixit , gens haec mihi sola rebellis , contemtrixque jugi , nostrâque potentior arte . illa tamen , mea si quicquam tentamina possunt , non feret hoc impune diu , non ibit inulta , hactenus ; & piceis liquido natat aëre pennis ; qu● volat , adversi praecursant agmine venti , densantur nubes , & crebra tonitrua fulgent . jamque pruinosas velox superaverat alpes , et tenet ausoniae fines , à parte sinistrâ nimbifer appenninus erat , priscique sabini , dextra veneficiis infamis hetruria , nec non te furtiva tibris thetidi videt oscula dantem ; hinc mavortigenae consistit in arce quirini . reddiderant dubiam jam sera crepuscula lucem , cum circumgreditur totam tricoronifer urbem , panificosque deos portat , scapulisque virorum evehitur , praeeunt summisso poplite reges , et mendicantum series longissima fratrum ; cereaque in manibus gestant funalia caeci , cimmeriis nati in tenebris , vitamque t●ahentes , templa dein multis subeunt lucentia taedis ( vesper erat sacer iste petro ) fremitúsque canentum saepe tholos implet vacuos , & inane locorum . qualiter exululat bromius , bromiique caterva , orgia cantantes in echionio ara cyntho , dum tremit attonitus vitreis asopus in undis , et procul ipse cavâ responsat rupe cithaeron . his igitur tandem solenni more peractis , nox senis amplexus erebi taciturna reliquit , praecipitesque impellit equos stimulante flagello , captum oculis typhlonta , melanchaetemque ferocem , atque acherontaeo prognatam patre siopen torpidam , & hirsutis horrentem phrica capillis . interea regum domitor , phlegetontius haeres ingreditur thalamos ( neque enim secretus adulter producit steriles molli sine pellice noctes ) at vix compositos somnus claudebat ocellos , cum niger umbrarum dominus , rectorque silentum , praedatorque hominum falsâ sub imagine tectus astitit , assumptis micuerunt tempora canis , barba sinus promissa tegit , cineracea longo syrmate verrit humum vestis , pendetque cucullus vertice de raso , & ne quicquam desit ad artes , cannabeo lumbos constrinxit fune salaces , tarda fenestratis figens vestigia calceis . talis , uti fama est , ●astâ franciscus eremo tetra vagabatur solus per lustra ferarum , sylvestrique tulit genti pia verba salutis impius , atque lupos domuit , lybicosque leones . subdolus at tali serpens velatus amictu solvit in has fallax ora execrantia voces ; dormis nate ? etiamne tuos sopor opprimit artus immemor o fidei , pecorumque oblite tuorum , dum cathedram venerande tuam , diademaque triplex ridet hyperboreo gens barbara nata sub axe , dumque pharetrati spernunt tua jura britanni ; surge , age , surge piger , latius quem caesar adorat , cui reserata patet convexi janua caeli , turgentes animos , & fastus frange procaces , sacrilegique sciant , tua quid maledictio possit , et quid apostolicae possit custodia clavis ; et memor hesperiae disjectam ulciscere classem , mersaque iberorum lato vexilla profundo , sanctorumque cruci tot corpora fixa probrosae , thermodoontéa nuper regnante puella . at tu si tenero mavis torpescere lecto crescentesque negas hosti contundere vires , tyrrhenum implebit numeroso milite pontum , signaque aventino ponet fulgentia colle : relliquias veterum franget , flammisque cremabit , sacraque calcabit pedibus tua colla profanis , cujus gaudebant soleis dare basia reges . nec tamen hunc bellis & aperto marte iacesses ▪ irritus ille labor , tu callidus utere fraude , quaelibet haereticis disponere retia fas est ; jamque ad consilium extremis rex magnus ab oris patricios vocat , & procerum de stirpe creatos , grandaevosque patres trabeâ , canisque verendos ; hos tu membratim poteris conspergere in auras , atque dare in cineres , nitrati pulveris igne aedibus injecto , quà convenere , sub imis . protinus ipse igitur quoscumque habet anglia fido● propositi , factique mone , quisquámne tuorum audebit summi non jussa facessere papae . perculsosque metu subito , casúque stupentes invadat vel gallus atrox , vel saevus iberus . saecula sic illic tandem mariana redibunt , tuque in belligeros iterum dominaberis anglos . et nequid timeas , divos divasque secundas accipe , quotque tuis celebrantur numina fastis ▪ dixit & adscitos ponens malefidus amictus fugit ad infandam , reguum illaetabile , leth●n . jam rosea eoas pandens tithonia portas vestit inauratas redeunti lumine terras ; maestaque adhuc nigri deplorans funera nati irrigat ambrosiis montana cacumina guttis ▪ cum somnos pepulit stellatae janitor aulae nocturnos visus , & somnia grata revolvens . est locus aeternâ septus caligine noctis vasta ruinosi quondam fundamina tecti , nunc torvi spelunca phoni , prodotaeque bilinguis effera quos uno peperit discordia partu . hic inter caementa jacent semifractaque saxa , ossa inhumata virûm , & trajecta cadavera ferro ; hic dolus intortis semper sedetater ocellis , jurgiaque , & stimulis armata calumnia fauces , et furor , atque viae moriendi mille videntur ▪ et timor , exanguisque locum circumvolat horror , perpetuoque leves per muta silentia manes exululant , tellus & sanguine conscia stagnat . ipsi etiam pavidi latitant penetralibus antri et phonos , & prodotes , nulloque sequente per antrum antrum horrens , scopulosum , atrum feralibus umbris diffugi●nt sontes , & retrò lumina vortunt , hos pugiles romae per saecula longa fideles evocat antistes babylonius , atque ita fatur . finibus occiduis circumfusum incolit aequor gens exosa mihi , prudens natura negavit indignam penitùs nostro conjungere mundo ; illuc ▪ sic jubeo , celeri contendite gressu , tartareoque leves difflentur pulvere in auras et rex & pariter satrapae , scelerata propago et quotquot fidei caluere cupidine verae consilii socios adhibete , operisque ministros . finierat , rigidi cupidè paruere gemelli . interea longo flectens curvamine caelos despicit aethere â dominus qui fulg●rat arce , vanaque perversae ridet conamina turbae , atque sui causam populi volet ipse tueri . esse ferunt spatium , quà distat ab aside terra fertilis europe , & spectat mareotidas undas ; hic turris posita est titanidos ardua famae aerea , lata , sonans , rutilis vicinior astris quàm superimpositum vel athos vel pelion ossae mille fores aditusque patent , totidemque fenestrae , amplaque per tenues translucent atria muros ; excitat hic varios plebs agglomerata susurros ; qualiter instrepitant circum mulctralia bombis agmina muscarum , aut texto per ovilia junco , dum canis aestivum coeli petit ardua culmen ipsa quidem summâ sedet ultrix matris in arce , auribus innumeris cinctum caput eminet olli , queis sonitum exiguum trahit , atque levissima capta● murmura , ab extremis patuli confinibus orbis . nec tot aristoride servator inique juvencae isidos , immiti volvebas lumina vultu , lumina non unquam tacito nutantia somno , lumina subjectas late spectantia terras . istis illa solet loca luce carentia saepe perlustrare , etiam radianti impervia soli . millenisque loquax auditaque visaque linguis cuilibet effundit temeraria , veráque mendax nunc minuit , modò confictis sermonibus auget . sed tamen a nostro meruisti carmine laudes fama , bonum quo non aliud veracius ullum , nobis digna cani , nec te memorasse pigebit carmine tam longo , servati scilicet angli officiis vaga diva tuis , tibi reddimus aequa . te deus aeternos motu qui temperat ignes , fulmine praemisso alloquitur , terrâque tremente : fama files ? an te latet impia papistarum conjurata cohors in meque meosque britannos , et nova sceptrigero caedes meditata jacobo : nec plura , illa statim sensit mandata tonantis , et satis antè fugax stridentes induit alas , induit & variis exilia corpora plumis ; dextra tubam gestat temesaeo ex aere sonoram . nec mora jam pennis cedentes remigat auras , atque parum est curfu celeres praevertere nubes , jam ventos , jam solis equos post terga reliquit : et primò angliacas solito de more per urbes ambiguas voces , incertaque murmura spargit , mox arguta dolos , & detestabile vulgat proditionis opus , nec non facta horrida dictu , authoresque addit sceleris , nec garrula caecis insidiis loca structa silet ; stupuere relatis , et pariter juvenes , pariter tremuere puellae ▪ effaetique senes pariter , tantaeque ruinae sensus ad aetatem subitò penetraverat omnem attamen interea populi miserescit ab alto aethereus pater , & crudelibus obstitit ausis papicolûm ; capti poenas raptantur ad acres ; at pia thura deo , & grati solvuntur honores ; compita laeta focis genialibus omnia fumant , turba choros juvenilis agit : quintoque novembris nulla dies toto occurrit celebratior anno . anno aetatis . in obitum praesulis eliensis . adhuc madentes rore squalebant genae , et sicca nondum lumina adhuc liquentis imbre turgebant salis , quem nuper effudi pius , dum maesta charo justa persolvi rogo wintoniensis praesulis . cum centilinguis fama ( proh semper mali cladisque vera nuntia ) spargit per urbes divitis britanniae , populosque neptuno satos , cessisse morti , & ferreis sororibus te generis humani decus , qui rex sacrorum illâ fuisti in insulâ quae nomen anguillae tenet . tunc inquietum pectus irá protinus ebulliebat fervidâ , tumulis potentem saepe devovens deam : nec vota naso in ibida concepit alto diriora pectore , graiusque vates parciùs turpem lycambis execratus est dolum ▪ sponsamqne neobolen suam . at ecce diras ipse dum fundo graves , et imprecor neci necem , audisse tales videor attonitus sonos leni , sub aurâ , flamine : caecos furores pone , pone vitream bilemque & irritas minas , quid temerè violas non nocenda numina , subitoque ad iras percita . non est , ut arbitraris elusus miser , mors atra noctis filia , erebóve patre creta , sive erinnye , vastóve nata sub chao : ast illa caelo missa stellato , dei messes ubique colligit ; animasque mole carneâ reconditas in lucem & auras evocat : ut cum fugaces excitant horae diem themidos jovisque filiae ; et sempiterni ducit ad vultus patris ; at justa raptat impios sub regna furvi luctuosa tartari , sedesque subterraneas hane ut vocantem laetus audivi , cito foedum reliqui carcerem , volatilesque faustus inter milites ad astra sublimis feror : vates ut olim raptus ad coelum senex auriga currus ignei , non me boötis terruere lucidi sarraca tarda frigore , aut formidolosi scorpionis brachia , non ensis orion tuus . praetervolavi fulgidi solis globum , longéque sub pedibus deam vidi triformem , dum coercebat suos fraenis dracones aureis . erraticorum syderum per ordines , per lacteas vehor plagas , velocitatem saepe miratus novam , donec nitentes ad fores ventum est olympi , & regiam crystallinam , & stratum smaragdis atrium . sed hic tacebo , nam quis effari queat oriundus humano patre amoenitates illius loci , mihi sat est in aeternum frui . naturam non pati senium . heu qu●m perpetuis erroribus acta fatiscit avia mens hominum , tenebrisque immersa profundis oedipodioniam volvit sub pectore noctem ! quae vesana suis metiri facta deorum audet , & incisas leges adamante perenni assimilare suis , nulloque solubile saeclo consilum fati perituris alligat horis . ergóne marcescet sulcantibus obsita rugis naturae facies , & rerum publica mater omniparum contracta uterum sterilescet ab aevo ? et se fassa senem malè certis passibus ibit sidereum tremebunda caput ? num tetra vetustas annorumque aeterna fames , squalorque situsque sidera vexabunt ? an & insatiabile tempus esuriet caelum , rapietque in viscera patrem ? heu , potuitne suas imprudens jupiter arces hoc contra munisse nefas , & temporis isto exemisse malo , gyrosque dedisse perennes ? ergo erit ut quandoque sono dilapsa tremendo convexi tabulata ruant , atque obvius ictu stridat uterque polus , superâque ut olympius aulâ decidat , horribilisque retectâ gorgone pallas . qualis in aegaeam proles junonia lemnon deturbata sacro cecidit de limine caeli . tu quoque phoebe tui casus imitabere nati praecipiti curru , subitáque ferere ruinâ pronus , & extinctâ fumabit lampade nereus , et dabit attonito feralia sibila ponto . tune etiam aërei divulsis sedibus haemi dissultabit apex , imoque allisa barathro terrebunt stygium dejecta ceraunia ditem in superos quibus usus erat , fraternaque bell● . at pater omnipotens fundatis fortius astris consuluit rerum summae , certoque peregit pondere fatorum lances , atque ordine summo singula perpetuum jussit servare tenorem . volvitur hinc lapsu mundi rota prima diurno ; raptat , & ambitos sociâ vertigine caelos . tardior haud solito saturnus , & acer ut olim fulmineùm rutilat cristatâ casside mavors . floridus aeternùm phoebus juvenile coruscat ▪ nec fovet effoetas loca per declivia terras devexo temone deus ; sed semper amicá luce potens eadem currit per signa rotarum ▪ surgit odoratis pariter sormosus ab indis aethereum pecus albenti qui cogit olympo mane vocans , & serus agens in pascua caeli , temporis & gemino dispertit regna colore . fulget , obitque vices alterno delia cornu , caeruleumque ignem paribus complectitur ulnis . nec variant elementa fidem , solitóque fragore lurida perculsas jaculantur fulmina rupes . nec per inane furit leviori murmure corus , stringit & armiferos aequali horrore gelonos trux aquilo , spiratque hyemem , nimbosque volutat . utque solet , siculi diverberat ima pelori rex maris , & raucâ circumstrepit aequora conchâ oceani tubicen , nec vastâ mole minorem aegaeona ferunt dorso balearica cete . sed neque terra tibi saecli vigor ille vetusti priscus abest , servatque suum narcissus odorem ▪ et puer ille suum tenet & puer ille decorem phoebe tuusque & cypri tuus , nec ditior olim terra datum sceleri celavit montibus aurum conscia , velsub aquis gemmas . sic denique in aevum ibit cunctarum series justissima rerum , donec flamma orbem populabitur ultima , latè circumplexa polos , & vasti culmina caeli ; ingentique rogo flagrabit machina mundi . de idea platonica quemadmodum aristoteles intellexit . dicite sacrorum praesides nemorum deae , tuque o noveni perbeata numinis memoria mater , quaeque in immenso procul antro recumbis otiosa aeternitas , monumenta servans , & ratas leges jovis , caelique fastos atque ephemeridas deûm , quis ille primus cujus ex imagine natura sollers finxit humanum genus , aeternus , incorruptus , aequaevus polo , unusque & universus , exemplar dei ? haud ille palladis gemellus innub ae interna proles insidet menti jovis ; sed quamlibet natura sit communior , tamen seorsùs extat ad morem unius , et , mira , certo stringitur spatio loci ; seu sempiternus ille syderum comes caeli pererrat ordines decemplicis , citimúmve terris incolit lunae globum : sive inter animas corpus adituras fedens obliviosas torpet ad lethes aquas : sive in remot● forte terrarum plagâ incedit ingens hominis archetypus gigas , et diis tremendus erigit celsum caput at●ante major portitore syderum . non cui profundum caecitas lumen dedit dircaeus augur vidit hunc alto sinu ; non hunc silenti nocte pleiones nepos vatum sagaci praepes ostendit choro ; non hunc sacerdos novit assyrius , licet longos vetusti commemoret atavos nini , priscumque belon , inclytumque osiridem . non ille trino gloriosus nomine ter magnus hermes ( ut sit arcani sciens ) talem reliquit isidis cultoribus . at tu perenne ruris academi decus ( haec monstra si tu primus induxti scholis ) jam jam pöetas urbis exules tuae revocabis , ipse fabulator maximus , aut institutor ipse migrabis foras . ad patrem . nunc mea pierios cupiam per pectora fontes irriguas torquere vias , totumque per ora volvere laxatum gemino de vertice rivum ; ut tenues oblita sonos audacibus alis surgat in offlcium venerandi musa parentis . hoc utcunque tibi gratum pater optime carmen exiguum meditatur opus , nec novimus ipsi aptiùs à nobis quae possint munera donis respondere tuis , quamvis nec maxima possint respondere tuis , nedum ut par gratia donis esse queat , vacuis quae redditur arida verbis . sed tamen haec nostros ostendit pagina census , et quod habemus opum chartâ numeravimus ist● quae mihi sunt nullae , nisi quas dedit aurea clio quas mihi semoto somni peperere sub antro , et nemoris laureta sacri parnassides umbrae . nec tu vatis opus divinum despice carmen , quo nihil aethereos ortus , & semina caeli , nil magis humanam commendat origine mentem , sancta promethéae retinens vestigia flammae . carmen amant superi , tremebundaque tartara carmen ima ciere valet , divosque ligare profundos , et triplici duros manes adamante coercet . carmine sepositi retegunt arcana futuri phoebades , & tremulae pallentes ora sibyllae ; carmina sacrificus sollennes pangit ad aras aurea seu sternit motantem cornua taurum ; seu cùm fata sagax fumantibus abdita fibris consulit , & tepidis parcam scrutatur in extis . nos etiam patrium tunc cum repetemus olympum , aeternaeque morae stabunt immobilis aevi , ibimus auratis per caeli templa coronis , dulcia suaviloquo fociantes carmina plectro , astra quibus , geminique poli convexa sonabunt . spiritus & rapidos qui circinat igneus orbes . nunc quoque sydereis intercinit ipse choreis immortale melos , & inenarrabile carmen ; torrida dum rutilus compescit sibila serpens , demissoque ferox gladio mansuescit orion ; stellarum nec sentit onus maurusius atlas . carmina regales epulas ornare solebant , cum nondum luxus , vastaeque immensa vorago nota gulae , & modico spumabat coena lyaeo . tum de more sedens festa ad convivia vates aesculeâ intonsos redimitus ab arbore crines , heroumque actus , imitandaque gesta canebat , et chaos , & positi latè fundamina mundi , reptantesque deos , & alentes numina glandes , et nondum aetnaeo quaesitum fulmen ab antro . denique quid vocis modulamen inane juvabi● , verborum sensusque vacans , numerique loquacis ? silvestres decet iste choros , non orphea cantus , qui tenuit fluvios & quercubus addidit aures carmine , non citharâ , simulachraque functa canendo compulit in lacrymas ; habet has à carmine laudes . nec tu perge precor sacras contemnere musas , nec vanas inopesque puta , quarum ipse peritus munere , mille sonos numeros componis ad aptos , millibus & vocem modulis variare canoram doctus , arionii meritò sis nominis haeres . nunc tibi quid mirum , si me genuisse poëtam contigerit , charo si tam propè sanguine juncti cognatas artes , studiumque affine sequamur : ipse volens phoebus se dispertire duobus , altera dona mihi , dedit altera dona parenti , dividuumque deum genitorque puerque tenemus . tu tamen ut simules teneras odisse camoenas , non odisse reor , neque enim , pater , ire jubebas quà via lata patet , quà pronior area lucri , certaque condendi fulget spes aurea nummi : nec rapis ad leges , malè custoditaque gentis jura , nec insulsis damnas clamoribus aures . sed magis excultam cupiens ditescere mentem ▪ me procul urbano strepitu , secessibus altis abductum aoniae jucunda per otia ripae phoebaeo lateri comitem finis ire beatum . officium chari taceo commune parentis , me poscunt majora , tuo pater optime sumptu cùm mihi romuleae patuit facundia linguae , et latii veneres , & quae jovis ora decebant grandia magniloquis elata vocabula graiis , addere suasisti quos jactat gallia flores , et quam degeneri novus italus ore loquelam fundit , barbaricos testatus voce tumultus , quaeque palaestinus loquitur mysteria vate ▪ denique quicquid habet caelum , subjectaque coelo terra parens , terraeque & coelo interfluus aer , quicquid & unda tegir , pontique agitabile marmor , per te nosse licet , per te , si nosse libebit . dimotàque venit spectanda scientia nube , nudaque conspicuos inclinat ad oscula vultus ▪ ni fugisse velim , ni sit libâsse molestum . i nunc , confer opes quisquis malesanus avita● austriaci gazas , perüanaque regna praeoptas . quae potuit majora pater tribuisse , vel ipfe jupiter , excepto , donâsset ut omnia , coelo ? non potiora dedit , quamvis & tuta fuissent , publica qui juveni commisit lumina nato atque hyperionios currus , & fraena diei ▪ et circùm undantem radiatâ luce tiaram . ergo ego jam doctae pars quamlibet ima catervae victrices hederas inter , laurosque sedebo , jamque nec obscurus populo miscebor inerti , vitabuntque oculos vestigia nostra profanos . este procul vigiles curae , procul este querelae , invidiaeque acies transverso tortilis hirquo , saeva nec anguiferos extende calumnia rictus ; in me triste nihil faedissima turba potestis , nec vestri sum juris ego ; securaque tutus pectora , vipereo gradiar sublimis ab ictu . at tibi , chare pater , postquam non aequa merenti posse referre datur , nec dona rependere factis , sit memorâsse satis , repetitaque munera grato percensere animo , fidaeque reponere menti . et vos , o nostri , juvenilia carmina , lusus , si modo perpetuos sperare audebitis annos , et domini superesse rogo , lucemque tueri , nec spisso rapient oblivia nigra sub orco , forsitan has laudes , decantatumque parentis nomen , ad exemplum , sero servabitis aevo . psalm . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ philosophus ad regem quendam qui eum ignotum & insontem inter rees forte captum inscius damnaverat , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} haec subito misit . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ad salsillum poetam romanum aegrotantem . scazontes . o musa gressum quae volens trahis claudum . vulcanioque tarda gaudes incessu , nec sentis illud in loco minus gratum , quàm cùm decentes flava dëiope suras alternat aureum ante junonis lectum . adesdum & haec s'is verba pauca salsillo refer , camoena nostra cui tantum est cordi , quamque ille magnis praetulit immeritò divis . haec ergo alumnus ille londini milto , diebus hisce qui suum linquens nidum polique tractum , ( pessimus ubi ventorum , insanientis impotensque pulmonis pernix anhela sub jove exercet flabra ) venit feraces itali soli ad glebas , visum superbâ cognitas urbes famâ virosque doctaeque indolem juventutis , tibi optat idem hic fausta multa salsille , habitumque fesso corpori penitùs sanum ; cui nunc profunda bilis infestat renes , praecordiisque fixa damnosùm spirat . nec id pepercit impia quòd tu romano tam cultus ore lesbium condis melos . o dulce divûm munus , osalus hebes germana ! tuque phoebe morborum terror pythone caeso , sive tu magis paean libenter audis , hic tuus sacerdos est . querceta fauni , vosque rore vinoso colles benigni , mitis euandri sedes , siquid salubre vallibus frondet vestris , levamen aegro ferte certatim vati . sic ille charis redditus rursùm musis vicina dulci prata mulcebit cantu . ipse inter atros emirabitur lucos numa , ubi beatum degit otium aeternum , suam reclivis semper aegeriam spectans . tumidusque & ipse tibris hinc delinitus spei favebit annuae colonorum : nec in sepulchris ibit obsessum reges nimiùm sinistro laxus irruens loro : sed fraena melius temperabit undarum , adusque curvi salsa regna portumni . mansus . joannes baptista mansus marchio villensis vir ingenii laude , tum literarum studio , nec non & bellicâ virtute apud italos clarus in primis est . ad quem torquati tassi dialogus extat de amicitiâ scriptus ; erat enim tassi amicissimus ; ab quo etiam inter campaniae principes celebratur , in illo poemate cui titulus gerusalemme conquistata , lib. . fra cavalier magnanimi , è cortesi risplende il manso — is authorem neapoli commorantem summâ benevolentiâ prosecutus est , mult●que ei detulit humanitatis officia . ad hunc it●que hospes ille antoquam ab eâ urbe discederet , ut ne ingratum se ostenderet , hoc carmen misit . haec quoque manse tuae meditantur carmina laudi pierides , tibi manse choronotissime phoebi ▪ quandoquidem ille alium haud aequo est dignatus honore , post galli cineres , & mecaenatis hetrusci . tu quoque si nostrae tantùm valet aura camoenae , victrices hederas inter , laurosque sedebis . te pridem magno felix concordia tas●o junxit , & aeternis inscripsit nomina chartis . mox tibi dulciloquum non inscia musa marinum tradidit , ille tuum dici se gaudet alumnum , dum canit assyrios divûm prolixus amores ▪ mollis & ausonias stupefecit carmine nymphas . ille itidem moriens tibi soli debita vates ossa tibi soli , supremaque vota reliquit . nec manes pietas tua chara fefellit amici , vidimus arridentem operoso ex aere poetam . nec satis hoc visum est in utrumque , & nec pia cessant officia in tumulo , cupis integros rapere orco , quà p●tes , atque avidas parcarum eludere leges : amborum genus , & variâ sub sorte peractam describis vitam , moresque , & dona minervae ; aemulus illius mycalen qui natus ad altam rettulit aeolii vitam facundus homeri . ergo ego te cliûs & magni nomine phoebi manse pater , jubeo longum salvere per aevum missus hyperboreo juvenis peregrinus ab axe ▪ nec tu longinquam bonus aspernabere musam , quae nuper gelidâ vix enutrita sub arcto imprudens italas ausa est volitare per urbes ▪ nos etiam in nostro modulantes flumine cygnos credimus obscuras noctis sensisse per umbras , quà thamesis latè puris argenteus urnis oceani glaucos perfundit gurgite crines . quin & in has quondam pervenit tityrus oras . sed neque nos genus incultum , nec inutile phoebo , quà plaga sept●no mundi sulcata trione brumalem patitur longâ sub nocte boöten . nos etiam colimus phoebum , nos munera phoebo flaventes spicas , & lutea mala canistris , halantemque crocum ( perhibet nisi vana vetustas ) misimus , & lectas druidum de gente choreas . ( gens druides antiqua sacris operata deorum heroum laudes imitandaque gesta canebant ) hinc quoties festo cingunt altaria cant● delo in herbosâ graiae de more puellae carminibus laetis memorant corineida loxo , fatidicamque upin , cum flavicomà hecaërge nuda caledonio variatas pectora fuco . fortunate senex , ergo quacunque per orbem torquati decus , & nomen celebrabitur ingens , claraque perpetui succrescet fama marini , tu quoque in ora frequens venies plausumque virorum , et parili carpes iter immortale volatu . dicetur tum sponte tuos habitasse penates cynthius , & famulas venisse ad limina musas : at non sponte domum tamen idem , & regis adivit rura p●eretiadae caelo fugitivus apollo ; ille licet magnum alciden susceperat hospes ; tantùm ubi clamosos placuit vitare bubulcos . nobile mansueti cessit chironis in antrum , irriguos inter saltus frondosaque tecta peneium prope rivum ; ibi saepe sub ilice nigr● ad citharae strepitum blandâ prece victus amici exilii duros lenibat voce labores . tum neque ripa suo , barathro nec fixa sub imo ▪ saxa stetere loco , nutat trachinia rupes , nec sentit solitas , immania pondera , silvas , emotaeque suis properant de collibus orni , mulcenturque novo maculosi carmine lynces . diis dilecte senex , te jupiter aequus oportet nascentem , & miti lustrarit lumine phoebus , atlantisque nepos ; neque enim nisi charus ab ortu diis superis poterit magno favisse poetae . hinc longaeva tibi lento sub flore senectus vernat , & aesonios lucratur vivida fusos , nondum deciduos servans tibi frontis honores , ingeniumque vigens , & adultum mentis acumen . o mihi si mea sors talem concedat amicum phoebaeos decorâsse viros qui tam bene norit , si quando indigenas revocabo in carmina reges , arturumque etiam sub terris bella moventem ; aut dicam invictae sociali foedere mensae , magnanimos heroas , & ( o modo spiritus ad sit ) frangam saxonicas britonum sub marte phalanges . tandem ubi non tacitae permensus tempora vitae , annorumque satur cineri sua jura relinquam , ille mihi lecto madidis astaret ocellis , astanti sat erit si dicam sim tibi curae ; ille meos artus liventi morte solutos curaret parvâ componi molliter urnâ . forsitan & nostros ducat de marmore vultus , nectens aut paphiâ myrti aut parnasside lauri fronde comas , at ego securâ pace quiescam . tum quoque , si qua fides , si praemia certa bonorum , ipse ego caelicolûm semotus in aethera divûm , quò labor & mens pura vehunt , atque ignea virtus secreti haec aliquâ mundi de parte videbo ( quantum fata sinunt ) & totâ mente serenùm ridens purpureo suffundar lumine vultus et simul aethereo plaudam mihi laetus olympo . epitaphium damonis . argumentum . thyrsis & damon ejusdem viciniae pastores , eadem studia sequuti a pueritiâ amici erant , ut qui plurimùm . thyrsis animi cau â profectus peregrè de obitu damonis nuncium accepit . domum postea reversus , & rem ita esse comperto , se , suamque solitudinem hoc carmine deplorat . damonis autem sub personâ hîc intelligitur carolus deodatus ex urbe hetruriae lucapaterno genere oriundus , caetera anglus ; ingenio , doctrina , clarissimisque caeteris virtutibus , dum viveret , juvenis egregius . epitaphium damonis . himerides nymphae ( nam vos & daphnin & hylan , et plorata diu meministis fata bionis ) dicite sicelicum thamesina per oppida carmen : quas miser effudit voces , quae murmura thyrsis , et quibus assiduis exercuit antra querelis , fluminaque , fontesque vagos , nemorumque recessus , dum sibi praereptum queritur damona , heque altam luctibus exemit noctem loca sola pererrans . et jam bis viridi surgebat culmus arista , et totidem flavas numerabant horrea messes , ex quo summa dies tulerat damona sub umbras , nec dum aderat thyrsis ; pastorem scilicet illum dulcis amor musae thusca retinebat in urbe . ast ubi mens expleta domum , pecorisque relicti cura vocat , simul assuetâ seditque sub ulmo , tum vero amissum tum denique sentit amicum , coepit & immensum sic exonerare dolorem . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . hei mihi ! quae terris , quae dicam numina coelo , postquam te immiti rapuerunt funere damon ; siccine nos linquis , tua sic sine nomine virtus ibit , & obscuris numero sociabitur umbris ? at non ille , animas virgâ qui dividit aureâ , ista velit , dignumque tui te ducat in agmen , ignavumque procul pecus arceat omne silentum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . quicquid erit , certè nisi me lupus antè videbit , indeplorato non comminuere sepulcro , constabitque tuus tibi honos , longúmque vigebit inter pastores : illi tibi vota secundo solvere post daphnin , post daphnin dicere laudes gaudebunt , dum rura pales , dum faunus amabit : si quid id est , priscamque fidem coluisse , piúmque , palladiásque artes , sociúmque habuisse canorum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . haec tibi certa manent , tibi erunt haec praemia damon , at mihi quid tandem fiet modò ? quis mihi fidus haerebit lateri comes , ut tu saepe solebas frigoribus duris , & per loca foeta pruinis , aut rapido sub sole , siti morientibus herbis ? sive opus in magnos fuit eminùs ire leones aut avidos terrere lupos praesepibus altis ; quis fando sopire diem , cantuque solebit ? ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . pectora cui credam ? quis me lenire docebit mordaces curas , quis longam fallere noctem dulcibus alloquiis , grato cùm sibilat igni molle pyrum , & nucibus strepitat focus , at malus auster miscet cuncta foris , & desuper intonat ulmo . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . aut aestate , dies medio dum vertitur axe , cum pan aesculeâ somnum capit abditus umbrâ , et repetunt sub aquis sibi nota sedilia nymphae . pastoresque latent , stertit sub sepe colonus , quis mihi blanditiásque tuas , quis tum mihi risus , cecropiosque sales referet , cultosque lepores ? ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . at jam solus agros , jam pascua solus oberro , sicubi ramosae densantur vallibus umbrae , hic serum expecto , supra caput imber & eurus triste sonant , fractaeque agitata crepuscula silvae . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . heu quàm culta mihi priùs arva procacibus herbis involvuntur , & ipsa situ seges alta fatiseit ! innuba neglecto marcescit & uva racemo , nec myrteta juvant ; ovium quoque taedet , at illae moerent , inque suum convertunt ora magistrum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . tityrus ad corylos vocat , alphesiboeus ad ornos , ad salices aegon , ad flumina pulcher amyntas , hic gelidi fontes , hîc illita gramina musco , hic zephyri , hîc placidas interstrepit arbutus undas ; ista canunt surdo , frutices ego nactus abibam . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . mopsus ad haec , nam me redeuntem forte notârat ( et callebat avium linguas , & sydera mopsus ) thyrsi quid hoc ? dixit , quae te coquit improba bilis ? aut te perdit amor , aut te malè fascinat astrum , saturni grave saepe fuit pastoribus astrum , intimaque obliquo figit praecordia plumbo . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . mirantur nymphae , & quid te thyrsi futurum est ? quid tibi vis ▪ ajunt , non haec solet esse juventae nubila frons , oculique truces , vultusque severi , illa choros , lususque leves , & semper amorem jure petit , bis ille miser qui serus amavit . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . venit hyas , dryopéque , & filia baucidis aegle docta modos , citharaeque sciens , sed perdita fastu , venit idumanii chloris vicina fluenti ; nil me blanditiae , nil me solantia verba , nil me , si quid adest , movet , aut spes ulla futuri . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . hei mihi quam similes ludunt per prata juvenci , omnes unanimi secum sibi lege sod ales , nec magis hunc alio quisquam secernit amicum de grege , sic densi veniunt ad pabula thoes , inque vicem hirsuti paribus junguntur onagri ; lex eadem pelagi , deserto in littore proteus agmina phocarum numerat , vilisque volucrum passer habet semper quicum sit , & omnia circum farra libens volitet , serò sua tecta revisens , quem si fo rs letho objecit , seu milvus adunco fata tulit rostro , seu stravit arundine fossor , protinus ille alium socio petit inde volatu . nos durum genus , & diris exercita fatis gens homines aliena animis , & pectore discors , vix sibi quisque parem de millibus invenit unum , aut si sors dederit tandem non aspera votis , illum inopina dies quâ non speraveris horâ surripit , aeternum linquens in saecula damnum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni ▪ heu quis me ignotas traxit vagus error in oras ire per aëreas rupes , alpemque nivosam ! ecquid erat tanti romam vidisse sepultam ? quamvis illa foret , qualem dum viseret olim , tityrus ipse suas & oves & rura reliquit ▪ ut te tam dulci possem caruisse sodale , possem tot maria alta , tot interponere montes , tot sylvas , tot saxa tibi , fluviosque sonantes . ah certè extremùm licuisset tangere dextram , et bene compositos placidè morientis ocellos , et dixisse vale , nostri memor ibis ad astra . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni ▪ quamquam etiam vestri nunquam meminisse pigebit pastores thusci , musis operata juventus , hic charis , atque lepos ; & thuscus tu quoque damon ▪ antiquâ genus unde petis lucumonis ab urbe . o ego quantus eram , gelidi cum stratus ad arni murmura , populeumque nemus , quà mollior herb● , carpere nunc violas , nunc summas carpere myrtos , et potui lycidae certantem audire menalcam . ipse etiam tentare ausus sum , nec puto multùm displicui , nam sunt & apud me munera vestra fiscellae , calathique & cerea vincla cicutae , quin ▪ & nostra suas docuerunt nomina fagos et datis , & francinus , erant & vocibus ambo et studiis noti , lydorum sanguinis ambo . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . haec mihi tum laeto dictabat roscida luna , dum solus teneros claudebam cratibus hoedos . ah quoties dixi , cùm te cinis ater habebat , nunc canit , aut lepori nunc tendit retia damon , vimina nunc texit , varios sibi quod sit in usus ; et quae tum facili sperabam mente futura arripui voto levis , & praesentia finxi , heus bone numquid agis ? nisi te quid forte retardat , imus ? & argutâ paulùm recubamus in umbra , aut ad aquas colni , aut ubi jugera cassibelauni ? tu mihi percurres medicos , tua gramina , succos , helleborúmque , humilésque crocos , foliûmque hyacinthi , quasque habet ista palus herbas , artesque medentûm , ah pereant herbae , pereant artesque medentûm gramina , postquam ipsi nil profecere magistro . ipse etiam , nam nescio quid mihi grande sonabat fistula , ab undecimâ jam lux est altera nocte , et tum forte novis admôram labra cicutis , dissiluere tamen rupta compage , nec ultra ferre graves potuere sonos , dubito quoque ne sim turgidulus , tamen & referam , vos cedite silvae . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . ipse ego dardanias rutupina per aequora puppes dicam , & pandrasidos regnum vetus inogeniae , brennúmque arviragúmque duces , priscúmque belinum , et tandem armoricos britonum sub lege colonos ; tum gravidam arturo fatali fraude jogernen mendaces vultus , assumptáque gorlöis arma ▪ merlini dolus . o mihi tum si vita supersit , tu procul annosa pendebis fistula pinu multùm oblita mini , aut patriis mutata camoenis brittonicum strides , quid enim ? omnia non licet uni non sperasse uni licet omnia , mi satis ampla merces , & mihi grande decus ( sim ignotus in aevum tum licet , externo penitúsque inglorius orbi ) si me flava comas legat usa , & potor alauni , vorticibúsque frequens abra , & nemus omne treantae , et thamesis meus ante omnes , & fusca metallis tamara , & extremis me discant orcades undis . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . haec tibi servabam lentâ sub cortice lauri , haec , & plura simul , tum quae mihi pocula mansus , mansus chalcidicae non ultima gloria ripae bina dedit , mirum artis opus , mirandus & ipse , et circùm gemino caelaverat argumento : in medio rubri maris unda , & odoriferum ver littora longa arabum , & sudantes balsama silvae , has inter phoenix divina avis , unica terris caeruleùm fulgens diversicoloribus alis auroram vitreis surgentem respicit undis . parte alia polus omnipatens , & magnus olympus , quis putet ? hic quoque amor , pictaeque in nube pharetrae , arma corusca faces , & spicula tincta pyropo ; nec tenues animas , pectúsque ignobile vulgi hinc ferit , at circùm flammantia lumina torquens semper in erectum spargit sua tela per orbes impiger , & pronos nunquam collimat ad ictus , hinc mentes ardere sacrae , formaeque deorum . tu quoque in his , nee me fallit spes lubrica damon ▪ tu quoque in his certè es , nam quò tua dulcis abiret sanctáque simplicitas , nam quò tua candida virtus ? nec te lethaeo fas quaesivisse sub orco , nec tibi conveniunt lacrymae , nec flebimus ultrà , ite procul lacrymae , purum colit aethera damon , aethera purus habet , pluvium pede reppulit arcum ; heroúmque animas inter , divósque perennes , aethereos haurit latices & gaudia potat ore sacro . quin tu coeli post jura recepta dexter ades , placidúsque fave quicúnque vocaris ▪ seu tu noster eris damon , sive aequior audis diodotus , quo te divino nomine cuncti coelicolae norint , sylvisque vocabere damon . quòd tibi purpureus pudor , & sine labe juventus grata fuit , quòd nulla tori libata voluptas , en etiam tibi virginei servantur honores ; ipse caput nitidum cinctus rutilante corona , letáque frondentis gestans umbracula palmae aeternùm perages immortales hymenaeos ; cantus ubi , choreisque furit lyra mista beatis , festa sionaeo bacchantur & orgia thyrso . finis . machine-generated and other supplemental data known defects for a .xml defect summary missing or defective tokens missing duplicat passages in non-roman script known defects on page a - -a untranscribed text in non-roman alphabet at word on page -a known defects on page a - -b untranscribed duplicate on page -b, word known defects on page a - 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word : mult●que incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : it●que known defects on page a - -b incomplete or missing word on page -b, word : tas●o incomplete or missing word on page -b, word : p●tes known defects on page a - -a incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : sept●no incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : cant● known defects on page a - -b incomplete or missing word on page -b, word : p●eretiadae incomplete or missing word on page -b, word : nigr● known defects on page a - -b incomplete or missing word on page -b, word : herb● miscellany poems upon several occasions consisting of original poems / by the late duke of buckingham, mr. cowly, mr. milton, mr. prior, mrs. behn, mr. tho. brown, &c. ; and the translations from horace, persius, petronius arbiter, &c. ; with an essay upon satyr, by the famous m. dacier. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) miscellany poems upon several occasions consisting of original poems / by the late duke of buckingham, mr. cowly, mr. milton, mr. prior, mrs. behn, mr. tho. brown, &c. ; and the translations from horace, persius, petronius arbiter, &c. ; with an essay upon satyr, by the famous m. dacier. buckingham, george villiers, duke of, - . cowley, abraham, - . milton, john, - . behn, aphra, - . congreve, william, - . dacier, andré, - . gildon, charles, - . [ ], p. printed for peter buck ..., london : . "the index": prelim. p. [ ]-[ ]. "epistle dedicatory" signed: charles gildon. this work appears at reel : as wing g a, and at reel : as wing b (wing number cancelled in wing (cd-rom, )). reproduction of originals in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library and huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng english poetry. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion miscellany poems upon several occasions : consisting of original poems , by the late duke of buckingham , mr cowly , mr. milton , mr. prior , mrs. behn , mr. tho. brown , &c. and the translations from horace , persius , petronius arbiter , &c. with an essay upon satyr , by the famous m. dacier . licens'd may . . london , printed for peter buck , at the sign of the temple , near temple-bar , in fleetstreet . . the epistle dedicatory , to mr. cardell goodman . sir , there are a sort of spleenatic , ill naturd gentlemen in the world , who are so very critical upon dedications , that if they find the author touching never so lightly on the just praise of his patron , they presently condemn him of flattery , as if 't were impossible that any man of this age cou'd deserve a good word . among this number , i am sorry to find the ingenious sir george mackenzie in his epistle to mr. boyle , because i am confident if he had consulted reason ( the subject of his book ) he must at least have mollify'd the severity of his opinion , as i hope will appear from what i have here to say . this great name has serv'd many of the smaller critics , who build their judgment , and reputation on authority , as a safe retreat against the onsets of reason , with which the majority of them are at mortal odds . these misanthropes are arriv'd to that extremity now , that they will not give a man leave to discover his own private knowledg of an other , if to his advantage , under the unpleasant penalty of being receiv'd as a servile , nauseous sycophant . this hazard , sir , i must run , if i will declare in public what i know of those excellent accomplishments , which render you so dear to all that are acquainted wi●h you . your wit , and your courage are things not to be mention'd , much less your generosity , that being a vertue that never resides alone . there are some vertues that are solitary , and like hermits dwell in deserts , over-run with the wilds of every vicious deformity in nature : but generosity is the king of vertues , and never goes unattended , which makes me sometimes fancy , 't is the result of all other vertues , when they meet together ; the harmony , which proceeds from the active agreement of all the rest . this i am sure , — 't is the noblest emotion of the soul , and that which gives the most finishing , and visible stroaks to the image of our maker . therefore these morose gentlemen would never forgive me , if i should tell the world , that you are generous almost to a fault ( if 't were possible that could be criminal in man , for which alone all the world does , and ever has worship'd a deity ) tho' i know it to be true to the utmost extent ; because that will make the considering part of mankind conclude you adorn'd with all other vertues , inseparable companions of this . they will never consider the reasons i have to aver this , viz. my own knowledg , and the experience of several others and tho' i urge , that i have found you generous beyond the extravagance of hopes , when the bonds of nature , the laws of humanity , and of god himself , could not obtain the least regard from those , who had not a little reputation in the world for better principles : yet will they cry out i am a flatterer , if i express my gratitude to you in print . strange effects of a profligate age , when ill nature and profess'd scandal , dress'd in a politer sort of bilingsgate , shall be sufficient to establish a man's fame ( spite of all the most monstrous absurdities of the contexture ) as a wit : and the most deserv'd praise enough to stigmatize the writer with indeleble infamy . for if any bold man dare celebrate the vertues of any one , they gaze upon him , and shake their heads as if it were an impudent imposture , or at best a prodigy as incredible as a circular rainbow , or any other unusual phaenomenon , that there should be any thing vertuous and brave in our age. not that i am so very fond of this opinion , that vertues are in being at this time , and in the practice of men , as to take every appearance for a reality . nor do i admit a great many that pass for mighty lovers of vertue , into that number ; in particular , none of those , that are fam'd for a noisy zeal in the controverted points of religion , which prompts an inconsidering generation to cut one another's throats , because they can't agree in what themselves allow uncertain . nor those , who with a precise behaviour , make an ostentatious shew of being the most intimate friends of god almighty in public , but shake hands with the devil in a corner with no little ardor . nor shall i grace with the noble title of vertve , those sorts of religious charities , that have not the equitable good of mankind for their end , but only vain glory in particular reputation . i could name some , that are very forward in contributing largely to the building any public structure , which may commend their names to posterity , as well as to the present time , but are inexorable to the nearest relations who seek for a private assistance , tho' a trifle would save a whole family . that which affects the view of the world , is the child of pride , and is not at all to be valu'd by any considering man ; the other is the off-spring of vertue , having nothing but the good of another for its end , and yet it obtains generally a more lasting fame , and especially if it meet with ability and gratitude to commend it to posterity , in a nobler way , than in dead piles of building . tho' i deny all this to be vertue , yet i can never be of their mind , who exclude it intirely from human race , since i am sensible 't is to be found in a great many at this day , particularly in your self . i am therefore of a much contrary opinion , to those man-haters i have mention'd those devotes to satyr ( as they call it ) for i have always thought it a far nobler task to be conversant with the vertues of mankind , than with the vices ; and if fiction must be made use of ( as 't is every day by our prose-satyrists ) i am sure 't is more reasonable to admire an angel of our own forming , than to combat a devil of ones own conjuring up ; one gives us a greater , and juster idea of the noblest of god's works , the other flyes in the face of providence , and wou'd render that being ridiculous , and contemptible , that was made by the power and wisdom of infinity , and which god seems more than once to take no small pleasure in . the greatest patrons of satyr , i am sure , cannot prove that it answers the end , they pretend , 't was design'd for , viz. the reformation of vice , especially that satyr , which names men , and tends to a personal abuse . for instead of reforming vice it only gratifies the ill-nature of most , and that criminal delight they have in hearing an other abus'd , without any influence on the manners of those it aims to correct ; unless it be to return the author 's with a satyr of dry bastinade . the minds of all men have something , that is with more modesty conceal'd , than expos'd to view , as well as the body ; which satyr is continually setting before the eyes of the world ; whilst panegyric draws a decent veil over it . panegyric paints vertue , in its most taking colours , and shews the more beautiful parts of mankind , whilst satyr is continually raking in the augean stable of its follies , and vices . panegyric gives a noble , and taking prospect of virtue , stirring up emulation , in others , and a caution in him that is prais'd , not to be guilty of any thing contrary to the character the world has of him , that he may be thought really to deserve it . nor can i ever believe , but that virgils aeneids have contributed more to the progress of vertue , than horace's satyrs : the first forming noble images in the mind , making it in love with honor , the last , at best exposing but the deformity of some vice , or folly , which when we avoid we ramble so in the dark by their directions , that we can never find out vertue , and so may well fall into the contrary extream ; satyr only giving negative definitions of virtue , like mr. cowlys of wit : but in epic posie and panegyric all goes in the clear , and evident affirmative , presenting so exact a portraiture of vertue , that you can't mistake , or not know it at first sight . but that which is most of all , panegyric has the effectual force satyr pretends to , in chacing away vice and folly , by discovering the properties , and beauties of their contraries ; and if it be plac'd on an undeserving subject , it carries as severe a sting : for who is it that reads those verses of lucan upon nero , but thinks them a severe satyr , tho they bear the face of praise — for having reckond up the mischiefs of civil war , he cries out — quod si non aliam venturo fata neroni invenere viam , magnoque aeterna parantur regna deis , coelumque suo servire tonanti non nisi saevorum potuit post bella gigantum : jam nihil o superi querimur , scelera ipsa , nefasque hac mercede placent , &c — 't would be to tedious too quote the rest . this i am sure was the safest way of abusing that prince . an extravagant praise of one , that merits nothing , is the most effectual of satyrs . panegyric is like a lawful , and mild prince , that wins obedience by love : whilst satyr like a tyrant would force it by threats and servile fear ; the first is the noblest , as well as the surest way . the custom of the lacedemonians of making their slaves drunk , to represent to their youth the folly and odiousness of that vice , as it was proportion'd to the grossness of their genius so it seems to have a likeness to satyr , which pretends to put vice out of countenance , by exposing it , which it generally does in such terms , that it only pleases the vitiated appetites of some with the lively descriptions of what they delight in . but panegyric , like the wiser state of athens , gives us examples , and descriptions of vertue , justly imagining , that , where those attractives , are no man can be drawn from beauty to deformity . ' twoud be too tedious to run this consideration of the preheminence of panegyrick to satyr any farther , having said enough already ( i hope ) to satisfie any sensible man of the truth of what i assert . having thus vindicated panegyric from the odium it lies under , and plac'd it in its due rank , nothing could hinder me from attempting one on you , sir , who so e'ry way deserve it , but my inabilities , which perswade me to say nothing of that excellence i value , since i am conscious that i cannot say enough , nor perform that task with the wit and eloquence it requires . as to the book sir , i present you with ▪ i am extreamly satisfy'd to know , that it is a present worth your acceptance ; for i may say that there has scarce been a collection which visited the world , with fewer trifling verses in it . i except my own , which i had the more encouragement to print now , since i had so good an opportunity of making so large an attonement , with the wit of others for my own dulness , and that i hope will chiefly excuse them to you , as well as convince the world of the real value i have for you , when it sees me prefix your name to no vulgar book , of my own composing , but to one that ows its excellence to the generous contribution of my friends of undoubted wit. statius in his epistle dedicatory to stella , seems to put his sylvae in balance with his thebaidos , for their being the productions of a suddain heat , or inspiration , the same is applicable to these ; all , or most of them being writ when the soul was in tune , and not by a mercenary end , forc'd upon a task , it was not at all dispos'd to . besides which , they have most had the advantage of good iudgments to prune the luxuriancy of a flowing fancy , which statius would not give himself the trouble of . this book i may therefore say ( without any self-esteem ) will ( if any thing in poetry have perpetuity ) convey your name to posterity , and with it the testimony — how great a value i put upon your worth , and how much i am sir , without reserve , your humble servant charles gildon . an essay upon satyr , from m. dacier . expecting several satyrs for this collection more than i met with , i designed an essay upon satyr , as to its etymology , progress , and vertues , with a short examen of what we have had publish'd in english , in that nature , and finally a collation of that with the ancient ; believing a discourse on that subject would not be ungrateful to the ingenious , as being both new , and curious ; which made me promise my bookseller to attempt it : but finding my self disappointed in my expectations , i was of opinion such an essay would not be altogether so proper : but to make the bookseller a large amends ( and to gratify the town with an agreeable entertainment ) i got , of a very ingenious friend of mine , this preface of m. dacier , to the sixth tome of horace , which tho it be not of that extent , as to take in all the points i design'd to treat of , yet horace being now in that just esteem he deserves , i thought i could not better gratify his admirers , than to let our english world see those hidden beauties of this great poet , discover'd by m. dacier , with no less wit , than judgment . the preface of m. dacier . horace entitles his two books of satyrs indifferently , sermones , and satyrae ; and since these two names give different ideas ; for certain reasons it is necessary to explain what the latins understood by the word satyr . the learned casaubon is the first , and only man that has with success attempted to shew what was the satyrical poesie of the greeks , and the satyr of the romans . his book is an inestimable treasure , and i confess i have had great helps from it ; which is the use we ought to make of the works of those extraordinary men , who have only gone before us to be our guides , and serve us as torches in the thick darkness of antiquity . but you must not have your eyes so continually fixt on them , as not to regard whither they lead you ; for they deviate sometimes into paths , where you cannot safely follow them . this rule i my self have observ'd , in forsaking my guides , and past that way which no body before me has done , as the following discourse will convince you . satyr is a kind of poesie , only known to the romans , being not at all related to the satyrical poesie of the greeks , as some learned men have pretended . quintilian leaves us no doubt upon this point , when he writes in chap. . satira quidem tota nostra est . the same reason makes horace call it in the last satyr of book . graecis intactum carmen . the natural and true etymology is this : the latins called it satvr , quasi plenum , to which there was nothing wanting for its perfection . thus satur color , when the wool has taken a good dye , and nothing can be added to the perfection of it . from satur they have made satura , which they wrote sometimes with an i , satira ; they used in other words , the same variation of the letter u into i , as in maxumus , maximus , optumus , optimus . satura , is an adjective , which has reference to a substantive understood ; for the ancient romans said saturam , understanding lancem . and satura lanx , was properly a bason fill'd with all sorts of fruit , which they offer'd every year to ceres , and bacchus , as the first fruits of all they had gathered . these offerings of different things mixt together , were not unknown to the greeks , who call'd 'em 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sacrifice of all sorts of fruit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an offering of all sorts of grain , when they offer'd potherbs . the grammarian diomedes has perfectly describ'd both the custom of the romans , and the word satura , in this passage lanx referta variis multisque primitiis , sacris cereris inferebatur , & a copia & saturitate rei , satura vocabatur : cujus generis lancium & virgilius in georgicis meminit , cum hoc modo dicit , lancibus & pandis fumantia reddimus exta ▪ and — lancesque & liba feremus . from thence the word satura was apply'd to many other mixtures , as in festus : satira cibi genus , ex variis rebus conditum . from hence it past to the works of the mind ; for they call'd some laws leges saturas , which contain'd many heads , or titles , as the iulian , papian and popean laws , which were called miscellas , which is of the same signification with satura : from hence arose this phrase , per saturam legem ferre , when the senate made a law , without gathering , and counting the votes in haste , and confusedly all together , which was properly call'd , per saturam sententias exquirere , as salust has it after lelius . but they rested not here , but gave this name to certain books , as pescennius festus , whose histories were call'd saturas , or per saturam . from all these examples , 't is not hard to suppose , that these works of horace took from hence their name , and that they were call'd , saturae quia multis & variis rebus hoc carmen refertum est , because these poems are full of a great many different things , as porphyrius says , which is partly true . but it must not be thought it is immediately from thence ; for this name had been used before for other things , which bore a nearer resemblance to the satyrs of horace ; in explanation of which a method is to be follow'd , which casaubon himself never thought of , and which will put things in so clear a light , that there can be no place left for doubt . the romans having been almost four hundred years without any scenical plays , chance and debauchery made them find in one of their feasts the saturnian , and fescennine verses , which for six score years they had instead of dramatic pieces . but these verses were rude , and almost without any numbers , as being made extempore , and by a people , as yet but barbarous , who had little other skill , than what flow'd from their joy , and the fumes of wine . they were filled with the grossest sort of raileries , and attended with gestures and dances . to have a livelier idea of this , you need but reflect upon the honest peasants ▪ whose clownish dances are attended with extempore verses , in which , in a wretched manner they jeer one another , with all they know . to this horace refers in the first epistle of his second book , fescennina per hunc inventa licentia morem , versibus alt ernis opprobia rustica fudit . this licentious and irregular verse , was succeeded by a sort more correct , filled with a pleasant railery , without the mixture of any thing scurrilous , and these obtain'd the name of satyrs , by reason of their variety , and had regulated forms , that is , regular dances , and music , but undecent postures were banish'd . titus livius has it in his seventh book . vernaculis artificibus , quia hister tusco verbo ludio vocabatur , nomen histrionibus inditum , qui non sicut ante fescennino versu similem compositum temere , ac rudem alternis jaciebant ; sed impletas modis satiras , descripto jam ad tibicinem cantu , motusque congruenti peragebant . these satyrs were properly honest farces , in which the spectators and actors were rallied without distinction . livius andronicus found things in this posture , when he first undertook to make comedies , and tragedies in imitation of the grecians . this diversion appearing more noble , and perfect , they run to it in multitudes , neglecting the satyrs for some time , though they receiv'd them a little after ; and some model'd them into a purpos'd form to act at the end of their comedies , as the french act their farces now . and then they alter'd their name of satyrs for that of exodia , which they preserve to this day . this was the first and most ancient kind of roman satyr . there are two other sorts , which tho' very different from this first , yet both owe their birth to this , and are , as it were , branches of it . this i shall prove the most succinctly i can . a year after livius andronicus had caus'd his first efforts to be acted , italy gave birth to ennius , who being grown up , and having all the leisure in the world to observe the eager satisfaction with which the romans receiv'd the satyrs , of which i have already spoke , was of opinion , that poems , tho' not adapted to the theatre , yet preserving the gaul the railings and pleasantness , which made these satyrs take with so much applause , would not fail of being well receiv'd ; he therefore ventur'd at it , and compos'd several discourses to which he retain'd the name of satyrs . these discourses were entirely like those of horace , both for the matter and the variety . the only essential difference , that is observable , is that ennius , in imitation of some greeks , and of homer himself , took the liberty of mixing several kinds of verses together , as hexameters , iambics , trimeters , with tetrimeters , trochaics or square verse ; as it appears from the fragments which are left us . these following verses are of the square kind , which aullus gellius has preserv'd us , and which very well merit a place here for the beauty they contain : hoc erit tibi argumentum semper in promptu situm , ne quid expectes amicos , quod tute agere possies . i attribute also to these satyrs of ennius these other kinds of verses , which are of a beauty , and elegance , much above the age in which they were made ; nor will the sight of 'em here be unpleasant . non habeo denique nauci marsum augurem , non vicanos aruspices , non de cicro astrologos , non isiacos conjectores , non interpretes hominum : non enim sunt ij aut scientia , aut arte divini ; sed superstitiosi vates , impudentesque harioli , aut inertes , aut insani , aut quibus egestas imperat : qui sui questus caussa fictas suscitant sententias , qui sibi semitam non sapiunt , alteri monstrant viam , quibus devitias pollicentur , ab ijs drachmam petunt , de devitijs deducant drachmam , reddant caetera . horace has borrow'd several things from these satyrs . after ennius came pacuvius , who also writ satyrs in imitation of his uncle ennius . lucilius was born in the time when pacuvius was in most reputation . he also wrote satyrs . but he gave 'm a new turn , and endeavoured to imitate , as near as he could , the character of the old greek comedy , of which we had but a very imperfect idea in the ancient roman satyr , and such , as one might find in a poem , which nature alone had dictated before the romans had thought of imitating the grecians , and enriching themselves with their spoils . 't is thus you must understand this passage of the first satyr of the second book of horace , — quid , cum est lucilius ausis , primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem ? horace never intended by this to say , that there were no satyrs before lucilius , because ennius and pacuvius were before him , whose example he followed : he only would have it understood , that lucilius having given a new turn to this poem , and embellished it , ought by way of excellence to be esteemed the first author . quintilian had the same thought , when he writ , in the first chapther of the tenth book satira quidem tota nostra est , in qua primus insignem laudem adeptus est lucilius . you must not therefore be of the opinion of casaubon , who building on the judgment of diomedes , thought that the satyr of ennius , and that of lucilius were entirely different : these are the very words of this grammarian , which have deceived this judicious critick . satira est carmen apud romanos , non quidem apud graecos maledicum , ad carpenda hominum vitia , archaeae comoediae charactere compositum , quale scripserunt lucilius & horatius , & persius . sed olim carmen quod ex variis poematibus constabat , satira dicebatur , quale scripserunt pacuvius & ennius . you may see plainly that diomedes distinguishes the satyr of lucilius , from that of ennius , and pacuvius ; the reason which he gives for this distinction , is ridiculous , and absolutely false : the good man had not examin'd the nature and origin of these two satyrs , which were entirely like one another , both in matter and form , for lucilius added to it only a little politeness , and more salt , almost without changing any thing : and if he did not put together several sorts of verse in the same piece , as ennius has done , yet he made several pieces , of which some were entirely hexameters , others entirely iambics , and others trochaic's , as is evident from his fragments . in short , if the satyrs of lucilius differ from these of ennius , because the former has added much to the endeavours of the latter , as casaubon has pretended , it will follow from thence , that those of horace , and those of lucilius , are also entirely different , for horace has no less refin'd on the satyrs of lucilius , than he on those of ennius , and pacuvius . this passage of diomedes has also deceiv'd dousa the son. i say not this to expose some light faults of these great men , but only to shew , with what exactness , and with what caution their works must be read , when they treat of any thing so obscure , and so ancient . i have made appear what was the ancient satyr , that was made for the theatre ; i have shewn , that that gave the idea of the satyr of ennius : and , in fine , i have sufficiently prov'd , that the satyrs of ennius , and pacuvius ; of lucilius , and horace , are but one kind of poem , which has received its perfection from the last . 't is time now to speak of the second kind of satyr , which i promised to explain , and which is also derived from the ancient satyr ; 't is that which we call varronian , or the satyr of menippus , the cinic philosopher . this satyr was not only composed of several forts of verse , but varro added prose to it , and made a mixture of greek and latin. quintilian , after he had spoke of the satyr of lucilius , adds , alterum illud est , & prius satirae genus , quod non sola carminum varietate mistum condidit terentius varro , vir romanorum eruditissimus . the only difficulty of this passage is , that quintilian assures us , that this satyr of varro was the first , for how could that be , since varro was a great while after lucilius ? quintilian meant not that the satyr of varro was the first in order of time , for he knew well enough , that in that respect he was the last : but he would give us to understand , that this kind of satyr , so mixt , was more like the satyr of ennius , and pacuvius , who gave themselves a greater liberty in this composition , than lucilius , who was more severe , and correct . we have now only some fragments left of the satyr of varro , and those generally very imperfect ; the titles , which are most commonly double , shew the great variety of subjects , of which varro treated . seneca's book on the death of claudius , boetius , his consolation of philosophy , and that of petronius arbiter , are satyrs entirely like those of varro . this is what i have in general to say on satyr ; nor is it necessary i insist any more on this subject . this the reader may observe , that the name of satyr in latin ▪ is not less proper for discourses , that recommend vertue , than to those which are design'd against vice. it had nothing so formidable in it , as it has now , when a bare mention of satyr makes them tremble , who would fain seem what they are not , for satyr , with us , signifies the same thing , as exposing , or lashing of some thing , or person : yet this different acceptation alters not the word , which is always the same ; but the latins in the titles of their books , have often had regard only to the word , in the extent of its signification , founded on its etymology , whereas we have had respect only to the first , and general use , which has been made of it in the beginning to mock , and deride ; yet this word ought always to be writ in latin with an ( u ) or ( i ) satura , or satira , and in english by an ( i ) those who have wrote it with a ( y ) thought with scaliger , heinsius , and a great many others , that the divinities of the groves , which the grecians call'd satyrs , the romans fawns , gave their names to these pieces ; and that of the word satyrus they had made satyra , and that these satyrs had a great affinity with the satyric pieces of the greeks , which is absolutely false , as casaubon has very well prov'd it , in making it appear , that of the word satyrus they could never make satyra , but satyrica : and in shewing the difference betwixt the satyric poems of the greeks , and the roman satyrs . mr. spanheim , in his fine preface to the caesars , concerning the emperor iulian , has added new reflections to those which this judicious critic had advanced ; and he has establish'd , with a great deal of judgment , five , or six essential differences , between those two poems , which you may find in his book . the greeks had never any thing that came near this roman satyr , but their silli [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which were also biting poems , as they may easily be perceived to be yet , by some fragments of the silli of timon . there was however this difference , that the silli of the greeks were parodious , from one end to the other , which cannot be said of the roman satyrs ; where , if sometimes you find some parodia's , you may plainly see that the poet did not design to affect it , and by consequence the parodia's do not make the essence of a satyr , as they do the essence of the silli . having explain'd the nature , origin and progress of satyr , i 'll now say a word , or two of horace in particular . there cannot be a more just idea given of this part of his works , than in comparing them to the statues of the sileni , to which alcibiades in the banquet , compares socrates . they were figures , that without had nothing agreeable , or beautiful , but when you took the pains to open them , you found the figures of all the gods. in the manner that horace presents himself to us in his satyrs , we discover nothing of him at first , that deserves our attachment . he seems to be fitter to amuse children than to employ the thoughts of men ; but when we remove that , which hides him from our eyes , and view him even to the bottom , we find in him all the gods together ; that is to say , all those vertues , which ought to be the continual practice of such as seriously endeavour to forsake their vices . hitherto we have been content to see only his out-side , and 't is a strange thing , that satyrs , which have been read so long , have been so little understood , or explain'd : they have made a halt at the out-side , and were wholly busi'd in giving the interpretation of words . they have commented upon him like grammarians , not philosophers ; as if horace had writ meerly to have his language understood , and rather to divert , than instruct us . that is not the end of this work of his . the end of any discourse is the action for which that discourse is compos'd ; when it produces no action , 't is only a vain amusement , which idly tickles the ear , without ever reaching the heart . in these two books of his satyrs , horace would teach us , to conquer our vices , to rule our passions , to follow nature , to limit our desires , to distinguish true from false , and ideas from things , to forsake prejudice , to know throughly the principles , and motives of all our actions , and to shun that folly which is in all men , who are bigotted to the opinions they have imbibed under their teachers , which they keep obstinately without examining whether they are well-grounded . in a word , he endeavours to make us happy for our selves , agreeable , and faithful to our friends , easie , discreet , and honest to all , with whom we are oblig'd to live . to make us understand the terms he uses , to explain the figures he employs , and to conduct the reader safely through the labyrinth of a difficult expression , or obscure parenthesis , is no great matter to perform : and as epictetus says , there is nothing in that beautiful , or truly worthy a wise man. the principal , and most important business , is to shew the rise , the reason , and the proof of his precepts , to demonstrate that those , who do not endeavour to correct themselvs by so beautiful a model , are just like sick men , who having a book full of receipts , proper to their distempers , content themselves to read 'em , without comprehending them , or so much as knowing the advantage of them . i urge not this because i have my self omitted any thing in these annotations , which was the incumbent duty of a grammarian to observe ; this , i hope the world will be sensible of , and that there remains no more difficulty in the text. but that which has been my chief care , is , to give an insight into the very matter , that horace treats of , to shew the solidity of his reasons , to discover the turns he makes use of to prove what he aims at , and to refute or illude that which is opposed to him , to confirm , the truth of his decisions , to make the delicacy of his sentiments perceiv'd , to expose to open day the folly he finds in what he condemns . this is what none have done before me . on the contrary , as horace is a true proteus , that takes a thousand different forms , they have often lost him , and not knowing where to find him , have grapled him as well as they could ; they have palm'd upon him in several places , not only opinions , which he had not , but even those which he directly refutes : i don't say this to blame those who have taken pains before me on the works of this great poet , i commend their endeavours , they have open'd me the way ; and if it be granted , that i have some little advantage over them , i ow it wholly to the great men of antiquity , whom i have read with more care , and without doubt with more leisure . i speak of homer , of plato , and aristotle , and of some other greek and latin authors , which i study continually , that i may form my taste on theirs , and draw out of their writings , the justness of wit , good sense and reason . i know very well , that there are now adays some authors , who laugh at these great names , who disallow the acclamations , which they have receiv'd from all ages , and who would deprive them of the crowns , which they have so well deserv'd , and which they have got before such august tribunals . but for fear of falling into admiration , which they look upon as the child of ignorance , they do not perceive that they go from that admiration , which plato calls the mother of wisdom , and which was the first that opened mens eyes . i do not wonder that the celestial beauties , which we find in the writing of these incomparable men , lose with them all their attractives , and charms , because they have not the strength to keep their eyes long enough upon them . besides , it is much easier to despise than understand them . as for my self , i declare , that i am full of admiration , and veneration for their divine geniusses : i have them always before my eyes , as venerable and incorruptible judges ; before whom i take pleasure to fancy , that i ought to give an account of my writings . at the same time i have a great respect for posterity , and i always think with more fear , than confidence , on the judgment that will pass on my works , if they are happy enough to reach it . all this does not hinder me from esteeming the great men that live now . i acknowledge that there are a great many who are an honour to our age , and who wou'd have adorn'd the ages pass'd . but amongst these great men , i speak of , i do not know one , and there cannot be one , who does not esteem , and honour the ancients , who is not of their taste , and who follows not their rules . if you go never so little from them , you go at the same time from nature and truth ; and i shall not be affraid to affirm , that it wou'd not be more difficult to see without eyes , or light , than 't is impossible to acquire a solid merit , and to form the understanding by other means , than by those , that the greeks , and romans have trac'd for us . whether it be that we follow them by the only force of natural happiness , or instinct , or that art , and study have conducted us thither . as for those who thus blame antiquity , without knowing of it , once for all i 'll undeceive them , and make it appear , that in giving all the advantage to our age , they take the direct course to dishonour it ; for what greater proofs can be of the rudeness , or rather barbarity of an age , than in it , to hear homer called dull , and heavy , plato tiresome , and tedious , aristotle ignorant , demosthenes and cicero , vulgar orators , virgil a poet without either grace , or beauty , and horace an author unpolished , languid , and without force ? the barbarians who ravag'd greece , and italy , and who laboured with so much fury to destroy all things that were fine and noble , have never done any thing so horrible as this . but i hope that the false taste of some particular men without authority , will not be imputed to the whole age , nor give the least blemish to the ancients . 't was to no purpose that a certain emperor declar'd himself an enemy to homer , virgil and titus livius . all his efforts were ineffectual , and the oppsition he made to works so perfect , serv'd only to augment in his history the number of his follies , and render him more odious to all posterity . the index . a letter from mr. prior , to mr. fleetwood sheppard . page . . horace , lib. . ode . imitated by mr. congreve . an ode in imitation of horace , ode . lib. . by the same . horace ode . book . imitated . on a lady who deny'd him entrance into her closet . king charles the first lot at sortes virgilianae , translated by mr. cowly . the deists plea answer'd by the honourable robert boyl esq iulii mazarini cardinalis epitaphium , authore joh. milton . in urbanum viii . p. m. epitaph on felton by the duke of buckingham , ibid. vpon a ladies singing , by mr. congreve . advice about marriage , in imitation of a french satyr , by mr. tho. brown. part of a panegyric upon colonel walker of londonderry , by the same . carolo martyri sacrum , authore tho. brown. catch by mr. taverner . the beaux , by mr. brown. ibid , the repenting husband , or a satyr upon marriage , by s. w. vpon the duke of buckingham's retirement , by madam wharton . petronius arbiter . qui pelago credit . song by henry cromwel , esq vpon the art of love , a book presented to a lady , by the same . a song by the same . the decay a song , by mr. w. c. song by mr. s. by the same a song . song by tho. ch — esq song by the same . the message a song , by w. c. by henry cromwel , esq martial . epi. de morte festi . a catch . a letter from hen. cr — esq to tho. ch. — esq for women against wine . an answer to the foregoing letter , by tho. ch — esq for wine . song by henry cromwel , esq an invitation to the music meeting , by the same . on a conventicle , by mrs. behn . verses design'd by mrs. behn to be sent to a fair lady , &c. venus and cupid , by the same . the old man's complaint , by mr. wells . vpon marriage , by dr. n. a song by mr. j. s. of the middle temple . . to sylvia a song , by c. g. to sylvia the meeting , by the same . the beginning of the first satyr of persius imitated , by the same . on affairs abroad , and king william's expedition , by mr. durfey . on my lord fairfax , by the late duke of buckingham . poems , &c. a letter from mr. prior , to mr. fleetwood sheppard . sir , as once a twelve month to the priest , whom some call pope , some antichrist , the spanish monarch sends a gennet , to shew his love , that 's all that 's in it : for if his holiness would thump his rev'rend bum 'gainst horses rump , he might be ' quip'd from his own stable with one more white , and eke more able . or as with gondola's and men , his good excellence the duke of venice , ( i wish for rhime ' thad been the king ) sails out , and gives the sea a ring : which trick of state he wisely maintains , keeps kindness up 'twixt old acquaintance ; for else , in honest truth , the sea has much less need of gold than he . or , not to rove and pump ones fancy , for popish similies beyond sea ; as folks from mud-wall'd tenement bring land-lords pepper-corn for rent , present a turkey or a hen to those might better spare them ten : ev'n so , with all submission , i ( for first men instance , than apply ) send you each year a homely letter , who may return me much a better . then take it , sir , as it was writ , to pay respect , and not show wit : nor look askew at what it saith , there 's no petition in it — faith. here some would scratch their heads and try what they should write , and how , and why ; but i conceive such folks are quite in mistakes , in theory of writing : if once for principles 't is laid that thought is trouble to the head ; i argue thus , the world agrees , that he writes well , who writes with ease ; then he , by sequel logical , writes best , who never thinks at all . verse comes from heav'n , like inward light , meer human pains can ne're come by it . the god , not we , the poem makes , we only tell folks what he speaks . hence when anatomists discourse how like brutes organs are to ours ; they grant , if higher powers think fit , a bear might soon be made a wit : and that , for any thing in nature , pigs might squeak love-odes , dogs bark satyr . memnon , tho' stone , was counted vocal , but 't was the god , mean while , that spoke all . rome oft' has heard a cross haranguing , with prompting priest behind the hanging ; the wooden head resolv'd the question , whilst you and pettys help'd the jest on . your crabbed rogues that read lucretius , are against gods , you know , and teach us , the god makes not the poet , but the thesis vice versa put should hebrew-wise be understood , and means the poet makes the god. egyptian gard'ners thus are said to have set the leeks they after pray'd to : and romish bakers praise the deity they chip'd , whilst yet in it's paniety . that when you poets swear and cry the god inspires , i rave , i die ; if inward wind does truly swell ye , 't must be the colick in the belly . that writing is but just like dice , and lucky mains make people wise : that jumbled words , if fortune throw 'em , can well as dryden form a poem ; or make a speech correct and witty , as you know who — at the committee : so atoms dancing round the centre , they urge , form'd all things at a venture . but granting matters should be spoke by method rather than by luck , this may confine their younger styles , whom dr — n pedagogues at wills : but never could be meant to tye authentick wits , like you and i : for as young children who are try'd in go carts to keep their steps from sliding ; when members knit , and legs grow stronger , make use of such machine no longer , but leap , pro libitu , and scout on horse call'd hobby , or without : so when at school we first declaim , old busby walks us in a theme , whose props support our infant vein , and help the rickets in the brain : but when our souls their force dilate , and thoughts grow up to wits estate , in verse or prose we write or chat , not six pence matter upon what . 't is not how well a writer says , but 't is how much that gathers praise : t — n , who is himself a wit , counts authors merits by the sheet ; thus each should down with all he thinks , as boys eat bread to fill up chinks . kind sir , i should be glad to see you , i hope you 're well , so god be with y' , was all at first i thought to write , but things since that are alter'd quite ; fancies flow in , and muse flies high , so god knows when my clack will lie ; i must , sir , prattle on as afore , and beg your pardon yet this half hour . so , where i 've with my gran'am gone , at sacred barne of pure noncon — when lobb has sifted all his text , and i well hop'd the pudding next , the rogue has cough'd up to'ther hour , and to apply has plagu'd me more than all his villain stuff before . for your religion , then , i hear a very good account of her ; they say she 's honest as your claret , not sowr'd with cant , nor stum'd with merit , your chamber is the sole retreat of chaplains ev'ry sunday-night , of grace no doubt a certain sign , when lay-man herds with man divine ; for if their fame be justly high , who would never treat the pope's nuncio , that his is higher , we must grant , who will treat nuncio's protestant . in politicks , i hear , you 'r stanch , directly bent against the french , deny to have your free-born toe dragoon'd into a wooden shoe , are in no plots , but fairly drive at the publick welfare in your private , and will for england's glory try turks , iews and iesuits , to defie , and keep your places till you die . for me , whom wand'ring fortune threw from what i lov'd , the town and you , let me just tell you how my time is past in a country-life — imprimis . as soon as phaebus's rays inspect us , i rise to read , perhaps to breakfast , so on till ' foresaid god does set , i sometimes study , sometimes eat ; thus of your heroes and brave boys , with whom old homer makes such noise , the greatest actions i can find , are , that they did their work and din'd . the books of which i 'm chiefly fond , are such as you have whilom con'd , that treat of china's civil-law , and subjects rights in golconda : of high-way elephants at ceylan , that rob in clans , like men o' th' high land. of apes that storm or keep a town better , perhaps , than count lausune : of unicorns and alligators , elks , mermaids , mummies , witches , satyrs , and twenty other stranger matters : which , tho' they 'r things i 've no concern in , make all our grooms admire my learning . criticks i read on other men , and hypers upon them again , from whose remarks i give opinion on twenty books , yet ne'r look in one : then all your wits that fleer and sham , down from don quixot to tom tram ; from whom i jeasts and puns purloin , and slily put 'em off for mine . fond to be thought a country-wit , the rest when fate and you think fit . sometimes i climb my mare , and kick her , to bottled ale , and neighb'ring vicar ; sometimes at stamford take a quart , ' squire sheppard's health with all my heart . thus far from pleasure , sir , or grief , i fool away an idle life , till mr. maidwell cease to teach , then i 'll jerk youth , and say inspeech ; or shadwell from the town retires , choak'd up with fame and sea-coal-fires , to bless the woods with peaceful lyric , then hey ! for praise and panegyric ; justice restord , and nations free'd , and wreaths round william's glorious head. horace , lib. ii. ode . imitated by mr. congreve . eheu fugaces , posthume , posthume , labuntur anni , &c. i. ah ! no , 't is all in vain , believe me 't is ' this pious artifice . not all these prayers and alms , can buy one moment tow'rd eternity . eternity ! that boundless race , which , time himself can never run : ( swift , as he flies , with an unweari'd pace , ) which , when ten thousand , thousand years are done , is still the same , and still to be begun . fix'd are those limits , which prescribe a short extent to the most lasting breath , and though thou couldst for sacrifice , lay down millions of other lives to save thine own ; 't were fruitless all ; not all would bribe one supernumerary gasp from death . ii. in vain 's thy inexhausted store of wealth , in vain thy pow'r , thy honours , titles ; all must fail , where piety it self does nought avail . the rich , the great , the innocent and just , must all be huddl'd to the grave , with the most vile and ignominious slave , and undistinguish'd lie in dust. in vain , the fearful , flies alarms , in vain , he is secure , from wounds of arms , in vain , avoids the faithless seas , and is confin'd to home and ease , bounding his knowledg , to extend his days . in vain , are all those arts we try , all our evasions , and regret to die : from the contagion of mortality , no clime is pure , no air is free : and no retreat is so obscure , as to be hid from fate . iii. thou must , alas ! thou must my friend ; ( the very hour thou now dost spend in studying to avoid , brings on thine end , ) thou must forego the dearest joys of life ; leave the warm bosome of thy tender wife , and all the much lov'd offspring of her womb , to molder in the cold embraces of a tomb. all must be left , and all be lost ; thy house , whose stately structure so much cost , shall not afford room for the stinking carkass of its lord. of all thy pleasant gardens , grots , and bowers , thy costly fruits , thy far-fetch'd plants and flow'rs : nought shalt thou save ; unless a sprig of rosemary thou have , to wither with thee in the grave : the rest shall live and flourish , to upbraid their transitory master dead . iv. then shall thy long-expecting heir , a joyful mourning wear : and riot in the waste of that estate which thou hast taken so much pains to get . all thy hid stores he shall unsold , and set at large thy captiv'd gold. that precious wine , condemn'd by thee to vaults and prisons , shall again be free : buried alive , tho' now it lies , again't shall rise , again its sparkling surface show , and free as element , profusely flow . with such choice food he shall set forth his feasts , that cardinals shall wish to be his guests ; and pamper'd prelates see themselves out-done in luxury . an ode , in imitation of horace , ode ix . lib. . by mr. congreve . vides ut alta , &c. — i. bless me , 't is cold ! how i hill the air ? how naked does the world appear ! but see ( big with the off-spring of the north ) the teeming clouds bring forth . a show'r of soft and fleecy rain , falls , to new-cloath the earth again . behold the mountain-tops , around , as if with fur of ermins crown'd : and lo ! how by degrees the universal mantle hides the trees , in hoary flakes , which downward fly , as if it were the autumn of the sky ; whose fall of leaf would theirs supply : trembling , the groves sustain the weight , and bow like aged limbs , which feebly go beneath a venerable head of snow . ii. diffusive cold does the whole earth invade , like a disease , through all its veins 't is spread , and each late living stream , is num'd and dead ; le ts melt the frozen hours , make warm the air. let cheerful fires sol's feeble beams repair ; fill the large bowl with sparkling wine ; let 's drink , till our own faces shine , till we like suns appear , to light and warm the hemisphere . wine can dispence to all both light and heat , they are with wine incorporate : that pow'rful juice , with which no cold dares mix , which still is fluid , and no frost can fix : let that but in abundance flow , and let it storm and thunder , hail and snow , 't is heav'ns concern ; and let it be the care of heaven still for me : these winds , which rend the oaks and plough the seas ; great iove can , if he please , with one commanding nod appease . iii. seek not to know to morrows doom ; that is not ours , which is to come . the present moment's all our store : the next , should heav'n allow , then this will be no more : so all our life is but one instant now. look on each day you 've past to be a mighty treasure won : and lay each moment out in haste ; we 're sure to live too fast , and cannot live too soon . youth does a thousand pleasures bring , which from decrepid age will fly ; sweets that wanton i th' bosome of the spring , in winter's cold embraces dye . iv. now love , that everlasting boy , invites to revel while you may , in soft delights : now the kind nymph yields all her charms , nor yields in vain to youthful arms. slowly she promises at night to meet , but eagerly prevents the hour with swifter feet . to gloomy groves and obscure shades she flies , there vails the bright confession of her eyes . unwillingly she stays , vvould more unwillingly depart , and in soft sighs conveys the whispers of her heart . still she invites and still denies , and vows she 'll leave you if y' are rude ; then from her ravisher she flies , but flies to be pursu'd : if from his sight she does herself convey , vvith a feign'd laugh she will herself betray , and cunningly instruct him in the way . horace ode , book . imitated . natis in usum laetitiae scyphis , &c. what boys , are ye mad ? is the dutch devil in ye ? must your quarrels as long as your glasses continue ? give it o're , ye dull sots ! let the dull-pated boors , snic or snee , at their punch-bowls , or slash for their whores , we 'll be merry and wise , but for bloodshed we bar it , no red shall be seen here but your port and good claret . what a p — should we fight for ? no bayonets here but the sconces all round & the bottles appear . look , the wine blushes for us ! while it gently disgraces our unnatural freaks and our mortifi'd faces . come let 's do what we came for ! let the brimmers be crown'd , and a health to all quiet good-fellows go round ! must i take off my glass too ? then iack prethee tell us thy new mistresses name : what a mischief art jealous ? must her name be a secret ? alons then i 've done , hang the greedy curmudgeon that will eat all alone . come discover you block-head ! i 'm sure i mistook ye , or else in these amours iack was us'd to be lucky well , but whisper it then ! i 'll keep counsel , ne'r fear it , is it she ? the damn'd jilt ! gad let no body hear it ; why , faith iack thou' rt undone then , 't was some witchcraft i 'm sure could betray thee to th' arms of a pockified whore. well , 't is vain to repine boy ; let us drink away sorrow , use thy freedom to night man , let the punk reign to morrow . to a lady , who deny'd him entrance into her closet . pardon at least it merits , if not praise , to this high wish , our bold desires to raise . for what place more our longing eyes can bless , than that where you alone your self possess , where in a calm and undisturb'd retreat all your mild tender thoughts together meet , and love and innocence each other greet ? here some unhappy virgin 's fate you read , and your soft soul with her sad story feed : admire the truth which she , tho' injur'd , bears , and praise the mournful beauty of her tears ; such charming tears as those alone excel , which from your eyes for lov'd pamela fell : there , with concern of heroes past you read ; how do we envy then the happier dead ! but oh ! what hopes can living lovers find , if they alone take up your gentle mind ! to this blest place are all our wishes bound , where no unhallow'd feet e're toucht the ground : hither w'approach not so profane or rude , as without your permission to intrude : nor can we of this mighty grace despair , from the bright nymph that 's gentle as she 's fair , in whom we nature 's noblest strife may find , which should excel , her beauty or her mind ; in the warm snow of whose soft tender breast , mildness and gentlest pity build their nest ; and virtue , stronglier , noblier fortify'd by easie freedom than disdainful pride . king charles i. at oxford , being at a sport called sortes virgilianae , drew for his lott some part of the th eneid , abut verse . and had six verses translated by mr. cowley . by a bold people's stubborn arms opprest , forc'd to forsake the land which he possest , torn from his dearest son , let him in vain beg help , and see his friends unjustly slain : let him to bold unequal terms submit , in hopes to save his crown ; yet lose both it and life at once : untimely let him dye , and on an open stage unburied lye . the latine verses . at bello audacis populi vexatus & armis , finibus extorris , complexu avulsus iuli auxilium imploret , videatque indigna suorum funera , nec cum se sub leges pacis iniquae tradiderit , regno aut optata lace fruatur , sed cadat ante diem , mediaque inhumatus arena . the deist's plea , answered by the honourable , robert boyle , esq. the deist's plea. natural religion , easie first and plain ; tales made it mystery , offerings made it gain ; sacrifices and feasts were at length prepar'd ▪ the priests eat roast meat , and the people star'd . the christian's plea. natural religion does indeed display the duty of serving god , but not the way : man of himself roving , perverse and blind , a precipice sooner than that way would find , what worship god will like : himself must teach , and so he did , by those he sent to preach ; who doctrins worthy to be thought divine , confirm'd by miracles , where his power did shine : who by those wonders , instances did give of things , as strange as they bid us believe ; who promis'd endless joys , and lives requir'd worthy of those , that to such joys aspir'd , who what they taught so much believ'd and pris'd that , for its sake , they all things else despis'd : and both by its strict rules their lives did guide , and to attest its truth most gladly dy'd ; and without arms subdu'd the world , save those whom vice , not wit , engag'd clear truths t' oppose . iulii mazirini , cardinalis , epitaphium : authore ioh. milton . hic jacet iulius mazirinus , galliae rex , italus ecclesiae praesul laicus , europae praedo purpuratus , fortunam omnem ambiit omnem corrupit ; aerarium administravit , & exhausit ; civile bellum compressit , sed commovit ; regni jura tuitus est , & invasit ; beneficia possedit , & vendidit ; pacem dedit aliquando , sed distulit , hostes cladibus , cives oneribus afflixit , arrisit paucis , irrisit plurimos , omnibus nocuit . negotiator in templo , tyrannus in regno , praedo in ministerio , vulpes in consilio , grassator in bello , solus nobis in pace hostis. fortunam olim adversam , aut elusit aut vicit : e nostro seculo vidimus adorari fugitivum , imperare civibus exulem , regnare proscriptum . quid deinde egerit , rogas ? paucis accipe . lusit , fefellit , rapuit ; ferreum nobis seculum induxit , sibi ex auro nostro aureum fecit . quorundam capiti nullius fortunis pepercit , homo crudeliter clemens ; pluribus tandem morbis elanguit , plures ei mortes coelo irrogante , cui senatus olim unam decreverat : vincenni se arcibus inclusit moriturus ; id quidem apte quaesivit carcerem ; diu laedentem animam retinuit , aegre reddidit , sic retinere omnia didicerat , nil sua sponte reddere , constanter tamen visurus est mori , quid mirum ? vt vixit , sic obiit dissimulans , ne morbum quidem novere qui curabant . hac una fraude nobis profuit , fefellit medicos ; mortuus est tamen , ni fallimur , & moriens regem regno , regnum regi restituit ; reliquit ▪ praesulibus pessima exempla , aulicis infida consilia , adoptivo amplissima spolia , paupertatem populis ; successoribus suis omnes praedandi artes , sed praedam nullam . immensas tamen opes licet profuderit , id unum habuit ex suo quod daret , nomen suum . pectus ejus , post mortem apertum est , tunc primum patuit vafrum cor mazirini quod nec precibus , nec lacrymis , nec injuriis moveretur . diu quaesivimus , invenere medici cor lapideum . quod mortuus adhuc omnia moveat & administret ne mireris : stipendia in hunc annum accepit , nec fraudat post mortem bonae fidei : quo tandem evaserit forsitan , rogas ? coelum ( si rapitur ) tenet , si datur meritis longe abest . sed abi viator , & cave ; nam hic tumulus est specus latronis . in vrbanum viii . p. m. est ne papa christianus ? immo vero , christianissimus . estne verus petri successor ? immo verissimus : quotiescunque enim gallus cantat , dominum abnegat . epitaph upon felton , by his grace the late d. of buckingham . here uninter'd suspends ( tho not to save surviving friends th'expences of a grave ) felton's dead earth , which to the world must be , his own sad monument , his elegy , as large as fame , but whether bad , or good , i say not , by himself 't was writ in blood. having his body thus entomb'd in air , arch'd ore with heaven , and set with many a fair and glorious diamond-star ; a sepulchre which time can't ruinate , and where the impartial worm , which is not brib'd to spare princes , when wrapt in marble , cannot share his flesh , which oft the charitable skies embalm with tears , doing those obsequies belong to men , until the pitying fowl , contend to reach his body to his soul. upon a lady's singing pindarick ode , by mr. congreve . i. let all be husht , each softest motion cease , be every loud tumultuous thought at peace , and ev'ry ruder gasp of breath be calm , as in the arms of death . and thou most fickle , most uneasie part , thou restless wanderer , my heart , be still ; gently , ah gently , leave , thou busie , idle thing , to heave . stir not a pulse ; and let my blood , that turbulent , unruly flood , be softly staid : let me be all , but my attention , dead . go , rest , y'unnecessary springs of life , leave your officious toil and strife ; for i would hear this voice , and try if it be possible to dye . ii. come all ye love-sick maids and wounded swains , and listen to her healing strains . a wondrous balm , between her lips she wears , of sov'reign force to soften cares ; 't is piercing as your thoughts , and melting as your tears : and this , through ev'ry ear she does impart , ( by tuneful breath diffus'd ) to ev'ry heart . swiftly the gentle charmer flies , and to the tender grief soft air applies , which , warbling mystick sounds , cements the bleeding panter's wounds . but ah ! beware of clam'rous moan : let no unpleasing murmur or harsh groan , your slighted loves declare : your very tend'rest moving sighs forbear , for even they will be too boistrous here . hither let nought but sacred silence come , and let all sawcy praise be dumb . iii. and lo ! silence himself is here ; methinks i see the midnight god appear , in all his downy pomp aray'd , behold the rev'rend shade : an ancient sigh he sits upon , whose memory of sound is long since gone , and purposely annihilated for his throne : beneath two soft transparent clouds do meet , in which he seems to sink his softer feet . a melancholy thought , condens'd to air , stol'n from a lover in despair , like a thin mantle , serves to wrap in fluid folds , his visionary shape . a wreath of darkness round his head he wears , where curling mists supply the want of hairs : while the still vapors , which from poppies rise , bedew his hoary face and lull his eyes . iv. but hark ! the heav'nly sphere turns round , and silence now is drown'd in ectasy of sound . how on a suddain the still air is charm'd , as if all harmony were just alarm'd ! and ev'ry soul with transport fill'd , alternately is thaw'd and chill'd . see how the heavenly choir come flocking , to admire , and with what speed and care , descending angels cull the thinnest air ! haste then , come all th' immortal throng , and listen to her song ; leave your lov'd mansions , in the sky , and hither , quickly hither fly ; your loss of heav'n , nor shall you need to fear , while she sings 't is heav'n here . v. see how they crowd , see how the little cherubs skip ! while others sit around her mouth , and sip sweet hellelujahs from her lip. those lips , where in surprise of bliss they rove ; for ne'r before were angels blest with such a luscious feast of musick and of love. prepare then , ye immortal choir each sacred minstrel tune his 〈◊〉 and with her voice in choru● her voice , which next to yours i●●●st divine . bless the glad earth with heavenly lays , and to that pitch th' eternal accents raise , which only breath inspir'd can reach , to notes , which only she can learn , and you can teach : while we , charm'd with the lov'd excess , are wrapt in sweet forgetfulness of all , of all , but of the present happiness : wishing , for ever in that state to lie , for ever to be dying so , yet never die . advice about marriage : an imitation of a french satyr ; by mr. tho. brown. the husband 's the pilot , the wife is the ocean , he always in danger , she always in motion , and he that in wedlock twice hazards his carcass twice ventures a drowning ; and faith that 's a hard case . even at our own weapons the females defeat us , and death , only death , can sign our quietus . not to tell you sad stories of liberty lost , how our mirth is all pall'd , and our pleasures all crost : this pagan confinement , this damnable station suits no order , nor age , nor degree in the nation . the levite it keeps from parochial duty , for who can at once mind religion and beauty ? the rich it alarms with expences and trouble , and a poor beast , you know , can scarce carry double . 't was invented , they 'll tell you , to keep us from falling , oh the virtue and grace of a shrill catter-wawling ! but it pales in your game — ay , but how do you know sir , how often your neighbour breaks up your enclosure ? for this is the principal comfort of marriage , you must eat , tho' an hundred have spit in your porrige , if at night you 're unactive and fail of performing , enter thunder and lightning , and bloodshed next morning : cries the bone of your side , " thanks dear mr. horner , " this comes of your sinning with crape in a corner . then , to make up the breach , all your strength you must rally , and labour and sweat like a slave at the gally : but still you must charge , oh blessed condition ! tho' you know to your cost you 've no more ammunition ; till at last my dear mortified tool of a man , you 're not able to make a poor flash in the pan. fire , female and flood begin with a letter , and the world 's for 'em all scarce a farthing the better , your flood soon is gone , and your fire you may humble , if into the flames store of water you tumble : but to cool the damn'd heat of your wive's titillation , you may use half the engines and pumps in the nation , but may piss out as well the last conflagration . thus sir , i have sent you my thoughts of the matter , judge you , as you please , but i scorn to flatter . part of a panegyrick upon the famous colonel walker , governour of londonderry ; by mr. tho. brown. a town he kept in spite of fate , the irish he confounded : for this he got five thousand pound , oh hero most renown'd ! more of his valiant deeds and worth , what need we then to cry-a , since walker george has made amends for walker obadiah . carolo martyri sacrum : autore thoma brown. carole gentis honos , sate carole sanguine divum , qui major magnis annumeraris avis , relligio accepit , quo principe , nostra coronam , quo vivente decus , quo moriente fidem . haec damus ultrici damnata volumina flammae manibus inferias , sancte monarcha , tuis . seu tulerint batavae funesta venena paludes , seu dederit saevam scotia dira luem . sic semper pereat quaecunque lacessere charta vel reges ausa est , vel tetigisse deos. a catch , by mr. taverner . pale faces stand off , and our bright ones adore , we look like our claret , they worse than our score ; then light up your pimples , all art we 'l out-shine , when the plump god does paint , each stroke is divine . clean glasses our pencils , our claret is oil , he that sits for his picture must sit a good while the beaux , an ephigram , by mr. tho. brown. tell me , sage will , thou , that the town around for wit , and tea and coffee art renown'd ; tell me , for as the common rumor goes , thy house is cramm'd eternally with beaux , how shall i that strange animal define , what are his marks , his virtues or his sign ? so may'st thou still keep in the wits good graces , and never lose a farthing more at races . thus i enquir'd , when streight sage will rereplyed , his nutmeg , spoon , and grater laid aside ; " he that like m — sings , like s — writes , " dresses like r — , like t — fights , " like h — in a no ingagement swears , " chatters like d — , squints like w — at prayers ; " dams every thing besides his own dull jest , " that thing 's a beau : why then that beau's a beast . the repenting husband : or a satyr upon marriage : by mr. s. w. beaugard . it can't be he . courtine ! the brisk , the gay ! what hag has stoln the friend and man away ? what monster is he metamorphos'd to ? how all unlike the iolly thing we knew ? such vnderwoods have over-run the coast , in his beard 's thicket all his face is lost ; that hanging look sad ghesses does invite , and on his wrinkled forehead husband write . courtine . for thy unseasonable mirth a curse , as heavy as that fiend , that haunts me thus : that constellation of plagues be thine which spightful heaven has doom'd with sylvia , mine : be thou condemn'd to lug an endless life , the gally-slave to an eternal wife . beaugard . a friendly wish ! but partners would destroy that bliss , which none but one can well enjoy : lucky courtine , how ev'n in spight of me does thy good fortune make me envy thee ? how like the neat sir davy , sage and wise , new aldermen sit budding in her eyes ! a face so fair as sylvia's sure might move , spight of his hymns , a bloodless angel's love ; and then what dull platonick can behold the beauty , and the virtue of her gold ? the atheist thinks a merry life does well , bartering short pleasant toys for a long future hell. to lovers thus the happy night alone for a whole age of torments might attone , after a day of eating , which might vie with the lord mayors or shreeval luxury : see where a drove of envious wishing freinds around thy bed , the bower of bliss attends ; each squinting gallant prays thy place were his and by delays excel the coming blyss : sack-posset then , while each green virgin throws prophetic stocken , at thy patient nose . sack-posset still , and when they that remove ; next — enter the sweet sillabub of love . soft music then thy laziness must chide , and give a fair excuse to leave the bride ; not wooing puss can louder songs compose , nor more diversity of airs than those harmonious city-music ; such a bliss ; 't were worth the while to marry but for this . nor must you think the joys should end so soon , there 's yet a live-long-heavenly-hony-moon in wedlocks pleasing team , with equal law , thy courteous yoke-fellow must ever draw , while pictures of thy kind laborious bride shall still run softly bellowing by thy side . courtine . since my fair pack so wondrously does please , thy shoulders lend , and be an hercules : i feel a load , a heavy hell above , for the expected gaudy heaven of love : how thin would you those tinsel pleasures find with which sly jilting nature bribes mankind ? sated frvition does the bliss destroy , and the next moment knows not the tumultuous ioy. who can reflect without just rage and fright , and deep regret on such a mean delight ! ye gods , if these loves highest banquets be , brutes can love more , and better far than we : this knew sly iove , who when he left the skies , chose rather any other beast's disguise , the bull , nay th'improportionable swan , much more the lusty ass ▪ can rival man , who all their pleasure in possession find , without the curst allay , and sting behind ; as nature prompts , promiscuously they rove , and hunt free ioys , through ev'ry field and grove , but in a pound , what brute wou'd e'n make love ? man , man alone is damn'd to grinding still , and in the prison of his cage must bill ; like a blind stallion ever drudges on , and gets new slaves for wives to ride upon ; night-mar'd , like me , whom gastly sights persue and scare with her lean ghost , whom once i knew . that sylvia's now no more , who big with charms , dropt a whole dow'r of charms within your arms ; loose hangs the flower , lately so fresh and gay , and every tempest bears new leaves away : unlovely now it flags , and overblown , and ev'ry grace , and ev'ry charm is gone ; her tenderness is fond and awkward grows , and all her female art affected shews true hag all o're : ugly she grows , and old , and knowing this , turns jealous and a scold ; fletcher's wife-tamer durst not dare to love her , xantippe was a patient grizel to her ; each look , each step i tread's by her survey'd ; she haunts me like my conscience , or my shade , expects t' a statue , i should constant prove , and daily damns my unperforming love ; when e'r for quiets-sake she hooks me in , what mummy looks so dreadful as her face ! heavens , how she ruffles in her buckrum skin , and frights my soul away from the imbrace ! so when from gibbets and the common-shore th'officious devil has pimp'd , and brought his friend a whore , so shrieks the wretch , when he next morn has spy'd a ghastly carcass rotting by his side . just such a lot is mine ; i drudg my life worse than , with legion far , possess'd with wife ; wou'd fate and hell some higher ill provide , and club for any other plague beside , i soon should easy and contented grow , in spight of bolts above and flames below : no — such luxurious ease i ask in vain , and like poor adam must alive remain , whom vengeful fate did to curs'd woman chain , in judgment gave him an unkind reprieve , and damn'd him to ten thousand hells in eve. vpon the d. of buckingham's retirement : by madam wharton , jan. . if darkest shades could cloud so bright a mind , or universal knowledg be confin'd , then should i fear what vainly you persue , exiling the offending world from you : permit this phrase , for their 's the loss would be , to you , 't were gain of ease and liberty : for them alas ! what is 't i would not fear ? if banished the rich world of learning here , within your breast , where knowledg is retir'd by vain pursuits and false explainers tir'd ; others bring dazling light , and leave us more opprest with blindness than we were before : but gently by degrees , like dawning day , the mists that cloud the mind you drive away . if you retire , what damps of black despair must cloud the world ( no longer made your care ? ) who could alas deep mysteries unfold ? who could instruct the young or chear the old ? who could like you in lively colours paint death's gastly face to each expiring saint ? 't is you and only you can paint him fair , to those who life & pleasure make their care. 't is you make ease less lovely seem than pain 't is you bring heaven down to dying men , and raise the drooping minds to heaven again ; you chose heaven's saints , for still the mounting soul is crown'd above whom you on earth enrol . quit not the world , because that monarch's brow so smooth to all , seems clouded o'r to you : his anger , like the wrath of heaven , is slow , and all his actions his compassion shew : unjustice never can his temper sute , love , gentle love , is his blest attribute : a soul enclin'd to such a peaceful charm , no fear of danger could his soul alarm : plot upon plot intended or devis'd , he smil'd to see , look'd over and despis'd . when every subject at his danger shook , his thoughts flow'd easily as a summers brook : he pardon'd still , and when unruly , they forc'd him the sword of justice to display , unwillingly he punish'd , to obey : i say , t' obey , for might he still command , garlands of peace would grow within his hand ; then love and wit , in which he does excel , with peace and plenty , here would ever dwell . but now , alas , he rules a giddy crowd , who slight their joys and tell their grief aloud ; as fond of troubles as he is of peace , so factious slaves and constant foes to ease , still forcing fears unnatural and base ; at home distracted , and abroad despis'd , the grief of fools , and laughter of the wise. but hold ! too far , i have mistook my way , i would return , and yet what can i say ? the subject is so vast to which i 'm brought , that i am lost in the abyss of thought ; i would persuade , and yet i know not how to make that theam to my weak numbers bow , exalt my humble notions to your height , i 'll plainly tell my thoughts , raise you their flight . leave not the world , but near that monarch rest , who all that 's just still harbours in his breast , and when that head so fill'd with boundless thought to his enlarged heart is nearer brought , what wonders may we not expect should spring from such a subject , and from such a king ! to damon , the most inconstant and faithless of his sex : being the first copy of verses made by a fair lady , who is since dead . happy was i , o love , when innocent , and knew not what thy lawless power meant ! but since from damon's eyes thou 'st shot thy dart , wing'd with his faithless vows , into my heart ; alas ! away my happy hours are flown , and i too plainly find i am undone ! for by his prayers and numerous oaths betray'd too easie , i thought all was true he said ; so piteously he look'd , and sigh'd much more , and with such wondrous feeling ardor swore ! but like the rest of his false , perjur'd kind , he soon discover'd his base fickle mind . wilst young enjoyment , was all brisk and gay , how often didst thou , perjur'd damon , say , that , had alcmena , had such melting charms , the happy thunderer ne'r had left her arms , but had prolong'd the pleasing , blisful night , till darken'd mankind had forgot the light. but thou art false , and therefore shouldst be scorn'd , and not with fruitless tears and sorrows mourn'd : but now my scorn , alas ! would please thee more than all the favours i bestow'd before : then let some other pride thy soul torment , and make thee feel what i too late repent , the hopeless pangs of a despairing love , and all the racks the restless guilty prove . pet. arbiter . qui pelago credit , magno se foenere tollit , &c. the ventring merchant in his mighty gains meets a reward for his past toil & pains ; the hardy soldier who delights in wars , ventures for plunder whilst he ventures scars ; the servile cringing flatterer , we see triumphant in his purple luxury ; the cuckold-maker spends his blood and health in toilsome pleasure to procure him wealth ; discarded eloquence alone does wait , shivering with cold , and ragged , out of date ; and whilst admired baseness upwards flies , worth unregarded and neglected lyes . a song : by henry cromwel , esq ; . i. a beauteous face , fine shape , engaging air , with all the graces that adorn the fair , if these cou'd fail their so accustom'd parts , and not secure the conquest of our hearts : sylvia has yet a vast reserve in store ; at sight we love , but hearing must adore . ii. there falls continual musick from her tongue , the wit of sappho , with her artful song ; from syrens thus we lose the power to fly , we listen to the charm , and stay to dy : ah! lovely nymph , i yield , i am undone , your voice has finisht what your eyes begun . vpon the art of love , a book , sent to a lady : by the same . i. is sylvia then to learn the art of love , who with that passion every breast inspires ? what pity 't is she only should not prove what mighty charms there are in soft desires ? let her pursue the dictates of her heart , nature 's a mistress better far than art : ii. but if by some unknown indifference her eyes neglect the conquests they have won , and whilst all yield to love , without defence , sylvia can be insensible alone : try then , my little book , thy utmost art , to make the passage easy to her heart . a song : by the same . i. how ! mortal hate ! for what offence ? for too much love or negligence ? the first , who is it that denies ? the fault of your victorious eyes , as 't is of your severer arms , i pay no more my tribute to your charms . ii. yet i in silence still admire , have gaz'd till i have stole a fire ; a mighty crime in one you hate ; yet who can see and shun the fate ? ah! let it then not mortal prove , not but i 'd die to shew how much i love . the decay , a song : by w. c. i. say not olinda , i despise the faded glories of your face , the languish'd vigour , of your eyes , and that once , only lov'd embrace . ii. in vain , in vain , my constant heart , on aged wings , attempts to meet with wonted speed , those flames you dart , it faints and flutters at your feet . iii. i blame not your decay of pow'r , you may have pointed beauties still , though me alas , they wound no more , you cannot hurt what cannot feel . iv. on youthful climes your beams display , there , you may cherish with your heat , and rise the sun to guild their day , to me benighted , when you set . a song : by mr. s — . i. no more proud woman boast your empire over men , for all your pow'r now you have lost , and they 're restor'd unto themselves again . ii. they plainly now discern those tricks and all those arts with which your face and eyes you arm , to catch unguarded hearts . iii. and rather than submit to such deceits , as these , they 'l for a mistress chuse a man o'wit , who better knows to please . by the same . i. this proves , clymene , what i said , our hearts o' th' hardest rocks were made , since mine , unweary'd still has born your killing rigour and your scorn ; yet yours nothing could melt , or move , not all my tears , nor all the force o'love . ii. long with my hourly pains i strove , pains which i fear will endless prove , never more vainly to urge to you this truth , for my repose too true ; i am a rock in constancy , as you are one in cruelty . song : by tho. ch — . esq . i. love 's a dream of mighty treasure , which in fancy we possess ; in the folly lies the pleasure , wisdom ever makes it less : when we think , by passion heated , we a goddess have in chase , like ixion we are cheated , and a gawdy cloud embrace . ii. only happy is the lover , whom his mistress well deceives , seeking nothing to discover , he contented lives at ease : but the wretch that would be knowing what the fair one would disguise , labors for his own undoing , changing happy to be wise . song : by the same . i. let other beauties boast in vain , how they a heart ensnare , which they by artful means obtain , and but preserve with care : whilst cloe , with restless pow'r , does all mankind subdue , as are her conquests ev'ry hour , so are her charms still new . ii. yet she for whom so many dye , neglecting does surprize , as loath the utmost force to try of her victorious eyes . her influence she does moderate , and some in pity spare , that beauties of a lower rate may have a little share . the message , a song : by w. c. go , thou unhappy victim , go thou poor distracted heart , oppress'd with all thy mighty woe , thy endless love , and smart ; go to aminta , tell thy grief ; go to aminta , beg relief ; pray to that cruel fair , and let , oh let her hear the various cries of thy despair . in bleeding wounds , and trembling fears , in moving sighs and melting tears , pant to her eyes , and pierce her ears . ah! sure she cannot see , a heart , so clad in misery , and yet no pity have ; oh no — she cannot — sure she will in tender mercy save , or else in rigid mercy kill . by henry cromwel , esq martial . epigram . de morte festi , lib. . epig. . indignas premeret pestis cum tabida fauces , &c. no sooner had the dire disease began , but o'r his face the spreading mischief ran ; around him his lamenting friends did ly , all eyes were bath'd in tears — but his were dry ; firm in his soul he was , and well resolv'd to die : yet does he mean inglorious ways disdain , by famin scorns to linger out in pain , or with vile poisonous dregs his manly visage stain : but , as he ever honour's course did run , in death to finish what his life begun , with roman courage did his fate obey , which ever led to death the noblest way : by falling thus he has acquir'd a name , out-vying cato's in the list of fame , for fear of caesar forc'd to such an end ; but thus he dy'd , and yet was caesar's friend . a catch . i. let the woman be damn'd ( a moderate fate ) or dye an old maid , as grey as a cat , that her lover refuses for want of estate . ii. let her , that sets man , like a beast to be sold , and above mettle'd flesh loves a lump of dead gold , look green when she 's young , and be poxt when she 's old . iii. but let those , that are wise contemn the dull store , wives chose by their weight , will be weighty no more , if for gold they will wed , for the same they will whore . a letter from hen. cr. esq. to tho. ch. esq. for women and against wine . my lovely ch — , that takes delight , to spend the silent hours of night with sparkling wine , and sprightly jest , and hates the lazy thoughts of rest , unbending then with ease thy cares , when drudging cit to shop repairs , of thy weak friend some pity take , who has not learnt the art to wake , unskill'd in offring at the shrine of thy dear jovial god of wine : let him enjoy his little punk , be clapt for sin , but not be drunk : the wretch that runs at ev'ry whore is often poxt , but can't give o're , may well be thought a slave to passion , but yet he acts by inclination , and pleasures in one moment gains to countervail an age of pains . why should i by your method live ? against my genius vainly strive ? this ev'n common sense destroys ; this the wise eunuch well disproves , is 't fit that i , who know no joys , should die , ye gods , because she loves ? let venus be at distance drawn , to make the nauseous draught go down , as when i drank for red-hair'd wench substantial bowles of lusty punch . or was there interest in the case , it might go down without grimace , as lusty stallion , who for hire , oblig'd to quench some awker'd fire , forces himself against desire , and robs from nature to supply her . no more will i pursue your fashion , nor ever drink by obligation , but seek a softer recreation . thus though a different way we move , your passion wine , mine for love , yet may we , as we change our sphere , like the twin-gods , meet once a year . an answer to the foregoing letter , by tho. ch. esq. for wine . when lately with some special friends , for fops , and fools to make amends , in bow-street , at a certain house , we drank a notable carouse ; and whilst mirth , and good humor lasted , the nights in joys sublime we wasted ; against good wine cou'd i imagine , that you a satyr wou'd engage in ? good wine , that raises us above the most transporting thoughts of love , inspires us with great wit and sense ; when love does ever drain from thence . when by indulging over night much wine has cloid the appetite , next day a bumper will restore , correct the faults o' th day before , but , by experience taught , i find , it ne'r was so with womankind : yet , sir , i am not in defyance with the soft sex , but in compliance , wou'd kindly take commiseration on her that had for me a passion ; but like a beau to fawn , and wait , is that of all things , that i hate . i use a woman at my leisure , not make a business of a pleasure : but you , whom female chains can fetter , i never heard was treated better . or may be of an amorous league , you cannot bear the grand fatigue ; something of that i am afraid , i 'll tell you what the world has said ; my dear , it 's credibly reported , you want strong vigor when you sport it : in vain you say soft things and tender , when 't is a stiff thing , that must bend her : but yours is such a modest devil , it is afraid to be uncivil ; and when she wishes for the blessing , you idly stand and praise her dressing , the pretty cornets on her head , when you should throw her on the bed , the fancied colours of a knot , when you should be upon the spot : then with her fan , perhaps , you play , when you should cool her t'other way . these are the reasons , as i ghess , that makes you have such ill success ; but if by chance you have the fortune to win the lady you importune , 't is one you pick up at hypolito's , whom for a month or two you follow close , and though enjoy'd by half the town , keeps you at distance with a frown , till by persuasive presents gain'd , the mighty victory 's obtain'd ; and when you think your self most happy , 't is ten to one , the jade will clap you . successively my pleasures move , from love to wine , from wine to love : kindly each other they relieve , and change does double pleasure give : then against wine be not inveterate , because the other you are better at ; but use them both , and the delight will prove your friend is in the right . a song , by henry cromwel , esq. i. no , no , i ne'r shall love thee less , for all thy fierce disdain , so fast thy blooming charms increase , thy sparkling eyes my heart oppress , each glance renews my pain . ii. yet must i , ( fate ! ) like busie flies , still to thy brightness turn ; pursue thee with my restless eyes , till , as each flaming blush does rise , insensibly i burn . an invitation to the musick meeting : by the same . i. return , ah charming nymphs ! return to your once-lov'd forsaken plains ; let us no more your absence mourn , but soon resume our pleasing strains ; o'r all our useless instruments unstrung , no more your shining beauties shall be sung : ii. come all ye shepheards to our groves ; 't is here a glance with ease imparts , to the fair object of your loves , the moving stories of your hearts ; our songs and strings shall favour the design , and every breast to tenderness incline . verses by madam behn , never before printed . on a conventicle . behold that race , whence england's woes proceed , the viper's nest , where all our mischiefs breed , there , guided , by inspiration , treason speaks , and through the holy bag-pipe legion squeaks . the nation 's curse , religion's ridicule , the rabble's god , the politicians tool , scorn of the wise , and scandal of the just , the villain 's refuge , and the womens lust. verses design'd by mrs. a. behn , to be sent to a fair lady , that desir'd she would absent herself , to cure her love. left unfinish'd . in vain to woods and deserts i retire , to shun the lovely charmer i admire , where the soft breezes do but fann my fire ! in vain in grotto's dark unseen i lie , love pierces where the sun could never spy . no place , no art his godhead can exclude , the dear distemper reigns in solitude : distance , alas , contributes to my grief ; no more , of what fond lovers call , relief than to the wounded hind does sudden flight from the chast goddesses pursuing sight : when in the heart the fatal shaft remains , and darts the venom through our bleeding veins . if i resolve no longer to submit my self a wretched conquest to your wit , more swift than fleeting shades , ten thousand charms from your bright eyes that rebel thought disarms : the more i strugl'd , to my grief i found my self in cupid's chains more surely bound : like birds in nets , the more i strive , i find my self the faster in the snare confin'd . venus and cupid . venvs . cvpid , my darling cupid and my joy , thy mother venus calls come away , come away . cvpid . alas ! i cannot , i am at play. venvs . fond boy , i do command thee , haste ; thy precious hours no longer waste : in groves and cottages you make abode , too mean a condescention for a god! on barren mountains idly play , for shame thou wanton come away , come away ! all useless lies thy bow and darts , that should be wounding heedless hearts : the swain that guards his drove , alas ! no leisure has for love : his flocks and heards are all his joy , then leave the shades and come away , come away . cvpid . alas , what would you have me do ? command and i 'll obedience shew . venvs . hye then to cities and to court , where all the young and fair resort ; there try thy power , let fly thy darts , and bring me in some noble hearts , worthy to be by thee undone , for here 's no glory to be won . cvpid . mistaken queen , look down and see , what trophies are prepar'd for thee , what glorious slaves are destin'd me . venvs . now , by my self , a noble throng ; how fair the nymphs , the swains how young ! no wonder if my little loves delight and play in shades and groves . cvpid . then , mother , here i 'll bend my bow , and bring you wounded hearts enough . venvs . my pretty charming wanton do . chorus . 't is thus we over mortals reign , and thus we adoration gain from the proud monarch to the humble swain . the old man's complaint : by mr. wells . ah , pity love where e'r it grows ! see how in me it overflows , in dripping eyes and dropping nose . so strange a thing is seldom seen ; my age is dull , my love is keen ; above i 'm grey , but elswhere green . aloof , perhaps i court and prate ; but something near i would be at , tho' i 'm so old i scarce know what . the maid's answer . for shame your green-wood fires then smother , you drop at one end , burn at t'other , you 'd have a wife to spoil a mother . i pity much your eyes o'rflowing ; but sure the world must needs be going , when rheums and rottenness run a woeing . then let age make you cease your chat ; and since you have forgot what 's what ; old rats love cheese , go construe that . vpon marriage : an epigram : by dr. n. unhappy state ! to thee , poor man does owe the loss of innocence and being too . marriage alone brought in the tempter eve , it was the serpent woman did deceive : the mischief still continues she began , for every woman is an eve to man. a song : by mr. j. s. of the middle temple . all thoughts of freedom are too late , not any new fair lady's art , nor both the india's wealth nor fate itself can disengage my heart . not , which kind heaven forbid , your hate and that which follows , proud disdain my passion could at all abate , but only make it last with pain . thus all my quiet does depend on hopes t' obtain a smile from you ; that so my love , that knows no end , may last with equal pleasure too . to sylvia , a song : by c. g. i. sylvia , could your eyes but see the wounds your killing beauties give ; a lover you might read in me , who , if you frown , disdains to live . ii. but oh ! the artless fair ones know no more , than tongues or eyes persuade : tongues that deceive , and eyes that shew too often love an art is made , iii. for a sincere and tender passion : ah! how severe and hard a fate ! that faith 's not known from oaths for fashion , nor naked truth from gay deceit . iv. soft as your balmy breath's my flame , when strugling love breaks out in sighs ; immortal , as i 'll make your name , and as bewitching as your eyes . v. but hold , fond swain ! ah! tell no more ! for heav'n and the heav'nly fair their favours on the happy show'r , leaving the wretch still to despair . to sylvia , the meeting : by the same . i. gods ! when we meet how dull was i ▪ my tongue , that us'd to move so glibly on the theme of love , now , when 't was real , lay motionless and still ; nor wou'd it to fair sylvia tell , the eager pangs and torments of my mind : but like a false deceitful friend , officious in my sun shine day , profering his service and his coin , ( when he was here i wanted none ) but when i needed most , he prov'd most shy , leaving me speechless , when i 'd most to say . my very fancy , and my thoughts were flown , so wholly was i lost in unexpected joy. ii. all extream joy in silence reigns ; as grief , when in excess a fluent tale proves either less , the lighter wounds of fortune are made known in formal words , and mournful tone : but when she deeper strikes her dart , 't is mute , and festers in the heart . so lesser joy is noisy , brisk , and gay , flows in full tides of laugh , and talk , admits no silent check or balk : but when so great as mine , the sense it chains . imperfect words ! a sigh ! a soft caress ! a trembling body , and a ravish'd kiss , was all the wondrous language of m'unruly joy. iii. ah! if your only presence give such elevated bliss , what raptures and what extasies have you , bright sylvia , yet in store , for the blest man you love ! too mighty sure for man's frail sense to bear , or to enjoy and live ! if but a gentle touch such transports move , what must divine fruition prove ! encircl'd in those tender arms , dissolving with those melting charms ; and oh ! — on that soft panting bosome lye ! sylvia that death , grant heaven and you , i dye . the beginning of the first satyr of persius imitated . the prologue , to dr. m — dly . 't is true , nor is it worth denial , my verse has never yet stood tryal of poetick-smiths , that meet still , at vrwin toms , or vrwin will 's ; ( for thus , sir , modern revolution has split the wits , t' avoid confusion , and set up brother against brother , that they mayn't clapper-claw each other . ) that i should think my self a poet , and vainly dare in print to shew it : i , who have never pass'd as yet the test of the mis-judging pit , nor i th' galleries tickl'd crowd , 'till they have clap'd and laugh'd aloud : nor from the tender boxes e'r yet have drawn one pitying tear : nor with sir courtly , roundelays have made to garnish out new plays : nor virgil's great majestick lines melted into enervate rhimes : nor witty horace , e'r did venture to burlesque into modern banter : nor gentle ovid e'r did force to zounds a river for a horse : nor sharp iuvenal's stronger verse , perverted into dogrel farce : nor ever durst as yet presume to venture on a meer lampoon : nor , in short , few words being best , ne'r yet could make a bawdy jest. i 'll tell you then , since you 'l needs know it , why i set up now for a poet : 't is not for what most of vs write , to fill my purse , or shew my wit ; but purely out of affection , to fill up my friend's collection . therefore , sweet sir , in haste , adieu t' ye , for i 'll adjourn now to my duty . the beginning of the first satyr of persius imitated . poet. oh the prepostrous cares of human kind ! which in each action and each wish we find ! friend . prithee that cant give o'r , or who will read ? you preach as solemnly , as 't were your trade . p. speak you to me ? f. to thee sayst ? yes egad — why surely , iack , thou 'rt absolutely mad , for none will on such formal verses look , but damn the author , and despise the book . p. none , say you sir ? f. or one or two at most ; and is 't not hard t o've all your labour lost ? to have your works on bulks all dusty lye , and all your thoughts for want of readers dye ? your precious lines serv'd up to nocks , or pye ? p. mistake not , friend , i chase not empty fame , nor write to please the town , or get a name . let the vain herd of noisy wits , and beaux , to whom they please their worthless praise dispose , it ne'r one moment shall break my repose . or what care i , if th'undiscerning town prefer dull a — to me , or perter br — n ; let his tagg'd nonsense , t'others wilds of wit , with cits , and boys still fond applauses get : but you , my friend , steer a securer course , and by the common judgment ne'r form yours . most men , by publick vogue condemn or praise , and never weigh the merits of the cause : let not that balance you to either side , by wisdom's nobler rule your sentence guide . oh! that i could , spight of my beardless youth , with a prevailing force , now urge the truth ! fr. stay but a while , till reverend age comes on , ( thy fleeting years of youth will soon be gone ) then will grey hairs on all thou say'st print aw , authority with all thy precepts go . a dictatorial youth does envy draw , tho' from his pen the noblest truths do flow . p. oh! that 's too long , i must before that time lash the vile town with my satyric rhime . f. that must not be — pray take a friend's advice . p. prithee no more , indeed thou' rt over-nice . i can no longer hold , nor silent , see such numerous pamphlets on each quarter fly , some in prose , and some in mightier verse , which each will daily to his friends rehearse . here a pert sot , with six months pains brings forth a strange , mishapen , and ridiculous birth : a glimps of human stamp it has , the rest is serpent , fish , and bird , but larger beast : in that odd monster horace once design'd , we may some method and some meaning find , tho' diffring parts , yet distinct parts it had , tail of fish , horses neck , a human head. nor head , nor tail , nor any part is here , through the whole lump no certain forms appear : 't is chaos all — mark how the jarring seed of ill agreeing things , perpetual discord breed ! together huddled , now this , now that prevails , hot simile now , now cold winters tales ! more pondrous ghess , with lighter banter meets , with clashing fury each the other greets ; moist spreading scandal , with dry dulness fights . but oh ! 't requires , this mortal strife to end , a stronger judgment , a diviner mind , than his ; for whatsoe'r the world may think , pudding's his food , and drowsy mum his drink : for read his trifles , and scarce in one line you 'll find him guilty of the least design . by the thick fogs , which from his diet rise , his sense is smother'd , and his judgment dyes . well has he then the seven sleepers grac'd by yearly sacrifice , and annual feast , for sure his studies are but sleep at best : and all the town must needs be in a dream , when such wild ramblings got him some poor fame . but quitting now this poor prose pamphleteer , to mightier verse , i must my vessel steer . but here the chiming fops so numerous grow , and in such various follies dress'd they go , 't would be an endless task to lash'em all , and now i find my muse grows something dull . f. enough for one time , sure is one such fool. on affairs abroad , and k. william's expedition : by mr. durfey . church-scruples , and jars , plunge all europe in wars , english caesar espouses our quarrel , predestin'd to stand , against lewis le grand , and wear his now flourishing laurel . the cause that is best now comes to the test , for heav'n will no longer stand neuter , but pronounce the grand doom , for old luther , or rome , and prevent all our doubts for the future . 't would turn a wise brain to consider what pain fools take to become politicians ; fops , bullies and cits , all set up for wits , and ingeniously hatch new divisions : some shew their hot zeal for a new common weal , and some for a new restauration ; thus we cavil and brawl , till the monsieur gets all , and best proves the wit of the nation : though we medcines apply , yet the fever swells high , first caused by a catholick riot , which no cure can gain , till the breathing a vein corrects the mad pulse into quiet . yet what e'r disease on our country may chance let 's drink to its healing condition , and rather wish will. were victor in france , than lewis were england's physician . on my lord fairfax : by the late duke of buckingham . epitaph . vnder this stone doth lye , one born for victory . elegy . fairfax the valiant , and the only he , who e'r for that alone a conqueror would be ; both sexes vertues were in him combin'd , he had the fierceness of the manliest mind , and all the meekness too of womankind : he never knew what envy was , or hate ; his soul was fill'd with worth , and honesty , and with another thing besides , quite out of date call'd modesty . he ne'r seem'd impudent but in the field , a place where impudence it self dares seldom shew its face , had any stranger spied him in a room , with some of those whom he had overcome , and had not heard their talk , but only seen their gesture and their meen , they would have swore he had the vanquish'd been ; for as they brag'd , and dreadful would appear , whilst they their own ill luck in war repeated ; his modesty still made him blush to hear , how often he had them defeated . ii. through his whole life the part he bore was wonderful and great ; and yet it so appear'd in nothing more than in his private last retreat ; for 't is a stranger thing to find , one man of such a glorious mind , as can despise the power he hath got ; than millions of those polls and braves , those despicable fools and knaves , who such a poother make , through dulness and mistake , in seeking after power , and get it not . iii. when all the nation he had won , and with expence of blood had bought store great enough he thought , of fame and of renown , he then his arms laid down , with full as little pride , as if he had been on the enemies side . he neither wealth nor places sought , for others ( not himself ) he fought , he was content to know ; for he had found it so , that when he pleas'd , to conquer he was able , and left the spoil and plunder to the rabble . iv. he might have been a king , but that he understood , how much it is a meaner thing to be unjustly great than honourably good. this from the world did admiration draw , and from his friends both love and awe , remembring what he did in fight before . nay , his foes lov'd him too , as they were bound to do , because he was resolv'd to fight no more . so blest of all he dy'd , but far more blest were we , if we were sure to live till we could see a man so great in war , in peace so just as he . finis . the cabinet-council containing the cheif [sic] arts of empire and mysteries of state : discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms grounded on authority, and experience : and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing r ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing r estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the cabinet-council containing the cheif [sic] arts of empire and mysteries of state : discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms grounded on authority, and experience : and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, ?- . milton, john, - . [ ], p. : port. printed by tho. newcomb for tho. johnson ..., london : . first ed., with "to the reader" signed: john milton. cf. nuc pre- . published in as: aphorisms of state, grounded on authority and experience; in as: the arts of empire, and mysteries of state discabineted; in as: the secrets of government, and misteries of state. for other issues under different titles see: brushfield, t.n. bibliography of sir walter raleigh, , [no.] . reproduction of original in yale university library. eng political science -- early works to . monarchy -- early works to . a r (wing r ). civilwar no the cabinet-council: containing the cheif [sic] arts of empire, and mysteries of state; discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms, g raleigh, walter, sir f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tam marti , quam mercurio . the true and lively portraiture of the hoble. and learned knight sr. walter ralegh . ro : vaughan sculp : the cabinet-council : containing the cheif arts of empire , and mysteries of state ; discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms , grounded on authority , and experience ; and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations . by the ever-renowned knight , sir walter raleigh , published by john milton , esq ; quis martem tunicâ tectum adamantinâ dignè scripserit ? london , printed by tho. newcomb for tho. johnson at the sign of the key in st. pauls churchyard , near the west-end . . to the reader . having had the manuscript of this treatise , written by sir walter raleigh , many years in my hands , and finding it lately by chance among other books and papers , upon reading thereof , i thought it a kinde of injury to withhold longer the work of so eminent an author from the publick ; it being both answerable in stile to other works of his already extant , as far as the subject would permit , and given me for a true copy by a learned man at his death , who had collected several such peices . john milton . the principal contents . chap. i. the definition and division of publick weals and soveraign states , according to their several species or kindes . pag. . chap. . of soveraign or monarchick government , with its essential marks , and specifical differences . pag. . chap. . of monarchies seigniorile , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire . pag. . chap. . of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them . pag. . chap. . of monarchies tyrannical . pag. . chap. . of new-found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . pag. . chap. . of councils and counsellors in general . pag. . chap. . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties and democraties . pag. . chap. . of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . pag. . chap. . of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . pag. . chap. . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure , and war . p. . chap. . extrinsick observations , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decypher their intendments . pag. . chap. . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . pag. . chap. . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites . pag. . chap. . the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . pag. . chap. . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . pag. . chap. . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . p. . chap. . of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . pag. . chap. . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . pag. . chap. . of diffidence and dissimulation in the mannage of state affairs . pag. . chap. . of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers , and military discipline . pag. . chap. . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . pag. . chap. . of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick ; with advice how to make an honorable peace . pag. . chap. . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . pag. . chap. . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . pag. . chap. . maximes of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations , and historical parallels . pag. . the cabinet council : containing the chief arts of empire , and mysteries of state . chap. i. the definition and division of publick weales and soveraign states , according to their several species or kinds . a common-wealth is a certain soveraign government of many families , with those things that are common among them . all common-wealths are either monarchies , aristocraties , democraties . a monarchie is that state where the soveraignty resteth in the person of one only prince . an aristocratie , is where some small part of the people have in the● as a body corporate , the soveraignty and supream power of the whole state . a democrati● , is where all the people have power and authority soveraign . so doth it appear , that the place and person where the soveraigntie resteth , doth cause the state to be either a monarchie , an aristocratie , or popular government . chap. ii. of soveraign or monarchick government , with its essential markes , and specifical differences . soveraigntie is an absolute and perpetual power in every publike state and he is properly and only a soveraign , that acknowledgeth no superior or equal , nor holdeth of any other prince , person or power , but god and his own sword . the first mark of soveraigntie is absolute power and authority to command all subjects in general , and every of them in particular , without consent of any other person or persons , either greater or inferior to himself . the second mark of majesty is authority to make war , and conclude peace at his pleasure . the third is power to bestow all honors and cheif offices at his pleasure . the fourth marke of soveraigntie is appellation . the fifth mark and last , is power to pardon all subjects by rigor of law or otherwise condemned in life , lands , goods , or honors . these powers are not to be imparted to any officer , deputy or other magistrate , but in the princes absence , and for some urgent occasion . monarchies are of three sorts signioril , royal , tyrannical . the diver●●tie of monarchies doth no● proceed from the nature of the state , but the diverse proceedings of those princes that governe ; for great difference there may be between the nature of the common wealth and the government thereof . that prince that giveth the magistracies , honors and offices without respect of nobility , riches or vertue , may be said to governe popularly . and that monarchy may be said to b● governed aristocratically , when the monarch imparteth the principal honors and offices to the noble and rich men only . the same difference there is to be found in states aristocratical and popular : for the one and the other may be both signioril , or tyrannical . a monarch signioril is he who by force of arms and just war , is made owner of mens bodies and goods , and governeth them as a master of a familie governeth base servants and slaves . a monarch royal , is he whose subjects are obedient unto his laws , and the monarch himself obeyeth the lawes of god and nature , suffering every subject to enjoy liberty natural , with property in lands and goods , governing as a father governeth his children . a monarch tyrannical , is he who without regard to the law of god or nature , commandeth free-men as slaves , and useth their lands and goods as his own . chap. iii. of monarchie signioril , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire . all people subject to princes , are governed as free-men by their prince and certain other particular lords of lands and liberties ; who not by the princes commission but by antient lawes or custom have inheritance and tenements ; or else they are by one prince and his ministers commanded , which ministers have not by law , or ordinance , any authority or interest of themselves , but being like to the people ( base men and slaves ) they command only by commission in the princes name ; and the authority of those ministers doth cease at the princes pleasure , so that the people doe not acknowledg any superior but the prince● nor owe any service to other mean lords : so as all the people stand without propertie in lands or goods ; for example , the empire of turky and the west indies . the provinces of this monarchie are allotted to sundrie magistrates or ministers , and they altered and removed at the princes pleasure ; but it is otherwise in a monarchie royal , because the monarch is there accompanied with many mean lords● and albeit those mean lords are subjects unto the prince , yet have they particular tenants who may not without just cause be dispossessed by the prince ; and those people having had dependency of their lords and their ancestors , do ever beare unto them a certain naturall love and dutifull respect : who so therefore compareth these principalities , shall perceive , that to conquer a state signioril there is great difficultie ; but being conquered , it may easily be maintained for the difficultie to conquer such a state , proceedeth from the lack of mean lords to call in and assist the prince that doth invade : who therefore desireth to subdue a nation thus governed , must of force assault , all the people , and rather trust in his own strength then the aide of the country . but if he can prevaile , then one only feare remaineth , which is the princes posteritie , which necessarily must be extinguished , because the princes race only hath interest both in the people and soldiers . but to enter a monarchy royal , is an enterprise of no great difficulty , when he that doth enter , hath the friendship and aide of some mean lords to take his part , and prepar the place where he is to arrive . chap. iiii. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintaine them . monarchies royal , are for the most part antient and hereditary , and consequently easie to be governed . for it is sufficient for the prince to maintain the old laws , ●and on occasion temporize with those accidents that happen● such a state cannot be taken from the prince without excessive force ; and if it be , it shall be soon recovered . example , england and france . but if a monarchie newly conquered , be annexed unto an old , and not properly antient , then is it with much more difficulty maintained . first , for that men naturally inclined to variation are easily induced ●o take arms against him that newly governeth . secondly , every new prince is forced to exact aswell upon those subjects that joyned with him as those that did resist him , and therefore shall offend both . example , ireland annexed to the crown of england : sicilia and naples to spain● . the means to maintain such a monarchie ; is● first to extinguish the race of him that was anciently prince . secondly , to continue all lawes and customes in the former force ; for so shall the subject find nothing altered but the prince , and therefore will soon rest contented : and the rather if that new monarchie and the antient dominion of the prince be of one language : but if the people be of a contrary language and humor , then to hold it , there needeth great industrie and fortune : in that case the best way is that the prince should inhabit there , as well to incounter all inconveniences proceeding from the subject , as to preserve the people from oppression of his own ministers . another way is to send thither certain colonies , and plant them in fit places , or else to settle some garisons both of horse and foot ; but colonies are less chargeable to the prince : as for the people inhabitant ( who must necessarily remove , they being a small number and dispossessed ) they cannot have power to offend : for in that case , this rule or maxime shall be found true , that men must be either kindly intreated● or with all extremity oppressed ; because of light injuries they may be revenged , but of utter oppre●●ion they cannot . a third way to hold a conquered dominion , is , to cherish and defend the neighbors of little power , and oppress or keep under those that are most potent ; and above all to take order that no forraign prince or power doe enter ; for it is ever to be looked for , that so many of the nation as are discontented , either for ambition or feare , will be ever readie to bring in strangers ; and to conclude this matter of principalitie annexed , i say it behoveth every prince possessed of such a state , never to increase the power of any potent neighbor , never to oppress those that are of small power , never , to permit any forraign potentate to enter , but ever to plant colonies and garisons , or else to make that dominion his cheif habitation . chap. v. of monarchies tyrannical . tyrannical princes are not advanced by favor , neither doe they trust unto fortune , but by degrees of warr , or else by some other indirect meanes do aspire unto greatness ; and therein do maintain themselves by all wayes either honest or dishonest , without respect of justice , conscience or law either of nations or nature : a prince by such impious means aspired , and desiring to hold that he hath gained , will take order that the cruelties he committeth may be done roundly , suddenly , and as it were at an instant ; for if they be exe●nted at leasure and by piece-meale , then will the princes fears continue long , and the terror in subjects take deeper impression , whose nature is such that either they must be bound by benefits , or by cruelty made sure from offending ; example , dionysius and agathocles . chap. vi . of new found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . some other princes there are that from private estate have aspired to soveraignty not by unnatural or impious proceedings as the former , but by vertue and fortune , and being aspired have found no great difficulty to be maintained ; for such a prince having no other dominion , is forced to settle himself where he is become a prince ; but here is to be noted that albeit such a man be vertuous , yet wanting fortune , his vertue proveth to small purpose , and fortune without vertue doth seldome work any great effect . howsoever it be , a prince being aspired , both by the aide of the one and of the other , shall notwithstanding find some difficulty to hold what he hath gotten : because he is forced to introduce new lawes and new orders of government differing from the old , aswell for his own security , as confirmation of the government : for avoiding of which dangers he is to consider whether he be of himself able to compell his subjects to obey , or must pray in aide of others ; if he can doe the first , he needeth not doubt ; but being driven to the other , his greatness cannot long continue● for albeit a matter of no difficultie it is to perswade a people , yet to make them constant , is a work well neer impossible . example , thes●us , cyrus , romulus . the second sort of new princes are such as be aspired by favor or corruption , or by the vertue or greatness of fortune or friends : a prince by any or all these means advanced , and desirous to hold his estate● must indeavor by his own vertue to maintain himself without depending upon any other : which may be done by this means ; first ; to assure all enemies from offending . secondly , to win the love and friendship of so many neighbours as possibly he may . thirdly to compass all designes tending to his honor or profit , and bring them to pas● either by fraud or force : fourthly , to make himself honoured and followed of captains and soldiers . fifthly , to oppress all those that would or can offend . sixthly to be obsequious & liberal to frinds , magnanimous & terrible to foes . seventhly , to c●sse all old and unfaithfull bands and entertain new . eighthly , to hold such amitie with kings and princes , as they ought reasonablie to favor him● or else they would offend ; easily they cannot● example , giovannie , torrigiani , caesar borgi● . the third and last meanes whereby private persons doe aspire to principalities , is not force and violence● but meer good-will and favor of men . the cause or occasion thereof , is only vertue , or fortune , or at least a certain fortunate craft and wittiness ; because he aspireth either by favor of the people , or by favor of the nobilitie ; for these contrary humors are in all common wealths to be found . and the reason thereof is , that the great men do ever endeavor to oppress the people , and the people do labor not to be oppressed by them . of these divers appetites one of these three ef●ects doe proceed , viz. principalitie , ●iberty , or licencious life . principality may come either by love of the multitude , or of the great men : for when any of these factions do find it self oppressed , then do they soon consent to make one a prince , hoping by his vertue and valor to be defended . example , francesco sforz● , alessandro de medici . a prince in this ●ort aspired , to maintain his estate , must first consider well by which of these factions aforesaid he is advanced : for if by favor of great men he be aspired , then must he meet with many difficulties ; for having about him divers persons of great qualitie , and such as were but lately his equals , hardly shall he command them in such sort as it behoveth ; but if the prince be advanced by the people● few or none shall hardly disobey him . so it appeareth that a prince made by the multitude is much more secure then he whom the nobilitie preferreth : for common people doe not desire to enjoy more then their own , and to be defended from oppression ; but great men doe studie not only to hold their own , but also to command and insult upon inferiors . note that all monarchies are p●incipalities , but all principalities are not monarchies . chap. vii . of councils , and counsellors in general . a senate or council is a certain lawful assembly of counsellors to give advice to him or them that have in the comon weale power soveraign . a counsellor is called in the latine senator ; which word signifieth in effect an old man : the grecians and romans also most commonly composed the●● councils of ancient and expert persons ; for if they or the greater part of them had bin young men , then might the council have more properly bin called a juvenate then a senate . the chief and most necessary note required in a counsellor is to have no dependance of any other prince or common-weale ; either oath , homage , natural obligation , pention , or reward : in this point the venetians have bin ever most precise , and for that reason , doe not admit any cardinal or other clergieman to be either of or at their councils , therefore when the venetian sena●e is assembled , the usher being ready to shut the dore cryeth aloud , fuora preti , depart priest . ] note also that in every state of what quality soever , a secret or cabinet-council is mainly necessary . chap. viii . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties , and democraties . the king of spaine , for the government of his dominions hath seven councils ( viz ) the council of the indies , the council of spaine , the council of italy and the low countries , the council of war , the council of orders , the council of inquisition , and the council royal. in france are three councils ( viz ) the council privy , the council of judges , which they call presidents et conc●liers de parlament , and the great council which they call assemblei d● troys estates . of councils in aristocraties . in v●nice beside the senate and great council are four councils ( viz ) the sages of the sea , the sages of the land , the co●ncil of tenn , the three presidents of quarantia , and the senate : all which councils do amount to persons , with the magistrates . the great council of ragusa consisteth of persons , and hath another privie council of . of councils in democraties . genoua hath councils● the great council of , the senate which consisteth of , and the privie council which hath counsellors : so it doth appear that in all commonwealths , be they monarchies , aristocracies , or popular states , the council-privie is most necessarie and often used ; also this difference is to be noted between the councils in monarchies , and the councils in aristocracies and states popular ; that is to say , that all deliberations ●it ●o be published , are in a monarchie consulted and resolved upon in the council privie , and after ratified by common council ; but in optimacies or popular government the custom is contrary . here also is to be noted that albeit the use an● authorit● of ever● senate and privie councel is most needful , yet hath it no authority to command but in the name of those in whom the soveraignty resteth ; for if councellors had power to command absolutely , then should they be soveraigns , and consequently all execution at their pleasure ; which may not be without detracting from majestie , which is a thing so soveraign and sacred , as no citizen or subject of what quality soever , may touch or approach thereunto . chap. ix . of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . an officer is a person publick , that hath charge ordinary and limited by law . a commissioner is also a person publick● but his charge is extraordinary and limited by commission . officers are of two ●orts , and so be commissioners ; the one hath power to command , and are called magistrates ; the other hath authority to execute : so the one and the other are persons publick : yet are not all publick persons either officers or commissioners . commissioners are ordained to govern in provinces● in warr , in justice , in disposing the treasure , or some other function concerning the state ; but all commissions do spring and proceed from the soveraign , magistrates , and commissioners . and here is to be noted that every commission ceaseth if he that granted the commission doth dye , or revoke it , or if the commissioners during his commission shall aspire to office and authority equall to his that made it . chap. x. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . a magistrate is an officer having power to command in the state ; and albeit that every magistrate be an officer , yet every officer is not a magistrate , but they only that have power to command . also in making of officers and magistrates in every commonweale , three things are specially to be observed ( viz ) who doth make them , what men they are that should be made , and the forme and manner how they are made . the first appertaineth to him or them in whom the soveraigntie resteth ; the second also belongeth to majestie ; yet therein the laws are commonly followed , especially in aristocracies and states popular ; in the one the magistrates are chosen out of the most wealthy or most noble : in the other , elected out of the whole multitude . the forme and manner of choosing magistrates in aristocracies and states popular , is either by election , by lot , or by both , and their office is to compel those that doe not obey what soveraigntie commandeth : for all force of commandment lyeth in compulsion . commandment likewise is of two sorts : the one may be called soveraign and absolute , above lawes , above magistrates , and above people . in monarchies such command is proper to the prince only ; in aristocracies it resteth in the nobility : and in democracies the people have that power . the second commandments are subject both to soveraignty and law . here is to be noted that every magistrate may recall his own commandement , and forbid what he did command , yet cannot revoke that which he hath judged . * also in presence of the soveraign , all authority of magistrates ceaseth ; and in presence of great magistrates the inferior have no power ; and magistrates equall cannot doe any thing but by consent , if his colleagues or fellow-magistrates be present . chap. xi . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure , and warr . the first concern matter intrinsick . the second touch matter extrinsick . matters intrinsick are three . the administration of justice . the mannaging of the treasure . the disposing of things appertaining to war . matters extrinsick are also three . the skill how to deale with neighbours . the diligence to vent their designes● the way how to win so much confidence with some of them , as to be made partaker of whatsoever they mean to enterprise . touching administratio● of justice . the good and direct administration of justice , is in all places a principal part of government ; for seldome or never shall we see any people discontented and desirous of alteration , where justice is equally administred without respect of persons ; and in every state this consideration is required , but most of all in countries that doe front upon other princes , or were lately conquered : hereunto the princes vigilancy and the magistrates uprightness are especially required ; for oftentimes the prince is deceived , and the magistrates corrupted ; it behoveth also the prince to maintain the judges and ministers of justice in their reputation , and yet to have a vigilant eye upon their proceedings , and the rather if their authority doe include equity , and from their censure be no appeale ; and if their office be during life , and they are men born and dwelling in the same country ; all these things are duly to be considered of the prince ; for as to call the judges into q●estion , is as it were to disgrace the judicial seate ; so to wink at their corruptions were matter of just discontent to the subject ; in this case therefore the prince cannot doe more then by his wisdom to make choise of good men ; and being chosen , to hold them in good reputation so as the ordinary course of justice may proceed ; for otherwise great disorder , contempt , and general confusion will ensue thereof . secondly he is to keep his eye open upon their proceedings ; and lastly to reserve unto himself a supream power of appellation . touching the treasure . the want of money is in all states very perilous , and most of all in those which are of least strength , and doe confine upon nations with whom they have commonly war , or unassured peace , but most perilous of all to those governments which are remote from the prince , or place where they are to be relieved . the means to leavie treasure are four . first , the customs and impositions upon all sorts of merchandize and traffique is to be looked unto and advanced . secondly , the excessive eating of usury must be suppressed . thirdly , all super●luous charges and expences are to be taken away . lastly , the doings and accounts of ministers are severally to be examined . touching the matter of custom and impost , thereof assuredly a great profit is in every state to be raised ; chiefly where peace hath long continued , and where the country affordeth much plenty of commodities to be carried out , and where ports are to receive shipping . the moderating of interest is ever necessary , and chiefly in this age , by reason that money aboundeth in europe ; since the trafficke into the indies ; for such men as have money in their hands great plenty , would in no wise imploy the same in merchandize , if lawful it were to receive the utmost usury , being a course of most profit and greatest security . the taking away of superfluous expences is no other thing then a certain wise and laudable parsimony ; which the romans and other well governed states did use . these expences consist in fees , allowances , and wages granted to ministers of little or no necessity ; also in pensions , rewards , entertainmens and donaries , with small difficultie to be moderated , or easily to be suppressed . * by abridging or taking away of these needless expences a marvelous profit will be saved for the prince ; but if he continue them , and by imposing upon the people doe think to increase his treasure or revenew , besides the loss of their love , he may also hazzard their obedience , with many other inconveniences . touching warr . whatsoever prince or common weale is neighbor to any people which can , will , or were wont to offend , it is necessary to have not only all things prepared for defence of his person and country , but also to forecast and use every caution and other diligence : for the inconveniencies which happen to government , are suddain and unlookt for ; yea the providence and provision required in this case ought to be such as the expences all other waies imployed must stay to supply the necessity of war . chap. xii . extrinsick observation , shewing how to deale with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designes , and decypher their intendments . this first point of matter extrinsick is of such quality as being well handled procureth great good , but otherwise becometh dangerous ; for the proceeding must be diverse according to the diversitie of the ends which the prince or governor intendeth ; for if he desire to continue peace with his neighbors , one way is to be taken ; but otherwise ●e is to work that seeketh occasion to break , and to become an enemy to one or more of his neighbors . if he do desire to live peaceably with all , then he is to observe these rules ( viz. ) first , to hold and continue firmly all contracts and capitulations secondly , to shew himself resolved neither to offer nor take the least touch of wrong or injury . thirdly , with all care and favor to further commerce and reciproke traffick for the profit of the subject , and increase of the princes revenue . fourthly , covertly to win so great confidence with neighbors , as in all actions of unkindness among them he may be made umpire . fifthly , to become so well bele●ved with them as he may remove such diffidences as grow to his own disadvantage . sixthly , not to deny protection or aid to them that are the weakest , and cheifly such as do and will endure his fortune . lastly , in favouring , aiding , and protecting ( unless necessity shall otherwise s● require ) to do it moderately , so as they who are to be aided , become not jealous , and consequently seek adherency elswhere , which ofttimes hath opened way to other neighbors that desire a like ●ccasion . how to prevent their designes . this point in time of war is with great diligence to be looked unto ; also in time of peace to prevent all occasions that may kindle warr is behoveful ; for to foresee what may happen to the prejudice of a prin●●s profit or reputation , is a part of great wisdom . the means to attain the intelligence of these things are two . the first is by friends , the next by espials ; the one for the most part faithfull , the other not so assured these matters are well to be considered● for albeit the nature of man desireth nothing more then curiously to know the doings of others , yet are those things to be handled with so great secrecy and dissimulation as the princes intent be not in any wise suspected , nor the ministers made odious ; for these sometimes to win themselves reputation , do devise causes of difference where no need is , divining of things future which prove to the prejudice of their own prince . to win confidence with neighbours . this is chiefly attained unto by being loved and honored ; for these things do work so many good effects , as daily experience sufficeth without any express example to prove them of great force . the waies to win love and trust , is in all actions to proceed justly , and sometimes to wink at wrongs , or set aside unnecessary revenges ; and if any thing be done not justifiable , or unfit to be allowed , as oftentimes it happneth , there to lay the blame upon the minister , which must be performed with so great show of revenge and dissimulation by reproving and punishing the minister , as the princes offended may be satisfied , and beleive that the cause of unkindness proceeded from thence . now only it resteth that somewhat should be said touching provision , to the end the people may not be drawn into despaire by famine or extream dearth of victual , and chiefly for want of corne , which is one principal consideration to be regarded , according to the italian proverb , pane in piazza , giustitia in palazzo , siverezza per tutto : whereunto i could wish every prince or supream governor to be thus qualified ( viz. ) facile de audienza : non facil●de credenz● , desi●s● de spedition , essemplare in costunii proprii , & inquei de sua casa tale chevorra governare , e non e●●er governato da altr● ; ●e della raggione . chap. xiii . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . every good and lawful principality is either elective or successive : of them , election seemeth the more ancient ; but succession in divers respects the better ; minore discrimine sumitur princeps quam qu●eritur . tac. the chief and only endeavor of every good prince , ought to be the commodity and security of the subjects ; as contrarywise the tyrant seeketh his own private profit with the oppression of his people . civium non servitus sed tutela tradita est . sal. to the perfection of every good prince , two things are necessarily required ( viz ) prudence and vertue ; the one to direct his doings , the other to governe his life●rex eris●●i recte feceris . hor. the second care which appertaineth to a good prince , is to make his subjects like unto himself ; for thereby he is not only honored , but they also the better governed ; facile imperium in bonos . plaut. subjects are made good by two meanes ( viz ) by constraint of law , and the princes example ; for in all estates , the people do imitate those conditions whereunto they see the prince enclined ; quiquid faciunt principes , pr●ecipere videantur . quintil. all vertues be required in a prince , but justice and clemencie are most necessary ; for justice is a habit of doing things justly , as well to himself as others , and giving to every one so much as to him appertaineth ; this is that vertue that preserveth concord among men , and whereof they be called good : ●us & ●equitas vincula civitatum : cic. * it is the quality of this vertue also to proceed equally and temperately ; it informeth the prince not to surcharge the subjects with infinite laws ; for thereof proceedeth the impoverishment of the subjects and the inriching of lawyers , a kind ●f men which in ages more antient , did seem of no necessity : sine causidicis satis ●oelices olim fuer● futur●eque sunt urbes . sal. the next vertue required in princes is clemency , being an inclination of the mind to lenity and compassion , yet tempered with severity and judgment ; this quality is fit for all great personages , but chiefly princes , because their occasion to use it is most ; by it also the love of men is gained ; qui vult regnare , languida regnet manu . sen. after clemency , fidelity is expected in all good princes , which is a certain performance and observation of word and promise ; this vertue seemeth to accompany justice , or is as it were the same , and therefore most fit for princes : sanctissimum generis humani ●onum . liv. as fidelity followeth justice , so doth modesty accompany clemency ; modesty is a temperature of reason , whereby the mind of man is so governed● as neither in action or opinion he over-deemeth of himself , or any thing that is his ; a qualitie not common in fortunate folk ; and most rare in princes . super●ia commune nobilitatis malum . sal. this vertue doth also moderate all external demonstration of insolence , pride , and arrogance , and therefore necessary to be ●nown of princes , and all others whom ●avor or fortune have advanced : impone ●oelicitati t●●e fr●enos , facilius illam reges . curt. but as princes are to observe the bounds of modesty , so may they not forget the the majesty appertaining to their supream ●onor , being a certain reverend greatness due to princely vertue and royal state ; a grace and gravity no lesse beseeming a ●rince then vertue it self ; for neither overmuch familiarity , nor too great austeritie ●ought to be used by princes : facilitas ●ntoritatem , severitas amorem minuit . tac. to these vertues we may apply liberality , which doth not only adorn , but highly advance the honor due to princes ; there●y also the good will of men is gained ; for nothing is more fitting a princes nature then bounty , the same being accompanied with judgment , and performed according to the laws of liberality ; perdere multi sci●nt , donare nesciunt . tac. it seemeth also that prudence is not only fit , but also among other vertues necessary in a prince ; for the daily use thereof is in all humane actions required , and chiefly in matters of state and government . prudentia imperantis propria et unica virtus . arist. the success of all wordly proceeding● doth shew that prudence hath compassed the prosperous event of humane actions , more then force of arms or other power●mens una sapiens plurium vincit manus . eurip. prudence is either natural , or received from others ; for who so can counsel himself what is fit to be done , needeth not the advice of others ; but they that want such perfection , and are nevertheless capable , and are willing to know what others informe , ought to be accompted wise enough : laudatissimus est qui cuncta vid●bit , sed laudandus est is qui paret rectè monenti . hesiod . chap. xiiii . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites . albeit the excellent spirit of some princes be such as doth justly deserve the highest ●ommendation ; yet for that every course of life needeth the aid of men , and the mind of one cannot comprehend the infinite care appertaining to publick affairs ; it behooveth princes to be assisted : magna negocia , adjutoribus egent . tac. these assistants may be properly divided into counsellors and ministers ; the one to advise , the other to execute : without counsel , no kingdom , no state , no private house can stand ; for , experience hath proved that common weals have prospered so long as good counsell did governe , but when favor , fear , or voluptuosness entred , those nations became disordered ; and in the end subject to slavery : quiddam sacrum profecto est consultatio . plato . counsellors are men specially selected to give advice to princes or commonwealths , as well in peace as in war : the chief qualities required in such men , are fidelity and knowledg ; which two concurring do make them both good and wise , and consequen●●y fit for counsel ; prudentis proprium m●nus rectè con●ulere . arist. the election of counsellors is and ought to be chiefly among men of long experience , and grave years ; for as youth is fittest for action in respect of corporal strength ; so elder folk having felt the force of every fortune , and observed the course of worldly proceedings do seem most meet for consultation : consilia senum , facta juvenum . pla●● . albeit we say that the excellency of wisdom should be in counsellors ; yet do we not require so quick and fiery a conceipt as is more apt for innovation then orderly government . hebet ●ores quàm acutiores meliùs remp. a●ministrant . thucyd. to fidelity and experience we wish that our councellors should be endued with piety , liberty , constancy , modesty , and silence ; for as the aid and assistance of god is that which governeth all good counsels , so liberty of speech and magnanimus uttering of what is good and fit , is necessary in counsellors . likewise to be constant and not to varie in opinion , either for feare or favor , is very commendable : also as modesty in giving counsel escheweth all offences , and gaineth good will ; so secrecy is the best and most secure meanes to govern all publick affairs : res magnae sustineri non possunt ab ●o qui tacere nequit . curt. the first obstacle to good counsel is ●ertinacy or opiniativeness , a condition far unfit for counsellors ; yet some men are so far in love with their own opiniastre conceipts as that they cannot patiently endure opposition . secondly , discord must from counsellors be removed , because private offence many times impeacheth publick proceedings . thirdly affection is an enemy to counsel , the same being commonly accompanied with anger , wherewith nothing can be rightly or considerately done . lastly avarice seemeth a vice worthy to be abhorred of all counsellors because it driveth away both fidelity and honesty , the principall pillars of all good counsell : pessimum veri affectus et judicii venenum● utilitas . tac. to good counsell other impediments there are , which square not with wisdom ; for all crafty and hazarding counsells do seem in the beginning likely to succeed ; but afterwards and chiefly in the end do prove hard and of evil event . it therefore seemeth behovefull to be wary in resolving , and bold in executing : animus vereri qui scit , scit tutò aggredi . pub. an other let to good consultation is immoderate desire , which every wise man must endeavor to restrain . cupiditate pauca rectè fiunt , circumspectione plurima : thucyd. thirdly haste , is an enemy to good deliberation ; for whoso greedily desireth any thing , proceedeth rashly ; and rash proceeding endeth ever in repentance . scelera impetu , bona consilia morâ vales●unt . tac. of ministers of state . having already spoken of counsellors , somwhat is to be spoken of ministers ; i mean those that either publickly or privately serve the prince in any function ; in choice of which men , care must be had , first that they be person honestly born ; for no man descended of base parentage may be admitted , unless in him be found some noble and excellent vertue ; optimus quisque nobilismus . plato . secondly , they ought to be of honest condition , and of good ●ame ; for that common-weal is better and more secure , where the prince is not good , then is that where his ministers are evill . it seemeth therefore that ministers should be men of good quality and blamelesse . emitur sola virtute p●testas . claud. thirdly , consideration is to be had of their capacity and fitness for that function wherein they are to be used ; for as some men are apt for learning , so others are naturally disposed to arms . also it is necessary that every one square with the office whereuntoh e is appointed , in which matter some princes have used great caution ; for as they little liked of men excellent , so they utterly detested the vitious ; the one they doubted to trust in regard of themselves , the other were thought a publick indignity to the state . vvise men have therefore resolved that those witts which are neither over haughty and singular , nor they which be base or dull are fittest for princes secrets and services ; howsoever we may hereof say with tacitus : nesci● quomodo aulica hae● comitia affect us dirigit , et fato quodam ac sorte nascendi , ut caetera , it a principum inclinatio in hos , offensio in illos est . tac. and because the course and quality of mens lives serving in court , is of all other the most uncertain and dangerous , great heed and circumspection ought therein to be used ; for whoso serveth negligently forgetting the dutifull endeavors appertaining to the place , seemeth to take a way of no good speed : quanto quis obsequio promptior , tanto ●onoribus et ●pibus extollitur . tac. it shall also become such a man to look well unto his own profit and behave himself rather boldly then bashfully : malus minister regi● imperii p●dor . sen. to be modest , and closely to handle all actions ; is also a course well beseeming a courtier ; neither shall he do well to attribute any good success to his own vertue or merit , but acknowledg all to proceed from the princes bounty and goodness , by which meanes envy is eschewed , and the prince not robbed of his honor . haec est conditio regum , casus tantum advers●s hominibus tribuant , secundos virtuti suae . prov. emped . and to conclude these precepts summarily , i say it behooveth a●l ministers and servants in court to be patient , wary and of few words : fraudum sedes aula . sen. chap. xv . the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . to governe , is a certain skill how to command and continue subjects in due obedience , so as offend they ought not , or if they will they cannot ; wherein two speciall things are to be considered ( viz ) the nature of men , and the nature of the state● but first the condition of the vulgar must be well conceived ; noscenda natura vulgi , et quibus modis temperanter hab●atur . tac. the disposition of divers men is , some are apt to anger , some are hardy , some fearful ; it therefore behooveth the prince to accommodate his government to the humor of people whom he governeth : principis est virtus maxima nosse suos . mart. likewise the nature of commonweals is mutable and subject to change , and kings are not only accompanied with fortune● but also followed with hate , which breedeth a continuall diffidence , chiefly towards those that are nearest to majesty : suspectus semper invisusq●e dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur . tac. moreover the vulgar sort is generally variable● rash , hardy , and void of judgment ; ex opinione multa , ex veritate pauca judicat . cic. to confirm a government , force and armes are of greatest necessity ; by force i mean the guards and armes which princes use for their defence or ornament ; miles in foro , miles in curia principem comitari debet . tac. to this may be added fortification and strong buildings , in these days much used by new princes , and others also to whom people yield , not willing obedience . in ancient times princes planted colonies as well to suppress rebellion in conquered countries , as to front suspected neighbors : coloniae vera sedes servitutis . tac. the government of princes is also greatly increased by a vertue , which i call a commendable affection in subjects , proceedi●g of love and authority : these effects do grow from the princes own merit , but their being liveth in the mind of the people ; this love is gained by lenity , liberality , and mercy ; yet is every of them to be tempered : nec aut reverentiam terrore , aut amorem humilitate captabis . plin. affection is also no way sooner won then by liberality , the same being used with judgment and moderation . bellorum sociis , periculorum c●n●ortibus , sive de te ben● ac fortiter — meritis . sen. by ●ndulgence likewise and princely affability the love of men is gained ; for the multitude desire no more then necessary food , and liberty to use ordinary recreation●●vulgo , sicut pueris , omne ludicrum in pretio est . sen. chap. xvi . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . authority is a certain reverent impression in the minds of subjects and others touching the princes vertue and government ; it resteth chiefly in admiration and ●ear●ingenita quibusdam gentibus ergareges ●uos veneratio . curt. authority consisteth in three things ; ( viz ) the form of government , the strength of the kingdom● and the condition of the prince ; for in them all reputation and ●ecurity resteth : majest as imperii , salut●s ●utela . curt. whoso desireth to governe well , it behoveth him to use severity , constancy , and restraint ; for over much lenity introduceth contempt , and certain hope of impunity ; the condition of men being such as canno● be restrained by shame , yet it is to be commanded by fear : salutaris s●veritas vincit inanem speciem clementiae . cic. yet ought severity to be used with great respect and sparingly , because over great terror breedeth desperation : poena ad paucos , metus ad omnes perveniat . cic. to governe constantly is nothing else but to continue the old and antient laws in force without change or innovation unles exceeding great commodity or urgent necessity shall so require : for where extream punishments are used , reformation is always needfull ; nocet interdum priscus rigor & nimia severitas . tac. also to restrain authority is a matter of great necessity ●nd worthy a wise prince● else he maketh others partakers of the honor and power to himself only due , the same being also dangerous : periculosum privati hominis nomen supra ( immó & juxta ) principes extolli . tac. it seemeth also perilous that great authority given to private men should be long● for thereby oftentimes they are made in●olent and apt to innovation : libertatis sive principatus magna imperia diuturna sse n● sinas . liv. authority is also reinforced and enlarged by power , without which no prince can either take from others or defend his own : parum tuta sine viribus majestas . liv. chap. xvii . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . power and stength is attained by these ●ive ways , mony , armes , counsell , friends and fortune ; but of these the first and most ' forcible is mony : nihil tam munitum quod non exp●gnari pecuni● possit . cic. next to mony armes are of most use , as well to defend as to offend ; to keep , as to conquer ; for oftentimes occasion is to be offered as well to take from others , as to hold what is our own : sua retinere privatae est domus , de alie●is certare regia laus est . tac. also of great and necessary use is counsell , to devise how arms ought to be employed or enforced : arma concilio temperan●a . tac. likewise friends and confederates do greatly increase the vertue of power , the same being such as have both wit and ability to aid : in caducum parietem ne inclina : adri . the last , yet not the least part of power , consisteth in fortune ; whereof daily experience may be seen ; for the success of all humane actions seem rather to proceed from fortune then vertue . omni ratione potentior fortuna . curt. to these particularities concerning power , we may add the qualities of the prince , which greatly grace his authority ; these are partly internal● and partly external ; by the one i mean the vertues of the mind , by the other a certain seemly behavior and comly gesture of the body ; of the first kind i do suppose piety and providence to be the chief , for piety maketh a princk venerable , and like unto god ; oportet principem res divinas videri curare seri● & ant● omnia . arist. providence is a forecast and likely conjecture of things to come , supposed to be in those princes that in their actions proceed slowly and circumspectly ; it seemeth also a course of princely discretion to be retired and not ordinarily to converse with many : autoritatem absentiâ tueare . suet. chap. xviii . of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . conspiracy is commonly addressed to the princes person ; treasons are addressed again●t his government , authority , country , subjects , or places of strength . these mischiefs are easily feared , but hardly eschewed● for albeit open enemies are openly encountred , yet fraud and subtilty are secret foes , and consequently not to be avoided : occulta pericula n●que praevidere n q●e vitare in promptu ●st . salust . the danger of conspiracy preceedeth of divers causes , as avarice , infidelity of subjects , ambition in servants , and coruption in soldiers , therefore with great difficulty to be avoided : vitae tuae dominus est , quisquis suam contempsit . sen. notwithstanding it seemeth that either by inquisition , punishment , innocency , or destiny , the evill affection of men may be oftentimes discovered : . for whoso will curiously inquire and consider the actions and ordinary speeches of men ( i mean those that be persons of honor and reputation ) may oftentimes vent the myne that lurketh in the minds . quoniam raro nisi male loqunti male faciunt . lips . . punishment is likewise a thing so terrible that the consideration thereof with the hope of reward doth often discover those dangerous intentions : cruciaiu aut praemio cuncta pervia sunt . tac. but as it is wisdom in princes to give ear to informers , so are they not always to be believed ; for hope , envy , hate , or some other passion oftentimes draws them to speak untruly . quis innocens esse potest si accusare sufficit ? tac. . the third and likeliest defence against conspiracy is the princes own innocency ; for never having injured any man , it cannot be thought there liveth any subject so lewde as will endeavor to hurt him . fidelissima custodia principis ipsius in●ocentia . pli● . . the last and best bulwark to withstand the force of this mischief we call destiny ; which preceeding from the fountain of divine providence , may be truly called the will of god ; in whose only power it resteth to protect and defend good pri●ces . ille erit à latere tuo , & custodiet pedem tuum n● capiaris . salo. treasons are most commonly enterprized by covetous persons , who preferring private profit before fame or fidelity , do not fear to enter into any impious action : to this humor ambitious men , dissentious , and all such as be desirous of innovation , are inclined : pulcra loquentes iidem in pectore prava strue●tes . hom. to these offenders no punishment as equal to their impious merit , can be devised , being persons odious as well to friend as foes : proditores etiam in quos antepo●unt , invisi s●●t . tac. chap. xix . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . having briefly touched the vertues and means whereby princes are maintained ●n authority and honor , let something be said of the causes from whence their ruine doth proceed ; the cheif whereof seemeth to be hate and contempt : hate cometh of feare , which the more common it is , the more dangerous●nulla vis imperii tanta est , quae prement● met● possit esse di●turna● cic. the causes of feare are punishments impositions and rigor ; and therefore it behooveth a prince not only to shun them , but to eschew those actions whereby he may reasonably incur their suspition . sentias enim homines ut metuant a●t oderint , ●non minus opinio●e & fama , quam certa aliqua ratione moveri . cic. yet punishment● imposition , and censure are in all states necessary , although they shew and seem terrible , and consequently breed a certain desperation in subiects , unless they be discreetly and modestly used ; for extreme and frequent punishments taste of cruelty ; great and many imposts ●avour of covetousness ; censure of manners when it exceedeth the quality of offences , doth seem rigor in these matters ; therefore it behooveth the prince to be moderate and cautelous , chiefly in capital punishment , which must be confined within the bounds of justice . sit apud principem parsimonia etiam vilissimi sanguinis . sen. but if for securitie sake the prince be forced to punish , let the same be done with shew of great sorrow and lothness : tanquam invitus & magnocum tormento ad castigandum veniat . s●n . let all punishments also be slowly executed● for they that are hastily punished do seem to have bin willingly condemned ; neither ought any capital● punishment to be inflicted but only that which is profitable to the commonweale , and for example sake . non ●am ut ipsi pereant , quam ut alios pereundo deterreant . sen. in punishing also a special respect must be had , that no shew of content or pleasure be taken therein . formarabiei est sanguine & vulneribus gaudere . sen. also in punishing equality must be observed , and the nature of the punishment according to the custom . nec eisdem de causis alii plectantur , alii ne appellentur quidem● cic. but in punishing publick offences wherei● a multitude have part , the execution ought to be otherwise , and as it were at an instant , which may haply seem terrible , but in effect is not . frequens vindicta paucorum odium reprimit , omnium irritat . sen. another meanes to satisfie a people offended is to punish the ministers of cruelty , and with their blood to wash away the common hatred . piaculares publici odii victimae . plin. by this king david did appease the gibeonites . the next cause of discontent cometh of impositions under which word is comprehended all levies of mony , a matter nothing pleasing to people , as that which they esteem equall to their own lives . pecunia anima & sanguis est mortalibus . plaut. first , to remove hate conceived of this cause , there is nothing better then publick expostulation of necessity : for what commonwealth or kingdom can be without tributes ? nulla quies gentium sine armis , nec arma sine stipendiis , nec stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt , tac. the second remedy against hate for impositions is to make moderate levies and rare . for as tiberius the emperor was wont to say , a sheep should be fleeced not flead . qui nimis emungit , elicit sanguin●m . tac. thirdly , also to eschew the offence of people it behoveth the prince to have a vigilant eye on informers , promoters , and such fiscal ministers , whose cruelty and covetous proceedings do oftentimes occasion great hate ; but this mischief may be , though hardly , encountred , either by choosing honest officers , or ( proving otherwise ) not only to remaine them but to use them as spunges , exprimendi post qu●m biberint . suet. in all impositions or taxations , no cruelty or force ought to be used , the second cause to kindle hate : and to meet with that mischief , nothing is better then to proceed moderately , and without extremity . ne boves ipsos , mox agros , postremò corpora servitio aut poenae tradant , tac. the fourth remedy is the princes own parsimony , not giving so largely to private persons as thereby to be forced to take from the multitude . magnae opes no● tam multa capiendo , quam haud multa perdendo , quaerunt●r . maecaenas● the last help against hate is in taxation to proceed equally , indifferently , and without favor or respect ; and that the assessors of taxes may be elected of the meaner sort of people . populus maximam fidem rerum suarum hab●t . tac. touching censure , which we numbred amongst the causes whereof hate is conceived , much needeth not to be spoken , because the same is discontinued● or rather utterly forgotten ; yet doth it seem a thing necessary , being a certain observation and controlement of such evill manners , and disorders as were not by law corrigible ; these officers were of the romans called magistri pudoris & mod●stiae . livi. to the function of censures these two things are anciently subject manners , and excess ; under manners i comprehend wantonness , drunkenness , dicing , brawling , perjury , and all such lewdness as modesty condemneth . these disorders were anciently punished by the discretion of ●ensors in all ages and sexes , to the end that idleness might be generally avoided . vniversa plebs habeat neg●tia sua , quibus àmal● publico detineatur . salust excess includeth riotousness , expence of money , prodigal housekeeping , banqueting , and superfluitie in apparrel , which things are the mothers of many mischeifs . it also seemeth in some sort perillous to the prince that the subject should exceed either in covetize or consuming . nemo nimis excedat , sive amicorum copiâ , sine opum . arist. the punishment inflicted upon these sorts of offenders , were either ignom●ny , or pecuniarie punishments , censoris judicium d●mnato nihil affert nis● ruborem . tac. the first and chiefest meanes to remove these inconveniences , is the princes own example , whose life being well censured , easily reduceth others to order . ●ita principis censura perpetu● . plin. secondly , those disorders may be taken away without danger , if the censures doe proceed by degrees and leasurely ; for the nature of man may not suddenly be altered●vitia quaedam tol●it facilius princeps , si eorum sit p● ti●n● . sen. these are the cheifest rules whereby to eschew hate ; but impossible it is for any prince or minister utterly to avoid it ; for being himself good , he incurreth the offence of all bad folk : if he be evil , good men will hate him ; this danger therefore wise and vertuous princes have little regarded : because hate may be gained as well by good as evil doing . odia qui nimium timet , regnare nescit . sen. one other means to remove this error , is , to reward the good and well deserving subjects ; for no man can think him cruell that for love to vertue useth austeritie : which wil appear when he bestoweth bountif●lly on the good . praemio & ●oena respublica continetur solon . the other vice which indangereth the state of princes , we call contempt , being a certain base and vile conceipt , which entereth into the subjects , strangers or servants , of the prince and his proceedings ; for the authority of a king may be resembled to the powers of mans mind , whereunto the hands , the feet , the eyes , do by consent obey . vires imperii in consensu obedientium sunt livi. the causes of contempt do proceed chiefly from the form of government , fortune , or the princes manners ; the form of government becometh contemptible , when the prince desiring to be thought merciful , ruleth rather pittifully then justly : which manner of proceeding taketh away all reverence in the people , and in liew thereof entereth liberty , or at least a certain boldness to offend ; facultas faciendi quod cuilibet visum , non p●test comprimere ingenitam si●gulis hominibus pravitatem . tac. also to be mutable , irresolute , light and inconsiderate in bestowing the honors and offices of state , maketh the prince contemptible ; qui praesentibus fruitur , nec in longi●s consultat● arist. but if contempt be caused by fortune , or as may be said more reasonably , by destiny , and that those fri●nds do fail who ought in duty to defend the prince and his authority , then is there small hope to eschew contempt . fato obnoxia virtus . pl●ut . the princes manners do breed contempt , when he yeildeth his affections to sensuality and sloth , or if he incur the suspition of simplicity , cowardise , or any such vice , unworthy the dignity he beareth● common people do sometimes also disesteem the prince for external and light causes , as deformity of person , sickness or such like . mos vulgi est , fortuita & externa ad culpam trahe●e . tac. chap. xx . of diffidence and dissimulation in the mannage of state affairs . albeit roundness and plain dealing be most worthy praise , chiefly in private persons ; yet because all men in their actions do not so proceed it behooveth wise men and princes above others at occasions to semble and dissemble ; for as in all actions a prince ought to be slow and advised ; so in consent and beleiving haste and facility is most dangerous ; and though credulity be rather an error then a fault ; yet for princes it is both unfit and perilous . wherefore it importeth them to be defended with this caution , nihil credendo , atque omnia cav●ndo . ci● . notwithstanding he must not shew himself diffident or distrustful utterly ; but as i wish he should not over-slightly believe all men , so ought he not for small causes distrust every man . multi faller● d●cuerunt , dum timent falli . sen. dissimulation is as it were begotten by diffidence , a quality in princes of so great necessity as moved the emperor tiberi●● to say , nescit regnare , qui nescit dissim●lare . the necessity of dissimulation is chiefly to be u●ed with strangers and enemies : it also sheweth a certain di●cretion in magistrates sometimes to disguise with friends when no offence doth thereof follow . do●i non sunt d●li , nisi ast● colas . plaut. this kind of craf● albeit in every mans conceipt not praisable , is nevertheless tolerable , and for princes and magistrates ( the same being ●sed to good ends ) very necessary . but those cunnings which are contrary to vertue , ought not of honest men to be used : neither dare i commend adulation and corruption ; though they be often used in court and are of some learned writers allowed . decipere pro moribus temporum , prudentia est . plin. by great subtiltie and frauds contrary to vertue and piety , i mean perjury and injustice , which though all men in words detest , yet in deeds are used of many , perswading themselves by cavillations and sophistications to excuse the impiety o● their false oathes : as it is written of lysander , pueros ●●lis , viros juramentis circumvenire solebat . plut. chap. xxi . of warr defensive and invasive : with instructions touching laws of armes , soldiers , and military discipline . the art military is of all other qualities most necessary for princes ; for without it they cannot be defended ; force of men only sufficeth not , unless the same be governed by council , and martial wisdom . duo sunt quibus resp● servatur ; in hostes fortitudo , & domi concordia . tac. military knowledge concerneth warr , and every warr is either forreign or domestical . touching forriegn it must be considered when it must be begun , how to continue it , and when to be ended ; to begin war , a prince is , to take heed that the cause be just , and the enterprise advisedly entred into . sunt enim & belli sicut pacis jura , j●st●que ea non minus ac fortiter gerere debes . liv. the laws of arms are in all common-weales to be duly observed : for to enter fight rashly and without respect to reason , were beastly ; also to kill or slay would work no better effect , then that all nations should without mercy murder one another ; barbarority coe●em coede , & sanguinem sangnine expiare . sal● no warr therefore is to be made but such as is just . and in every just war these three things are to be looked into ( viz ) that the author be of authority , that the cause be good , and the end just ; for in all states , the prince , or they in whom the soveraignty resteth , are the just author● of warr : others have no such authority . si quis privatim si●e public● s●ito , pacem bellumve feceri● , capitale esto . plat● . warrs are of two sorts : defensive and offensive● the one to resist , the other to invade● against defence nothing can be said , because it is natural and necessary . est non modo justum sedetiam nec●ssarium cum vi vis illata defendi●ur . cic. defensive warr is of two sorts , either to defend thine own , or thy friends ; for it is reason that every one should keep securely that which to him appertaineth : and therewith also by arms to defend the liberty of country , parents , and friends . nullum bellum à civitate suscipitur nisi aut pro fid● aut pro salute . c●c . the like reason leadeth us to assist and protect friends : for the common obligation of humane society doth so require . qui enim non obsistit si potest , injuriae , tam est in viti● , quam si parentes aut patriam , aut socios deserat . cic. invasion is also just and allowable , but not ever ; for who so hath bin robbed , or spoiled of his lands , or goods , may lawfully seek repossession by force : yet so● as before any force be used , he first civilly seek restitution , wherein if justice be denied , then is the use of arms necessary : ●ustum bellum quib●s necessarium ; & pia arm● quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes . liv. likewise invasion is lawfull against barbarians , whose religion and impiety ought to be abhorred , chiefly if they be potent and apt to offend ; for the cause of such warr is compulsion and suppression of evil . cui lioenti● iniquitatis eripitur , utiliter vincitur . august . finally , to conclude this matter of in●asion , i say , that no revenge , no desire of ●onor or empire , are any lawful causes of ●ar ; but the intent thereof ought to be ●irected onely to def●nce and security : for ●ise men do take arms to win peace , and ●n hope of rest they endure travel . ita bil●um suscipiatur u● nihil aliud quam pax ●uaesita vid●atur . cic. having said somewhat against unjust ●ar , let us speak of temerity and unad●ised war , an enterprise worthy discom●endation . omnes bellum sumunt facil● , ●gerrimè de●inunt : n●c in ejusdem pot●state in●tium & finis est . sal. a wise prince therefore ought neither to undertake any unlawful invasion nor without sober and mature deliberation enter ●nto any war , as he that is unwilling to offend , yet of courage e●ough to defend . nec pr●voces bellum , nec timeas . plin. to make war , three things are required . money , men , and arms ; and to maintain a war , provision and council are needful : therefore a wise prince before he begins a war , doth carefully consider what forces and charge thereunto belongeth . diu ●pparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius . pub. above all other provisions , car● must be had , that bread be not wanting ; for without it , neither victory nor life can be looked for . qui frumentum necessariumque commeatum non praepar●t , vincitur sine ferro● vegetius . lastly , it behoveth a prince always to have arms in readiness , i mean , harness , horses , weapons , artillery , engines , powder , and every other thing necessary either for service on horse or foot : we may adde hereunto ships , and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture of offence or defence ; for these preparations make a prince formidable , because no man dare do or attempt injury to that king or people where preparation is ever ready to revenge . qui de●iderat pacem , praeparat bellum● ca●● . by men we mean a multitude of subjects armed , trained to defend or offend : these are of two sorts , captains and soldiers ; and soldiers are either footmen or horsemen● the one of great use in the champion , the other in mountainous places ; also for defence or assault of towns or grounds fortified most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur , tac. for sudden service , horses do seem most ●eet , and the execution of any enterprise ●s by them most speedily performed : ne●ertheless the actions of ●ootmen do seem more certainly executed , chiefly if they be well armed , and skilfully led ; for so ex●erience hath of late time proved ; be●ides , ●hat they are of less expence and of greater ●umber . in universum aestimanti plus in ●edite robur● tac. having thus proved , that both horse and ●oot be necessary ; let us remember , that ●nless they be serviceable● great numbers ●re to small purpose . manibus opus est bello , ●on multis nominibus , livi. to make soldiers serviceable , consisteth ●n good choice and good discipline ; the one at this day little regarded . emunt mili●em , non legunt , livi. soldiers ought to be elected out of the most honest and able number of bodies ; and every company composed of men known one to the other ; for thereby they are made the more confident : but hereof is small heed taken ; for commonly they are purgamenta urbium suarum , curt. touching discipline , it seemeth that thereof the external form , and not the certain substance , is observed : for as in former ages , soldiers endeavoured to be vertuous and modest , so now they rather study to excel in riot , then in martial knowledge . ex●ercitus lingua quam manu promptior● praedator est sociis , & ipse praeda hostium● sal. for as much as soldiers are made good by election and choice , it seemeth that the foundation and ground of service consisteth in the discretion and judgment o● those that have authority to make election ; yet will we adde , that they must be chosen of natural subjects● for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible ; they are also mutinous and cowardly : thei● custom likewise is to rob , burn , and spoyl both friends and foes , and to consume the princes treasure . ossa vides regum vacui● ex●ucta medullis● juven. but the native soldier is faithful and obedient● resolute in fight , loving to his countrey , and loyal to his prince . gent●● quae sub regibus s●nt , pro deo col●nt . curt● native soldiers are of two sorts , ( viz. ) they that be in continual pay , and they that are trained ready to serve , but do notwithstanding attend their own private affairs , until they be called : the first are for all princes necessary . in pace decus , in bello prae●idiu● . tac. of this sort no great number ought to be , as well to ●schew disorder , as also to save expences . the second kinde of foot soldiers are to be levied in villages , as people more patient of pains , and fit for the wars ; yet so judiciously disposed as the citizens . odio praesentium & non cupidine mutationis . tac. touching the number of these extraordinary soldiers , that must be referred to discretion : bellum parare , simul & aerario parcere . to conclude , i say these numbers of ordinary and extraordinary foot ought to be according to the number of the people , not inserting any gentlemen ; for service on hors-back is to them onely proper . alas rusticis non tribu● ; in nobilitatem & in divites haec à pauperibus onera inclines . livi. the most certain notes whereby to conceive the disposition of men fit to become soldiers , are these five . the country where they are born , their age , proportion of body , their quality of minde , and their faculty . touching first , the countrey , it is a thing apparently proved , that mouutainous regions , or barren places , and northern habitations do breed wits well disposed to the war . locorum asperitas hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. secondly , the age most apt for the war , was anciently observed to be about eighteen years , and so the romans used . facilius est ad virtutem instruere novos milites , quàm revocare pr●eteritos . veget. thirdly● the stature of a soldier ought to be observed : marius liked best the longest bodies ; pyrrhus preferred large and well proportioned men ; but vegetius in his choice , rather esteems strength then stature : ●t●lius est fo●tes milites ●sse quàm grande● . veget. fourthly , the minde or spirit of a soldier ought to be enosidered ; for that minde which is quick , nimble , bold , and con●ident , seemeth apt for war : he is also of good hope● that loveth honor more then ease or profit : in brief , is qui nihil metuit nisi turp●m ●amam . sal. lastly , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath been bred : for it may be presumed that fishers , fowlers , cooks , and others trained up in effeminate arts are unfit for martial endeavor : and as these men were in respect of their trade thought unme●t so in old time , slaves and masterless men were repulsed from arms , as persons in●amous . sed nunc tales sociantur armis quales domini haber●●astidiunt . veget. how soldiers ought to be chosen , these few words we have spoken , may su●fice . let us therefore say somewhat of discipline . choice findeth out soldiers , but discipline doth make and continue them fit for service . paucos viros fortes natura procreat , b●na institutione plures redda● indu●●ria : veget. discipline is a certain severe confirmation of soldiers in their valor and vertue , and is performed by four means , exercise , order , compulsion , and example . the two first appertain to valor , the third to vertue , the last to both : but of exercise , first , i say , that a soldier being chosen , ought to be informed in arms , and used in exercise and action ; the word exerciti●m impor●eth nothing else . exercit●● dic●tur quod melius fit exercitando . varro order consisteth in dividing , disposing , and placing of men aptly at all occasions to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct . this matter requireth a large discourse , and therefore i refer it to skilful captains and writers , as polybius , vegetius , de la nonne , and others . compulsion and correction , is that which bridleth and governeth the manners of soldiers : for no order can be observed amongst them , unless they be continent , modest , and abstinent ; for continency is cheifly to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires . degenerat à robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum . tac● the modesty of a soldier is perceived by his words , apparel , and actions : for to be a vaunter , or vain-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honor or arms , seeing true vertue is silent●viri militiae nati , ●actis magni● ad verborum linguaeque ce●tamina , rudes . tac. the apparel of a soldier sheweth modesty , if therein he do not exceed ; for albeit it fitteth well the profession of arms , to be well armed and decently apparelled ; yet all superfluity savoreth of ignorance or vanity . horriaum militem esse decet , non cae●atum auro argentoque sed ferro . livi. abstinence is also fit for all soldiers ; for thereby guided , they refrain from violence , and insolency ; by that rule also they are informed to govern themselves civilly in the country where they serve , and likewise in ●heir lodgings : never taking any thing from the owner , nor committing any outrage . vivant cum provincialibus ●ure civili● ne● insolescat animus quise sensit armatum . the last mark of discipline we called example , under which word is comprehended reward and punishment : for men are rewarded when●oever they receive for any excellent or singular service , honor or riches . and for evil , they have their due when they taste the punishment thereunto belonging . necessarium est acrius ille dimicet , quem ad opes & dignitates ordo militiae & imperatoris judicium c●nsuevit evehere . veget. likewise as gold and glory belongeth to good and well deserving soldiers ; so punishment is due to those that be vitious and cowardly● for nothing holdeth soldiers in obedience so much as the severity of discipline . milites impe●atorem potius quam hostem metuere debent● veg. chap. xxii . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . of soldiers let this little suffice● we will now speak of what quality cheiftants and leaders ought to be● for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies . militaris turba sine duce , corpus sine sp●●itu . curte. a ●heif or general in warr , is either of his own authority cheif , or a general that commandeth in the name of another . of the first sort are emperors , kings , and princes ; of the other , be their deputies , lievtenants , collonels , and indeed all generall commanders in the war : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person or by deputy , divers wise men have diversly thought , therefore it may be be thus distinguished ; if the war do then only concern some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lievtenant ; but if the whole fortune of a prince do thereupon depend , then is he to command in his own person and not otherwise . dubiis bellorum ex●mplis summae r●rum & imperi● seipsum reservat . tac. it therefore importeth the prince sometimes by his own presence , sometimes by his deputation to performe that office : but however occasion shall require , it ever behoveth that one only commander ought to be ; ( for plurality of cheiftaines doth rarely or never worke any good effect ) yet with this caution that he be of experience , and wise . in b●●lica praefectura major asp●ctus habendus peritiae quam virtutis a●t morum● arist. the quali●ies required in a cheiftaine are these , skill , vertue , providence , authority , and fortune by skill we meane he should be of great knowledge , and long experience or to make a sufficient captai●e ; the information of others , or his own reading is not enough . qui ●orit quis ordo agminis , quae cura exploa ndi , quantus urgendo trahendove bello modus● cic● military vertue is a certain vigor or force both of body and minde to exercise soldiers aswell in fained war as to fight with the enemy ; and summarily a captain ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industrius in agendo , celeri● in conficiendo . cic. next to vertue we placed providence as necessary in great captains ; for being of such wisdome they will not hazard nor commit more to fortune then necessity shal inforce ; yet true it is● fools and vulger● folks that commend or discommend actions according to succeess , were wont to say : cunctatio servilis , statim exequi , regium est . but advised and provident captains do think ; temeritas praeterquam quod stulta , est etiam infelix . livi. albeit providence be the best mean of good speed ; yet some captains of that quality and in skill excelling , have bin in their actions unlucky ; when others of less sufficiency have marvellously prevailed ; we may therefore reasonably say with , cic. quod olim maxmo , marcello , scipi●ni , mari● & ceteris m gnis imperatoribus non solum propter virt●t●m , sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata , atque excercitus esse commissos . cic. lastly , we wished authority to be in cheiftains ; for it greatly importeth what opinion or conceipt the enemy hath of such a governor , and likewise how much his friends and confederates do esteem him : but the cheif and only means to maintain authority , is austerity and terror . dux authoritatem maximam ●●veritate sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus vindicet , nulli errantium credatur ignoscere● v●get . also experience hath proved that such cheiftains as were affable and kind to their soldiers , were much loved , yet did they incur a contempt : but on the otherside those that commanded severely and terribly , although they gained no good will● yet were they ever obeyed : dux facilis inutilis . app. chap. xxiii . of councils in war , and directions tactik and stratagematik : with advice how to make an honorable peace . after men found and framed fit for the warr , to small or no purpose shall they ●erve , unless they be imployed by wisdom or good council . mon minus est imperator is consili● quam vi perficere . tac. council in war is of two sorts ; direct council and indirect ; the f●rst sheweth a plain and orderly course for ●roceeding , as to lay hold on occasion : for as in all other human actions occasion is of great force ; occasio in bello solet amplius juvare quam virtus . veget. as occasions presented are means of good success ; so fame worketh great effects in the wars ; therefore it behooveth a captain to be constant , and not apt to beleive the vain rumors and reports of men . mal● imperatur , cum regit vulgus duces suos . sen. confidence is also to be eschewed ; for no man is sooner surprised , then he who ●eareth le●t : also contempt of the enemy hath bin occasion of great discomfitures , therefore as a captain ought not to fear , so should he not contemn his enemy . nimia ●●ducia semper obnoxia . aemyl . as security , and overmuch estimation of our own vertue or valor is hurtfull : so doth it import every good captain to be well informed not only of his own forces , but also of what strength the enemy is ; likewise it behooveth him to know the situation of the country and the quality of the people , with every other circumstance . moreover , the generals honor and capacity ought to be known with the condition and nature of the enemy . impetus acres c●nctatione languescunt , aut in perfidiam mutantur . tac. tem●●ty in war is also dangerous ; for wise captains were wont not to enterprise any thing without deliberation and good opportunity , unless they were thereunto by necessity inforced . in rebus asperis & tenuispe , fortissima quaque consilia tutissima sunt . livi. some wise men not superstitiously but discreetly do think prodigious signes from heaven or on earth are not to be neglected , neither are dreams in time of war to be contemned . nam amat benignitas numini● , seu quod merent●r homine● , seu quod tangitur ●orum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendent . aemi . a wise captain will also wait oportunities and spy out fit times when the enemy is wearied , or pretending fear , draw him into danger ; which advantages with many other , are gained chiefly by observing of time ; quia si in occasionis momento , cuj●s praetervolat o●p●rtunitas● cunctat●s paulum ●●eris , nequicquam mox omissam querare● livi. next the observation of time , the place is to be well considered , whether it be for thine advantage or thine enemies . amplius prodest locus ●aepè quàm virtus . veget● thirdly , it importeth much , that men be well ordered , trained , and prepared for the fight ; for the want of art is cause of many disadventures , and many times a small supply of choice soldiers on horsback or foot , doth seem to the enemy very terrible : likewise a sudden shout or conceit hath amazed a whole army . milites v●nis & inanibus , magis quam justis formidinis causis moventur . curt. fourthly , it were to good purpose , that in ordering of men for fight , soldiers of one cou●try or nations , should be ranged together , and above all to foresee , that the least loss of blood be among the natural subjects , and so handle the matter , that the cheif slaughter light upon strangers and mercenaries . ingens victoriae dec●s , citra domesticum sanguinem ●ellanti . tac. the generals own courage and lively disposition to fight , will greatly animate the multitude of soldiers ; as a contrary countenance or appearance of fear , will exceedingly maze and dant . necesse estad ●ugam p●rati sint , qui ducem suum sentiunt desperare . veget. it were also for thy great advantage● that the forces should be ordered for the fight , before the enemy be prepared . first , for that thou maist the better perform , what thou thinkest fit to be done . secondly , that thereby thine own forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assail the enemy , and to begin the fight . plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti . livi. after victory it is not the best policy to execute the enemies with extteam cruelty , but proceed moderately ; for it shall suffice the victory is thine . ●lausis ex d●speratione crescit audacia , & cum spei nihil est , sumit arma f●rmid● . veget. lastly , i would advise that the general should be wary in his actions , and in every enterprise to frustrate the soldiers from spoils and pil●age . saepe obstitit vincentibus ●ravum inter ipsos certamen , omisso hoste spolia consectandi . tac. of direct councils , let that we have said suffice . we will now speak of councils indirect , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems or subtile practices : which manner of proceeding , hath been in times past of divers grave writers condemned . vir nemo mentis altae clanculum velit occidere hostem . eurip. notwithstanding the opinion of this , and divers other writers worthy credit , it seemeth reasonable , and in piety allowable : that stratagems and subtilt●es may be used in the war , yet with such caution as the same may stand with fidelity and honor : for fraud being used contrary to contracts and agreements made with the enemy , is meer treachery : as to poyson him or her , a murtherer to kill him , were plain impiety . faederatum injustè fallere impium . livi. also out of the war covertly to kill a particular enemy by secret assault or practice , is not warrantable , either by faith or honor ; yet to use all craft , cunning , and subtilty in open war , is both allowable and praisable ; and so is thought by christian writers . cum justum bellum suscipitur , ut apertè pugnet quis aut ex insidiis , nihil ad justitiam interest . aug. the same is also approved by divers authors of good credit . confice ●ive dolo seu stricto cominus euse . the same is also affirmed by xenophon , reipsa nihil utilius in bello dolis . thus having briefly touched what counsels are required in war , let us consider how victory is to be used ; for the end of every good war is peace : to the enjoying whereof , three things are required , wariness , mercy , and modesty ; because over-great confidence may happily impeach the end of good success . res se●und●● neglig●n●iam creant . livi. i also wish the victory to be handled mercifully , because all conquests are in their own nature cruel enough . and the ire of insolent soldiers , forces the conquered to become desperate . gravissime morsus irrita●ae necessitatis . curt. to proceed modestly , is also an honorable quality in him that conquereth : for in prosperous fortunes , men do hardly refrain covetous and proud doings ; yea , some good and great captains have in like cases forgotten what did best become them . in rebus secundis etiam ●gregii d●ces insolesc●nt . tac. after victory followeth peace : for if war did ever continue , no state or government could stand : therefore how great , or how long soever the war be , the end must be peace ; the name whereof is not onely sweet , but also comfortable , pax una triumphis innumeris potior . peace is not only good and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those that are victored . pacem reduci velle victori , expedit , victo necesse est . tac. nevertheless until good and honorable peace be offered , arms may not be laid aside : wherein i wish tullies advice to be followed . bellum gerendum est ; ●i bellum omitt●mus , pace n●nquam fr●emur . livi. in treaty of peace , two things must be considered : first , that the conditions be honorable● to condiscend to any base conditions , is unto a princely minde not onely great indignity , but also intolerable . cum dignitate potius cadendum , quam cum ignominia serviendum plut. it also importeth , the peace should be simple , true , and unfeigned ; for all feigned and dissembling amity is to be doubted . pace suspecta tutius est bellum . mithrid . the fittest season to speak of peace , is either when the war beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equal force ; for if the war continueth , it must behove the weaker to yield to necessity : not unlike the shipmaster , who to save himsel● doth cast the greatest part of his loading into the sea : necessiiati pare , quam ne dii quidem superant . livi. finally , having generously defended thy self , and performed all things required in a magnanimous captain , and finding nevertheless thy force insufficient , it cannot be dishonorable to accept peace . wherefore laying aside hatred and hope , which are but weak supporters , thou maist recommend thee and thine to the approved discretion of an honorable enemy . victores secundae res in miserationem ex ir● vertunt . livi. now for as much as every peace promiseth rest and quiet , as well to the victorious as to the victored ; we may adde thereunto , that the prince victorious receiveth thereby honor● profit , and security . for although his happiness may occasion hope o● greater success yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to lis●en to peace . decorum principi est cum victoriam propè i● manibus habeat , p●cem no● ab●●ere● ut sciant omnes te & suscipere ju●●è bellum & finire . livi. it seemeth also the more honorable ; for who so is victorious , doth give peace and not take it : he also sheweth himself discreet by using a moderation in victory , and no extremity in spoiling , which our wise and godly writers have commended●pacem contemnentes , & gloriam appetentes , ●acem perdunt & gloriam . bern. peace is also profitable for the victorious , because continual war breedeth weariness , and of violent proceeding desperation and peril cometh . maximi & mortiferi morsu● esse solent morientium bestiarum . sen. likewise peace is more assured then any victory . hope of the one is in thine own power ; the other in the hand of god : adde thereunto the force of fortune , which hath great power in all humane actions . in rebus secundis nihil in quenquam superbè a● violenter consulere decet , nec praesenti credere fortunae , cum quià v●sper ferat , incertus sis . sen. also conditions of peace ought to be reasonable and freely bestowed : for no people can live contented under such a law as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax bello benè mutatur . sen. chap. xxiiii . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . the greatest and most greivous calamity that can come to any state is civil war ; for therein subjects take arms against their prince or among themselves , whereof followeth a misery more lamentable then can be described . non at as , non dignitas quenquam protegit , quo minus ●l●pra caedibus , & caedes st●pris misceantur . tac. the first cause of civ●l war proceedeth of destiny for god in his own divine providence foreseeth many years before , that great and mighty empires shall be ruined . in s●●agna ruunt : laetis hi●c numina rebus cresen●● p●suere modum — lucan . the second cause is , excesse , riot , and dissolute life ; for nothing breedeth civil fury so soon as over great happiness ; also pompous apparell● banquetting and prodigall spending consumeth riches , and plenty is turned into poverty ; for by these means ●re men brought into desperation . rapacissimo ●uique ac perditissim● , non agri aut faenus sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tac. now to consider how destiny might be eschewed , were in vain : for such a remedy no wit or wisdom can devise ; being the decree of god , no doubt it is inevitable . ita fato placuit , nullius rei eodem semper loc● stare fortunam . sen. there is nothing exempt from the peril of mutation ; the earth , heavens , and whole world is thereunto subject . certi● eunt cuncta temporibus ; nasci debent , crescere , extingui . sen. touching the second causes of civil war some remedies may be used , because it preceedeth of faction , sedition or tyranny . i call faction a certain association of divers persons combined to the offence of others . it proceedeth often of private or publick displeasure , and more often of ambition . nemo eorum qui in rep. versantur , quo● vincat , sed a quibus vincatur , aspicit . sen. . factions are of two sorts ; for either they consist of many or of few persons : both be dangerous , but the former more apt to take arms ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth arms of forrain forces . . the other faction wherein are fewer partakers , be commonly great personages or men of more importance than ordinary people ; and that proveth most perillous and bloody . n●bilium factiones trah●nt adse , & in partes , universum etiam populum● arist. albeit some wise men have held opinion that factions are necessary , yet cannot that conceipt be reasonably maintained , unless it be upon confines and in such places where conspiracy is feared , which cato in hisprivate family used . semper contentiunculas aliquas aut dissensum inter servos callidè serebat , s●●pectam habens nimiam c●ncordiam ●rum , m●tuensque . plut. factions amongst the nobility , are somtimes suppressed by forbidding colors , or unknown badges to be worn ; also to inhibit names or watch-words of mutinies is necessary , which was mecae●as counsel to augustus ; and aristotle thinketh it fit that laws should be made against the factions of noblemen . nobilium contentiones & part●s etiam legibus oportet prohibere conari . arist. another cause of civil war , we call sedition , which is a suddain commotion or assembly of common people against their prince or his magistrates : the original of which disorders may proceed of divers causes , but chiefly of oppression . imminentium periculorum remedium , ipsa peric●la arbitrari . arist. again , fear may be the occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injured , and is desirous to prevent it before it cometh . it may proceed also of over-great mildness in government . non ●iseriis sed licentia , tantum concitum turbarum , las●ivire magis plebem quàm saevire . livi. sedition many times ariseth of poverty , or of the artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no means whereof they can live . semper in civitat● , quibus opes nullae sunt , bonis invident , veter● odere , n●va expetunt , odio rerum suarum m●tari omnia student . sab. lastly , sedition cometh of tyranny , insolency , or mutinous disposition of certain captains , cavaliers , or ringleaders of the people for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , yet doth it stand firm , until some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per se immobilis . livi. of these movers some are ambitious , who wanting other means to aspire , hope by practice of sedition , to compass their designs ; or else they are unthrifts , who having consumed their own , seek by violence to possess themselves of other mens : or else they are vain and light persons , that without cause or reason , attempt innovation , themselves know not for what . non tam praemiis periculor●m , quàm ipsis periculis laeti , pro certis & olim partis , nova , ambigua , ancipitia malunt . thus having told the causes of sedition , i wish the remedies were prepared . omne malum nascens facilè opprimitur , inveteratum fit plerumque robustius . cic. the first way to suppress sedition , is eloquence and excellent perswasion , which oftentimes worketh great effects among the multitude ; chiefly when it proceedeth from some reverend and grave person , for his wisdom and integrity of life honored : for the prince himself is not to take this office in hand , unless necessity so inforce : integra autoritas principis majoribus remediis servetur . tac. if perswasion cannot prevail , then force must compel : but before such violent proceedings , use art and cunning either to appease the people , or at least to disunite them ; and rather if the prince do offer fair and ●romise plausibly : verba apud populum plurimum valent . tac. it is lawful also in such cases for princes to use subtilty ; and the same not prevailing , to wash away the stain thereof with clemency : for when arms are laid down , and every one yielded , general punishment were needless . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tac. the last cause of sedition we named tyranny , which is a certain violent government , exceeding the laws of god and nature . the difference between kings and tyrants is this ; the one imployeth arms in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrifie those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate : auferre , trucidare , raper● , falsis nominibus imperium , atque ubi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant . tac. the quality of tyrants is to esteem promooters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others . they are also protectors of impious persons , and stand in daily doubt of noble and vertuous men . nobilitas , opes , amissi g●stique honores , pro crimine : et ob virtutes certissimum exitium . tac. tyrants do also endeavor to suppress the knowledge of letters and civil life , to the end all good arts should be exiled , and barbarism introduced . pellunt sapientiae prof●ssores , & omnes ●onas artes in exiliu● ag●nt . tac. these and such like , be the conditions of tyrants , who for the most part are deposed and slain ; for as kings live long and deliver their dominions to their children● and posterity ; so tyrants being feared and hated of all men , cannot continue in their estate . ad generum cereris ●ine ●oede & vulnere pauci descendunt reges & sicca ●orte tyranni . juven. the remedies of these mischiefs which proceed from the violence of such a prince , are persecution or patience . many generous spirits have used the first ; perswading themselves rather to die , then endure the sight of a tyrant . also the grecians did think it a service acceptable to murther the person of such an impious prince . graeci ●omines deorum honores tribuebant iis qui tyrannos necaverunt . cic. nevertheless , in christian consideration the other course is to be taken : let patience therefore incounter this mischief ; for seeing all kings , as well the bad as the good be sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . persecution is not onely perilous , but for the most part infortunate : for thereof present revenge is taken by that prince that succeedeth . facinoris ●jus ultor est , quis●uis successerit . tac. the murder of tyrants is also followed with many inconveniences worse then civil war it self . principes boni , votis expetendi , qualescunque tolerandi . tac. for as fire , floods , and other inevitable plagues are necessarily to be suffered : so evil princes in their covetousness and cruelty ought to be patiently indured , because their office is to command , and subjects must obey . indigna , digna habenda sunt , rex quae facit . sen. and as it is the use of vulgar people to finde faults in the long raign of princes ; so the ambition of great subjects is desirous of novelty . praesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucyd. to conclude , we say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience : for so long as men are , so long will vices be . regum ingenia toleranda , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tac. chap. xxv . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . to the perfections of men , three things are necessarily required ; nature , nurture , and use : the first giveth capacity , aptness , and understanding ; which are graces from above . nurture , is learning , knowledge , art , or order . use , is practice , experience , and orde●ly observation ; whereof may be conceived , that nature alone sufficeth not ; nor can nurture work any good effect , where natural aptness wanteth ; and they can frame no perfection , unless experience be also conjoyned . nemo nascitur sapiens , sed fit . sen. ambassadors , negotiants , and generally all other ministers of mean fortune , in conversation with princes and superiors , must use great respect , shewing themselves rather ceremonious then presumptious , and acknowledge their obligation great , for the ●avor and grace , they find in those which might command them . it is no wisdom ever to commend or discommend the actions of men by their success ; for oftentimes some enterprises attempted by good counsel , end unfortunately ; and others unadvisedly taken in hand , have happy success . who so then commendeth inconsiderate counsels for their fortunate event , thereby encourageth men to jar and discomfort the wiser sort to speak what they know , and by experience have proved . in actions publick and every other matter of great moment , the beginning is well to be considered : for afterwards it lieth not in our power , without dishonor to abandon what was begun . the time doth not always serve , nor is apt occasion always offered to enterprise what we would ; yet who so doth expect every opportunity , shall either attempt nothing at all , or if he do , the same for the most part turneth to his own disadvantage . when any resolution is taken , either with over-great haste , or too much affection , seldom it receiveth good success : for he that doth the one , hath no leisure to consider ; the other transporteth the minde so as it cannot conceive more then that which presently presseth . to these we adde others , i mean some of them that have leisure , and are void of affection , yet for want of natural capacity , or for continual negligence in their doings , never bring any thing well to pass . who so desireth to be beloved in a commonwealth , must rest content with that which men do give , and the laws allow him to take : so shall he neither incu● danger nor envy ; for indeed , that which is taken or extorted from others , and not that which is given , doth make men hated . arms● laws , and religion , may not in any well governed state be dis-joyned ; for every one of them in particular maintaineth them all united . in actions of war , courage and conduct are of great necessity ; yet all good government consisteth in using the vertues moral ; and in handling the matter of martial policy , it is fit to imitate the proceedings of antient and approved captains . among mortal men , there is nothing more common then to believe the estate of one man to be better then an other ; for hereof it cometh , that every one endeavoreth rather to take from others with travel , then to enjoy his own with rest . the state of pri●ces is good● being well used ; so is the fortune of private men , if therewith they be contented . the rich-man liveth happily , so long as he useth his riches temperately ; and the poor man that patiently endureth his wants , is rich enough . whensoever a man is so dangerously distressed , as either proceeding or standing , he liveth in like peril , then doth it behove him in any wise , to resolve upon action . the reason is , that so long as nothing is done , the same accidents that caused his dangers , do still remain in their former force ; but if he endeavor to enterprise somewhat , either he may meet with means to make him secure , or at the hardest , shew himself of so great courage and wit , as he dare and can attempt a way to do it . it seemeth a thing of great difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince or magistrate to eschue the evil speech and bad report of men ; for if they be good and vertuous , then they incur the backbiting of leud persons ; if evil , then will all good men exclaim against them . all commonwealths ought to desire peace , yet it is necessary ever to be prepared for the war ; because peace disarmed , is weak , and without reputation : therefore the poets feign , that palla● the goddess of wisdom did always appear armed . every prince ( well advised ) ought to govern his subjects and servants in such sort , that by his affability and vertue they may be induced rather to serve voluntarily , then for pay or hope of preferment . for otherwise doing , whensoever the prince shall want means to pay , the subjects likewise will fail of good will to serve . but he that faithfully loveth , doth neither in prosperity become arrogant , nor in contrary fortune retire , or complain of the small favor he findeth : for ( till death ) love and life remain at the princes commandment . where poor men finde justice , evil men are punished , measures and weights be just , youth well nurtured , and old folk free from avarice , there is the commonwealth good and perfect . in war between neighbors , neutrality is commendable ; for by that means we eschue many troubles and great expences , so long as the forces of either side be so equal in strength , as we need not to fear the victory of any : for so long their discord is our security , and o●tentimes offereth us means to increase our own state and reputation . the cheif reasons to move war , are , the justice of the cause , the facillity of success , and the profit of the victory . in all humane actions it behoveth to a●commodate the council of men unto present necessity , and never to expose security to manifest peril , nor hope of that which without great difficulty or impossibility cannot be obtained . it is the nature of men having escaped one extream , which by force they were constrained long to endure , to run headlong into the other extream , forgetting that vertue doth always consist in the mean . the multitude is inclined to innovation , and easily induced by false perswasion , and consequently easily transported by seditious leaders . men are naturally disposed to fear those things which threaten danger and terror● yet unless these perils by some new accident be daily revived , that fear by little and little vanisheth , and security recovereth the place . whoso findeth himself contemned , or not respected , becometh discontent ; which humor in generous mindes , breedeth oftentimes adventerous imaginations , whereof audacious attempts have followed , cheifly in persons of authority and reputation ; for he that hopeth no good , feareth no evil : yet true it is , that dangerous enterprises , the the more they be thought upon , the less hope they give of good success , for which reason conspiracies not suddainly executed are for the most part revealed or abandoned . all people do naturally imitate the manners of their prince , and observing his proceedings resolve to hate or love him : but if they happen once to ha●e the prince , then his doings , good or evil , are afterwards not good ; but if at the beginning he gained the love of the people , then every bad action is reputed a vertue : as though he could not be induced to do amiss without good cause or reason . greatly are princes deceived if in the election of ministers they more respect their own particular affection , then the sufficiency of the person elected . a prince having conquered any new dominion , is thereby rather incombred then strengthned , unless the same be after well governed ; and seldom is it seen that a principality by ill means gotten , hath bin long injoyed . as to the perfection of the whole body soundness of head only sufficeth not , unless the other members also do their office ; even so it is not enough that a prince be faultless , but it behooveth also that the magistrates and ministers should perform their duty . great princes rarely resist their appetites● as for the most part private men can : for they being alwaies honored and obeyed , do seldom with patience indure the want of any thing reasonable , as being perswaded that what they desire is just , and that their commandment hath power to remove all difficulties . all men are naturally good when no respect of profit or pleasure draws them to become evill . but this worlds corruption , and our frailty is such , as easily and often for our particular interest we incline to the worst ; which was the cause that wise law-makers found out reward and punishment : the one to incite men to good , the other to fear them from being evill . a tyrant indeavoreth to maintain his estate by three means . first , he practiseth to hold all subjects in extream awe , and to be basely minded , to the end they should want courage to take arms against him . secondly , he kindleth diffidence and discord among the great men ; thereby to remove occasion of conspiracy and combination . lastly , he holdeth them disarmed and idle , so as they ne●ther know nor can attempt any thing against him to govern , is nothing else but to hold subjects in love and obedience : for in respect of the end , they ought not , and in regard of the other they cannot attempt any thing contrary to the governors will and their duty . the laws and ordinances of a common-weale made at the beginning thereof when men were good , do often prove unprofitable when they are become evill ; and therefore new laws are made according to the accidents which happen . the discontent or disorder of people is ever occasioned by the inequality of their goods , because the poorer sort would be made equall to the rich : but the offence that grows among great men is the desire of honor ; for they being equal , do indeavor to aspire to equall authority . a prince that desireth by means of his ambassador to deceive an other prince , must first abuse his own ambassador , to the end he should do and speak with more earnestness , being indeed perswaded that the intent and meaning of his master is simple which happily would not , were he privy that his princes meaning were to dissemble . this course is also commonly holden by those that by imployment of a third person would perswade any thing fained or false . for the performance of conditions in treaty of peace or league of amity , the promises , vowes , and oathes of princes are of great effect ; yet because fidelity in a man is not ever certain , and time doth daily offer occasions of variation , there is no assurance so secure and good as to stand so prepared as the enemy may want able means how to offend . to resolve in matters doubtfull , or answer requests which we are not willing to grant , the least offensive way is not to use direct denial , but by delaies prolong the time and so in place of effect , afford good expectation . the old proverbe ●aith : magistratus virum ostendit : which is no less true then ancient : for men in such fortune are occasioned not only to make proof of their sufficiency , but also to discover their affections ; and the more their greatness is , the less respect they have to contain those passions which are natural . albeit great troubles and continual adversity seem insupportable ; yet is there nothing more dangerous , then ouermuch prosperity ; and being pressed by new appetites , they disturb their own security . in speaking of occurrents doubtfull , it is alwaies wisdom to fain ignorance , or at least alledge that we beleive then not : for most commonly they are utterly untrue , or far other then vulgarly is believed . the actions of men are commonly liked or disallowed according to the bad or good success : attributing that to council which sometimes is due to fortune . the multitude of men were wont to be more pleased with suddain then slow resolutions ; and many times accompt those enterprises generous , which are rashly and inconsideratly attempted . great difference there is between subjects desperate , and others which are only discontented : for the one desire nothing but present alteration , which they indeavor with all hazard : the other wish for innovation , inciting any motion or practice● because their intent is to attend time , and that occasion may present it self . a benefit bestowed on him who thinketh himself greatly injured , doth not suffice to raze the same out of his memory , cheifly if the benefit be given at such time as no meer motion but necessity may seem the occasion thereof . that peace ought to be desired which removeth suspition , which assureth us from perill , which bringeth quiet certain , and acquitteth us of expences : but when it worketh contrary effects , it may be called a dangerous war covered with the name of deceitfull trust , not unlike a perilous poyson ministred in lieu of a wholsom medicine . the effect of things , and not externall show or seeming , ought to be regarded ; yet it is incredible what great grace is gained by courteous speech and affability : the reason whereof is as i suppose that every man beleiveth he doth merit more then indeed he is worthy , and consequently holdeth himself injured when soever he findeth men not to afford him like estimation . men ought in any wise , to refrain to doe or say any thing which may offend , for which respect it were great folly either in presence or absence to utter displeasing speech unless necessity inforceth . the matters whereof councellors are cheifly to consider , be five . the princes revenue , peace and warr , defence , traffick , and what laws are to be made . in giving council divers things are to be observed ; but amongst them are two of most importance . first , it behooveth , that he who is counselled should be wise ; for seeing council is nothing else but a certain considerate discourse of things to be done or not done , if he who is to take council be not of discretion , then will he refuse all good advice offered , and rather ●ncline to that which his own fancie affecteth because the want of judgement draweth him to take pleasure in vain things ; and as one incapable of what is good and true , will follow that which is evil and false : so on the other side if he that giveth council be not faithfull , then will he a thousand waies disguise and dissemble the truth , and consequently miscarry the mind of him that is counselled : yea in the end utterly abuse him . the affairs and proceedings of the world are so variable and accompanied with so many chances and changes , as impossible it seemeth to judge what is best : therefore experience enformeth , that the conjectures of the most wise prove vain and uncertain . i therefore mislike the judgment of those men , that will let slip opportunity of present good ( though it be small ) for feare of a future evill , notwithstanding it be greater , unless the evill be very near at hand , or certain . for if that doe not follow which is feared , then wilt thou repent to have omitted that which was desired . whensoever a general opinion is conceived of the singular vertue and knowledge of any●man , although he be indeed ignorant and far unworthy that accompt , yet it is hard to remove such a settled conceipt : the reason is , that men having at the first given credit to common report , do make thereof so deep an impression as afterwards without great difficulty cannot be removed . the bodies of men , munition , and mony may justly be called the sinews of war , yet of them the two first are more necessary , for men and arms have means to find mony and meate : but mony and meate cannot so easily find soldiers and swords . one wise generall having but a thousand men , is more to be feared and esteemed then twenty commanders of equall authority : for they being commonly of divers humors , or judging diversly , do never , or very rarely what is to be done , and consequently lose much time before any resolution can be taken . a prince of mean force ought not in any wise to adventure his estate upon one daies fight : for if he be victorious he gaineth nothing but glory : but if he lose , he is utterly ruined . the most part of men are delighted with histories , for the variety of accidents therein contained : yet are there few that will imitate what they read , and finde done by others ; being perswaded that imitation is not only hard but impossible , as though the heavens and men were changed in their motion or order , and power , which they anciently had . the nature of men is such as will not endevor any thing good , unless they be forced thereunto : for where liberty aboundeth , there confusion and disorder follow . it is therefore supposed that hunger and poverty make men industrious : but good lawes inforce them to be honest ; for if men were of themselves good , then laws were needless . there are two kinds of adulation : the first proceedeth from a subtil malice : the second cometh by an ordinary use of conversation ; the one tendeth to profit and deceiving ; the other hath no further design then a respect or fear to offend . whereunto the most honest are in some sort bound . whoso bindeth himself to flattery , doth thereby bewray his intent , either to gain , or not to lose that he hath . for the person flattered is alwaies superior to him that doth flatter , or at least one as may in some sort stand him in stead . it may therefore be inferred that only men of base and miserable condition , and such as cannot help or hurt , be free from flatterers . and contrariwise magnanimous and fortunate folke , proud men and such as content themselves with their present estate , are seldom found to be flatterers . every wise prince doth presuppose that times of trouble may come , and that all such occasions he shal be forced to use the service of men diversly qualified . his study therefore is in the mean time so to entertain them as when those storms arise he may rest assured to command them ; for whosoever perswades himself by present benefits to gain the good will of men , when perills are at hand , shall be deceived . in ancient times princes and governors were wont when peace and security were most like to continue , to find or fain occasions to draw their subjects to fear , to the end that doubt might move them to be more carefull of their own weldoing ; for well they knew it a general defect in men to be reachless , and never willing to use industry ; unless by necessity they were constrained . all histories do shew , and wise polititians do hold it necessary , that for the well governing of every commonweal it behooveth to presuppose that all men are evil , and will declare themselves so to be when occasion is offered ; for albeit some inconvenience doth lie hid for a time , it proceedeth from a covert occasion , which for want of experience was not found untill time the mother of truth discover it . neutrality is always a thing dangerous and disallowable , because it oftendeth all parties : he that is strong looketh to be assisted in his greatness ; and he that is weak not being defended , holdeth himself offended : the one is not assured from foes , and the other holdeth no friends . albeit neutrality procure present quiet and security , during the troubles of others ; yet after the samefalleth out a disadvantage , because it entertaineth a certain falseness , and so in short space will be perceived ; not unlike those men that borrow upon usury ; for albeit they enjoy a certain time , without trouble or charge , yet the same being spent , and the day of payment come , they then feel the great danger which their short pleasure hath purchased . whoso examineth all humane actions shall find that in eschewing one inconvenience , wepresently incur another . as for example , if we endeavor to make our dominions mighty , it behooveth to have the same fully r●plenished with people , and well armed , and so being , they are not easily governed . on the other side , if our country be not well peopled , or disarmed , then it is easily holden in obedience ; yet therwith so weake that it can neither increase the bounds therof , nor defend it selfe . it is therfore necessary in all our deliberations to consider what inconvenience is least , and choose that , as the best : for to find all perfect , void and secure of suspect or imperfection , is impossible . a prince being instantly required to take part with other princes , the one being in arms against the other , if he deny both incureth suspicion of both , and may be thought to have secret intelligences with one or both of them ; so as either of them shall accompt him an enemy , and consequently he that proves victorious will be revenged ; and the other holding him suspected will not acknowledg his friendship . it is the use of men to presume much upon their own merit , and seeing the success of some others to be such as without cause or desert are aspired to dignity thereby uncouraged they promised to themselves the like : nevertheless being entred into the course of their design , and finding many crosses and impeachments , they do not a little repent their over-weening and presumption , but also many times utterly abandon their rash and unadvised enterprize ; neither can i think th●t the vertue or sufficiencie of any man without the favor of the heavens can advance him ; for as the poet saith , ne● velle juvat , potiúsue nocet , si fata repugnant whoso serveth a prince far from his presence , shall with great difficulty content him . for if he commit any error , it shall be aggravated : besides that the instructions sent unto him cannot be particularly conceived , because the state of worldly things doth daily alter . also to serve alooffe , is a thing full of danger and far from reward : which inconvenience may for the most part be avoided by him that attendeth near to his princes person . let no man that cometh to serve in court , assure himself by his wisdom to be advanced or eschew all encounters . neither is he to bear himself so careless as to commit all to fortune , but be perswaded that this wordly life is like to a voyage by sea ; wherein albeit art with the favor of the wind may do much , yet can we not assure our selves to arrive safe in the haven appointed ; for daily experience doth shew , that some strange ships in the calmest weather , are drowned or impeached by the way , when others much weaker and disarmed passe securely . among men worthy of commendations , those have merited best that first planted true religion : next they that framed kingdoms and commonwealths ; the third place is due to such as have augmented or enlarged their dominions ; lastly learned men deserve fame and memory : and as every of these are worthy of fame and honor ; so ought they to be accompted infamous that introduce atheism , or the subversion of kingdoms , or are become enemies to learning and vertue . whosoever taketh in hand to governe a multitude either by way of liberty , or principality , and cannot assure himse●f of those persons that are enemies to that enterprise , doth frame a state of short perseverance : yet true it is that such princes be infortunate● as for their own security are inforced to hold a course extraordinary , and have the multitude their enemy ; for he that hath few foes may with small dishonor be assured ; but he that is generally hated can by no means live assured ; and the more cruelty he useth , the weaker his principality proveth . in commending another man great moderation is to be used ; for as contumely offendeth him against whom it is used ; so great praise , besides that it is uttered with danger to his judgment that speaketh it , the same doth oftentimes offend him that heareth it . for self love which commonly possesseth men , causes the good or evil we hear , to be measured with our own . and consequently every man that is touched with like deserts and defects , doth grow● offended that his commendation is not set forth , and feareth lest his imperfection should be discovered . it is often , or rather ever seen , that the force of leagues not used in their first heat , becomes cold ; because suspition soon entereth , which in short space will destroy whatsoever was concluded , and may not without long time be rejoyned . the power of ambition which possesseth the mindes of men , is such , as rarely or never suffereth them to rest : the reason thereof is , that nature hath framed in them a certain disposition to desire all things , but not to obtain them ; so as our desires being greater then our power , thereof followeth discontent and evil satisfaction . hereof also proceedeth the variation of fortune ; for some men desiring to get , and others fearing to lose that they have gotten , do occasion one man to injure another , and consequently publick wars do follow ; by means whereof , one countrey is ruined , and an other inlarged . princes of great power , and cheifly those that are inhabitants of the north , having many children , were wont to be much inclined to the wars , as well to win unto themselves honor , as also to get possessions for their sons ; which manner of proceedings did oftentimes remove such disturbance as the plurality of brethren bringeth . these and other reasons induced princes to attempt war against those kingdoms , which in their opinion seemed easily conquered , or whereunto they can pretend litle ; for by colour thereof they may the rather justifie their proceedings . when a prince deferreth to answer an ambassador , it proceedeth from some of these respects ; either because he will take time to resolve himself of somewhat whereof he doubteth , or that he intendeth covertly to deny that which is demanded , or that he esteemeth not the prince that doth demand , or that he disdaineth the person by whom the demand is made , or else that he intendeth to hear from his own ministers to be better resolved : wherefore a discreet negotiator ought in such cases to consider which of these reasons move the prince where he is employed , to entertain him with delays , and make his dispatch accordingly . the sufficiency of good counsellors consisteth in four things . first , they ought to be wise and skilful how to handle their affairs , directing all doings to publick commodity . secondly , to be just in their proceedings , giving to every one that which to him appertaineth . thirdly , to be stout , and void both of partial respects and fear . and lastly , to be temperate and moderate in their desires . whoso desireth to govern well and securely , it behoveth him to have a vigilant eye to the proceedings of great princes , and to consider seriously of their designs : for it is a matter of small difficulty to live in peace with him who desireth our amity , and provideth for others that endeavor to offend us . the intelligences that princes study to attain , are procured by divers means : some are brought by report , some vented by conversation and sounding , some by means of espials ; but the most sure and credible accurrents , are those which come from ambassadors , cheifly those that either for the greatness of their prince , or their own vertue , be of most reputation . for those men conversing daily with great personages , and pondering diligently their manners , words , wisdom , and the order of each mans proceedings , yea , of the prince himself , may with commodity attain unto matters of importance sooner then they that are writers of rumors , or that take upon them to conjecture of things to come . whensoever a people is induced to commit so great an error , as to give reputation to one onely man , to the end he should oppress all those great men whom they hate , they thereby give him opportunity to become their prince ; and so being assisted with their favor and aid● he may likewise extinguish all the rest of the nobility ; and they being extirpated● he will also endeavor to tyrannize over the people , by wh●se help he aspired . so many as are not consenting to the tyranny , rest enemies to the person of the tyrant , who can by no means gain the love of all . for impossible it is , that the riches of any tyrant should be so great , and the honors he can give so many as may satisfie all . hereof it cometh , that those tyrants that are favored of the people , and disfavored of the nobles● are most secure ; because their tyranny is supported with a greater strength ( having the mul●itude their friends ) then is the tyrant whom the humor of the nobles onely hath advanced . a dangerous thing it is in all common-wealths by continual punishing , to hold the mindes of subjects in suspition ; for men ever fearing their ruine , will ( without respect ) determine to save themselves , and as men desperate , attempt innovation . all capital executions ought therefore to be executed suddenly , and as it were at one instant● so to assure the mindes of men from further molestation●● the intent of every wise prince that maketh war , either by election or ambition , is to gain and hold what is gotten : also to use the matter so as thereby he may inrich himself , and not impoverish his own people or countrey . he that inlargeth his dominions , doth not always increase his power ; but he that increaseth in force as well as in dominion , shall thereby grow great ; otherwise he gaineth no more then is shortly to be lost , and consequently he ruineth himself : for who spends more in the war , then he gains by victory , loseth both labor and cost . every prince and commonwealth must above all things take heed , that no necessity how great soever , do perswade him to bring into his dominion any auxiliary soldiers ; because the hardest conditions the enemy can offer , are more easie then is such a resolution . a prince sheweth his ruine at hand , whensoever he beginneth to break the laws and customs , which are antient , and have been long time obeyed by the people of his dominion . that prince which careth to keep himself secure from conspiracy , ought rather to fear those to whom he hath done over-great favors , then them whom he hath much injured : for these want opportunities , the other do not ; and both their desires are as one ; because the appetite of commanding● is always as much or more then the desire of revenge . whensoever a prince discovers a conspiracy , he must well consider the quality thereof , measuring the force of the conspirators with his own ; and finding them many and mighty , the knowledge thereof is to be dissembled , until the princes power be prepared to oppose them ; otherwise he hazardeth his own security . it hath been by long experience found better to send one general to an army , though he be of mean sufficiency , then to give the same authority to two or more excellent personages with equal commission . he that coveteth to be over-much loved , often times becomes contemptible ; and he that endeavoreth to be over-much feared , is ever hated : and to hold the mean between them , cannot be exactly done , because nature will not so permit . whoso aspireth to any dignity , must resolve himself to endure the envy of men , and never to be moved for any offence conceived against him , though they that be offended , be his dear friends : neither shall he for the first affront or encounter , relinquish his hope ; for he that constantly maketh head against the assault of fortune , shall after with facility arive where he designed . in giving council to a prince or commonwealth , and therewith desiring to eschue danger and offence , no other mean is to be taken then that the counsellor shall without passion or perswasion pronounce his opinion , and never to affirm any thing as a resolution , but with modesty to defend that he speaketh ; so as the prince which follows his advice , may seem to do it voluntarily , and not forced by the importunity of him that gave the council . a discreet captain being in the field against the enemy , of whose vertue he hath had no proof , ought first by light skirmishes to feel of what vertue he is● and not to enterprise any general adventure , to the end that terror or fame should not daunt nor discourage his own soldiers . albeit fraud be in all actions detested , yet is the same in martial enterprises commendable and glorious : for that captain who compasseth his designs by wit or stratagem , is no less commended then he that vanquisheth the enemy by violence and force . in times of extremity , when resolution must be taken for the having or utter losse of the state , then no regard is to be had of justice or injustice , mercy or cruelty , honor or ignominy , but rather setting aside all respects , that course is to be follow which defended the lives and liberties of men . whoso desireth to know what will be hereafter let him think of that is past ; for the world hath ever bin in in a circular revolution : whatsoever is now , was heretofore and things past or present are no other then such as shall be again : redit orbis in orbem . a prince that desireth to obtain any thing at the hand of another , must if it be possible urge a suddain answer , and lay before him that is moved , a necessity to resove presently , giving him to understand that denial or delaies may breed a perilous and suddain indignation . there is nothing more difficult , doubtful and dangerous then to attempt innovation : for he that taketh in hand an enterprize of such quality , maketh all those his enemies which lived well under the old order , and findeth them cold defenders that affect his novelties , which coldness proceedeth chiefly of incredulity ; for men are not easily induced to beleeve a new thing till experience hath proved it to be good . there is no art nor other knowledg so seemly and necessary for a prince as the art military with the ordinances and discipline thereof : for that is the only skill required in him that commandeth , and such a vertue as doth not only maintain them that are born princes , but often advanceth private men to that dignity . the deep impressions which old injuries make in the minds of great men cannot with new benefits be razed out ; it is also to be remembred that injuries be done all together : for they offend the lesse , and wil be forgotten the sooner ; but benefits should by little and little be bestowed , ●o shal the memory of them long continue . a small pleasure or displeasure presently done , doth move more then a great good turn bestowed in times past ; for the taste of things present doth make a deeper impression in the minds of men , then doth the memory of things past , or expectation of things to come . it is a matter of small difficulty to sound the discont ntment of other men . for every one doth willingly tell the well and ill deserving of friends , and likewise how much or how little foes can do , if we have patience to hear , which patience is the beginning of all good speed ; but he that delighteth to speak much , and hear little , shall ever inform others more then he himself can learn . among other dangers which a prince incurreth by being disarmed , the greatest is , that thereby he becometh contemptible ; for no comparison there is between men armed and them that are disarmed : and no reason there is that he that is armed should yield obedience to him that is disarmed , neither is it like that a prince disarmed can be secure from his own subjects armed . a prince ignorant of martial knowledg , among other misfortunes cannot be esteemed or trusted of his own soldiers ; it behooveth him therefore as well in time of peace as war to exercise arms , which may be done by two meanes ; the one by action of body , the other by contemplation of mind . the body may be exercised in hunting , hawking , and such like pastimes ; thereby to be made apt to endure travel : his mind likewise may be informed by reading of histories , and the consideration of actions performed by excellent captains , observing the occasion of their victories or losses to the end he may imitate the one● and eschew the other . he that doth not as other men do , but endeavoureth that which ought to be done , shall thereby rather incur peril then preservation for whoso laboreth to be sincerely perfect and good , shall necessarily perish , living among men that are generally evil . a prince that useth liberality to his prejudice , ought not to regard the infamy of miserable , because his parsimony will in time enable him to be liberal , and so may declare himself to be , having by parsimony increased his power , and therefore without imposing upon the people , may defend himself from all such as will make war ; so shall he use liberality to all them from whom he taketh nothing , who are infinite ; and use miserliness to those only to whom he giveth , who are but few . there is nothing that consumeth it self like to liberality ; for if it be long used , it taketh away the meanes to continue it , and consequently doth make men poor and basely minded : or else to eschew poverty they shall be forced to extortion and become odious . it is better to incur the name of covetous ( which is a scandal without hate ) then with desire to be accounted liberal , deserve the infamie of oppression ( an ignominy accompanied with hatred . ) a prince ought to be slow in believing , and advised in proceeding ; he should also beware not to make himself over much feared , but in all his actions shew great wisdom tempered with curtesie ; so shall not over much confidence induce him to be careless , nor over much diffidence render him intolerable . whoso observeth , shall see that men offended , less respect him whom they love , then him whom they fear . for love is maintained by a certain reciproque obligation , which because men are evill , useth to be by every occasion of profit broken . but fear is continued by a certain dread of punishment which never faileth . a prince that holdeth in the fi●ld an army wherein are great numbers of soldiers , ought not to care though he be accompted cruell : for without such an opinion conceived , he cannot keep his forces united , nor apt to attempt any enterprize . men for the most , do use rather to judg ; by their eyes , then by their hands , for every one may see , but few can certainly know . every one seeth what thou seemest to be , but few can understand what thou art indeed ; and these few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of many which have the majesty of estate to defend them . also in the actions of all men , and chiefly princes , from whom is no appellation , the end is ever observed . machiavel . a prince being forced to use the condition of beasts , must among them make choice of the fox and the lyon ; for the lyon cannot take heed of snares , and the fox is easily overcome by the wolves , it behooveth him therefore to be a fox to discover the snares , and a lyon to terrify the wolves . a prince newly advanced cannot observe those rules which are the cause that men be accompted good ; he being many times constrained for defence of his state to proceed contrary to promise , contrary to charity , and all vertue ; and consequently it behooveth him to have a mind apt to alteration , as the wind and variation of fortune shall direct ; yet ought he not to abandon the good , if so he can , but be ready to use what is evil if so he shall be inforced . every prince ought to have two ears , the one intrinsick in respect of subjects , the other extrinsick in respect of forraine potentates , from whom ●he may be defended with good arms , and good friends : also matters intrinsick will ever stand well so long as all things abroad rest firm . a prince that is favored of the multitude , need not to doubt conspiracy ; but contrariwise where the people is generally discontented , and hateth the prince , then may he reasonably doubt every thing , and every person ; for no man is so poor , that wanteth a weapon wherewith to offend , w●en any occasion is presented to have that thou desirest , fail not to lay hold thereof : for these worldly things do vary , and that so suddenly , as hard it is to assure our selves of any thing , unless the same be already in hand : on the other side if any trouble threaten thee , defer it so long as thou maist ; for time may occ●sion some accident to remove all dangers . the prince that doubtech the fidelity of his subjects , must of force build fortresses ; but he that feareth forreign force more then his own people , were better to leave them unbuilt . howsoever it be , that prince that desireth generally to be respected and esteemed , must perform some notable enterprise , and give testimony of great vertue and valor . a prince shall do well at all times to be counselled so as no man do presume to give counsel but when the prince doth ask it . it is al●o to be noted , that he who is not of himself wise , cannot be well counselled of others , unless happily he yield to some wise men the government of his whole affairs . for good counsels from whomsoever they proceed , shall be thought to come from the prince , and not the wisdom of the prince to proceed from the counsel of others . he that taketh delight to be employed in publick affairs , must by all means endeavor to continue in such services : for oft one business dependeth on another , whereunto the florentine proverb may be applied , di cosa , nasae cosa & il tempole governa . some men have not onely desired , but also compassed honor and profit ; yet being in possession of both , were not therewith so satisfyed as they hoped to be ; which being believed , would happily extinguish the immeasurable ambition wherewith many men are possessed . by experience i have learned that great folly it is to account that ours which we have not , or spend presently in hope of future gain . therefore merchants during the adventure of their goods , do not increase domesticall expences● but fearing the worst assure what is in hand . for such men as have gained unto themselves reputation and are accounted vertuous , to maintain that conceipt and eschew envy , there is nothing better then a life retired from daily conversation , & chiefly of the multitude . fugiat sapiens commercia vulgi● the end that moveth a prince to make war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neit her is victory desired for other purpose then thereby to become the more mighty , and make the enemy weak ; consequently wheresoever thy victory doth impoverish thee , or thy gain therein doth weaken thee , it followeth that either thou passe or undergoe that mark whereunto the intention of war was directed . and that prince is by victory enriched , that can oppress the enemies power and become master of his goods and possessions . and that prince is by victory impoverished when the enemy notwithstanding he be victored can still maintain himself , and the spoyls and possessions are not taken to the use of the prince victorious , but imparted unto his soldiers . for then may he be thought in his own loosing infortunate , and in victory unhappy ; for if he be vanquished , then must he indure the offence by foes ; and being victorious shall be forced to abide the wrong offered by friends : which as they be less reasonable , so are they also less supportable ; because he is still by impositions forced to burthen the subjects , whereof m●y be inferred , that the prince having in him any generosity cannot justly rejoyce at that victory which causeth the subjects to lament . who so desireth to obtain any thing , hopeth to compass his desire , either by intreaty , presents , or threatning ; for so shall he to whom the request is made , be moved either with compassion , profit , or fear : nevertheless with covetous and cruel men , and such as are in their opinion mighty , none of these can prevail . and consequently in vain do they labor , that go about by suit to stir them to pity , by gifts to gain them , or by threats to fear them . who so is perswaded that any common-weal can continue disunited , doth greatly deceive himself : true it is , that some divisions do maintain the estate , but other do indamage the same they which do harm , are such as with sects and pertakings be accompanied ; they which help without sects and pertakings be maintained . a wise governor therefore , albeit he cannot so exactly foresee but some enemies will arise in the state , yet may he take order that no factions may thereby grow . it is therefore to be noted , that the citizens of every estate , may aspire to reputation , either by private or publick means . reputation by publick means , is gained chiefly in the war , either by obtaining victory in some battel , or surprising of some city ; or else by performing some ambassage d●ligently , prosperously : but private reputation is gotten by doing favor to this or that man and protecting them from magistrates , giving them money , advancing them unworthily to honor and office ; and by great feasts , entertaining the multitude ; of which manner of proceeding , se●●s , factions , and partakings do grow : and as reputation thus gained is dangerous , so the other without faction is profitable ; because the same is founded on common welfare , and no private profit : and albeit among citizens of this sort , will oft arise great hate , yet wanting followers for their particular profit , the state shall not be indangered , but rather strengthned ; for every man endeavoring to deserve well , will hold himself within the bounds of civil life , and by vertuous merits labor to be advanced . to perswade or disswade particular persons , is a ma●ter of no difficulty : for if words suffice not , yet authority will prevaile : but hard and perillous it is to remove a false opinion conceived by a whole multitude , for therein faire speech and no compulsion must be used . the best means which wise captains can use to make their soldiers resolute , is to take from them all hope , which resolution may also be increased with the love of our country and confidence in the captain : for confidence groweth by the valor of men , and discipline in former victories , and trust reposed in the leader . the love of our country is naturall , but the aff●ction we bear to the captain proceedeth rather from his vertue , then the benefits he hath be●●owed● necessity also may do much , and chiefly that where no choise is left , but either overcome by armes , or dye in desperation . there is nothing of so great force to hold an armie united , as the reputation of the captain , which proceedeth only from his vertue ; for neither dignity nor authority without valor can work that effect . the first care that a captain must have , is to hold his soldiers well punished and paied ; for where payment faileth , punishment ought not to be inflicted : and consequently no reason it is to punish him for robbery , whom want of pay enforceth to shift ; but where the soldier is payed , and not punished ( offending ) then will he without respect become insolent towards his captain● whereof insue mutinies , discord , and utter ruine it is a custom very honorable not to promise more then thou wilt assuredly performe : yet true it is that whosoever is denied ( though justly ) doth rest illcontented ; for men indeed are not governed by reason : otherwise it is for him that promiseth : and so good promises shall stand in stead of performance ; besides that , he may find excuse enough , because the most part of men are so simple , that faire words alone have power to abuse them , cheifly when they proceed from a person of reputation and authority . the best way therefore is not to promise precisely , but entertain the suitors with answers general , and full of good hope : yet not such as shall directly and absolutely bind . the greatest and most material displeasures that use to arise between the nobility and people , are caused by the diversity of humors , the one laboring to command , the other endevoring not to obey ; so as all troubles and disorders in every commonweale do thereof receive nutriment . the city which is maintained rather by factions then lawes , so soon as one faction is become strong and without opposition , the same of necessity must be divided in it self : for those particular causes which were at the first taken , are not of force enough to maintain it . it is the nature of men not to indure any discom●odity , unless necessity do thereunto enforce them : which may apparently be perceived by their habitations ; for as the feare of warr draweth them to places of strength ( for their defence ) so that perill being past , they do for the most part remove themselves to inhabit countries of more commodity and profit . it may seem strange , and no even measure ( yet approved by experience ) that where many of●end few are punished . also petty errors are severely corrected● but great and grievous crimes be rewarded . in like manner , where many receive wrong , few seek revenge . for injuries universal , are with more patience then particular offences endured . all or the greatest part of men that have aspired to riches or power , have attained thereunto either by force or fraud : and without they have by craft or cruelty gained , to cover the foulness of their fact , they call purchase as a name more honest . howsoever he that for want of will or wit useth not those means , must rest in servitude and poverty . the reason thereof is that as nature hath laid before men the chief of all fortunes , so she disposes them rather to rapine then honest industrie , and more subject to bad then good endeavors : hereof it cometh , that one man eateth an other , and he that is weakest must alwaies goe to the worst . where necessity forceth , boldness is reputed wisdom , and in great enterprises perill is not to be made accompt of . for those attempts that begin with danger , alwaies end with honor , or reward ; also from one perill there is no way to escape , but by entring into another . a wise man ought not to desire to inhabit that county where men have more authority then lawes . for indeed that country deserves to be desired where every one may securely enjoy his own ; not that , where with facility it may be taken away ; and that friends for feare to lose their own , are inforced to forsake them . some magistrates either by over great zeale or ignorance take a course of rigor , which being for the present favored , they are ever the more imployed , as men meet to extirpate inconveniences . but thereby the subjects are often drawn into desperation , and consequently have recourse unto armes , as their uttermost refuge . in this case a wise prince for appeasing the people is forced to disallow his ministers , and sometimes also to inflict publick punishment . a prince naturally suspicious , and having about him persons inclined to envie , is easily induced to mistrust those men that have served him with most sufficiency : which danger they cannot eschew , because they who are worthiest commendation are oftentimes envied by such persons as have access unto the prince . who so cannot endure both envy and hate , must re●rain to enterprise great matters : for great honors being desired of many , it behooveth him that aspireth unto them , to be for his dignity envied , and for his authority hated ; which authority albeit the same be well used , yet they who hate or envie ( perswading themselves it might be better handled ) indeavor to oppress that power , as fearing it will be worse . among other things which worketh the inconveniences of commonweales , ambition and desperation are cheif ; of both , desperation is worst : for ambition may attend occasion ; desperation will not , as that cannot endure delaies . historians desiring to write the actions of men , ought to set down the simple truth , and not say any thing for love or hatred : also to chuse such an opportunity for writing as it may be lawful to think what they will , and write what they think , which is a rare happiness of the time . in commending or disallowing the actions of men it is a course very requisite to consider the beginning , the proceeding , and end : so shall we see the reasons and causes of things , and not their bare events only , which for the most part are governed by fortune . it is a matter of much necessity , that every man , and chiefly a prince should in his first actions , give some testimony of vertue ; for falling at first into obloquie , doe he well or ill , all is ill taken . the custome of the common people is to judge rather by their eyes then by their eares : which is the cause they allow more of external shew then inward vertue : and true it is , where excellency of mind , and beauty of body concur , the commendation due to such a person is far the greater . gratior est pulchro veniens è corpore virtus . a prince or great personage that constantly endureth adversity deserveth great praise : yet greater commendation is due to him that beareth himself modestly in his happiness . for miseries are oft born with patience , but felicity corrupteth . to be descended of princes or great parsonages , is a matter of meer fortune , and so to be esteemed : but adoption proceedeth from the judgment of men ; therefore seemeth incorrupt and seldom abused . it hath been long observed , and is a rule which rarely faileth , that he shall be ever suspected of the prince in possession , whom men acco●pt worthy to be a prince in reversion . it hath been a use very ancient to give credit to astrologers , and other such persons who by their star-learning or blind divination , take upon them to tell of things to come . the reason thereof is that the most part of men beleive that soonest which they least understand ; and if they see the event of a prediction though it hapneth by meer chance to fall out according to that was premised , thereupon they settle so firme an impression , as albeit many other faile , yet the good conceipt of their cunning cannot be removed . liberality is a vertue which gaineth love , but much are they deceived whom riot in lieu thereof abuseth . to cast away and consume is soon learned , but to give in good order few have the skill . in time of suddain mutiny , conspiracy , and offence of people , the wisest resolution is not to oppose force to prevent fury , but rather give space for the bad to amend , and the good to consent : for treasons prevaile on the sudden , but good council gathers forces by leasure . mature deliberation ought ever to be used , but when armes are to determine , speedy execution is the best : because no delay in that enterprise is fit which cannot be commended before it be ended . who so is pleased to observe the proceedings of men in authority , shall observe that some of them hold a plain course without respect : others projecting for time to come do forecast how to hold their present good fortune or at least to escape danger : for they mistrusting present prosperity and fearing a change , prepare beforehand some private friends to oppose against publick hatred : whereof may be inferred , that no care is taken of innocency , but every one studieth how to pass without punishment . in captains and all military commanders , three things are required , vertue , discipline , and authority ; but in private soldiers obedience and courage only sufficeth ; for by due obeying , and no curious scanning the leaders direc●ions are maintained ; and the army in danger is alwaies most valiant , which before the danger is most quiet . let the soldier therefore be well armed and valiantly minded . to advise and dsrect must be the captains care . it is a matter of no great moment , yet alwaies worthy the noting , that any exterior behavior , or garment presenting pride or greatness , chiefly in persons lately advanced , though no man be thereby interessed or injured , doth move in others a certain offence : for the nature of man is such , as beholdeth the new prosperity of others with an envious eye , and wisheth a moderation of fortune nowhere so much as in those we have known in equall degree with our selves in all enterprises of warr , ( if present necessity doth not otherwise require ) leisure and deliberation ought to be used ; for often it sufficeth in lieu of wisdom , ●o take the advantage of other mens folly . all men that are to consider of great actions , ought to be informed whether that which is undertaken be profitable for the commonweale , honorable to themselves , and easy to be effected : or at least not greatly difficult . also he that perswadeth● is to be examined whether besides bare words and counsel , he will joyn his own perill ; and if fortune favour the attempt , to whom the principal glory shall redound . the perils which accompanie private enterprises , are far unlike to those which he doth enter that aspireth to principality . for in private attempts a man may pause or proceed as he will ; but to him that aspires to empire there remains no middle course , but either by victory to triumph● as a prince ; or being vanquished to endure death as a traytor . let no man in his prosperity , give much credit to common applause or service assured by any of whom in meaner fortune he hath had no experience : for the base people are learned in no lesson● only without difference of truth or falshood to flatter men in authority , and with shouts and words of great rejoycing make shew of great affection . as overmuch haste is dangerous , so too great delay oftentimes proveth disadvantagious : for albeit consultation ought to foregoe action , yet to dispute long and in the end reject the advice of either side , or take a middle course ( whith in cases of doubt and danger is worst ) was ever accompted great discretion . there is no course more comely , nor any resolution so well beseeming a wise man , having made proof of his own vertue ( and finding in age no fortune due to such effect ) as to retire himself from the court and company ; for so shall he shun the inconveniences of contempt and the discommodity of travell ( jucunda senectuti otia ) yet true it is that whoso hath lived a prince or governed as a publick person , cannot expect security in a private estate . whensoever danger draweth near , and terror is at hand , all men look about , but none willingly adventure : for in such cases every man will give council , but few will take par● of the peril . in commonwealths where sects or partialities he , the leader of any side is able to kindle civil war ; yet is he unable to moderate the victory : for to stir up dissentions and troubles , the worst man most commonly bears the stroke ; but peace and quietness are not established but by men of rare gifts and excellent vertue . it may seem strange and contrary both to courtesie and christian profession , that men are far more mindful of injuries done unto them , then of benefits received by them . the reason thereof is , that thankfulness is accompted a burden , but revenge is sweet , and reckoned a great gain . of reconciled foes , and such as know that our harms were caused by their means , we oft-times expect favor , as perswaded that new friendship will repair the loss of old displeasure : but the matter doth seldom so fall out ; for the quality of mans nature is ever to hate those whom he hath hurt , and love them whom he hath made beholding . quos laeserunt oderunt . tac. to common persons and such as are ignorant in matters of state , every taxation and imposition seemeth heavy or superfluous ; yet the wiser sort know , that the end of all publick endeavour is to confirm people in peace , and peace cannot be maintained without arms ; nor arms without pay , nor pay without impositions . as fortunate folk are envied , so are the poor contemned ; which rule reacheth also to princes : the one lives in plenty with war , the other in poverty with peace . for seldom is it seen , that those people are assaulted where nothing is to be gained , and whose base beings afford no other spoils then blood and beggery . wisemen have observed that in matter of state , and the managing thereof , three things are especially to be looked unto : the first is , occasion ; the second , the ●ntentions of other men ; the third , our own affection . for there is nothing that slippeth away so soon as occasion ; nothing so difficult as to judge what an other man intendeth ; nor any thing more nocent then our own immoderate desires . it hath been ever a course observed by wise princes , but much more by aristocraties and popular states , against force and fury of the multitude , to defend themselves with silver and gold . how much more it importeth all princes to lead a vertuous life , and give daily example of piety and justice , appears apparantly in the proceedings of the roman bishops ; who by the well-doing of some few of them at the first , became greatly honored ; but afterwards they became contemptible : for the reverence which men did bear to the ●anctity of their lives ●ailing , it was impossible of so contrary manners and examples to look for like effects . the success of the war cheifly dependeth on the reputation of the prince , which declining , the vertue also of the soldiers faileth : likewise the fidelity of the people decayeth , and their money to maintain the war , ceaseth ; contrariwise , the courage of the enemy is increased , they that stood doubtful become resolved , and every difficulty augmenteth . the authority which princes give , is chiefly in respect of wisdom and valor : yet true it is , that for the most part , they accompt them the wisest men that can best accommodate themselves to their humor . the greatest distress and difficulty which can come to any army , doth proceed of these causes : want of money , scarcity of victuals , hatred of people , discord of captains , disobedience of soldiers , and their flying to the enemy , either of necessity or freewil . a prince or great magistrate having long maintained the reputation of wisdom and vertue , must take heed that no rash or dangerous resolution do taint the honorable fame of his former life : for to be t●ansported with anger against his own profit , is lightness ; and to esteem small dangers more then great , is want of judgment . a prince or person of great estate , must be wary not to inure the conceit of double-dealing : for little sincerity and trust is looked in his actions , of whom there is an opinion of craft and falshood conceived . experience hath always proved , that whatsoever the most part of men desire , rarely cometh to pass : the reason hereof is , that the effects of humane actions commonly depend on the will of a few ; and their intentions ever differing from the greater number● the end and success cannot be other then as pleaseth the few that are to direct them . there is nothing more dangerous then to enterprise a war , or other actions of importance upon popular perswasion ; for such expectations are vain , and such designs fallible : also the fury of the multitude is great , when danger is little or far off ; but perils growing great and near , their courageth quaileth● as they whose passions have no rule or measure . it is strange to see how apt men are to doubt displeasure threatned by enemies , cheifly when they draw near ; for the people do naturally over-much fear dangers at hand , and esteem less then is fit of things present : also to make small accompt of those that are far from them , because divers remedies may be hoped as well by time , as other accidents . the offensive words or answers of indignation , proceeding from great princes , ought never to admit displeasure into the mindes of them against whom they are spoken : for having by speech uttered a great part of choler , the edge of their deeds becomes the calmer , and more easily appeased : such is the condition of noble and generous spirits . to judge right of other mens merit , seems of great difficulty ; for time and tryal is thereto required ; also it is not easie to answer the expectation of men , but oft-times inconsiderate , and not measured in due proportion . it is a part of great discretion to divide the seasons of affairs and vacations : for as it fitteth well a prince or person of dignity in times of audience and judgment , to be grave , heedful , and austere : so those offices performed , all shew of authority and sad looks ought to be set apart ; for by that means , neither courteous behavior shall detract from the reverence due to his place , nor severity diminish the love which to his behavior appertaineth . magistrates must look into all things , but not exact all things to rigor . light faults may be pardoned , but great offences severely corrected ; yet not always proceeding to punishing , but oft contented with repentance . to be bitter in rebuking is also fit for a magistrate , shewing himself sowre to the bad , and sweet to the good ; framing both countenance and condition according to the merit of men ; and be perswaded that it is more honest to offend , then to hate . soldiers must be encouraged in all fortunes to stand resolved , and not to be danted with any passed misadventure ; ever attending a time and opportunity of revenge ; which commonly cometh to passwhere mens mindes are united : for common danger must be repelled with union and concord . among other reasons wherewith soldiers are encouraged , necessity and distress doth oft inforce them : for as men of vertue perform the actions of arms for honor , so the coward must do them for his security . all enterprises attempted by arms , are honorable ; but those that are done in countreys remote , are more praisable : for the less they be in knowledge , the greater is the glory to atchieve them . to be truly and faithfully loved , is a thing greatly to be desired ; for terror and fear are weak works of affection : for they being taken away , he that ceaseth to fear , will soon begin to hate ; and as they that by force are kept under , obey with ill will ; so they that govern without line justly , rule against right . some men either deserving to be accompted of excellent wisdom , or singular in that skill whereof they make pro●ession , do ordinarily love the proceedings of others , taking that advantage of their ill success ; yet sure it is , that disaster and unhappy event of some actions , proceed not of disorder , nor humane imperfection , but from a certain fatal fury , which neither council nor constancy of men can withstand . it is a matter of much difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince to maintain the law , civil or military without severity : for where men hope to be easily pardoned , there are they apt to offend . contrarily where mens actions are precisely fitted , there do they live in over great aw , and hatred doth always accompany such severity . the best course therefore is to punish offences severely , and reward vertuous merits liberally ; so shall fear be converted to reverend respect , and none have cause to complain : for as it lies in each mans power to shun offending , so is it in their power also to deserve well , and merit reward . whosoever after mature deliberation , hath resolved what course to hold in the action he hath in hand , must not after repent or fear any difficulty : for such thoughts would break the vigor of the minde , and impeach the proceedings of that which was resolved . and albeit some differences do happily arise , yet must he believe that every other course would have been accompanied with the same or greater impediments . yong men for the warmness of their blood , and for not having before-time been deceived by fortune , more willingly enterprise actions rather honorable then severe . but old men as well for that their heat is cooled , as also for having attempted many things in vain , make choice of enterprises severe rather then those that are followed with fame and glory . the greatness of one prince is nothing else but the ruine and distress of another : likewise his strength is the weakness and oppression of others . some conquests are of such quality , as albeit a victorious captain merit triumphal honor ; yet a modest refusal becomes his greater glory . the dignity of magistrates is not assured without arms ; for when obedience faileth , no other means is left to continue a people united . as willing obedience in subjects is the princes strength , so is the same their own security : for as by the princes authority the people are governed , so by their consent he is maintained . three things men covet with immoderate desire , lands , riches , and honors ; but as seldom they compass their full content , so are they for the most part to endure a destiny far other then they wished . strange it is , yet by experience proved true , that in time of danger , fortune or ( rather destiny ) so much amazeth the judgment of wise men , as seldom they conceive what resolution is best to be taken . no great free-city can long continue quiet , unless the same be used to foreign assaults : for wanting foes without , some inward enmity will arise , not unlike to strange bodies of men , which being secure from external injury , are nevertheless by their own poise oppressed . as every pilot of ordinary skill knoweth in calm and quiet seas to direct the course of his ship ; so every governor of capacity doth understand how the affairs of state are in peaceable times to be handled : but when tempests are , and subjects bent to sedition ; the one requires an excellent sailer , the other the aid of some excellent wisdom . it oft happens , that publick duty is opposite to private friendship ; so as we are either forced to omit the offices due to our countrey , or draw our dearest friends into danger : in which case we are to prefer publick respect , before particular obligation . the nature of base people is such , as either they obey slavishly , or command insolently : for liberty being the mark whereat they aim , is by them of that quality , neither moderately desired , nor discreetly continued ; and always there are some seditious leaders to be found , who of disorder are inclined to kindle the ire and offence of ignorant people . dux rebu● motis , facile invenitur . salust . experience hath oft proved , that men in best fortune , and such as esteem themselves most secure , even then fall soonest into disadventure , because those dangers unfeared be as it were contemned , and not regarded . to enter needless dangers , was ever accounted madness , yet in times of extream peril and apparent distress , bold and hazardous attempts are greatest security . the divers adventures which happen to men , may well inform that much better it is , cheifly in arms , to be governed by reason then by fortune . a certain peace is ever accounted better security then victory hoped or expected . melior tutiorqu●●●rta pax quàm sperata victoria . livi. if to our prosperity god were pleased to add the grace of wisdom , we should thereby judge not onely of what is past , but also of all that can succeed hereafter . rarely or never can we consider truly of worldly proceedings , unless first we have felt the deceits of fortune . discord or dissention in any state or city , offers opportunity to such men as are ambitious to work their will : for the humor of sects and partialities is such as the weaker faction doth ever chuse rather to call for aid of strangers , then yield to the dominion of an adverse party . ancient customs may not violently and suddenly be taken away . fortune which altereth all things , will by little and little wear them out of use . to be oft in fight , and converse much with men , breedeth a kinde of satiety : therefore it behoveth persons of great estate and authority to be retired● le●t over-much familiarity should detract from the reverence due to honorable estate . the natures of men not content to live according to their fortune and birth , are of all others most prone to envy ; because they hate the vertue and welfare of all such as are in estimation above them . great heed is to be taken , that no citizen or subject , be suffered to aspire to such greatness , as cannot be forced to obey the laws ; and no order there is of more necessity , then that every man of what quality soever , may be without respect accused and judged . for conservation of particular greatness and dignity , there is nothing more noble and glorious , then to have felt the force of every fortune . it is the quality of wise men onely , to know how to use prosperity , and never to trust too much to the favors of present happiness . a man well advised in his prosperity , beareth not himself towards others either proud or violent ; nor must he believe in his own present felicity , for the day knows not what the night bringeth : he onely is to be reputed a man , whose minde cannot be puft up by prosperity , nor dejected by any adverse fortune . men of cholerick humor are easily moved with insolent speeches , but wise men laugh them to scorn . the way whereby a prince eschues the hate of subjects , is , hot to take from them their lands or goods ; yet albeit the blood of some few be tainted , unless the same be accompanied with confiscation ( which a prince is rarely forced to use ) it seldom causeth him to become odious . a rule most certain it is , that he who commands any thing unpleasing , must by severe means cause it to be observed ; and who desireth to be obeyed , must know how to command : and he onely knows how to command , that doth compare his own force with those that are to obey ; wherein finding a proportion , then he may boldly proceed , otherwise forbear . in actions of difficulty great courage is to be used , and who so compasseth any thing by violence , cannot maintain it by mildness , nor command by affability : he therefore that is of nature soft , should do best to refrain all extraordinary commands , and in matters ordinary imploy the vertue of his milde spirit ; because ordinary punishments are not imputed to the prince or his magistrates , but to the laws and ordinances of state . when necessity presseth , desperation is deemed wisdom , and generous mindes do not accompt of danger , because those attempts which begin with peril , do for the most part end with glory . he that endeavors to be good among many that are evil , or will uphold that which those labor to pull down , of force worketh his own undoing . all commonwealth● alter from order to disorder , from disorder to order again ; for nature having made all worldly things variable , so soon as they have attained their utmost perfection and height , they must descend ; so from good they fall back to evil , and from evil they return to good . war begets quiet , quiet idleness , idleness disorder , disorder ruine ; likewise ruine order , order vertue , vertue glory and good fortune . wise men have observed , that arms were before learning , and captains before philosophers ; for good and well regulated armies having gained victory , established rest and security , whereof the study of letters and liberal sciences ensued . that country deserveth to be loved of all men , which loves all men indifferently , and not that countrey which respecting the best part , advanceth a few : no man therefore is to be blamed , if for such cause he desire rather to abandon then embrace his countrey . commonwealths are bodies mixt , yet have they of bodies simple some resemblance : and as in these , many infirmities grow , which without violent medicines cannot be cured ; so in the other many mischiefs arise , which a good and godly patient should offend to leave uncured , though therein be use both force and fire . those wars be most just which are most necessary ; and those arms are most merciful where no hope of help remains but in them onely . in actions which promise either publick glory , or private honor , men may be reasonably perswaded to adventure life and living , because great hope there is to die with reputation , or live to recover that peace which war hath consumed : but where men are no less oppressed by insolency of commanders , then by insolency of foes , there is the calamity doubled , and of two evils the danger of war seemeth least ; for that hath end , the other is infinite . who so perswades himself to be no less esteemed in evil then good fortune , is deceived : for promises made , during distress , are rarely performed , unless the same necessity continue . the intent of every prince , or other state that makes war , is to inrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory for other occasions sought , nor the possessions of the enemy to other end desir'd , then to make themselves mighty , and their enemy weak . it follows then , that so oft as the victory impoverishes them , or the gains weaken them , either they pass or come short of that mark whereat the war was aimed . ancient and wel-governed common-wealths were wont by their conquests to fill the treasuries with gold and silver , to give reward to soldiers , to spare the people from tributes , to make triumphs and publick feasts : but in later times the wars have used , first , to consume the treasure , and after impoverish the people without assuring them from their enemies . a prince or state that leaves promises unperformed , by reason of unexpected impediments , and for no ill intent , ought not to be blamed : neither are such accidents any just cause or colour why friends should abandon their confederates . where magistrates govern justly , subjects obey dutifully ; where private persons grow rich , and princes enlarge their empire ; there is the commonwealth blessed , and the people fortunate . chap. xxvi . maximes ●f state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policie in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narations , and historical parallels . all cities and towns of state are b●ilded either by people dwelling in or about the place where they are builded , or else they are made by strangers : of the first are athens and venice , of the other alexandria and florence . the fortune of every city builded , and vertue of the builder , appeareth by choice of the place , and quality of laws : for as fertile places occasion men to be slothfull , unless by good laws they be forced to labor , so barrenness compells them to industry ; which reason induceth wise men to plant habitations in either : examples of the first are ferrara and rome , of the second ragus● and genoa . all laws whereby commonwealths are governed were either made by some one excellent man , and at an instant ; or else they were ordained at sundry times according to such accidents as befel . example , the laws of sparta made at the beginning lycurgu● , the laws of rome at sundry times . the government of every city in time becomes corrupt ; principality changeth into tyranny : the optimacy is made the government of the people ; and the popular estate turns to licentious disorder ; which instability or alteration moved some law-makers to take order that in the government of their city there should be a mixture of all three , and was the cause that t●e policy of sparta continued ● years , when the popular state of athens endured not one hundred . example , the laws of sparta made by lycurgus , and the laws of athens by s●lon . whoso taketh in hand to frame any state or government , ought to presuppose that all men are evil , and at occasions will shew themselves so to be . example , the envy of the people of rome to the nobles , and their insolency towards them appeared not so long as the kings governd ; but the tarquins being banished , opportunity was thereby offerd that the malice of the one and the other became discovered . the divers honors of the nobility and people , the one desiring to command , the other not to obey , are the cause of continual troubles , unless some third mean there be of more authority then either , to bridle the force of both . example , the kings in rom● expulsed , forthwith arose much mutiny , and could not be supprest till the tribum plebis were created ; whose authority wrought the same effect which the kings had done . some states endeavor to enlarge their dominions , and some others labour only to maintain that estate they antiently possest . example of the first was the city of rome , of the second sparta . all states desiring to live at liberty , think fit that every man should be permitted to accuse any citizen that offendeth , which manner of proceeding works two excellent effects : first that the people should not dare for fear of accusing to attempt ought against the state ; or if they do , they shall be presently and without respect punished . secondly by liberty of accusing , every man hath meanes to utter the offence wherewith he can charge others , which he could not ; unless it were lawfull to take such an ordinary course , and consequently be driven to ways extraordinary , particular revenge , or callingin forreign forces . example , coriolanus and appius , claudius at rome , lucannone at chinsi , francisco valeri in florence . a accusations are in every state necessary , so slanders are dangerous , and worthy of punishment ; the difference betwixt accusations and slanders , is , that the one is publickly performed before magistrates , with good proofs and witnesses to maintain the truth of the accusation ; but slanders are as well publickly performed as dispersed in secret and places of repair without witness and justification , so as every man may be slandered , but few are orderly accused . example , appius claudius accused by l. virginius ; furius camillus , slandered by manlius capitoliuus . the only meanes to suppress slander is , to give authority to some persons of repute to compel every slanderer to become an accuser ; and if the accusation prove true , then to reward the accuser , or at least not to punish him . example manlius the slanderer of camillus for his untrue information punished . a rule most certain and assured it is , that every kingdom and state at the first well framed , or after well informed , doth take the perfection thereof from the wisdom of some excellent man , who ought not to be blind though in a matter of great moment he happily useth some extraordinary violenc or proceedings ; for he that employeth force to mend and not to mar , deserves commendation . example , romulus , lycurgus , cleomenes . there lives no man so simple or wise , so wicked or well disposed , but prefers those persons that are praisable , before those that are blamable : notwithstanding for that well near all men are beguiled in discerning what indeed is good , deeming that honorable which in truth is otherwise ; they suffer themselves either willingly or ignorantly to be carried into a course which merrits rather infamy then commendation . example , every man wisheth himself timoleon or agesilaus , rather then dionysius or phalaris ; rather a titus or trajan , then caligula or vitellius . who reads histories treating of great actions shall perceive that good princes indeed are more secure and better defended by the love of the people , and fidelity of counsellers , then were they that entertained many legions and men of war . example , of all those emperors which raigned after c●esar untill maximi●us the greatest number were for their vices taken and slain , only galba and pertinax excepted who were good emperors . a prince of great knowledge both in armes and wisdom so firmly setleth the foundation of government , as albeit his successor be of the less vertue ; yet may he be maintained even by the memory of his predecessor : but if it happen that the third prince prove not more like the first then the second , then all that is past goeth to ruine . example , the martial valor of romulus was the cause that numa might governe safely in peace : which tullus could not have done , had he bin unlike to romulus ; nor should bajazet emperor of turky have enjoyed the state of his father mahomet and left the same to his posterity , if selim his son had not been more like to his grandfather then to bajazet his father . the succession of two excellent princes , cheifly if they be of long life , works wondrous effects : the like is seen in optimacies or popular states , where the governors successively elected be men of great vertue and understanding . example , the first appeared in philip of macedon , and alexander his son , the second in the consuls of rome . in every state where soldiers are not , the fault thereof proceeds from the governors . wise princes were therefore wont even in times of peace to cause warlick exercises to be used ; for without them the most warlick nations become not only ignorant in martial knowledge , but also effeminate . example , pelopida● & epa●i●ondas in thebes , and king tullus in rome as well in peaceable as troublesome times used exercise of armes . no prince or state well advised , hazards his whole estate upon the valor of some few persons , nor ought to strength of straight places where the enemy is to pass . example , tully king of rome , & metius king of alba , condiscended that three of their nobility for either side chosen should enter combate , and that nation which were victorious should command the other . francis the french king going to recover lombardy , was by the switzers attended into two or three places in the mountains , hoping there to repulse him , but the king taking another way , passed securely and prevaild . every state well governed doth reward men of good merit , and punish all offenders ; and if any person of good desert shall wilfully be a delinquent , the same man ought notwithstanding his former service , be punisht . example , the same horatio that in combat gained the victory against the albani , having insolently slain his own sister , was notwithstanding his egregiou● act and the fresh memory thereof , called into triall of his life , and with great difficulty obtained pardon : and manlius who had with great glory saved the capitol , for moving sedition in rome , was after from the same cast down headlong . every wise man having performed any great service to his prince or country , ought to be content with such recompence as it shall please the prince or country to bestow : measuring the same according to the power of the giver , and not the merit of him that receiveth . example , horatius cocles for having lost his hand in defence of the bridge of rome , and mutius scaevola suffering his hand to be burnt for his attempt to kill king porsenna , were rewarded with a small portion of land ; and manlius that defended the capitoh from the galleys , had no greater reward then a little measure of meale . ingratitnde is a vice so natural and common , as not only private persons , but princes and states also either through covetousnes or suspition are therewith infected . example , vespasian proclamed emperor , was chiefly aided by antonius primus , and by his helpe prevailed against vitellius ; in reward of which service vespasian removed him from the command of his army and gave that honor to mutianus . consalvo ferranoe having taken the kingdom of naples from the french , was first remov'd from his command of the castles and soldiers , and in the end brought into spain where in disgrace he ended his life collatinus tarquinius who with the aide of bru●us suppressed the tarquins of rome , and with him pub●valerius were banisht for no other cause but for being of the name of tarquin , theother because he built a house upon mount coelio . all errors that great captains commit , are either wilfull or ignorant , towards the one and the other of which offenders to use greater lenity then the quality of their offences deserves , seemeth necessary : for men of honor suffer nought by the infamy which evill service doth bring . it is also to be considered that a great captain being cumbred with many cares , cannot proceed in his actions couragiously if he stand in daily doubt to be punisht for every error that hapneth . example , sergius and vi●gi●ius were before veio , the one part of the army on the one side of the city , the other not far from the place . sergius being assaulted by the falisci was not aided by virginius , neither would he require his help , such was the envy the one bare to the other ; and ●onsequently their offence is wilful and worthy of capital punishment . likewise when varro by his ignorance , received an overthrow by hannibal at cann● , he was nevertheless pardoned and honorably welcomed home by the whole senate . whensoever an inconvenience ariseth within or without the state , it seems a resolution more sure to dissemble the knowing thereof , then to seek by sudden violence to suppress it . example , cosmo de medices having gained extraordinary reputation in florence , the citizens imagined , that to suffer the same to increase , was dangerous , and therefore they banished him : which extream proceeding , so offended the friends of cosm● , being the stronger , as they forced the citizens to revoke him , and make him prince of that city . the like hapned in rome , where caesar for his vertue , much admired and followed , became afterwards to be feared● and they that feared , not considering their force to be inferior to the power of caesar● endeavoring to oppress him , were the occasion of his greater glory . in every republick , an excessive authority given to one or two persons for long time , proveth dangerous , cheifly when the same is not restrained . example , the dictatorship given to caesar for life , was an occasion to oppress the liberties of the r●mans . the same effect was before that time like to follow the decemvirat● , by suffering appius claudiu● to prolong the time of his dignity . the ambition of men is such , as rarely they will obey when formerly they have commanded ; neither do they willingly accept of mean office , having before sate in higher place : yet the citizens of well-governed states , did not refuse as well to obey as command . example , the victory the romans obtained against the veienti , q. fabius was slain , having the year before been consul : nevertheless he then served in meaner place under c. manilius , and m. fabius his own brother then consul . there is nothing more strange , yet by experience proved true , that men in adverse fortune be much grieved , and in prosperity also discontented ; which is the reason , that not being forced to fight for necessity , they will nevertheless contend for ambition ; and that humor doth as well possess those that live aloft , as others whom fortune holdeth down . example , the people of rome having by the authority of the tribunes obtained to make themselves secure from oppression of the nobility , forthwith required , that the honor and office of state might be also imparted unto them . the like ambition moved them to have their part of lands by force of lex agragia , which was at last the overthrow of the roman liberty . it seemeth that people displeased with some innovations hapned in the state , do sometime without just reasons complain of those that govern : not unlike to a sick man who deemeth that the physician , not the fever , is the cause of his grief . example , the people of rome were perswaded that the ambition of consuls was the cause of continual war , therefore required that no more consuls should be● yet were they content that certain tribunes should command with like authority , so was nothing altered in the government but the governors title , which alone did content them . nothing can corrupt and alter the nature of man so much , or so soon as the immoderate desire of honor● in so much as men of honest mindes and vertuous inclinations are sometimes by ambition , drawn to abuse that goodness whereunto they are inclined . example , appius claudius having lived long an enemy to the multitude , hoping by their aid to continue his authority of the decemviri in rome , became their friend , and disfavored the factions of great men . likewise q. fabius a man of singular vertue , being also called to that dignity by appius self , adulterated his nature and became like unto him . seldom or never is any people discontented without just cause ; yet if happily they be asked whereof their offence proceedeth , many times for want of some fit man to pronounce their grief , they ●●and silent . example , the romans at the death of virginia , were gathered together armed upon mount sacr● and being asked by the senate , for what cause they so did ? no answer was made ; until virginio father of the virgin had procured , that twenty of the tribunes might be made to be as head of the p●ople , and confer with the senate . a great folly or rather meer madness it seemeth to desire any thing , and tell before-hand that the end and purpose of the desire is evil ; for thereby he sheweth reason why it ought not to be granted . example , the romans required of the senate that appius and the rest of the decemviri should be delivered into their hands , being determined to burn them all alive . the first part of their request seemed reasonable , but the end thereof unreasonable . a course very dangerous it is in all states , by continual accusing and punishing , to hold the subject in doubt and daily fear : for he that stands always looking for some trouble , becometh careless and apt to attempt innovation . example , the dec●mviri being opprest , the tribunes authorised in their place , endeavored daily to call in question the most part of the dec●mviri , and many other citizens also , whereof great inconveniences arose , and much danger would have ensued , had not a decree propounded by m. duillius been made , that for one year no roman citizen should be accused . strange it is to see how men in seeking their own security , lay the injuries which they fear u●on other men ; as though it were necessary , either to offend or be offended . example , the romans among themselves , united and strong , always endeavored to offend the nobles ; and the nobles likewise being perswaded they were strong , labored to oppress the people : which humors were the cause of continual troubles . to make estimation and choice of men fit to govern , the best course is to consider in particular ; otherwise it might be imagined● that among the multitude or meaner people , they being the greatest number , might be found some persons of more perfection . example , the people of rome desiring that the consulship might be given among them as men of most merit , did by all means endeavor to obtain that honor ; but being come to election , and every mans vertue particularly considered , there could not be among the multitude onel● one found fit for so great a place ; and therefore the people themselves consented , that the dignity should still remain as it was . to perswade a multitude to any enterprise , is easie , if that which is perswaded , doth promise either profit or honor ; yet oft under that external apparence li●s hid loss or disadvantage● example , the romans perswading themselves that the slow proceeding of f●bius maximus in the war , was both chargable and cowardly , required● that the general of the horse might direct the war ; which course had ruined rome , if the wisdom of fabius had not been . likewise when hannibal had divers years raigned in ital● , one m. centenius penula , a man of base birth , yet a soldier o● some repute , undertook that if he with such volunti●rs as would follow him , might have authority to fight , he would within few days deliver hannibal either alive or dead : which offer was by the senate accounted rash , yet for fear to offend the people , granted ; and penula with his soldiers was cut in pieces . to appease a mutiny or tumult in any camp or city , there is no means more speedy or successful , then if some person of great quality and respect , present himself to the people , and by his wisdom lay before them the damage of their discords , perswading them to peace and patience . example , the faction of the ●rateschi and arratiati in florence ; the one ready to assault the other . francisco soderini bishop of v●terra in his episcopal habit , went between the parties and appeased them : also count egremont by the authority of his wisdom and presence , supprest a great mutiny in antwerp between the martinists and papists . a people corrupted , do rarely or never observe any order or ordinance , unless by force of some princes power they be thereto inforced ; but where the multitude is incorrupt and religious , all things are done justly , and without compulsion . example , camillus at the victory against the urienti , vowed that the tenth part of the pillage should be offered to apollo ; but the senate supposing that the people would not consent to so great a contribution , studied to dispence with that vow , and to please apollo and the people also by some other means : whereat the people shewed themselves openly offended , and willingly gave no less then the sum formerly decreed . when the free-cities of germany are occasioned to make money for any publick service , the magistrates impose one or two in the hundred on every city , which done , every one is sworn to lay down so much as in his own conscience he is able ; and he with his own hand , no other witness being present , casteth the money into a coffer prepared for the purpose ; which he would not , if his own conscience did not inforce him . when any extraordinary occasion happens to a city or province , some prodigious voice is heard , or some marvellous sights are seen . before t. gracchus general of the roman army was betraid by flavius lucanus , the aruspices discovered two serpents eating the entrails of the beasts sacrified ; which done , they vanished : which vision as they divined , prognosticated the generals death : likewise f. savanar●la foretold the coming of king charls the eight into italy : and m. sedigitus when the galls first came towards rome , informed the senate he heard a voice much londer then any mans , crying aloud , galli veniunt . the multitude of base people is naturally audacious and apt to innovation ; yet unless they be directed by some persons of reputation and wisdom , rarely do they joyn in any action of great import . example , the romans when their city was taken and sackt by the galls , went to veio with determination to dwell there : the senate informed thereof , commanded that upon great pain , every citizen should return to rome , whereat the people at first mocked ; but when every man particularly within himself considered his own peril , all in general determined to obey the magistrates . in the employment of men for service , neither age nor fortune ought so much to be regarded as vertue ; for yong men having made tryal of their valor , soon become aged , and thereby either unapt or unable to serve : therefore well-governed commonwealths , preferred military vertue before any other respect● . example , valerius g●rvinus with others made consul the three and twentieth year of his age , and pompey triumphed in his youth . no wise or well advised prince or other state will undertake without excessive forces to invade the dominions of any other prince , unless he assure himself of some friends there to be a mean , and as it were a gate to prepare his passage . example , the romans by aid of the sagu●tines entred spain , the aetoli called them into greece , the h●diai into france : likewise the palaeologi incited the turk to come into thrace ; and ludovicus sforza occasioned charls the french king to come into italy . a republick desirous to extend the bounds thereof , must endeavor to be fully furnished with inhabitants , which may be done both by love and force : love is gained by suffering strangers to inhabit the city securely ; and force compels people to come thither , when other cities and towns near at hand be demolished or defaced : and impossible it is without this order of proceeding , to enlarge any city or make the same of greater power . example , the romans to enlarge their city demolished alba , and many other towns , and therewith also entertained all strangers courteously : so as rome grew to such greatness● that the city onely could arm six hundred and forty thousand men ; but sparta or athens could never exceed twenty thousand , for that lycurgus had inhibited the access of strangers . a commonwealth that consumes more treasure in the war , then it profits in victory , seems to have rather hindred then honored or inriched the state . a wise captain therefore in his actions , ought as well to profit the republick , as to gain to himself glory . example , the consuls of rome did seldom desire triumph , unless they returned from the war loaden with gold , silver , and other rich spoils fit to be delivered into the common treasury . all foreign wars with princes or other states taken in hand , be either for ambition or desire of glory , or else for necessity . examples , the romans for their ambition conquered many nations , with intent onely to have the obedience of the people ; yet did they suffer them to hold possession of their houses , and sometimes they were permitted to live onely with their old laws . likewise alexander the great endeavored to suppress many princes for his glory , but did not dispossess the people , nor kill them . otherwise it is where a whole nation● inforced by famine or fury of war , abandon their own dwellings , and are forced to inhabit elswhere . example , the g●ths and other people of the north invaded the roman empire , and many other provinces , whereof their alteration of names did ensue ; as illyria now called slavonia , england formerly named britain . a common conceit and saying it is● that money makes the war strong , and is the force and sinews thereof ; as though he who hath most treasure , be also most mighty ; but experience hath apparently shewed the contrary . example , after the death of alexander , king of macedon , a mul●itude of galls went into greece , and being there arived , sent certain ambassadors to the king , who supposing to make them afraid of his power , shewed them his treasure , which wrought a contrary effect ; for the galls before desirous of peace , resolved then to continue the war , in hope to win that mighty mass of money● likewise darius should have vanquished alexander , and the greeks might have conquered the romans , if the richer prince might ever by his money have prevailed . every league made with a prince or republick remote , is weak and rather aideth us with fame then effect , and consequently deceiveth all those that in such amity repose confidence . example , the florentines being assaulted by the king of naples and the pope , prayed aid of the french king , who being far distant , could not in time succor them ; and the cedicini desiring aid of the capuani against the samnits , a people of no force , were deceived . a prince whose people is well armed and trained , shall do better to attend his enemy at home , then by invasion to assault his countrey : but such princes whose subjects are disarmed , had need to hold the enemy aloof . example , the romans , and in this age the swisses , being well armed , may attend the war at home ; but the carthaginians and italians being not so well furnished , did ever use to seek the enemy . the plurality of commanders in equal authority , is for the most part occasion of slow proceeding in the war . example , there was at one time in rome created four tribuni militares with authority of consuls , viz. t. quintu● after his consulship , cajus furius , m. posthumus , and a. cornelius cassus , amongst whom arose so much diversity and contrariety of opinion , as nothing could be done till their authority ceased , and m. ae●ylius made dictator . a victory obtained by any great captain with the authority of his princes commission , counsel , and directions , ought ever to be imputed rather to the wisdom of the prince , then the valor of the captain : which made the emperors of rome to permit no captains ( how great soever his victories were ) to triumph , as before that time the consuls had done ; and even in those days a modest refusal of triumph was commended . example , m. fulvius having gained a great victory against the tuscans , was both by the consent of the senate and people of rome , admitted to triumph ; but the refusal of that honor proved his greater glory . all they that from private estate have aspired to principality , either by force or fraud become thereunto , unless the same be given , or by inheritance descended : yet it is rarely seen , that force alone prevaileth , but fraud without force oft times sufficeth . example , agathocles by such means became prince of syracusa ; john galeazzo by abusing his uncle barnabas , gained the dominion of lombardy ; and cyrus circumvented cyaxares his mothers brother , and by that craft aspired to greatness . sudden resolutions are always dangerous ; and no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful delays . example , when hieron prince of syracusa died , the war even then being in great heat between the romans and carthaginians , they of syracusa consulted , whether it were better to follow the fortune of rome or carthage . in which doubt , they continued until apollonides a chief captain of syracusa laid before them● that so long delay would make them hated both of romans and carthaginians . likewise the florentin●s being by lewis the twelfth required to give his army passage towards naples , mused so long upon answer , that he became their enemy , and they forced to recover his favor full dearly . to govern a state is nothing else but to take such order as the subjects may not , or ought not offend ; which may be done , either by removing from them all means to disobey , or by affording them so great favors , as reasonably they ought not to change their fortune ; for the mean course proveth dangerous . example , the latins being by the valor of camillus overcome , yeelded themselves to endure what punishment it pleased the romans to inflict . an ingenious and magnanimous answer being made unto wise magistrates , doth oft obtain both pardon and grace . example , when the privernates had rebelled , and were by force constrained to return to the obedience of the romans , they sent certain of the city unto rome to desire pardon ; who being brought before the senate , one of the senators asked the privernates , what punishment themselves did think they had deserved : the same , quoth they , which men living in freedom , think they are worthy of . whereto the consul thus replied , quid si p●enam remittimus ? qualem nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus ? the p●ivernates answered , si bonam dederitis , & fidel●m & perpetuam : si malam , haud diuturnam . which answer was thought to proceed from generous men , and therefore they were not onely pardoned , but also honored and received into the number of the roman citizens . all castles , fortresses , and places of strength , be made for defence either against the enemy or subject : in the first case they are not necessary , in the second dangerous . for thereby the prince may at his pleasure take occasion to insult upon the subject● when much more seemly he might settle his estate upon the love and good affection of men . example , the castle of millan made by duke francisco ●●orza , incited his heirs to become insolent ; and consequently they became odious ; which was also the caus● that so soon as that city was assaulted , the enemy with facility did possess it . that prince or potentate which builds his severity rather upon the trust he hath in fortresses , then the love of men , shall be deceived : for no place is so strong , as can long defend it self , unless by the love and aid of men it be in time of necessity succored . example , pope julio having drawn the bentivoli out of bologna , built there a strong castle ; the governor thereof robbed the people , and they therewith grieved , in a short time took the castle from him . so after the revolt of genoa , lewis the twelfth came to the recovery thereof , and builded there the strongest fortification of italy , as well for site as the circumstances inexpugnable . nevertheless the citizens rebelled , and within sixteen moneths the french were forced to yield the castle and government to octavio fragosa . to build forts upon places of strength , either for defence of our own , or to hold that which is taken from others , hath ever proved to small purpose . example , the romans having supprest the rebellion of the latins and privernates ; albeit they were people warlike , and lovers of liberty ; yet to keep them subject , built there no castles , nor other places fortified : and the lacedemonians did not onely forbear to fortifie the towns they conquered , but also left their cheif city of sparta unwalled . the necessity or use of fortification , is onely upon frontires or such principal places where princes make their habitation ; to the end the fury of sudden assaults may be staid , and time for succor entertained : otherwise , example , the castle of millan being made to hold the state in obedience , could not so do either for the house of sforzi or france . guido vbaldo , duke of velin , driven from his dominion by caesar borgia , so soon as he recovered his countrey , caused all the forts to be demolished : for by experience he found the love of men was the surest defence , and that fortifications prevailed no less against him then for him . the causes of division and faction in every commonweal proceed most commonly of idleness and peace , and that which uniteth , is fear and war . example , the vejenti and elinsci having intelligence of great contention between the nobility and people of rome , thought that a fit opportunity to oppress the one and the other : but the romans informed of such an intention , appeased all domestick anger , and by the valor of their arms conducted by gn. manlius and m. fabius defeated the enemies forces . the means to usurpe an estate disjoynted is first before arms be taken , to become as it were an arbitrator or a friend indifferent ; and after arms be taken , then to send moderate aid to the weak side , as well to entertain the war between the factions , as also to consume the strength both of the one , and the other , yet in no wise to employ any great forces , for thereby either party may discover the intents to suppress them . example , the city of pistoia fallen into division , the florentines took occasion sometimes to favor the one , and some times the other , that in the end both sides weary of the war , voluntarily yeilded to their devotion . philippo viscount , hoping sundry times by occasion of faction to oppress the fl●rentin●● , did often assault them with great forces , which was the cause that they became reunited ; and consequently the duke deceived of his expectation a great wisdom it is to refrain opprobriousand injurious speech : for as neither the one nor the other can an● whit decrease the enemies force , so doth it move him to greater hate , and more desire to offend . example , gabides a general of the persians having long besieged amida , became weary , and preparing to abandon the enterprise , raised his camp , which they of the city beholding , began to revile the persians , and from the walls reproved them of cowardise ; which undiscreet words so highly offended g●bides , as thereupon he resolved to continue the siege , and within few daies wun the city . tiberi●s grac●hus appointed captain of certain bands of men , whom for want of other soldiers the romans entertained , proclamed in his camp , that no man upon pain of death should contumeliously call any soldier slave , either in earnest or jest . nam fac●tiae asperae quando nimium ex vero traxere , acrem sui memoriam relinquunt . likewise alexander the great having conquered well near all the east , brought his forces before tyre , they fearing alexanders fury , offered upon honorable considerations to yeild him obedience , only requiring , that neither he nor any of his forces should enter the city , which motion after four moneths alexander accepted , and so signified by his ambassador who arriving in tyre was by the proud citizens slain , whereat alexander grew into choler and being ready to forsake the siege , staid his forces , and in the end sacked the city and put the people to the sword . a prince or any other state being assaulted by an enemy of far more puissance then himself , ought not to refuse any honorahle compositions , chiefly when they are offered● for no conditions can be so base , but shall in some sort turn to the advantage and honor of him that accepts them . example , anno . certain florentines procured great forces of spaniards to come thither , as well to reposess the medici then banisht , as also to sack the city ; promising that so soon as the army of spain did come into the florentine dominion , the faction of medici would be ready armed to receive them . but the spaniards being come , found no forces at all to joyn with them ; and therefore wanting victual , offered composition . the florentines finding the enemy distressed grew insolent and refused peace , whereof followed the loss of prato , and many other inconveniencies . the like happened to them of tyre , as before . the denial or delay of justice desired in revenge of injuries either publick or privately offered , is a thing very dangerous to every prince or other state , for that the party injured doth oft by indirect meanes though with hazard of his country and himself seek satisfaction : example , the complaint which the galli made against the fabii who sent ambassadors in favor of the tossani , not being heard , nor any punishment inflicted upon them for fighting against the law of nations , was the cause that the galli were offended with the states , whereof followed the sack of rome ; and the delay of justice in philip of macedon , for not revenging the incestuous oppression of attalus to pausanias , was the motive to murther that king . whoso endeavors the alteration of any state , must of necessity proceed with all severity , and leave some memorable example to those that shall impunge the ordinance of government newly settled . example , when junius brutus had by his great valor banisht the tarquins , and sworn the people that no king should ever raign in rome : within short time after , many young nobles , among whom was brutus son , impatient of the equality of the new government , conspired to recall the tarquins ; but brutus thereof informed , caused his own son not only to be condemned to death , but was himself present at the execution . as health and soundness of the hands , legs , and other outward members cannot continue life , unless the heart and vital spirits within be strong and firm ; so fortifications and frontier-defences do not prevail , unless the whole corps of the kingdom and people be well armed : example , when the emperor came into ●tal● , and had with some difficulty past the confines of the venetians welnear without ressistance ; his army marcht to venice , and might doubtless have possest the city , had it not been defended with water . likewise the english in their assault of france , excepting a few encounters on the frontires , found no puissant resistance within the realm . and anno they forced all that state , and the king himself to tremble , as oft before they had done ; but contrariwise the romans knowing that life lay in the heart , ever held the body of their state strongest : for the nearer the enemy approacht rome , the better they found the countrey armed and defended . the desire to command soveraignly is of so great force , as doth not only work in those that are in expectation of principality , but also in them that have no title at all . example , this appetite moved the wife of ta●quinius priscus contrary to all natural duty to incite her husband to murder her own father servius , and possesse his kingdom , as b●ing perswaded it were much more honorable to be a queen then to be the daughter of a king . the violation of ancient laws , orders , and customs , under which people have long time lived , is the chief an● only cause whereby princes hazard their estate and royal dignity . example albeit the deflowring of lucrece was the occasion , yet was it not the cause that moved the ●omans to take arms against tarquin ; for he h●ving before that fact of sex●us his son , governed tyrannically , and taken from the senate all authority , was become odious both to the senate , nobility , and people , who finding themselves well governed , never seek or wish any other liberty or alteration . a prince that desires to live secure from conspiracy , hath cause rather to fear those on whom he hath bestowed over great riches and honors , then those whom he hath greatly injured ; because they want meanes to offend ; the other have many opportunities to do it . example , perennius the prime favorite of ●ommodus the emperor conspired his death●plantianus did the like to s●verus , and s●janus to tiberius ; for being advanced to so great honors , riches , and offices as nothing remained desirable but the imperial title , they conspired against the persons of their soveraigns in hope of the dignity ; but in the end they endured that punishment which to such disloyalty and ingratitude appertaineth . an army which wants experience , albeit the captain be expert , is not greatly to be feared● neither ought an army of well traind soldiers to be much esteemed , whose captain is ignorant . example , caesar going into africa against afranius and petraeus whose army was full of old soldiers , said he feared them little , quia ibat ad exercitum sine duce . contrariwise , when he went to p●arsalia to encounter pompey , he said , ibo ad duce● sine exercitu . a captain-general commanding an army ought rather to governe with curtesie and mildness , then with over-much austerity and severity . example , q. and appius claudius being consuls , were appointed to govern the war . to q. was allotted one army which served very dutifully ; but appius commanding the other with great cruelty , was by his soldiers unwillingly obeyed . nevertheless tacitus seems of contrary opinion , saying , plus poena quam obsequium val●t . therefore to reconcile these different conceits , i say , that a general having power to command men , either they are confederates or subjects : if confederates or voluntaries , he may not proceed to e●tream punishment ; if subjects , and his power absolute , they may be governed otherwise● yet with such respect , as the insolence of the general inforce not the soldiers to hate him . honor may sometime be got as well by the loss as gaining of victory . every man knoweth glory is due to the victor , and we deny not the same priviledge to the vanquished , being able to make proof that the loss proceeded not from his default . neither is it dishonorable to violate those promises whereto the necessity or disadvantage of war inforceth . and forced promises which concern a whole state , are not binding , and rarely or never kept , nor is the breaker thereby to receive disgrace . example , posthumus the consul having made a dishonorable peace with the samnits , was by them with his whole army sent home disarmed . being arived at rome , the consul informed the people they were not bound to perform the base conditions he was compelled to yield unto ; albeit , he and those few that promised , were bound to perform them . the senate thereupon concluded to send him prisoner to samno , where he constantly protested the fault to be onely his own ; wherefore the people by that peace incurred no dishonor at all : and fortune so much favored posthumus , as the samnites were content presently to return him to rome ; where he became more glorious for losing the victory , then was pontius at samno for having won the victory . wise men have long observed● that who so will know what shall be , must consider what is past ; for all worldly things hold the same course they had at ●irst . the reason is , that as long as men are possest with the same passions with former ages , consequently of these doings the same effects ensue . example , the almains and french have ever bin noted for their avarice , pride , fury , and infidelity , and so in divers ages , experience hath proved even to this present : for perfidious dealing the french have given sufficient proof , not onely in ancient times , but also in the time of charls the eighth , who promised to render to the florentines the forts of pisa● but having divers tim●● received money , held them notwithstanding in possession . the florentines found the like in the almains● for in the wars of the visconti , dukes of milan , they prayed aid of the emperor , who promised them great forces ; in consideration whereof● he was to receive of the florentines one hundred thousand crowns in hand , and as much more when his army was arived in italy , both which payments were performed ; but as soon as the emperor came to verona , he devised cavillations of unkindness , whereupon he returned home . a prince desirous to obtain any thing of another , must if occasion so permit , urge his demand so earnestly and press for so sudden and present answer , as he who is prest may not have leisure to consider how to excuse himself in denial . example ▪ pope julio endeavored to drive out of bologna all the bentivoli in which action he thought the aid of the french necessary , and that the venetians should stand neutral ; and by divers messengers did sollicite them to that effect ; but not receiving any resolute answer , he thought fit with those few forces he had to take his journey to bol●gna , whereupon the venetians advertised him they would remain neutral , and the french king forthwith sent him forces as fearing the popes indignation ; likewise the tuscans having formerly desired aid of the samnites against the romans , took armes suddenly and obtained their request which the samintes had before denied . when a multitude offendeth , all may not be punisht , because they are too many : to punish part and leave the rest unpunisht , were injurie to the sufferers ; and to those that escape , an encouragement to offend again ; therefore to eschew all extremity , mean courses have bin anciently used . example , when all the wives of the romans conspired to poyson their husbands , a convenient number of them were punisht , and the rest suffered to pass ▪ likewise at the conspiracy of the bacchanals in the time of the macedonian war , wherein many thousands men and women had part , every tenth person only was put to death by lot ; although the offence were general , by which manner of punishing , he that suffered , complaind on his fortune ; and he that escaped , was put in feare that offending again , the same punishment might light upon himself , and therefore would no more offend . a battel or great action in armes ought not to be enterprised without special commission or command from the prince , otherwise the general incurs great danger , example ▪ papyrius the dictator punisht the general of the horse in the roman army , for having fought without his consent , although he had in battaile slain enemies without loss of of his own , and caesar commended his captain silanus for having refrained to fight , though with great advantage he might . also count egmont hazarded the favor of the king his master for giving battel to marshall de thermes , albeit he were victorious : for upon the success of that action the loss or or safety of all the low countries depended . to govern without council is not only dangerous in aristocracies and popular states , but unto independent princes an occas●on of utter ruine . example , hieron the first king of sicile in all his proceedings used the advice of counsels , and lived fifty years prosperously in peace , but his grandchild succeding , refusing all counsell lost his kingdom , and was with all his kinsfolk and friends cruelly slain . in all monarchies the senate or privycouncil is or ought to be composed of persons of great dignity , or men of approved wisdom and understanding . example , in polonia no man is counsellor unless he be a palatine , a bishop , a c●st●llan , a captain , or such a one as hath bin ambassador ▪ and in turky the title of counsellor is not given but only to the four bassaes . the two cad●lesquir●s , the twelve beglerbegs , and kings son , who in his fathers absence , is as it were● a president of the divano or senate . many princes ancient and modern have used to select out of their council , two or three or four at most to whom only they did impart their affairs . example , the emperor augustus had maec●nas and agrippa , julius caesar , q ●aedius and cor. balbus , whom he only trusted with his cipher and secrets , being counsellors of the cabinet ( as we now call them . ) the alteration of old laws or introduction of new , are in all states very dangerous , notwithstanding any appearance of profit or publick utility , which moved wise governors to decree , that ancient lawes once established might never be called in question . example , the athenians decreed that no law should be propounded to the people without the consent of the senate : the like use is observed in venice where no petition is prefered to the senate but by advice of the sages ; and among the locrians the custom was that whosoever presented any new law to be confirmed , should come with a halter about his neck , and be therewith hanged if his request were rejected ; also lycurgus to prevent the alteration of his lawes , did sweare the people of sparta to observe them untill his return , and thereupon retired himself into voluntary exile , with intent never to returne . when necessity or good reason moves innovation or abolition of laws , a course more secure it is to do it rather by degrees then suddenly . example , the romans finding the laws of the twelve tables unprofitable , suffered them to be observed or neglected at discretion , but would not publickly suppress them for fear of calling other laws into contempt : so did they continue years , and were then cassed by ebutius the tribune . but agis king of lacedemon desirous to revive the laws of lycurgus , long discontinued , enforced all men to bring in their evidence and writings to be cancelled , to the end a new partition of lands and goods might be made , which suddain and violent proceeding proved so fatal , that it moved a dangerous sedition , wherein he was deposed and with his mother and friends put to death ; which example haply moved the venetians not to attempt any thing against the authority of augustino barberino their duke : but after his death , and before the election of lovedono , the signiory publisht new ordinances detractive from the ducal anthority . whoso hath won to himself so great love and affection , as thereby to become master of the forces , and at his pleasure commands the subjects apt for armes , may also without right or title assure himself of the whole estate . example , hugh capat a subject to the crown of france , being greatly honored by the soldiers , found means thereby to prevent charles duke of lorraine of the crown , being right heire by descent from charlemaine . and albeit the families of the paleologi , ebrami and turcani be of the blood royall and right heires to the turkish empire , when the ottaman line shall faile ; yet it is like that the cheif bassa having the love of the janisaries will usurpe the state , because the paleologi and other competitors be far from the turks person , poor and without means to purchase the soldiers favor . a commander general in armes , ought upon paine of great punishment be enjoyned , not to imploy or retain any forces longer then the time of his commission . example , the dictators of rome were in this point so precise , as never any of them dared to transgress the time prefixed , till caesar obtained that dignity should continue in him for life : which was the cause of his usurpation of the state . also the thebans commanded , that if the general of their army did hold his forces one day longer then the time prefixt , he should thereby incur danger of death : which justice was executed upon epaminondas and pelopidas . banishment of great lords , or citizens of great reputation , hath bin in divers places diversly used : for in the one , they were inforced only to absent themselves without further infliction ; in the other , banishment was accompanied with confiscation , a course of great danger . example , in argos , athens , ephesus , and other cities of greece , the citizens puissant in friends , vertue or riches , were many times banisht for envy or feare , but never or very rarely forced to absent themselves longer then ten years ; and that without loss of goods , which was the cause that never any of them warred against the country : but dion being banisht syracusa by dyonysius junior , and coriolanus from rome , did make mighty wars against their own country . the like was done by the medici in florence . honorable and magnanimous men were wont , not only to enterprise great acts , but also to suffer patiently al injuries which foes or fortune could expose them to : as resolved , that no calamity was so great as to make their minds abject , or to forget the dignity appertaing to persons vertuous : example . after the defeat of the r●man army upon the river a●●ia , the galli persued the victory even to romes walls : whither being come , and finding the gates open , without any signe of resistance they entred the streets , where all honorable palaces were also unshut , which caused the galli greatly to doubt . nevertheless looking into the houses , they found in every of them a senator set in a chaire of state , and in his hand a rod of ivory ; his person was also vested with robes of dignity , which majestick spectacle did marvelously amate the galli not having before that time seen any such reverend sight ; and therefore did not only refrain to offer violence , but highly admired the roman courage , cheifly in that fortune . nevertheless at length a rude gall hapned with his hand to touch the white beard of m. papyrius , whereat he taking great disdain struk him with his rod , in requitall whereof the barbarian slew papyrius , and by that example all the other senators and persons of dignity were also slain . albeit the knowledge and study of letters be both commendable and necessary in all well regulated states ; yet if under so honest pretence , idleness enter , such abuses must seasonably be foreseen and removed . example , when diogenes and carneades two excellent philosophers , were sent ambassadors from athens to the romans , many of the nobility that before disposed themselves to arms , allured with their eloquence and marvellous wisdom , began with great admiration to follow them : and in lieu of armes , turned their endeavors to the studie of letters , which the wise cato discerning , procured the senate to decree that ( to eschew all inconveniences which so honest idleness might breed ) no philosophers should from thenceforth be received into rome . the honor due to magistrates was anciently much regarded , and contrarywise all irreverent and undutifull behavior with great severity punisht . example , the censors of rome degraded a citizen only for having yawned loud in their presence : and another called vectius was slain in the field for not doing due reverence to a tribune when he past by him it is also observed , that the son of fab. maximus when he was censor , meeting his father on horseback , and seeing the serjeants affraid to speak to him to dismount , did himself command him so to do , which command the father cheerfully and willingly obeyed , saying , domestick power must give place to publick authority . tyrannous princes having incurred the universal hate of people , found no meanes so meet to preserve them from popular fury , as to execute or deliver into their hands their own cheef minions and intimate counsellors . example , tiberius delivered to the people his favorite seianus : nero , tig●llinus . henry king of swede committed to their fury his best beloved servant george preston ; caracaella caused all his flatterers to be slain that had perswaded him to kill his brother● the like was done by caligula , whereby he escaped himself . a prince that rewards or pardons a person that kills another prince , albeit by that means he is aspired to soveraignty , shall thereby both incur great danger and hate , and encourage men therein to attempt the like against himself therefore wise princes have not only left such services quite unrecompenced , but also most severely punished them . example . the emperor severus put all those to death that consented to the murder of pertinax ; and alexander the great executed him that slew darius , as abhorring that subject that would lay violent hands on his prince , notwithstanding he were an enemy . likewise uitellius put to death all the murderers and conspirators against galba ; and domitian executed his secretary epaphroditus for the murder of nero , although he instantly desired his aid . the vertuous and vitious examples of princes incite subjects to imitate the same qualities ; which rule never or very rarely fails . example , francis the first king of france , and other princes in divers ages and places , had great esteem of learned men ; and forthwith all the princes , nobles , nobility , and clergy , disposed themselves so earnestly to study , as before that time had not been seen so many and so great a number of learned men , as well in tongues as sciences . contrariwise , alexander the great , otherwise a prince of great vertue , by his immoderate use of drinking , did draw the greatest number of his court and people also to delight in drunkenness . the like effect followed the excessive intemperance of mithridates , king of amasia . the last and not the least considerable , is to observe how great effects devotion and contempt of humane glory worketh in the mindes not onely of private persons , but of kings and princes also , who have oft abandoned worldly profit , honor , and pleasure , to embrace the contemplative retired life . example , rami●us king of aragon , verecundus king of spain , charlemain son of carolus martellus , matilda queen of france , amurath k. of turbay , with many others . imperio maximus , exemplo major . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * commissions determine in presence of him that granted them . notes for div a e- * so henry the of france by puting his courtiers to boordwages was said to make mony with his teeth . notes for div a e- * the author of the epistle dedicatory to the dutchesse of suffolk , prefixt to mr. latimer sermons , ●aith that lawyer● cove●ousness hath almost devoured england . notes for div a e- discipline . notes for div a e- tam bené quam malé facta premunt . mart. mr. john miltons character of the long parliament and assembly of divines in mdcxli omitted in his other works and never before printed ... character of the long parliament and assembly of divines in mdcxli milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) mr. john miltons character of the long parliament and assembly of divines in mdcxli omitted in his other works and never before printed ... character of the long parliament and assembly of divines in mdcxli milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed for henry brome ..., london : . copy at reel : (m ) erroneously identified as "mr. john m. hons character of the long parliament", supposedly by sir james tyrrell, with wing no. t . reproduction of originals in the huntington library and the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -- parliament. westminster assembly ( - ) great britain -- politics and government -- - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion m r john miltons character of the long parliament and assembly of divines in mdcxli . omitted in his other works , and never before printed , and very seasonable for these times . london : printed for henry brome , at the gun at the west-end of st. pauls , . to the reader . the reader may take notice , that this character of mr. miltons was a part of his history of britain , and by him designed to be printed : but out of tenderness to a party , [ whom neither this nor much more lenity has had the luck to oblige ] it was struck out for some harshness , being only such a digression , as the history it self would not be discomposed by its omission : which i suppose will be easily discerned , by reading over the beginning of the third book of the said history , very near which place this character is to come in . it is reported ( and from the fore-going character it seems probable ) that mr. milton had lent most of his personal estate upon the publick faith ; which when he somewhat earnestly and warmly pressed to have restored [ observing how all in offices had not only feathered their own nests , but had enricht many of their relations and creatures , before the publick debts were discharged ] after a long and chargeable attendance , met with very sharp rebukes ; upon which at last despairing of any success in this affair , he was forced to return from them poor and friendless , having spent all his money , and wearied all his friends . and he had not probably mended his worldly condition in those days , but by performing such service for them , as afterwards he did , for which scarce any thing would appear too great . mr. john miltons character of the long parliament in . of these who sway'd most in the late troubles , few words as to this point may suffice . they had arms , leaders , and successes to their wish ; but to make use of so great an advantage was not their skill . to other causes therefore , and not to the want of force , or warlick manhood in the britains , both those , and these lately , we must impute the ill husbanding of those fair opportunities , which might seem to have put liberty so long desired , like a bridle into their hands . of which other causes equally belonging to ruler , priest , and people , above hath been related : which , as they brought those antient natives to misery and ruine , by liberty , which , rightly used , might have made them happy ; so brought they these of late , after many labours , much blood-shed , and vast expence , to ridiculous frustration : in whom the like defects , the like miscarriages notoriously appeared , with vices not less hateful or inexcusable . for a parliament being call'd , to redress many things , as 't was thought , the people with great courage , and expectation to be eased of what discontented them , chose to their behoof in parliament , such as they thought best affected to the publick good , and some indeed men of wisdom and integrity ; the rest , [ to be sure the greater part , ] whom wealth or ample possessions , or bold and active ambition [ rather than merit ] had commended to the same place . but when once the superficial zeal and popular fumes that acted their new magistracy were cool'd , and spent in them , straight every one betook himself , setting the common-wealth behind , his private ends before , to do as his own profit or ambition led him . then was justice delayed , and soon after deny'd : spight and favour determined all : hence faction , thence treachery , both at home and in the field : every where wrong , and oppression : foul and horrid deeds committed daily , or maintain'd , in secret , or in open . some who had been called from shops and ware-houses , without other merit , to sit in supreme councels and committees , [ as their breeding was ] fell to huckster the common-wealth . others did thereafter as men could sooth and humour them best ; so he who would give most , or under covert of hypocritical zeal , insinuate basest , enjoyed unworthily the rewards of learning and fidelity ; or escaped the punishment of his crimes and misdeeds . their votes and ordinances , which men lookt should have contained the repealing of bad laws , and the immediate constiturion of better , resounded with nothing else , but new impositions , taxes , excises ; yearly , monthly , weekly . not to reckon the offices , gifts , and preferments bestowed and shared among themselves : they in the mean while , who were ever faithfullest to this cause , and freely aided them in person , or with their substance , when they durst not compel either , slighted , and bereaved after , of their just debts by greedy sequestrations , were tossed up and down after miserable attendance from one committee to another with petitions in their hands , yet either mist the obtaining of their suit , or though it were at length granted , [ mere shame and reason oft-times extorting from them at least a shew of justice ] yet by their sequestratours and sub-committees abroad , men for the most part of insatiable hands , and noted disloyalty , those orders were commonly disobeyed : which for certain durst not have been , without secret complyance , if not compact with some superiours able to bear them out . thus were their friends consiscate in their enemies , while they forfeited their debtours to the state , as they called it , but indeed to the ravening seizure of innumerable thieves in office : yet were withal no less burthened in all extraordinary assesments and oppressions , than those whom they took to be disaffected : nor were we happier creditours to what we call'd the state , than to them who were sequestred as the states enemies . for that faith which ought to have been kept as sacred and inviolable as any thing holy , the publick faith , after infinite sums received , and all the wealth of the church not better imploy'd , but swallowed up into a private gulph , was not ere long ashamed to confess bankrupt . and now besides the sweetness of bribery , and other gain , with the love of rule , their own guiltiness , and the dreaded name of just account , which the people had long call'd for , discovered plainly that there were of their own number , who secretly contrived and fomented those troubles and combustions in the land , which openly they sate to remedy ; and would continually finde such work , as should keep them from being ever brought to that terrible stand , of laying down their authority for lack of new business , or not drawing it out to any length of time , tho' upon the ruine of a whole nation . and if the state were in this plight , religion was not in much better ; to reform which , a certain number of divines were called , neither chosen by any rule or custome ecclesiastical , nor eminent for either piety or knowledge above others left out ; only as each member of parliament in his private fancy thought fit , so elected one by one . the most part of them were such , as had preach'd and cryed down , with great shew of zeal , the avarice and pluralities of bishops and prelates ; that one cure of souls was a full employment for one spiritual pastour how able soever , if not a charge rather above humane strength . yet these conscientious men ( ere any part of the work done for which they came together , and that on the publick salary ) wanted not boldness , to the ignominy and scandal of their pastor-like profession , and especially of their boasted reformation , to seize into their hands , or not unwillingly to accept [ besides one , sometimes two or more of the best livings ] collegiate masterships in the universities , rich lectures in the city , setting sail to all winds that might blow gain into their covetous bosoms : by which means these great rebukers of non-residence , among so many distant cures , were not ashamed to be seen so quickly pluralists and non-residents themselves , to a fearful condemnation doubtless by their own mouths . and yet the main doctrine for which they took such pay , and insisted upon with more vehemence than gospel , was but to tell us in effect , that their doctrine was worth nothing , and the spiritual power of their ministry less available than bodily compulsion ; perswading the magistrate to use it , as a stronger means to subdue and bring in conscience , than evangelical perswasion : distrusting the virtue of their own spiritual weapons , which were given them , if they be rightly called , with full warrant of sufficiency to pull down all thoughts and imaginations that exalt themselves against god. but while they taught compulsion without convincement , which not long before they complained of , as executed unchristianly , against themselves , these intents are clear to have been no better than antichristian : setting up a spiritual tyranny by a secular power , to the advancing of their own authority above the magistrate , whom they would have made their executioner , to punish church-dellnquencies , whereof civil laws have no cognizance . and well did their disciples manifest themselves to be no better principled than their teachers , trusted with committeeships and other gainful offices , upon their commendations for zealous , [ and as they stickt not to term them ] godly men ; but executing their places like children of the devil , unfaithfully , unjustly , unmercifully , and where not corruptly , stupidly . so that between them the teachers , and these the disciples , there hath not been a more ignominious and mortal wound to faith , to piety , to the work of reformation , nor more cause of blaspheming given to the enemies of god and truth , since the first preaching of reformation . the people therefore looking one while on the statists , whom they beheld without constancy or firmness , labouring doubtfully beneath the weight of their own too high undertakings , busiest in petty things , trifling in the main , deluded and quite alienated , expressed divers ways their disaffection ; some despising whom before they honoured , some deserting , some inveighing , some conspiring against them . then looking on the church-men , whom they saw under subtle hypocrisie to have preached their own follies , most of them not the gospel , time-servers , covetous , illiterate persecutors , not lovers of the truth , like in most things whereof they accused their predecessors : looking on all this , the people which had been kept warm a while with the counterfeit zeal of their pulpits , after a false heat , became more cold and obdurate than before , some turning to lewdness , some to flat atheism , put beside their old religion , and foully scandalized in what they expected should be new . thus they who of late were extoll'd as our greatest deliverers , and had the people wholly at their devotion , by so discharging their trust as we see , did not only weaken and unfit themselves to be dispensers of what liberty they pretended , but unfitted also the people , now grown worse and more disordinate , to receive or to digest any liberty at all . for stories teach us , that liberty sought out of season , in a corrupt and degenerate age , brought rome itself into a farther slavery : for liberty hath a sharp and double edge , fit only to be handled by just and vertuous men ; to bad and dissolute , it becomes a mischief unweildy in their own hands : neither is it compleatly given , but by them who have the happy skill to know what is grievance , and unjust to a people , and how to remove it wisely ; what good laws are wanting , and how to frame them substantially , that good men may enjoy the freedom which they merit , and the bad the curb which they need . but to do this , and to know these exquisite proportions , the heroick wisdom which is required , surmounted far the principles of these narrow politicians : what wonder then if they sunk as these unfortunate britains before them , entangled and opprest with things too hard ; and generous above their strain and temper ? for britain , to speak a truth not often spoken , as it is a land fruitful enough of men stout and courageous in war , so is it naturally not over-fertile of men able to govern justly and prudently in peace , trusting only in their mother-wit ; who consider not justly , that civility , prudence , love of the publick good , more than of money or vain honour , are to this soyl in a manner outlandish ; grow not here , but in minds well implanted with solid and elaborate breeding , too impolitick else and rude , if not headstrong and intractable to the industry and vertue either of executing or understanding true civil government . valiant indeed , and prosperous to win a field ; but to know the end and reason of winning , unjudicious and unwise : in good or bad success alike unteachable . for the sun which we want , ripens wits as well as fruits ; and as wine and oyl are imported to us from abroad : so must ripe understanding , and many civil vertues , be imported into our minds from forreign writings , and examples of best ages , we shall else miscarry still , and come short in the attempts of any great enterpise . hence did their victories prove as fruitless , as their losses dangerous ; and left them still conquering under the same grievances , that men suffer conquered : which was indeed unlikely to go otherwise , unless men more than vulgar bred up , as few of them were , in the knowledge of antient and illustrious deeds , invincible against many and vain titles , impartial to friendship and relations , had conducted their affairs ▪ but then from the chapman to the retailer ▪ many whose ignorance was more audaciou ▪ than the rest , were admitted with all their fordid rudiments to bear no mean sway among them , both in church and state. from the confluence of all their errors , mischiefs , and misdemeanous , what in the eyes of man could be expected , but what befel those antient inhabitants whom they so much resembled , confusion in the end ? but on these things , and this parallel , having enough insisted , i return to the story which gave us matter of this digression . finis . newes from hell, rome and the inns of court wherein is sett forth the coppy of a letter written from the diuell to the pope : the true coppy of the petition delivered to the king at york : the coppy of certaine artikles of agreement betweene the divill, the pope and divers others : the discription of a feast sent from the diuell to the pope together with a short advertisement to the high court of parliament with sundry other particulars / this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) newes from hell, rome and the inns of court wherein is sett forth the coppy of a letter written from the diuell to the pope : the true coppy of the petition delivered to the king at york : the coppy of certaine artikles of agreement betweene the divill, the pope and divers others : the discription of a feast sent from the diuell to the pope together with a short advertisement to the high court of parliament with sundry other particulars / j. m. milton, john, - . [ ], p. s.n.], [london : . "'published by j.m.' (john milton?)" cf. halkett & laing ( nd ed.). place of publication from wing. this item identified in the reel guide at reel : as wing m (number cancelled in wing cd-rom, ). reproductions of originals in yale university library (reel ) and british library (reel ). eng catholic church -- controversial literature. a r (wing m a). civilwar no newes from hell. rome and the inns of court. wherein is sett forth the coppy of a letter written from the diuell to the pope. the true coppy j. m c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - angela berkley sampled and proofread - angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion newes from hell rome and the inns of court wherein is sett forth the coppy of a letter written from the diuell to the pope . the true coppy of the petition deliuered to the king at york . the coppy of certaine artikles of agreement betweene the divill . the pope , and divers others . the discription of a feast , sent from the diuell to the pope together with a short advertisement to the high court of parliament , with sundry other particulars . published for the futuar peace & tranquility of the inhabitants of great britany . by j m. printed in the yeare of grace and reformation . . to ovr deerly beloved son the most pieous and most religiovs primate of the romaine church and to all our deerely beloued children the cardinals and lordly bushops in europe haste : haste : poste : haste . your intire prince and god of this world , lucifer , prince of darknes , and superstition , king of s●●ks and phlegeto● , suppreame lord of ghehenna , tartaria , colmakia , samoyedia , lappia , cor●lia , and colmagoria , prince abissus , and sole commander of seeberia , alteenia , pecheora , & of all the infernall furies & their punise , the jesuites , priests , and semenaries . sendeth greeting , moste dearely beloued sonne , and you our dutifull childeren , whose sanctity we reuerence whose persons we adore whose wisdomes we admire ▪ at whose pollicis wee wonder at whose power we muse , and at whose iunincible stratagems we stand amazed . nor can we in the first place , but extoll , aplaud , & most highly commend thee our deere sonn for the extreordinary care in the aduancement of ovr kingdome . and as next in place the extreordinary dilligent and vigilant care of all our beloued children the lordly bushops , in the advancement of our regall power to the great enlardgment of our infernall dominions , by their rare & subtill plots , & stratagems . and in a more spetial manner we are pleased through our infernall grace & fauour to extoll them for this their present and excellent invention , in sowing discord amongst the english heririkes , as also in prouoking the scots heririkes to an apparant oposition against their king , yea so farr as to an invasion of the teritories of england , al which services are most deare and axceptable unto us . jnrespect of which seruices , as also for their fidellity to vs & our kingdom , we haue caused our princepall secretary of estate , don antonio furioso diabelo ▪ to make an especiall jnroullment of their names in our callend amongst those our deere seruants the plotters of the gunpowder treason , and the most renowned the complloters of the former inuasion of england , in the yeare of grace . and since the creation of the world both which services although their events were no wayes answerable to our royall expectation , yet those instruments that so freely aduentured themselues in them , shall be euer renouned in our court infernall , and most acceptable to our person . and for the better incouragement of these our trusty and well beloued seruants in the speedier advancement of this worke , now intended for the vtter extirpation of all heritikes & increace of our regall power , we are pleased by this our royall manuell to giue vnto them assureance of our aid & best assistance in the most efficatious manner that our princely power can extend vnto , and because our former sttatagems put in excecution by our beloued cosen & councelor the king of spaine were by him nowayes effected according to our princely expectation , we haue now therefore imposed our princely command upon our beloued servant the king of france ; at the humble sutemade vnto vs , by our children the lordly bushops and by some of our servants of greatest quality in the realme of england , as also by our servants the iesuites and romane catholikes of england , to haue a puisant armie in readines , for the invasion of england , at such a time , as those our children and servants , shal conceiue it most conuenient , & efficatious . and further our will and pleasure is , that you our deere son shall still parsist to stirr vp & incourage our children the arch-bishops , as also thy disiples & our loyall subiects & servants , the iesuites , priests , and semenaries , to this work , that they with all their might together with our powrefull policis granted vnto them may striue to effect this work with all celerity , that we may once more see our kingdome of superstition re-established : in the monarchie of great britayne , and ireland , the motiues to be pressed , iuducing them to the expeditious effecting of the same is principali , their respect to our kingly honour next their owne increace of greatnes for we promise & assure them by the word of a king jnfernall , that every of them shall raigne as princes under vs , not onely ouer the bodies & estates of men but also ouer their soules , by & through the many infernall graces by vs most freely and beningnly conferred on them , and hreeby , to make them the more sensible of these our seueral graces confered on them , we are pleased therefore here at presēt to expres but some few of them in perticular ( as namely ) pride , vaine , glory , hipocricy , selfe-loue of themselues & of this present world , loue of will worship , & advancement of idolatary , together with that spetiall gift of couetuousnesse the onely piller to all the rest of our infernall garces conferred on them . thirdly . in respect of the cleare passadg by us made for them , by setting the heritikes for this long time at varience amongst themselues , by our trusty servants the lawyers , and advancement of idolitary amonst them , the onely meanes in our princely wisdom conceaued to be to the breakeing of the bond of unity and peace , thereby to provoke the great god of heauen to leaue them to themselues and to our powrfull stratagemse , we are likewise pleased to take spetiall notice of that service done by our children the lordly bushops , in working the dissolution of the assembly of parliament , in may last past by which meanes nothing was efected for the good of heritikes either concerning their church or common welth , so as the sucses of this dissigne of ourse was thereby no ways hindred you are likewise to let them know from vs , that the noblemen of engand are dishartened , the the gentry , daunted , the comunality devided , the number of our servants the romman catholiks infinitly increased , and the realme in genrall greatly oppressed not onely by the sundry monapolies but also by the invinceable opressing power of our children the lordly bishops , the multitude of our seruants the corrupt judges , bace minded lawyers , seditious aturnnies , and woden headed docters of our siuil lawes , procters , prothonotaries . regist●rs , advocates , solissitors , and apparrators , whom wee haue caused to swarme , like to the egiptian locusts , ouer al the land for the sowing of discord & blowing the coals of contention amongst all the jnhabitants of the same , they haueing al of them long since receaued instructions by some of our infernal spirits sent forth from vs to that effect . you are likewise to let them know , that out of our princely respect to them and their dambenable actions for our honour , we are pleased to take spetiall notice of that service which they most willingly endeauored to efect for the confusion of all the heritiks : jnhabiting england , scotland , ireland , and the netherlands , by the late ( conceaued ) jnvincible armado procured from spaine in the yeare of our raigne . which through the providence of the celestiall powers then ouer them . and the dissturbance of martain harper trump , here below , fail●ed of that sucses which we together with them expectod and hoped for , to our no lesse sorrow then theirs . nor can we but aplaud the dilligent care taken by our children , & servants of greatest quality in that kingdom , in preventing the discovery of that jnvasiue plott , by the heritikes , and their small well-meaneing state . through their speidy flight to dover rode , and private conference there with don oquindo , the generalissimo of spaine to that effect , all which was most exquesitly performed , especially by our hispaniolized lacklatine lord , our deerely beloued servant . and lastly our hope is , that this presant plott sett on foot by these our trusty & well-beloued chlldren , and servants aforenamed , & by their earnest endeuours & our assistance once effected , will crowne all our labours to our unspeakeable terrestriall glory , and their eternal favours by vs to be conferred on them in our royall pallace of perdition where we haue already imposed our royal command vpon our trusty and wellbeloued cozen and councelor , peot●r tretyacoue chancelor evane becklemeesheue our knight marshall , richardo slowe treasurer , and don serborus grand porter of our said pallace , to giue them free admittance into our royall presence . thus , no wayes doubting of your singular care and dilligence in fullfilling this our royall will and pleasure hereby expressed , we do further impose our royall favour and princely respect to be by you presented vnto our trusty and wellbeloued cozen and councellour your present ●untio in the court of england , as also vnto our beloued children , and servants , the bishops , jesuites , priests , and semenaries , our faithfull , agents in this invinceable plott , and also to all our faithfull subiects & servatns the romane catholikes of england . we are pleased to remaine . your royall sofferraigne and patron of all your dambenable plots and stratagems now in hand . giuen at oure infernall pallace of perdition this . of september , and in the yeare of our most dambnable raigne , poste scripte . since the aboue written wee are creadibly informed of the intention of a most scandelous petition to be deliuered by asmall number of heriticall lords vnto their king at yorke , which doth not a little touch our honour , and the discouery of this our present stratagem . our expresse will and pleasure is , that there be some speedy course taken for the suppressing of the same , and the authors thereof sevearely punnished , and pomfret castell alotted vnto them for their abode , vntil our wil and pleasure be further known and this our dissigne be effected , of which faile you not , as you tender our royall favour the suckses of this our dissigne , and your owne safety . farewell . antonio furioso diabelo : principalio secretario . cousider this and marck the substance well it seemes a letter from the finnd of hell . what er the form or method seeme to be th' intent thereof , was quite the contrary had this not rung a knell in som mens eares th' had neare bin freed from their slauish fearse , of tyrany , opression , and th bishops pride ; iudges , and lawyers ; a wicked crewe beside , of docters ? procters , that the realme did swaye , trod vnder foote , gods truth turnd night to day . strove to coufound great brittayns monarchy , iustice , and truth peruert , advance , t , i m piety , and all , by this , romse doctrine to preferr , obey the pope ; and serue king lucifer , that is the cause , why them he doth aplaud , that he thereby , with them , may haue the , lavd , and honour due , vnto his servants all , that striu by him , to worke great brittaynes fall . a trve coppje of the petition which was by the lords presented vnto the king at yorke seprember the . . to the kjngs most excelent majesty . the humble petition of your ma'ties most loyall subiects , whose names are here under subscribed , in the behalfe of themselues , and divers others . most gracious sofferaigne the sence of that duty we owe to gods sacred majesty , & our nearest affection to the good and welfare of this your realme of england , haue moued vs in all humility , to beseech your royall ma'ty , to giue vs leaue to offer to your princely wisdom , the apprehencion which we and others your faithfull subiects haue conceiued , of the great distemper and danger now threatnig this church & state , & your royall person , & of the fittest meanes to remoue & preuent the same . the evils & dangers whereof your ma'ty may be pleased to take notice of , are these . that your ma'ties sacred person , is exposed to hazard & danger , in this present expedition against the scotish army , & that by ocasion of this warr , your ma'tys revenuse are much wasted , your subiects burthened , with cote and conduct mony , billiting of souldiers , & other military charges , & divers rapinse & disorders ( committed , ) in severall parts of this your realme , by the souldiers raised for that service , & the whole realme full of fearse & discontentments . the sundry innovations in maters , of religion , the oath of 〈◊〉 lately imposed vpon the cleargy & others of your ma'ties subiects , the great increase of popery , & imploying of popish recusants & others ill affected vnto religeon-are established in places of power & trust ▪ especially in comanding of men & armse , both in the feeld , & in sundry other coumpties of this your realme , which by the lawse , they are not permitted to haue any armes in their owne houses , the great mischiefe that may fall vpon this kingdom , if the intention which hath beene creadibly reported , of the bringing in of irish and forraigne forces should take effect , the heauy charge of marchants , to the great discouragement of trade , the multitude of monapolies and other pattents , whereby the commodities and manufactures of this kingdome are much burthened , to the great and vniversall grivances of your people , the great griefe of your subiects , with the long intermission of parliaments , & the late & former disoluing of such as haue bin called , without the happy effects which otherwise they might haue produced , for remedy whereof , & preuention of the danger that may ensue ro your roy all person & the whole state . they do in all humility & faithfullnes beseech your ma'ty , that you will be pleased to summon a parliament in some short & convenient time , whereby the causes of these & other great grivances , which your people suffer under , may be taken away , & the authors & councelors of them , may be brought to such legall tryall , & condigne punnishment , as the nature of their offences shall require , and that the present warr , may bee composed by your ma'ties wisdome without bloudshed , in such a manner as may conduce to the honour of your ma'ts person & safety , the comfort of your people and vnyting of both the realmes , against the common enemies of the reformed religion . and your ma'ts petitioners shall &c. the names of such earles and barrons as subscribed this petion . vi'zt earles . bedford . hartford . essex . mougraue . warwick . bullingbrooke . rutland . lincoln exetor . uicecomptes . lord : say & seale . mandifeeld . brooke . harford . north . willoby . sauell . wharton . loveles . saint john . articles of agreement , made , concluded , and done ▪ this of sep'ter in the yeare of grace , . and of the world . by and betweene the high and mighty prince , lucifer , king of sticks and phlegeton , the holy and most superstcious primate of the roman church , the cardinals bishops , iesuites , priests , and semenaries . ( of the one party ) and iudge bribery , lawyer corruption , aturny contencion , solissitor sedition , iustice conivence , iaylor opression and , state negligence , of the other party , in manner and forme following . imprimis , it is this day mutually agreed , by & betweene the seuerall parties , aboue named , that there shal be a league offenciue , & defenciue , concluded & confirmed by both parties , at or before , holy roode day next insuing the date hereof . item . that whereas there hath binn lately by the subtill practises of some parliamentary reformists , a discord and discension raised betweene the state ecleasiasticke , and the state of the inns of court , whereby there hath hapned no small preiudice vnto the eclesiasticke state , the likes whereof , is to be doubted , may also fall vpon the state of the inns of court , and so concequently vpon the crowne and dignity of ovr sofferaigne lord , king lucifer jt is therefore mutually agreed , that all former controvercies and contentions betweene both parties shall sease , and that all unity , peace , and concord shall be imbraced on either side , according to the expressions in the precedent artickel , to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , his crowne & dignity - item . it is agreed that the said state of the inns of court , and the state eclesiasticke afore said , shall ioyntly and severally , vse the vttermost of their strength , power , and policy , to resist & suppress all such proceedings of this present parliament , which shall any way tend to the reformation and suppression , ( of ) opression , extortion , bribery , contention , & tradition , and that they shall & will , with all their might ▪ power , and policy , endeauour and striue to broche , advance , and maintaine , all the said severall impietise again to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer ; his crowne and dignity item . jt is agreed by & berweene our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , and the whole state ecclesiasticke of the one part . and iudge bribery , that forthwith , vpon the dissolution of this present parliament , he the said iudge bribery , is then againe , to put in practise , the taking of bribes , passing of fals iudgement , and maintaining his fals & corrupt centences , and decreese , to be things sacred , & infaliable , oppressing the innocent , by clos imprisonment , and also fauouring all iesuites , priests , and semenaries , if any of them happen by the instruments of justice , to be laid hold on , animating and instructing all aturnies soliceters , and clarkes , for and to the sowing of strife ; and contention amongst the people of the land , to the honour of our sofferaign lord king lucifer : his crowne and dignity . item it is agreed by & betweene our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , and lawyer corruption : that he the said lawyer corrupcion , shall , notwithstanding , any powerfull parliamentary reformation , still parsist in takeing fees , both of playntiue and defendant , nor shall ever bring , any honest cause to its period , vntill he hath ( in fees ) devoured the whole substance , both of plaintiue and defendant , neither shall he the said lawyer corruption euer at any time , giue any true and preualent advice to any his clyents , but shall delude , and delay them , vntill he hath draynd them as afores●id , to the vtter ruine of them , their wiues and children , to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , and the propagation of his crowne and dignity . to their owne present , rich impiety , and asured sucsesefull pardition . jtem . it is agreed and concluded , by and betweene our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , and aturny contention , that he the said atturny contention , shall and will , at all times , in all places , and vpon all occasions , vse his best dilligence , to sow debate , strife , varience , & contentiō amongst the people of the land without exception of persons , yea , he shall not omitt to set the father against the son and the son against the father , as also one brother against the other , to the vtter ruine of their estates houses and families , to that end , he shall dispose of himselfe and all his imphes , into all the quarters and severall corners of the kingdome , neither shall there be any market towne or place of habitation , but he shall seat himselfe there , to the intent and purpose aforesaid , to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer . his crowne and dignity , & to the advancement of the said sience of iniquity , jtem . jt is agreed by & betweene our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , and solissetor sedition , that he the said solissetor sedition , shall & will at all times vse his best endeauovr to stir vp animate and encourage all people of what condicion , degree , & profesion soever , vnto sutes in the law & that he the said solisetor sedition , shall & will proue faithfull vnto all lawyers & aturnies , and shall and will be slow in the prosecution of any mans cause whatsoever , and spin out the thred therof to its full length , espeacially in the courts of equity , by multiplicity of ( begeting orders ) and by not omitting to haue this clause incerted into every of his orders , videliset ( vnles cause be shewed to the contrary at the next court day by the defendant ) as also by falsifiing of orders through the corrupting of registers , and corrupting of councell in an honest cause , by deceiueing his clyants through false & uniust bills of charges by brybing the judges of the severall courts , and the masters of the chancery , richly , to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer his crowne and dignity , and the eternall damnation of solissetor sedition . jtem . it is agreed & concluded , in perpetuum , between our sofferainge lord king lucifer , and iaylor oppression , that whereas through the rigoure of the law , many poore christian soules are commited vnto his keeping & safe custody for sundry causes , and sometimes for no iust cause at al he the said iaylor opression , shall and will , by himselfe , his clarkes , and servants , be void of all mercy , and compassion towards them , and shall and will as much as in him lieth : endeavour to worke the vtter ruine of the estates and liues of all such as shall be committed to his custody , and to that end he the saide jaylor oppression , shall nor will not be slack in giuing bribes , otherwise stiled new-yeares gifts yearely unto all the judges of the courts of iustis for & towards the better incouragement & annimation of them , to the commitment of all such to prison , as are or shall be brought before them on the least ocasion , and that he the said iaylor oppression shall be euer redy to yeeld his dayly atendance on the judges in their courts , thereby to stirr them vp to be mindfull of him to that effect , & lastly it is agreed & coucluded , that he the said iaylor oppression , shall & will by himselfe & his servants , set such snares & gins for all those commited to his costody , that they being once intrapped within his prison doores , shall neuer find the way out , dureing the continuance of their liues , or of ther estates at the least . to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer his crowne and dignity ▪ and to the eternall perdition of iaylor opression . item . it is agreed by & betweene our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , and iustice conniuence , that he the said iustis conniuence , shall not nor wil haue any regard or respect , to the iustnes of any poore mans cause , nor shall euer incline his eare to any his iust complaints , but shall and willeuer conniue and beare with the oppressor , defrauder , & deceiuer , and that he the said iustice conniuence , shall and will euer preferr , the vallue of a gooce , a pig , a capon , a brace of partriges , a good fatt sheepe , a bore at christmis , or a letter from a friend , written in fauour of sir opressor , mr defrauder , and dick deceiuer . farr before iustice it selfe , or the iustnesse of any honest mans cause whatsoeuer , nor that he the said iustice conniuence shal euer excecute iustice in any poore mans cause , but on the contrary he shall opresse them , and haue his miltimuses ready written , by his clarke , m' , duble fees , for the speedy commitment of them to prison , neither shall he euer incline his eare to heare their iust complaints against the severall goulden persons of worship afore said . to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer his crowne and dignity , and the benifit of iaylor opression . item . it is agreed by & betweene our sofferaigne lord king lucifer , and state negligence that he the said state negligence , shall euer preferr his owne peace and present benefit , before the wellfare and futuar prosperity of his king and country , and also that he the said state negligence shall not at any time , take notice of any the ill legall proceedjngs in any , the courts of iustice , nor shall adict himself or ever endeavour to suppresse nor prevent by any good or hollsome lawes the practise of , tirrany , oppression , in iustice extortion , bribery , contentjon , idolitry , and the like , but shall and will soly adict himself vnto the pastimes , of hunting , hauking , gaming , and whoring , and the vtter reiection of the present and futuar benefit and well-fare of his natiue country , to the honour of our sofferaigne lord king lucifer : the prosperity of his religeous vicegerent , and the peace and tranquility of all his servants the iesuites : priests : semenaries : and romane catholikes of england . in witnes of the truth of these presents and of every particular contained in the same : the parties aboue named haue hereunto set their hands and seales the day afore-said and in the yeare of the raigne of our most dambnable sofferaigne lord , king lucifer . etcetera . signed . sealed . and dilivered in the presence of vs . william laud . bishop . jsopprise crauly . iudge . bribeing long . justice . corrupt fountaine . lawyer . iumping jumper . aturney . james in graine . jaylor . robert kilfart . solissiter . and rudine haphudibrass cytin kycloparius , notarius publicus here followeth a breefe relation of a great feast which from lucifer prince of hell was by the hands of cardinall pegusious presented to the view disposall and abrobation of the pope of rome in the yeare of iubely , . pope my lord cardinall pegusious , and you the rest of my holy brethren , i beseech you , view these excelent varieties and variety of excelencies , well dressed , and most exquisitely set forth and garnished . but the contents of every dish , i beleeue is best knowne to you my lord pegusious , from whom i desire to be satisfied , concerning the contents , qualities , and opperation , of every severall dish . card'i . may it please your holinesse , these varieties of dishes , which yovr holines here sees thus set sorth , were all of them prepared , for the onely table , of our high & mighty monarch , king lucifer , your holynes sole patrone , and protector , a certaine number of which dishes his mat'iy hath gratiously bin pleased , to cause them to be presented to your holines disposall , and the resudue of them , onely , to your holines vew and approbation , being to be preserved for his ma'ties owne peculiar pallate . pope . i beseech you my lord car'd , let me haue them brought hither before me in order , according to the appointment of my sofferaigne , & most munificient patron , car'd , your holynes will and pleasure shall be accomplished , and here in the first place may it please your holynes to take notice , that the first dish by his ma'ties appointment to be presented to your holines disposall , is this large ( lattin charger ) containing twenty two , lordly english bishops , stued with the fire of contention , on the chafindish of exasperation and seasoned with the severall spices of mans invention , as with the spice of the masse , priesthud , holy-dayes , altars , candles , rayles , holy-bread , holy-water , holy-ashes , deuout prayer for the dead , invocation of saints , offerings at the altars , exc●mmnnications , and the strong and opperatiue spice , of the high commision . jt is also garnished about , with the severall heritickall doctrines of all the new intituled , priests of england , & this dish his ma'ty hath appointed to be disposed of by your holynes . pope . i will surely taste of it , ( it lookes louely ) oh admirable ? it is a most lavdable dish of meat : i can find nothing wanting in this dish : but onely three graines : of the spice of accomplishment : and then it had bin deuoutly seasoned for my pallatt : but j pray what is the next dish my lo' card ' , the next dish may it please your holynes : is a silver charger , comprehending all the contrivers , and complotters of the dissention betweene england , and scotland , os the last spainish invasion of england , and the practisers with the french for the subvertion of all the heritiks in england , scotland , and jreland , it is seasoned with all our iesuitical practises , church policies and al our english romane catholike tretcheries , and garnished with al our english romane statistes : this dish of meat is now almost could , and therefore at this present vnfit for your holynes pallatt , it onely wants the breath of the earle of straffords fiery zeal to heat it , by a laudable blast or two . pope . however i pray let me taste of it . oh the : lamentation of a sinner , pity , pity , yea a thousand pities is it , that this dish had not bin kept hott and seasoned to the proofe , that we might haue sung most laudably , te lucifer laudamus . but my lo ' card ' what is the next dish . card ' , may it please your holynes , this dish containes , a certaine number of falce and corrupt iudges , it is seasoned with the spice of aged detestable couetuousnes , bribery , extortion , oppression , iniustice , unmercifullnes , and with parvertion of all the statute lawes , garnished with ship money , forrest mony , lone mony , and a multitude of jsoprises but this dish is by his ma'ties speciall order to be preserved for his owne peculiar pallate . pope . his majesties will be done , j shall be ever ready & obedient to all his ma'ties , commands , nor will i presume to taste of it : but onely passe my iudgment on it , that it is a princely dish , fit onely for his majesties table . what is the next j pray my lord , card'i , the next may it please your holynes is a large golden charger : contayning a very great number of bace minded covetuous uniust : extorting & oppressing lawyers who value every word by them vttered at a barr of iustice , at a farre higher price , then your holynes doth your buls , issued forth for remission of sins , & these caterpillers , his ma'ti king lucifer : hath brought into such great esteeme , with all the jnhabitants of england , as that no man of quality thinks his hous to stand , vnles it bee supported by one of those vermine pillars and broud of contention this dish is seasoned with the spice of extorting fees from one twenty-shillings-peece . to . to . yea to . espeacially by those who are stiled the iudges favourites , all this is giuen some times but for the speaking of . or . words . it is likewise seasoned with the taking fees on both sides , deluding clyents , spining out the thred of an honest cause to its full length , vntill the purs-strings both of plaintife and defendant crack , and then they are tied together , by a commission into the country , where these catterpillers are reverenced and feared like so many gods , by all the people , this dish is garnished with some . pestifferous petty fogging , sedicious -groat atturnnies , one of whose parfidious bills of charges , in one tearme advances it-selfe sometimes vnto the sum of . . . yea pounds . espeacialy whē he finds his clyent naturally inclyned to the conditions of an asse . and on every of these garnishes hāgs ●onny-catching deceaitful solissitors properly termed lawyers-limetwigs , traps , or nets , to catch the poore silly creatures caled clyents , & this dish his ma'ty hath also reserved for his owne table . pope , it is a princely dish indeed , and fit onely for the peculiar table of so great a monarch , as is our most dambnable sofferaigne king lucifer , the opperation & vertue of which dish , is able to season a whole kingdome , to be fit meat for his ma'ties pallate , espeacially if there be but the opperatiue spice added to it , called the ( action of the cace ) but what is this dish my lord card'i . card ' , may it please your holynes , this dish containes a certaine num●er of bace muck-wormes , stiled , docters of our sivill law . chancelors and officials , this dish is also seasoned with the uniust spice of extortion , oppression , fraud , and deceit , and granished , about with a most dambnable crue , of procters , notaries , registers , deligates , advocates , sumners , and petty apparaters , these haue for many yeares , proued noteable instruments of strife and vexsation , vnto the inhabitants of england , and through their deceaueabl wayes haue mightily oppressed the people : being not much inferior vnto the preceadent golden charger . but to this dish : may it please your holynes , there hath happened this yeare a very great mischance in the kooking , for when wee thought it should haue bin most laudably boyled vp to its greatest hight of catholik operatiō , there happened a spider to fall into it , through a sudden blast of reformation which hath made it somwhat dangerous now for your holines to taste of , for , the lamb that was moste richly seasoned in it , is now through this sudden and unexpected , misfortune , putrified , and the duck being a watry foule , is quite disolved and this dish by his ma'tys speciall order , is to be left now to your holines disposall . pope , j am much bound to his ma'ty for his gracious favour to me herein , j shall be very carefull through deliberation & mature consideration to study for the most fittest disposall thereof during the time of my vicegerency here & then return it againe to his ma'ties disposall . but i pray you my lord cardinal what do those coper vessels containe car'd , may it please your holines : this covered messe is a gallimofre or as the fleamine cals it a hutchepot , wherein are sundry meates stued together : it containes a certaine number of beasts called , corrupt masters of the chancery : & half a dozen corrupt clarkes of the chancery , also . of their puni clarkes comonly termed aturnies in chancery . it also containes new aturnies of the court of reqvests & some of their puny clarkes this hutchepot is seasoned with the spice of bribery , fallswittneses stieled knights of the poste , a spice greatly in request in those courts , especialy in the examiners offices and the late couentry , affidavit office but his ma'tys special commād is to haue this couered mess preserued in its present condition ; least contention should sease amongst the inhabitants of england : & vnity & peace take place : which cannot but tend much to his ma'tys dettryment & loss of dominion in that kingdom : and to that end he hath caused the same to be sealed vp : & to be convayed from couentry to manchester by the g●ulden finche . pope . good my lord cardjnal j beseech you , let his ma'tys will & pleasure herein be very carefully accomplished , for it concerns much his ma'ties honour and our safety . but what is in this dish my lord ? card ' : this may it please your holines is likewise a hutchpot , contayning meates of sundry sorts and operations , it containes a certaine number of prothonotaries , registers , & clarks of the starrechamber , chancery , court of requests kings-bench , common please , and the excheckquer , this galimofre is seasoned with , subbornation of falce-witneses , falcyfiing of orders , and decrees , it is garnished with the subtile practises of the renter warden of the fleete and his imphes , as also with killvert , killfart , killbennet , kill bishop and the like instruments of lawyers gaine , the opperation of this dish chiefely consists , in the confusion of mens estates , to extract gold out of all mens purses , to suppress vertue and peace , and to advance eniquity and contention , to wrong & oppress every man , and to do right to no man . and this mess is also to be reserved for his ma'tys table . pope . good my lord cardinall , j pray you let me taste of this mess , the opperation whereof by your relation appeares to be admirable , j wish from my heart that j might also grow capeabel of that vertue . of extracting gould out of the english nation , as som of my predisessors haue done before me , ( j confesse ) the study of this art was begun by my phisition , most laud ably , but alas and we ' is mee , it was marred by a robustious storm of wind out of the north and quite spoyled by a vehment shower of puritanical raine , and what is this next mess my lord . card. may it please your holines , this is also a hutchpot , containing sundry cours meates , as scriveners , brokers , vserres , iaylors , balifs sergeants , informers , periur'd church-wardens , iustlers of the peace , & bumbalifs , this mess is seasoned with parcehment , deceit , extortion , vsery opression , murthering of christiā soules in prisons , through famine , false information , iniustice , neglect , and tirrany , & is garnished with a number of irreligious majors , sherefs , feoderies , escheaters , clarkes of the syse , clarkes of the peace , constables and headboroughs . but this mess is by his ma'ties order to be disposed of vnto his servants . pope . jndeed my lord car'd , my'thinkes this mess hath a very bitter rellish with it , elce my mouth is quite out of taste , i conceaue it to be a mess fit onely for his ma'ties hell hounds , but what is this last mess . card ' . i conceaue this mess to be very wel known to your holines , for it is seasoned with moste of those operatiue spices that all the meat dresed in you holines kitchin is seasoned with , this mess containes diuers iusticiall birds of midlesex as namely the long the hearne , the snape , the hooker the geaye , and the likes of them . seasoned with the fees and bribes of all the whores , and theefes that liue in westminster , coven-garden , hollborne , grub-street , clarckenwell . rosemary-lane . turnbull-street , rattcliff , southwarke , banke-side , & kent-street , this dish is also garnished with the new-yeares-gifts , of the whores , theefes , and cutpurses , dwelling in the fore-named severall places , but this mess is by his ma'ty , reserued for his owne peculiar pallatt . pope . oh venerable bead , oh holy garnet , o sanctified fauxe , o reverent beckett , o beloued raviliack , campion , watson , parsons , moorton , sands , and admired bellermine , i call you all to witness this day , wether you or any of you : haue euer as yet bin capeable of such a delicious feast : adorned with so many varieties : beautified with so many severall rareties , and seasoned with such delectable spices . sancte benedicto ora pronobis . and thus rendring all hvmble and harty thankes : with all reuerence in all obedience : vnto his ma'ty : our moste dambenable prince and protector : lucifer : king of sticks : and phleget'on : i remaine his ma'tys humble servant : and vice-gerent : at his ma'tys sole disposall dureing life . papa . romanorum . . advices and motiues , to the honorable assembly in parliament . e. s. i. e. w. j. s. the stake 's three crownes , foure nations gamsters are ther 's three to one , & yet no man that dare take these great odds , the cause is as they say , the fourth , know's both our stock , and cards we play , this turns the odds , and makes moste gamsters think , wee 'r but in iest , and play our cards and winck . the sett goes hard , when gamsters think it best , though three men vie it , the fourth setts his rest . my masters , you that vndertake the game , looke too t , your conutryes safety and her fame are now at stake , be carefull how you cutt and deale , as knowne occasions put you too t . the cards are strangely shufled , for your parts , ti's odds , you ever get the ace of harts . yet the fiue finger , and some helps beside , lie in the pack disperst , be those your guide , that you posess , to tell you what you want , least the mistake of one poore tricke should daun● , your spirits quite , and make you fling away , your liberty , not to be lost by play , detest foule iugling , now ti's in your powers , let none but square play pass , the game is youers . for here you see , hell , rome , and all their , trayn , plott to confound , all your good lawes againe . then haue a care , expell romes imphes , make sure , your lawes and liberties may still indure to future ages , posterities then may , haue cause to blesse your memories for aye . lament lament you bushops all , each weare his blackest gowne : hang up your rochets on the wall , your pride is going downe . it needs must greeue each romish hart , to heare this sadd relation : all cannons are not worth a fart , made in the conuocation . the bishops holy sinod , and the priests of baal , that there : concented , and concluded all , are now in griviovs feare , to be depriu'd , of priestly stile , of coat cannonicall : and quite be banished this ile , they feare they must be all . ah , poore , ( etcetera , ) is now dead , which greeues the bishops moste , what they would haue immortall made , hath now giuen vp the gostes alas , that new begotten oath , like snow against the sun , it did begin to melt away , when th' parliament begun . all ceremonies are good cheape , and i will tell you how : the , tippit , hood , and surpliss eke , are good for nothing now . and which i wis more woefull is , and moste their courage quayles : there was a grievious murther made , among their holy rayles . oh , when this sadd and heavy newes , vnto that synod came , the birds and beasts were in a muse , asse , wren , and duck , and lambe . and then a dollfull ditty these , did thus lament together : alaff ▪ we must all run away . when shall we run , and whether , shall we ? with windibanck to france , or fly to holland , where the finch is flone , for vs a place , before hand to prepare ▪ no quoath the duck , wee 'l fly to rome and there rest without feare . of parliament , and then the lamb : may come up in the reare . and ther wee 'l drinke a health to all the puritans confusion , that haue thus strongly wrought our fall by parliament conclusiou . the iudges , and the lawyers all , aturnies , procters clarckes , soliciters , and advocates , must now stand in their sarks , and penuance do for all their faults , their bribes they must restore , their cheates and tricks which they did vse ▪ they practise must no more . the people , long they haue beguild , and many a' one undonn , gods curss , their wealth for this doth mel as show is by the sun . their childrne and posterity , the gallous doth devoure themselues , haue made a league with hell ▪ to raigne still by his power . god is the god of vnity . of loue and peace alone , but these men , for deceit and strife , the lik's of them there 's none . 〈…〉 probatum est . receaued by me , fountaine of inquity this th of septemb . by the helpe of iudge bribery : and the furtherance of lawyer impiety : of romanus tretchery : the sum of pounds of dambnable simplicity : pounds of supersticious ignorance : pound of idolatrus folly , pounds of willfull stupidity : and pounds of perverssnes : to and for the vse of impatience : and by his appointment to be delivered vnto gentiel prodigality : to and for the vce of mistris inconstancy , daughter and sole-heyre vnto mistris letchery : the grand-child of mistris baudery : dwelling next dore vnto mistris beggery . by the new prison neare the whipping thong : at no great distance from mr justice long . long hath a long time bin a knaue : receauing bribes from every slave . long euer hath a shelter bin full sure : for every theefe : a cutpurss : and a whore . long knows full well his christmas how to keep : on cost of whorse , those are his onely sheepe . his capons : wood-cocks : herns : snites : and geayes : providers of good cheere on all assayes . long may he feast his body : fill his purss : by such a crue of hellish imphes . gods curss asuredly will fall on him and his : and proue his fatall recompence for this . long may he be a knave : of such great fame to all whores glory : his owne eternall shame . finis . tyrannicall-government anatomized, or, a discovrse concerning evil-councellors being the life and death of john the baptist : and presented to the kings most excellent majesty by the author. baptistes. english buchanan, george, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) tyrannicall-government anatomized, or, a discovrse concerning evil-councellors being the life and death of john the baptist : and presented to the kings most excellent majesty by the author. baptistes. english buchanan, george, - . milton, john, - . p. printed for john field, london : . an anonymous translation of buchanan's baptistes; originally printed as prose in: george buchanan, glasgow quartercentnary studies, . p. [ ]- . j.t.t. brown attributes the translation to milton. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints 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users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng john, -- the baptist, saint. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tyrannicall-government anatomized : or , a discovrse concerning evil-councellors . being the life and death of john the baptist . and presented to the kings most excellent majesty by the author . die martis , . januarii , it is ordered by the committee of the house of commons concerning printing , that this book be forthwith printed and published : iohn vvhite . london , printed for john field , ●● . the collocutors and complaynants , or , persons speaking . malchus , pharise . gamaliel , pharise . iohn the baptist . chorus , or a company of iewes . king herod . the queene herodias . the queens daughter . nuntius , or the messenger . the life and death of john the baptist . the first part . malchus , gamaliel , rabines . malchus . o this old wretched age , the neighbouring bounds of our last breath , and you unhappy fates , long life on us have you bestowed for this ? or for these uses : that we should behold our temples lewdly , cursedly defil'd , our holy things prophan'd , our country slav'd , the reliques of our fame ( which none might enter ) broken before me , and the sacred gold rent from the posts : what ere the greedy will of stern gabinius could by rapine gaine , or anthonies luxurious power exhaust , all 's lost , and we have been a mocking stock ( which i abhorre to heare , much more to speake ) to cleopatra's gluttonous desires : and lest we should not be in every part disgrac'd and vilified , we now are brought under a cruell king , the nephews son of halfe arabian artipater , iudaea serves an idumaean tyrant , while an arabian lord in sion reigns , gods people and ierusalem , a man prophane and impious : yet in this distresse , among so many wounds of raging chance , some sparks of ancient honor did remain a pattern of our countries discipline : such as it is , which by our foes themselves is to be reverenc'd , the furious victor , and no small number of his purpled court , began to dignifie the jewish lawe● . we w●●h t●is h●pe ●efresht , though well neere tyr'd with misery , had hardly taken heart to re-advance our heads , when out alas , a hainous matter which we never fear'd , did suddenly arise a new baptizer ▪ whose pa●entage is holy , who was bred among strange worships , but by nation ours , by stock a levite given unto god , even from his infant cradle , being son of an high-priest , and shortly to receive that dignity himself , unlesse he chuse rather to taste false glories bitter fruit , then honors harvest in due time to reape . he therefore keeping in the desert soyle deceives , with shew of sanctity severe , the simple people , cloath'd in skins of beasts , his haire uncomb'd , and feeding savage like ; by which delusions he draws the lookes of all men towards him , the common sort being poss●st with ignorant beliefe , that a new prophet to the world is sent ; and now unto himselfe he hath reduced an army of the vulgar following him . him only now the people all admire , leaving their cities , noblemen and kings honor and feare him , where he past with pride through the madnesse of the multitude , new laws gives like another moses , cleansing crimes with water , and presumes our ancient laws with new rites to adulterate ; and rends the fathers with reproaches , to enjoy the peoples mad affection with more ease , who give him gentle hearing ; but if none himself oppose against this theifes attempts , raging and ranging with bold insolence . that sanctity throughout the world renown'd will soon expire , nay , it expireth now , or rather hath expired . gam . men of our calling must do nothing rashly , mildnesse becomes milde fathers ; to young men , if through temerity they go astray , a pardon may be given , but a fault by one of us committed , no excuse to vaile it can pr●vaile ; be calme a while , this rage appease , and let your sorrow slaked . ma●ch . then you gamaliel ( as it seems ) approve this cursed caitiffs actions . gam . malchus , no , i neither do approve , nor yet condemn● , before i know the matter that concerns this new-come prophet , who is not a man ( so far as i can hear ) so full of ill , nor to be so opprest with publick hate . malch . o stars , o heaven , o earth ! that wicked wretch wants not a patron here , that can uphold his manners to be good . gam . who vice reproves , good manners teaching , leads the way himself , which unto others plainly he directs , can you perswade me that this man is naught ? malch . he that our laws contemnes , new sects doth teach , besides new ritts , reviles our magistrates , and our high priests with calumny pursues , can you perswade me that this man is good ? gam . if we were equally against our selves judges austere , and milder towards others , then we are oftentimes , our heynous crimes would lye more open unto publike view and sharpe reproaches , howsoever we flatter our selves and are proclaimed bles● , reputed by the common people , saints , chast , pious , and upright , but of us all , none from t●e greatest fault was ever free , malch : gamaliel , that these things may be true , is●t lawfull for a vulgar man to rayle against a prelate ? let the people hear , yielding obedience and sober live , refuse no reyns by him upon them cast , he can reduce the vulgar if they are to the right way , let him be as a law unto himselfe , but if in ought he chance to go astray , the wicked , god doth see and sharply punish . gam . and do you conceive this law is j●st ? malch . i do indeed . gam . and why ? blind ignorance and want of skill . malch . because rashnesse and error commonly are found as proper and peculiar to the vulgar . gam . he that to prin●es wisdom gives not place , is often taken from the vulgar thrung . malch . but give we place then in this chair to shepheards . gam . moses a shepheard was , and david too . malch . they were taught all things by the spirit of god . gam . he that taught them can also tutor this . malch . will god instruct him , and relinquish us ? gam . god , neither scepter , parents , noble stock , beauty , nor kingly riches doth respect , but hearts that no contagion of deceit , of lust , or cruelty doth once pollute ; the holy spirit in this temple rests . malch . surely gamaliel ( to confesse a truth ) you seeme to me of ●ate by your opinion , a plain approver of that wicked sec● ; i can no longer smother what i think , seeing you do such things as are unworthy both of your ancestors and of your selfe , you that of all the rest ought to defend , do chiefly our authority offend , and that in favour of a mad young man : for gods sake tell me , what 's your tryalls hope , what profit do you seeke to get by this ? perhaps hee 'l give you honor or great wealth , who ●tterly destroyes our orders , honor , and labours to undoe us . gam . truely malchus , you shoot far from the marke , that you suppose , we can defend our dignity with pride and arrogancy , or with strength of arms , our parents were not by such means advanced . malch . our ancient laws and orders more bec●me us that are ancient , and let each one live according to the manner of his time . gam . but rather good things good men still become . malch . if wee had any of our fathers spirit . gam . our fathers manners should our lives direct . malch . this wicked fellow by a speedy death not threatnings had beene punished . gam . ●or our order , cruelty is unmeet . malch . what 's done for god , holy and pious is . gam . to put to death without desert , is impious piety . malch . deserves not he to dye , that all subverts ? gam . if he transgresse , why do you not confute him in publicke view with arguments and reasons ? why do you not shew there your light of wit ? you being expert , learned , and so old , set upon one that 's rude , unlearned , so young to the right way perhaps you may reduce him , and glory to your selfe , mongst all men gain . malch . that wound is never to be gently cur●d , but with ●ord , sword , and fire , or if you know any thing more to ●ormenting . gam . be he such as you expresse him , or worse if you will , yet one thing to your selfe you ought to give : that first you freely and in gentle wise admonish him , least any one do think , that you would rather cast him headlong down , doubtfull of heaven then extend your hand to save him falling ; it concernes you much , that all your enemies may understand , your will is good to save all , none destroy , but such a one as with a mind perverse precipitates himselfe : one thing at least i crave ere you by wrath be further drawn , consider by this obstinate condition what you may gaine . malch . why this , confound a foe , comfort the good , and terrifie the shamelesse , confirm the wavering mind , and with this blood our countries laws establish . gam . rather this you shall obtaine , to be accounted one , that with all power of tyranny hath rom'd , untill you did a holy man confound , one whom by reason you could not convince . malch . then let him bee as holy as he will and grave , gods spirit doth not him direct , who does neglect the fathers ancient rules , and seeing no redresse with you i find , i 'le seeke the kings assistance against ruine . chorus . gamaliel in my judgement councells well , obey him therefore ; but i speak in vain , since wrath , the enemy of gods advise , darkens his minds cleer sight , who stops his ears to wholsome admonitions . gam . hee 's gone in wrath and swelling with disdain ; for my part , what was lawfull , to my power i earnestly advised him with mild words , endeavouring to asswage his raging spirits : i gave him faithfull counsell , but so far is he ingrate from giving any thanks , that he even hates me for my good desert . such is the common course , & a great fault in our degree is this , that we deceive with shew of sanctitie , the common sort , that safely we gods precepts may despise ; but if against our customes ought they dare , we practise to subvert them with our gold , or witnesses suborn'd , and cut them off by secret poyson , filling herods ears with feigned utterance , what our mind offends , revenging with false rumors , while his breast with rage affected we the more incense , and arm the violence of cruell wrath with calumnies . but malchus now is gone , unmindfull of all modesty , to court , where he will feigne the rising of new sects , deserting of the fathers holy rites , and that the kings prerogative and power lyes open to derision ▪ to conclude , what ere he holds commodious to himself , masking his wickednesse with honest names , if these he finds the king but little move , another dart more cruell hee 'l invent , hee 'l cry the sworne bands that attend the king do secretly conspire , some wicked plot preparing , they digest : troops meet by night , their private wealth by ●actions to augment , these he will feign or worse into his ●ars , these poysons of his wit he will instill . and this in princes is a common fault , gently to hearken unto secret tell-tales , whereby what is most cruell , though but feigned , they easily beleeve , and feign vain fears unto themselves , pursuing the light ayre of moveable report , where he that gives faithfull advertisement is holden dull , torped and ●merous : we change the name of quondam vertue now , now not adorued with any vertue , but with glorious titles proudly preferrd the vulgar we beguile . as for this prophet , with my soule i wish our order with more modesty and wisdom , and would bear themselves , if hither he be sent by ●ods appointment , there 's no power of man that can withstand him , but if he devise mischief by fraud concealed , with his sword hee 'l soon confound himself , ●et every man interprete as his own condition guides him : if any here my sentence do allow , his hands he may keep cleer of guiltlesse bloud : nor let us be profuse of holy blood , least those examples that in cruell sort wee make for others , afterwards return on our own heads ▪ dwells not in herods heart immanitie enough , unlesse his rage by firebrands added to his wrath , increase ? cho : o what a night of darkenesse doth possesse the minds of mortalls ! what cymerian●ave do we inhabite , while this brittle life doth swiftly fleet away ? false mod●sty doth skreen the brazen face , pieties vale the impious doth conceale , litigious men peace in their looks do feigne , and the decei●full , veritie in words : the vissage where sad gravity did dwell , the only symbole of a modest life , now turnes to cruelty with boyling wra●h , and healdong estautes with furious ●its . even as the vapours of hot et●a's furnace with a swift rolling turnes the stones about or into embers , flames vesveus burn : so the blind fury of revenge excites this malchus on a guiltlesse man to fall , and falsly to accuse poor naked truth . oh thou desire of glory , swo●n with pride , mother of ●o great mischiefe , glittering praise of goodnesse coloured with a shew divine ; when the minds kingdom thou hast once possest , with flattering poison thou inchauntst our thoughts , and ( reason bani●ht ) thou disturbst the court , the court within us ; piety and truth , with shamefa●tnesse and faith , are fled from thee : faith of the better age a common guest , hath lastly left the vice-dishonor'd earth . if there were any artist that could set ( the foreheads clouds remov'd . ) our cares to sight ( the brest being made transparent ) and disclose our minds dark inner parts you might perceive monsters there varied into wondrous forms , and those all stabled in a little cell , being more than in remote and forreign parts nilus and ganges beare , or all the births that affrick● yeelds , with furious portents , and those that hored caucasus affords in his darke dens ; the cruell tygers rage would not be wanting there , nor the fierce wildnesse of the deep shining yellow lyonesse , nor the dire gluttony of ranging wolves , whose appetites no slaughter can asswage , nor the fell basalisk with poisoning breath , or stinging aspe that brings long lasting ●●eepe , or scorpion dreaded for his hooky tayle , or crocodile whose voice with feigned tears so sound through the seaweeds , nor the foxes wiles , or the hyenaes ●alse play . counter feit piety doth often cloak mercilesse tyrants , and the guarded stol●impiou● natures ; in a homely weed under the cottage shadow of a swain vertue obscured , lyes nor sells her selfe for haughty titles , laughing as in scorn at the mad tumults of our justice-courts , and the applause of common peoples breath , nor client like sits waiting at the doore of a great patron , but doth passe away the silent ages of her blessed life in rurall privacy , being unto none saving her selfe , or but few others known . the second part. queen , herod . queen . my lord , you live secure , and feele not how your kingly power debayes , nor yet discern like one that 's blinde , what snares are daily set to ruine you ; for if that vulgar preacher breath but anoyeare bonds , prison , crosse , in vain you then may threaten , proudly now his forces he surveyes , your persons guard his followers obscure . her. what danger fear you from th'unarmed root . qu. if private conventicl●s you permit , how can you sleep secure ? her. but he instructs those that run to him of their own accord . qu. a wide spread faction we should feare the more . her. his sanctit● confutes that crimination . qu. this vaile doth cover detestable acts . her. of purpled rulers we may stand in dread . qu. and fear the fraud of gravest hypocrites . her. he that is helplesse , armlesse , that alayes his thirst with water takes his food in woods , his lodging on the grasse ; oh what deceit can he intend a serpent ! qu. his attire , his meat and drinke you see , but in his brest you see not what he bears . her. a kings estate is miserable , if he stand in awe of those that are in misery . qu. if a king through fond security become a prey , he is most miserable . her. how then may a king remain in safety ? qu. what withstands his pleasant queit , let him soon extirp . her. surely a tyrant and a king that 's good , differ in this ; the one his foes preserves , the other is a foe to them he rules . qu. either is hard , to perish or destroy ; but it is better , if make choice he must , an enemy to destroy . her. where no necessity the one requires , either is miserable . qu. should you in such a tumult use no rigour , the wavering vulgars fury being raised the princes , laws , religion , power contemn'd , is to the base plebeans made a scorn ; take heed , that lenities deceitfull looks draw not your minde from equity , what seems a farre off mildnesse , to one neere at hand will be the greatest wildnesse ; while you spare one factious man that 's desperately bad , you seeke to ruine all : whom he to arm against your life endeavours day and night , what needs must be at length feign to bee done ; that the inconstant people are stir'd up to arms , that every where they all things burn , with woefull war , and villages left wasted , our virgins ravished and our cities fire , and with ambigous fortune armies joyn'd . when liberty shall burst the reynes of laws , that clemency too late you 'l then condemne . and here behold that plague and mischiefs head , this is that high reformer , question him , and if i do not erre , you shall hear from him much more than fame hath publis●t : nor do i mervaile that there can be some that scorn your government , when you your selfe the wicked sort through lenity provoke . her. when a good king is able to do much , his power he ought to moderate . qu. say you so ? this upstart now will moderate your scepter , and you must rule according to his will , but if you had the spirit of a king — her. but get thee gone , and leave these things to me . qu. and so i will , lest you raile at me as you did before : when queens yeeld much to men of basest kinde , what hope of equity will cherish others . herod . iohn . chorus . ha. is she gone ? shee is , now let me tell thee ; there 's nothing that may move thee , or that strange thou mayest conceive , if an offended woman , rich , noble , potent , finally a queen , do entertain more anger then is meet . even thou thy self mayest witnesse it the best how much thy welfare i have still regarded ; for all the people hate thee , and require thee as guilty to be punshed , our priests murmur , our nobles grieve , and surely what it is that may increase the common sorts complaint , i will relate in brief : in thy orations , thou all the orders openly revilest , the vulgar sort in our old laws unskilled , thou cunningly receivest the deadly venime of a new sect dispersing , and impairest with speeches turbulent , our regall state , with the republick peace , prohibiting our men of war their captain to obey , the people cesar , while thou promisest new kingdoms to the vulgar , and to free them of their newforraign yok , andstir'st them up with a vain confidence , nor doest permit this our rebellious nation to rest : and madmen like us , as if we had endured but small calamity , thou reinsittest the romanes a new war against us to make ; nor doubt i what thou darest do being absent , seing thou openly dost me upbraid with an unlawfull marriage , and would heape the peoples hate upon me , and attempt'st all that thou canst to make my brother raise unnaturall war against mee : and as if thou hadst done little mischief : for the safety of all alike presuming to do all things , nowagainst heaven thou preparest to fi●ht ; those holy rites attempting to abolish , wherewith this kingdom hitherto hath stood : these things the people grudge at , and complaine that i am flow to vindicate and right their countries lawes , yet have i shewn my self in nothing harsh to thee , but all the favour that a benevolent and friendly judge can shew thee , thou shallt plenteously receive ; for no assyrian or aegyptian father hath me begotten a blood-thirsty tyrant , who had with you own country , parent , nurse , i mean the spatious earth , so that as oft as any of the meanest people perish , i lose me thinkes a member of my selfe even from this body torn ; nor thou shalt find of herod an upright and gentle judge : if thou be able falsly to con●ute what other things are layd unto thy charge , all thou hast uttered against me and mine i freely pardon , heartily remit , and thou shalt understand that i neglect mine own and prosecute the publicke wrong , the people being witnesse : and i wish thou mayest so cleer thy self of other crimes , that no occasion of severity be left me through thy innocency . cho : go forwards to be gracious in this , and thou shalt live renowned to thy successors , not in gold-ore or military bands : and thinke thy kingdom safe , as those atchieved by equity , which charity and faith do evermore defend . iohn . he unto whom the almighty doth committ a kingdoms rule ought many things to hear , but all things that he heareth to believe , it is not necessary , envy , feare , griefe , lucre , favour , oft suppresse the truth . if any of the people or the fathers thinke i have uttered any thing against him in rigorous manner , or ungently rayled , t is necessary , ere he mee accuse , that he examine his own course of life ; this hath been ever my care and custome publick offences to reproove in publicke , nothing in private have i done or taught , blind lurking holes i seek not , neither tax men but their v●ces , when the souldiers asked me how i could serve at once the king and god : to ravish ●ruse violence , abuse or ●ircu●vent the simple with deceit , i utt●rly forbad ●hem : to compose their sensuall desires , i gave them charge , according to the measure of their meanes : nor any hope of new things do i preach , but only that which you believe with me , out of the ancient prophets ; i●h meane time , none of so many thousand is produced , that through my doctrine hath contemned his prince . those matters whether by uncertain fame to you related , or by hood winkt wrath still raging head-long with desire to hurt , falsly invented , naked verity will by it self and easily confute . how piously i prize the holy rites and ancient institutions , there 's no sign more certain then the impeacher of my crimes , because he comes not forth to publick view , where feigned things be easily beleeved , he secretly may murmure . for my denying that your brothers wife is yours by right consider with your self whether you ought to serve your carnall will , rather then your creator , and i wish all men devoted to the love of kings would be in mind alike , to mention things that are both profitable , true , and good , rather then whas are pleasant and will soon turne to their damage ; then against how many mischiefs and molestations would the gate or entrance be shut up , if heretofore freely and truely i have spoken ought , do you that in your wayes are just and good , ( as equities defenders are obliged ) receive it in good part , and set these bounds to your high potency which are prescribed you by the laws measure : for what law you hold here against others , god the king supream against you and others of your place retains : then whatsoever you shall judge of me , beleeve that god will judge the same of you . her : when thou shalt come to heaven speak heavenly things , but whi●e thou livest on earth , earths laws abide . iohn . to earthly kingdoms reverence i bear , and kings obey , but those eternall kingdoms i hold my country and their king adore . her : the matter even it selfe i●structs thee how kings to obey , that doest desire a king such laws as thou ordeinest to obey . iohn . if i may laws ordeine , i would proclaime to kings , their people should obedience yield , and kings to god . her : thou hast enough contended bear him hence , the case is doubtfull , nought can i determine , untill all things more ceartainly appear . chor. who doth conceive that by a tyrants words the close or hidden meaning of his mind , he can perceive let him well underdand , he trusts into a foule deceitfull glasse , god prosper and turne all things to the best , what my soule fears , it trembles to divine . her. how wretched and how overwhelmed with care a kings condition is , no tongue of man , or politique oration can expresse , nor any thoughts attain ; the vulgar hold us only free and happy , that are vexed with terror , and with poverty besieged , with miserable servitude oppre●t : the people , whatsoever they desire , or love or dread , they freely dare confesse , and modest riches without fear en●oy : but when we walke abroad we must assume an honest persons habit , and are forced to promise courteously with gracious lookes , our anger to defer and hide our hate , till a fit season , chiefly then to threat , when greatest cause of fear our mindes torments : a modest prince the people do desp●e , one rigerous they hate , the wavering vulgar we are compelled to serve , and can command nothing to our desire . this new-come prophet if i cut off , i shall offend the people , if i preserve him , for my royall state i little do provide , what shall i do then ? i must regard my kingdom , none so neer as i am to my selfe , if i must serve the people for a scepter , what 's more foolish then , while thou seekest to please the vulgar sort to cast away a kingdom ? joy and wrath the people rashly take , and rashly leave : t is now my resolution to conffrm the royall power that i hold , with blood : the vulgar will be easily appeased . if by my sufferance this evill creep a little further , t will be past redresse , why he forsooth durst tell me to my teeth my marriage was unchast , and if he scape for this unpunished , his audacious will there will not rest , but scepters to his laws then he will force to stoop , then he will cast his captives into chaynes , then he will seeke to rule , and not be ruled , give laws to kings , and turne all upside down , we must apply unto a g●owing evill speedy cure , flames rising must be quenched ere they increase . by suffering old injuries , we raise fresh contumelies , new reproachfull termes , if with the peoples favour i may gaine some satisfaction by this pun●shment , to wyn their favour i will not neglect : but if perverse against me they persist , what malchus of our laws may freely bable , what curious questions he may vainly cast with intricate debate , that , i conceive , concernes not me , and let the people know , this one law to be kept , that they may think , all things to me are lawfull without law . chor. oh thou creator of this spatious orbe , whose nod makes all things tremble , heaven adorned with glittering stars , earth variously deckt with flourishing array , and seas that swell with raging violent motions , ebbes and flouds : hath not lowd flame that knew the former age , brought to our hearing thy then famous acts ? when thou by vigor of thy puissant arme , proud kingdoms boasting of their , gold and wealth hast utterly abolished and exextirped us in their land to plant , their land to prepard , neither by counsell , strength , nor arms of ours . but heavens almighty favour safely brought us through the fierce armies , art not thou the king of 〈…〉 ? a●t not thou the god of the iews nation , by whose guiding hand ( our enemies destroyd ) their treacherous tents we trampled under foot , con●iding not in our own strength and com●ge ; but in thee our most auspicious leader , bringing spoyles and triumph to our countrey● wilt thou now being once our father , utterly for sake the people whom thou lovest ? are we now left a f●ble for our foes ? religion lyes with piety despised ; in purpled courts , fraud is predomanant ; the holy flocke yeild as a sacrifice their pious necks to the ●ell axe , our prophets by the sword perish ; our tyrant enemies rejoi●e in our laments , and they they the kingdom rule un●er pretext of piety and zeale , though punishment descr●ing whilest they smart , whose worth deserves a kingdome . ri●e , o lord , and helpe thy people , to our adversaries shew thy sel●e such as thee our fathers saw in the red-sea , confounding pharao●s hoast ; such as the prophets boy did thee behold , when to disperse the flames throughout the camp . thou to thy fiery horses gavest the re●gns . the must of error that obscures the light of humane understanding overwhelmed with a darke cloud : o lord : now drive away , let both the land warmd with the rising sun , and that which . doth it in down-going view , confesse that onely thou c●nst all things do . the third part. malchus . thus truly is the state of humane things , that if god grant that we should have our wish , we are to seeke , uncertain what to chuse , what to refuse ; we covet honor , we●lth , dominion , heritage for us and ours , which having our desire , we often lose bondage , imprisonment , and shamefull flight unto our foes we wish , which oft beget their greatest glory , to our bitter shame : and surely i have learnd , that this is true ( not go to fetch examples a farre off ) by mine own dang●r ; for when this baptizer , living remote from●s on mountaine tops , bewitched and d●ew with him the rediculous rout ; i onely ( the rest idle ) did defend the pharisees , authority and worth : nor did i cease alwayes and means to try , untill this adversaries guilty hands were strongly bound , and in the common goal , his insolence allayed , and the whole court his crimes had knowledge of by my redort ; and and yet his c●●mes imprisonment , and bonds , nought in my thog●hts avail , the peoples hearts the horrid power of this hellish plague hath so possest , and every one hath quast the deadly poyson , that they all bewaile his dangerous condition , yeilding honor unto his ●minent noworthy death . but wherescere he can , let malchus go , their curse● h : cannot scape , at me they point , on me they looke with a malignant eye , doing all favours to that wicked wretch , who hath bereft us of all differences in our a●●airs and orders , keeping watch before the prison . surely nothing now in misery exceeds us , that devote our selves ( all other businesse set apart ) unto the peoples profit ; he that slaves himselfe to them , may easily perceive , that such his favour he hath ill bestowed , as upon those that being ill inclined th●ough ●●nate malice , ever use to bear toward the ●ad , good will , and to-contemne the chiefest persons of a common-weale . oh whither shall i go ? how first complain , where shall my anger principally light ? whom shall i first assist ? the ungodly crew love that false prophet , and the rab●●es murmure , the king connives , the nobles him neglect ! i only with these shoulders do support , even with these , our countries falling rites , none lending me a hand ; why then do i , and none but i , the common change bewayle ? shall i put o●f my office , and forsake our orders , dignity , with all our lawes and sacred rites , and suffer my poor selfe to be a laughing-stock to those that hate me ? i le do it , i le suffer it , i indeed i will ; for what else ●m i do ? shall i alone bear that my self , which all refuse to bear ? and lay my self forth to the publike ruine ? god keep his own , ●ith now the world is such , that every man must loc● unto himself : i le do the like , and if the common-wealth i rule amisse , then let the ruine light upon my head ; those that now while i stand , favour me most , will first when i am falne , assault me with their heels ; if well i rule , and do ill place my favour , i shall get nothing but envy : now too lat● i like gamali●s advise , unlesse perhaps , no man from error can return too late ; i had rather they should seeke me constant here , than when all is done , my indiscretion punish : what seemeth good to each man , let him think i le rid my selfe of troubles , and repaire my favour with this prophet ; nor will he being a simple hearted man reject me ; but if i finde him towards me pe●ver●e , i le set all engines , lest the people think he perisht by my craft ; if they to me be reconciled , the businesse will not fall on every side , and here i think he comes , he comes indeed , see what a company follows the wicked wretch , and we the while sit in the cities heart amongst our chairs , alone and 〈◊〉 but i first w●ll hear what this grand mr. utters . iohn . o thou that 〈◊〉 things dost make voyd , judge and rule what ere the ayre in its loose b●some bears , what ere the 〈◊〉 can precreate , ●r sea within its waters nourish ; thee there god all do acknowledge , 〈◊〉 ; thee alone finde the●r creation ; in a constant way thy laws once given , freely they ob●y ; at thy command the spring with flowers paints the sert●le fields , and fruits the summer yeilds , autumne , pure wine abundantly aff●●ds , and winter with white frost the 〈◊〉 attires , the crooked ri●ers rolle into the sea huge heaps of waters , the sea ebs and flows , the silver moon illuminates the night , the golden sun the day , and views this orb with never r●sting brightnesse ; to conclude , ther 's nothing whatsoere in heaven or earth that does not willingly its king obey , its maker love . and towards him declare with all the service possibly it can its good affection , but only man ; man who is bound far more than all the rest gods precepts to delight in and obey , only contemnes them , and rejects the reigns of laws divine ; yea , into every sin precipitates himselfe , accounts all just in his own strength , and measures right by lust . malch . thy fair beginnings as yet well proceed . iohn nor do i so much wonder at the gentiles , that through the world do wander from the way , as at this people that themselves do boast to be gods heritage , yet raile at others , and cry them down as impious , when no nation on this globe seated whersoere the sun surveys the earth , lives more licentious . mal. surely as yet he hath sayd no untruth . iohn nor is this only the light vulgars fault : the levite in white v●sture sh●ning far , and the law writer of his knowledge proud , and you so reverend for age mature by oblique error , are drawn out o' the way , widdowes and orphans causes where you judge , fall to the ground , the rich oppresse the poore , both right and wrong are set at equall price . mal. to hear this and be mute , i burst with rage . iohn but you , the rabines , that in holy gifts and knowledge fain all othes to excell : and you the sacred dignity of priests , and the chief prelates of the sacred order , tyth all the hearbs born of our mother earth , dill , mint , rue , garlick , nettles , or green hey , does not escape you . but if you should read or teach the prophets oracles , and shew the track or steps of your own holy life , then your authority is stricken mute , then like dumb dogs that barke not : here you fret and fume about your sheep-coats , but the wolves which of you drive away ? the wolves sayd i ? you are the wolves your selves that flee your flocke , cloth'd with their woo●● , their milke dot slack your thirst , their flesh your hunger : thus your selves you feed , but not your flock . mal. hence concord with a mischiefe , can i brooke my order any longer to be checkt so insolently , with so base reproach ? if god from heaven should send me with this charge , that these things i should hear such his command , i rather would decline , than hear so much : i can endure no longer , ho sir , you master of mis-rule , is this doctrine yours ? do you instruct the silly people thus ? iohn if you be good , those things that i declare , nothing concern you . mal. to traduce a priest , does it belong to thee ? iohn when i reprove a wicked man , i hold it spoken well . mal. a young man ought his elders to obey . iohn 't is rather meet that all should god obey . mal. then dost thou speak these things by gods command ? iohn . truth doth command all men to speake the truth . malch . it often profits to conceale the truth , iohn . profit with bad works joyned i nought account . malch . thou mayest call goodnesse what seemes bad to thee . iohn . to see ( when i am able to reduce them into the way ) so many thousands perish , it seems too bad . malch . thou able to reduce them , why are not we the feeders of the flock . iohn . if it be all one both to feed and fley . malch . do thine own businesse and let ours alone , iohn . my neighbours misery is likewise mine . malch . i pray , who are you with such power endued ? are you that christ unto our fathers promised ? iohn . i am not . malch . are you then a prophet ? iohn . neither . malch . are you elias ? iohn . no . malch . if none of these , nor christ our hope , no prophet nor elias , how darst thou be the author of new baptisme ? declare to me , whom shall we say thou art ? iohn . i am a voice that one the mountain tops afar off call and cry , prepare the way , make strieght your paths , the lord is neer at hand , at whose first coming shall the valleys rend , and mountaines will be levyed with the plain , i in his name the people do baptize , whose shoes i am not worthy to pull off , whom none doth know thoug● he converse with you . malch . what snares doth he invent , deluding me with circumstances , by what miracle provest thou the authority which thus thou claimest ? iohn . and by what miracle thine canst thou prove ? i may on the other side thee also aske . malch . how obstinate he is , bee 't nere so much that thou concealest , yet all of us do know , what makes thee mad : thou surely doest desire to grow up through our envy , thou wouldest gain glory and mighty riches by our losse , and become potent by flagitious acts nor doest deceive us but deceivst thy selfe : neither wert thou the first that did attempt thus to beguile , yet thee the last i wish , that may be duely punished , or that thou by my advise thy mind wouldst rather change , that as thou hast made many go astray through thee , they may into the way return , i have seen others that have made a shew of sever holinesse by outward habit , whereby more easily they might be thought of simple modest mind , but by such art , honor , and wealth when once they had obtained , their dispositions by degrees appeared and were discovered , for that pious course , well clokd before they openly contemned and to their true conditions gave the reigns . but if this way thou aimest at honors hight , unskilfull men blinde ignorance deceives : by that crosse path , to glory none attain , unlesse experience that best instructs , and age that such experience doth beget hath very much beguild mee , for thy fame and livlyhood thou better mayst provide seeking rather safty than renown . ioh. if i deliver truth and do what 's right , wherefore should any bid mee hold my peace , but if untruth , doe you that are so learned declare it to the simple . malch . of these things , when thou shalt suffer punishment by death , thou wilt repent thee . ioh. threaten that to those , who feare to die . mal. but if i live , ere long , i 'le make thee muorn for this perversness , and know what it is , the elders to neglect the scribes , revile and vex the rabines with thy saucy tongue , and haply feele , since thou hast no regard to purchase friends , the power of old mens hate . cho. he that himselfe prepares for secret stealth avoyds the light and murderers doe hate a burning torch , that 's conscious of their crimes : a childe refuseth medicines intermixt with bitter wormwood ▪ a cut wound abhorres the wholsome plaisters ; and to him whose breast the hidden evills of his soule torments , the truth is grievous , which doth open lay his troubled heart and his bad minde bewray . but o you hypocrites in shew severe , whom lawlesse gaine with rugged brow delights through error of the credulous common sort , how well so ever you your thoughts conceale : and though the ●oule sinke of your impious minds be closely hid , your gnawing conscience argues your lurking secrets , that tormenter inclosed within your entrailes eats you up , scourging with cruell stripes ; o three times blest , and more is he , that being pure within , becomes not guiltie to domestick iudges , nor by a torturer within his heart , pent up unseene , endures perpetuall smart . the fourth part . malchus , chorus , herodias . there is no certain trusting to the king , his and the common cause , he hath betray'd through foule ambition , while hee bends his thoughts to please the people , and with favour hunts for ayrie applause ; me , under shew of lenity , hee labours to subject unto the co●●ons wrath , and with my perill would vindicate his wrongs , even prepar'd to satisfie the people with my head , as if he saw , they heavily did beare the baptists death : but if to have the chiefe of their new faction flaine , they took it lightly ; he subtily by the vulgar would be thought with greatest glorie to have tane revenge . thus to themselves kings of their cities blood exhibite shewes by turnes , and make a sport of mutuall slaughter , challenge to themselves , and publish , all by them was only done , all whatsoever the vulgar votes approve , and attribute our labours industry to their owne prayse ; but if the uncertain ayre of popular ●avour otherwise doe turn against their expectation and desire , then on their officers they cast the fault , and with a vile breath , their own crime avert from innocent blood . one only now remaines a partner of our griefe , the queen enraged , much like a tyger of her whelps ●erest , for that the baptist had before the king accus'd the alliance of her former bed to be polluted , openly condemning the league of marriage with a brothers wife forbidden by the law : now while the fire of estuating wrath is fresh and hot ; i will adde fire-brands to her troubled thoughts , and feed them with fit language : but behold , how oppor●unely she presents her selfe . chor. now poison comes to poison , flame to flame , now comes the uttermost hazard . malch . noble queen , our nations glorious honour , who alone in this so great a kingdom doe deserve the highest place , god save you . qu. and thee malchus , the most religious rabine : but why sad ? malch . for that which i suppose , your minde afflict . qu. it may be so , but tell me , what is that ? malch . doe you , to see your dignity despis'd , your royall names authoritie so sacred throughout the world to be accounted vile , your crown made subject to the vulgars sco●ne , beare it with patience ? qu. what then shall i doe ? teach me a remedy . malch . within your heart conceive so high a wrath , as may be worthy of your princely stock , your nuptiall bed and bosome . qu. that 's done already , i am burst with ire , weep and exclaime and sharply reprehend , but no reliefe by wrath or teares i gaine , for all my words are scattered by the winde . mal. if with your husband a meet power you had , would he have born your wrongs thus unrevenged ? or rather ( may i speak more truly ) his . qu. thou feest the people , how they be inclinde . perhaps by this imprisonment the king , the baptists eager spirits think to ●uaile , and to allay his boldnesse ? malch . if you suppose imp●isonment and bonds , can bridle the fierce spirit of this thiefe , your highnesse erres ; the rage of savage beasts , that break their dens and libertie regain , is much more vehement them theirs that range , in woods or desert mountaines : being freed , what will not he attempt , whose ●etters now the people reveren●e , wrath once ●rovokd is kindled not a●laid , by taunts and scorn the haughty spirit is 〈◊〉 f●ry bor● . qu. this benefit should rather quench it quite , for that by royall mildnesse he is free , who by his own perversnesse might have perished . mal. what your esteem a benefit , he holds an injury , and will more oft remember , that you imprison'd him , then set him free . qu. a rough and crabbed na●ure , thou relat'st . malch . this in most men is naturally graff'd , what favour you afford is quickly lost , but what disfavor , no man doth forget , good turnes if born in memory with bad , all men well neere doe hate , think that the baptist , as oft as he remembers your desert , will not his crime forget , and still believe , he is not loo●e from that , but in your thoughts , a guilty man by soule ambi●ion freed , his paine remitted and you wrath supprest but for a time . qu. yet courtesie prevailes to mitigate fierce natures . malch . what with long use is hardned to the worst , we much more easily may break then bend . qu. what , doe you then advise me in this case ? malch . i 'le shew you quickly , may i be believ'd . qu. and what your counsell i will not delay . malch . by seeking , agitating , and providing , ( not fitting still ) great things are brought to passe . qu. if seeking , agitating and providing nought may availe , 't is better to sit still , then to make work in vaine , and be to others a mocking stock . malch . where strength oft cannot , labour overcomes : a tall oake is not suddenly born down , nor does the warring ram at one assault overthrow the wals , what , often you suppose cannot be finished , is in time dispatched● and importunity doth overcome , what reason sometimes cannot ; therefore seeke , solicite herod , mingle teares with suite , wrath with monitions , flattring words with brawles , work and intreat him by what meanes you can , embracing all occasions every where ; but if by such plaine course you cannot speed , set snares and use deceit , for mine own part , i am resolv'd untill , we finde successe in our desig●ments , never to desi●t . cho. envie at length , and bitter grie●e incens'd by impious f●ries , on this pious prophet have cas● the venome of their cruelty ; from thence fierce calum●ny and false de●raction joyned with fell cruelty , by cursed fraud maintaine the battell , from hence harmlesse truth s●pported by no guard , their threats contemnes . so many weapons doe one head assault ; so many su●tle drifts doe menace death to this young man , yet like the hardy holme , with north-east wi●ds assaulted , or a rock , that 's ●eaten by the seas returning flood , ●e with no fear is mov'd : o power divine by all men to be hono●'d ! candid truth , whom neither force of armes with trembling feare , nor fraud with all her projects can depell from her firme station or unmov'd estate . the grievous changes of unstable fortune th●u only fearest not , and dost arme thy breast , obnoxious to no chances , with a strength insuperable , and th●● impartiall hand of the three ladies , both of life and death for bidst us to begriev'd at . but this prophet i am too slow to meet with , and relate the ruthful'st newes that ever pierc'd his eares ; yet see he stands before the prison doore . o thou more holy then thy holy parents , and th'only ●cred it of old innocence ! now for thy safetie in due time provide : the rabine malchus privately intends deceit against thee , and king herods wife , unwitting what to doe is almost mad ; the courtiers flatter her , the king diffembles what he conceives , and others twixt the teeth mutter , as those that dare not speak the truth . now is your finall perill . ioh. and what 's that ? cho. to escape death , you shall have much to doe . ioh. of eminent evills , i hold that the sum . cho. then which , none greater can a man befall . ioh. as tyrants power and deceit may cease , times length may bear it of its own accord , which evill men do f●ar , good men do wish . cho. but your own safety though you doe neglect , consider ours , and that high spirit of yours a while remitting , sue for herods mercy , and make some friends , i hope he will not prove inexorable . ioh. doe not i doe this ? cho. that minde , god grant you . ioh. to sue there 's no need , for that minde ●ath been long now with my blood the tyrant hasts to satisfie his wrath : neither doe i rcsist , how am i able rather to pacifie this bloody king , then when the same things , we will not and will . cho. good words i pray . ioh. why then report you thus , and thus advise me ? ●●y there are two kings , and they on both sides two things bid me doe that be repugnant , the one king is earthly cruell and mischievous , who threatens death , and hath a power my body to destroy ; the other heavenly , mercifull and milde , forbids me death to fear , and a reward proposeth to my tourage , being able in flames inevitable to torment body and soule : now seeing these two kings doe differ in command , give mee advice . wh●ther i ●●all obey . cho. if now ●ccasion offerd you omir . herod will never after be appeas'd , but god is ever easie to be pleas'd . ioh. gods anger , the more gently it doth rage , the more severely punishment req●ires , being once mov'd . cho. so , death which god would have all mortals feare , doe you disdaine ; the body with the soule , he in a mutuall bond of love hath knit , lest unadvisedly some cause be offred , that may their holy fellowship disjoyne . ioh. death i disdain nor , but by momentany . shun that erernall , and the use of light which god hath given me , at his command i willingly surrender . cho. will you then , being a parent thus forsake your orphans . ioh. he who believes that god his father is , shall never ●eean orphan . cho. can the teares of all your friends and kindred , whom you leave unto a spightfull tyrant move you nothing ? ioh. i leave them not , but they mee rather leave ; for truly unto death i run the way from the beginning of the world ordain'd , yea all men that enioy the gift of life are born to die , and and wee are all restrain'd with one con●ition , we tend all to death , and thither every day doth surely lead us ; god will have death a pennance to the bad , and to the good a port , the utmost bounds of a long iourney , and the gate that leads to the beginning of a longer life , that sends us rather born againe then dead . unto a glorious house of endlesse light ; this is to man from prison a relcase and a free passage to life wanting death ; this way the whole flock of the fathers went , and all must follow them : what man is he , that having once begun a race to run , desires not instantly the goale to gaine ? who , by night wandring in the stormy sea , refuseth shelter in a quiet port : what exile straying or'c the desert hills of a strange countrey , will bee discontent into his own to make a quick returne ? i therefore having overpast my way , suppose my selfe come to the very goale . now almost quitted from the sea of life , i view the haven ; from a forraign soyle , home i return to see my heavenly father , that father who with waters bounds the earth ; invested earth with heaven , he that rules the certain courses of the moving sphear , who only all things made , guides and preserves ; to whom all things both quick and dead doe live even as the flame it's globes doth upwards roll , waters perpetually downw●rd● fall , and all things do proceed to their own foment ; my 〈◊〉 from heavendeso●nded , labours now , a habitation in eternall light 〈◊〉 gaine with him that all things did create , whom not to see , is death , life to behold . if caucasus rough-growne with hoary frost , the ayre with tempests and the sea with stormes , and the whole region with excessive heate should all resist me , thither i would goe ; to see so many leaders , prophers , kings , and pious iudges , shall i not make way , though , with a thousand deaths i be oppos'd ? my spirit therefore from this body freed , ( this carnall prison ) thither longs to flye , even whither all the world betimes or late shall be dispatch'd ; for long life i conceive , is nothing , but a gentle servitude in a hard painfull prison ; o sweet death , that art of heavy toyles the sole release , the haven where all grief and trouble cease , yet unto few men profitable known : receive this shipwrackt body in thy bosome , and bring it where eternall peace abides , whither no impious violence , deceit , or ealumny shall follow it . chor. o thou , thrice happy in this constancy of mind , o wretches that we are , whom foolish feare debarres the sweet society and sight of true felicity ; then since thou hold it what 's needfull to be done , to thee we wish eternall health and farwell . how are the minds of men in wayes unlike turn'd by discordant strite ? of no offence he that is guilty , doth not feare to dye , he that deserves to dye , if with vaine threats death lightly greet him , with degenerate feare growes pale and trembles ; as the wicked wight shunnes death with heavy heart , so he that 's good , of death des●●ous , thorough flames and flouds , o're deveous rocks , all dangers and e●●●remes , freely precipitates his noble soule ; for sundry benefits to death belong to evill men unknowne , a happy life is fates associate ; neither doe the good totally dye , but still their better part contemnes the greedy fire and mounts aloft to its own country , heaven ; amongst the saints a certain habitation doth attend soules that are harmlesse , but the guilty g●●ost , by snake haird furies in a brimstone lake , with greedy c●rberus his hungry i● wes , and tan●alus with plenty never fill'd , is evermore affrighted , gnawne and whipt ; from hence comes feare to evill men ; from thence good hope to good men , even while their mindes , appeating prodigall of brittle breath , hasten to prosecute unfading life ; o ●yren ! potent in bewitching baits , life , that abhorring goodnesse , dost affect what 's fraudulent , and with thy flattering might precludst the neighbout passage of our sinnes , and shutst the haven of perperuall peace ; where neither martiall clamor doth affright , nor trumpets , with hoarse clangor doe 〈◊〉 nor pilling pi●●tes terifie by ●e● , nor cruell theives beset the silent grove , nor my one made 〈…〉 felix , that alone with pleasant case he may himselfe besot the poore and weakeore-whelmes with bloudy flaughter , neither he , that for vaine titles may exchange the lives of the rude commons , but where simple vertue with faire prosperity and tranquill rest possesseth all , and day can never learne to end in darknesse , nor life ever know of any fi●erall , nor ioy of griefe . o thou sweet freindship of this carnall house , and thou too lovely prison of our life ; now , now at length free from bewitching bonds the heaven-borne soule of man , which too unmindefull of her owne country joyfull in the yoke of her d●generate foule nuptiall bed , and with somniferous i ethe● poysoning sloth inebriated , in thy lapthou huggst . o thou deceitfull covering of day , into thy ashes vanishing returne , that to her country heaven the soule reslord , may fill it selfe with becames of purest light . so from all sorrow shee shall be enlargd . and of all troubles thou by death dischargd . the fifth part . the queene . the rabine malchus hath my hopes beguilde , and herod hath himself with mee his queene , ( fearing the rumors of the babling crew ) through his owne yanity alike betrayd . next , for my daughter , what shee may effect , i greatly feare , the king did promise herat his great banquet , that he would reward her danceing feates ( which gave him high content ) with whatsoever shee of him should aske . now unto mee the girle hath past her word , that shee would aske of him none other boone , but in a dish to have the baptists head ; and she will have it , certainly shee will , if horods mind be not to me unknown , the peoples hatred i conceive on mee hee will divert , himselfe remaining free : and i will beare it when the deed is done , and with willing heart : with joy of my revenge weighing their hate , and with my gaine my staine , for women to be cruell 't is a shame , a shame indeed : unlesse more shame it were ▪ that of such nature there are many kings : but h●rod and my daughter doe appeare , the ncor●r my hope is , my feare the 〈…〉 doth burne . herod , daughter , queene . her. and hast thou 〈◊〉 sufficiently 〈…〉 daught . 〈…〉 enough and royal . her● . never fear , things that are 〈◊〉 establish● with my faith and before witnesses , aske halfe my kingdome , it shall be thine , no power can avert him that is willing . daugh . we shall shortly see what thing it i● . hero . 't is certain , ask it now . daugh . your kingdome sir i need not , which i deeme even as mine own while you possesse the crown , as if i held the scepter , but i aske a thing both meet and easie . hero . thou thy selfe ( not i ) art in the fault thou hast it not . daugh . give me the bapists head then in this charger . hero . what words are these by thee so rashly vented ? daugh . not rashly neither . hero . thou demand'st a gift that ill become a virgin . daugh . to destroy an enemy is no uncomly deed . hero . is therefore he an enemy and worthy of a kings wrath . daugh . he 's worthy of such wrath , who by his crimes deserves it . hero . what redresse may i then purchase for the peoples hate ? daugh . the people must obey , and kings command . hero . 't is a kings duty iust things to command . daugh . kings by commanding , may make those things iust which were before uniust . hero . but kings commands , the law doth moderate . daugh . if that be right , which pleaseth princes , then they rule the lawes , ●ot the lawes them . hero . then , for a king , a tyrant the people will divulge me . daugh . but your scepter keeps them in awe . hero . it doth , and yet they 'l babble . daugh . such babbling sir , by punishment severe is brid●ed . hero . kingdomes are ill kept with feare , daugh . and kingdomes by impunity of crimes are easily subverted . hero . yet we finde , kings are securest in the cities faith . daugh . it is not needfull that a king be lov'd , but fear'd . hero . the cruell are or● whelm'd with hate . daugh . a gentle king the vulgar do● despise . qu. my lord , all you have pleaded only tends , in my opinion , that your promise past , in vaine may passe away , as yet me thinks , you do not know the duties of a king ; if th●se things which the common sort ●uppose hone●t and otherwise ; you , for a king bel●eve to be the same , king herod erres . brothers and sisters , fathers , sonnes in law , friends , kindred , citizens , and adverse parties , are bonds for poor men , but vaine words for kings ; let him that on his head once puts a crowne , put from him all degrees of common duty ; let him judge all things honest that conduce to a kings benefit , and hold no fact to be unseemly , that he shall effect for his ow●e safety ; on the king depends the peoples welfare ; whosoever then to wards his prince is pious , hath regard unto the pecples welfare : shall the blood of this base fellow be so highly prizd , that for anxietie by day nor night you can repose ? release us of this feare , of shame , your scepter , and of waste , your city , of rapine , armes , and all of civill warre ? 't is fit by an example new and great , you should ordein that kingdomes to all men be sacred and inviolably stand ; he has committed an ungracious act , and by that let him perish ; if no crime he has committed let him seeke for me● : give to your queene her enemy , your queene if you neglect , yet as a king and father your promise to your daughter see performd . her. that promise to performe with my best faith i am determind , but if my advice , the ●i●le doe aske more wisely shee will wish . qu. but if shee aske my counsell , yours my lord she may not change or take . her. is 't even so ? should i so unadvised have made a vow ? thus to a foolish girle my faith obligd ? and thus committed to a womans ha●ds my kingdome , safety , treasure , life , and death ? qu. kings promises let certaine truth confirme . her. well . fith i may not , what i may deny againe i doe admonish and intreat ; let not wrath urge you to a bloudy act , unworthy of your dignity and sex . qu. grant this , and leave all other things to us . her. if of the prophet you determi●e ought more rigourous , the perill , blame , and shame is only yours . qu. now shall we vindicate our royall dignity in future times to be of none derided , now i 'l force the flubborne people to speake well of kings or learne it to their grief , and make them hold that all their kings commands they gladly must beare and obey though never so unjust . chorus . cho. o thou great city where king david reign'd , you towers of wealthy salomon and salem , from whence against thy prophets doth arise a rage so terrible , and cruell thrist of blood so innocent ? unhappy thou , whom it becomes to be a pattern , rule , or helme of pi●ty , art now become the only mirror of a wicked life : slaughter with violence , fraud , theft and rapine , are thy chiefe exercise , no godly zeale perswades the churchman to restraine his hands from horrible deceits , the people now forsake the lord , that all things did create , and worship idols for god , stone and wood , with calves and lambes their altars are still hot , and images the workman doth adore , which hee himself hath wrought , life he requires of a meere stock , and eloquence he craves of a dumb stone , the rich intereats the poore , the lo●●● the servant , ancient rites are lost ; the guiltlesse prophets blood brings thee perforce to the tribunall of the greatest iudge , the poore exclaime and widowes fill the ayre with their complaints , for which the fearfull paine of just revenge attends the● , unlesses ● be in my divination much de●eiv'd , for he● that throwes down insolence and pride , ( being the 〈◊〉 of neaven , earth and seas ) views from above th'oppressed peoples teares , their heav●e prayers never doth forget , and speedily with a 〈◊〉 arme , will punish thy unspeak●ble misdeeds : and over 〈◊〉 thy towers , where with thou swelst in silent victor-like , the barbarous foe , shall all thy buildings , farmes and lands possesse ; the v●neyard keeper shall repaire his fruit to am out 〈◊〉 master ; and where now salomons temple high towards heaven do th●ise , ● foraign ru●tick shall his harvest make : o therefore , while gods favour to rep●●● affords thee respit of thy ill pa●t life the sinnes 〈…〉 a move those fruitlesse images of foreigne rites : cu●b thy proph●●e desire of wretched wealth , and greedy thirsting for thy brot●●rs blood ; but thou wilt not repent thy ill past lif● , 〈…〉 rites amove , nor shun the greedy thirst of brothers blood , not one profane desire of wretched wealth : a vicious p●ague shall therefore fe●se on thee : famine and warre , with barrennesse 〈◊〉 want , shall over whelm thee , no● to be withstood ; till thou be quitted with dese●●ed blood . nuncius , cho●●s . nun. where may i finde ( o who will tell me where ? ) the prophets followers , that i may relate my heavy tydings . ch● . stay your pace a while , 〈…〉 in briefe , for what you beare i gladly would pertake . nun. o but to know , what you to know desire , 't will not delight you . cho. yet your short abode think not too long , how ere the master stands . nun. know you what boone the daughter of our king hath beg'd of him . cho. to have the prophets head given her in a charger . nun. and his head , even so shee hath obtaind . cho. o horrible and most inhumane act ; that heavenly vigour and comly countenance by rigorous death is utterly decayed , and cruell force with ever during silence hath shut up those lips that did abound with sacred vertue . nun. why weepe you ? cease to poure out vaine complaints . cho. when things to be bewaild i see and heare , why should i not bewaile them ? nun. if death be to be bewaild , let us bewaile the dead , whose hopes doe with their bodyes lye interrd ; who doe not thinke , their short sleep being done , their bones must rise again , and there remaines another life , let wretched men bewaile those that are dead , and only wretched liv'd ; none can be made by fortune miserable , though the like and of mortall life betide the innocent and guilty , good and bad , no man shall die ill , that hath lived well : if by the severall manners of their ends you judge men miserable , you will thinke so many holy fathers to be such , who dyed by fire , or water , sword or crosse , for him that dyed defender of the truth , both for religion and his countrey lawes , in all good things pursuing wee should pray , and wish to have like end or funerall day . cho. verily you have uttered nought amisse , but we whom errors and opinion draw , foolish by flying death with death doe meet , the water drowning whom the fire hath spard ; and by the power of contagious ayre , others are killd that have escap'd the sea , and some , that in the battell have surviv'd , with sicknesse pyning die ; god doth ordeine wee may deferre , but not our deaths eschew ; and daily wee delay our houres of death , yet with diseases , danger , troubles , griefe : long life is nothing , but a brittle chaine of diuturnall evill , which is knit with a contiuall course , and speedy race , even to the bounds of death : not doe wee hold , ( bound with this bond ) our selves to bee inthral'd in misery , but feare the fatall knife , with deeper horror then a servile life . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text known defects for a .xml defect summary missing or defective tokens duplicate missing known defects on page a - -a incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : ●● known defects on page a - -a incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : lawe● incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : w●●h incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : t●is incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : h●pe incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : ●efresht incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : pa●entage incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : poss●st incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : pr●vaile incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : ma●ch incomplete or missing word on 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page -a, word : no● incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : dese●●ed incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : cho●●s incomplete or missing word on page -a, word : ch● the ivdgement of martin bucer concerning divorce written to edward the sixt, in his second book of the kingdom of christ, and now englisht : wherein a late book restoring the doctrine and discipline of divorce is heer confirm'd and justify'd by the authoritie of martin bucer to the parlament of england. de regno christi. de coniugio & divortio. english bucer, martin, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing b ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) the ivdgement of martin bucer concerning divorce written to edward the sixt, in his second book of the kingdom of christ, and now englisht : wherein a late book restoring the doctrine and discipline of divorce is heer confirm'd and justify'd by the authoritie of martin bucer to the parlament of england. de regno christi. de coniugio & divortio. english bucer, martin, - . milton, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by matthew simmons, london : . translated by john milton. cf. blc. the st anonymous edition of the "late book" mentioned in the title, milton's doctrine and discipline of divorce, was published in , the second edition in . "to the partlament," th- th prelim. p. signed: john milton. "a post-script": p. appended. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng milton, john, - . -- doctrine and discipline of divorce. divorce. marriage -- early works to . a r (wing b ). civilwar no the iudgement of martin bucer, concerning divorce. writt'n to edward the sixt, in his second book of the kingdom of christ. and now englisht bucer, martin d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ivdgement of martin bucer , concerning divorce . writt'n to edward the sixt , in his second book of the kingdom of christ . and now englisht . wherin a late book restoring the doctrine and discipline of divorce , is heer confirm'd and justify'd by the authoritie of martin bucer . to the parlament of england . john . . art thou a teacher of israel , and know'st not these things ? publisht by authoritie . london , printed by matthew simmons , . testimonies of the high approbation which learned men have given of martin bucer . simon grynaeus , . among all the germans , i give the palm to bucer for excellence in the scriptures , melanchton in human learning is wondrous fluent ; but greater knowledge in the scripture i attribute to bucer , and speak it unfainedly . iohn calvin , . martin bucer a most faithfull doctor of the church of christ , besides his rare learning & copious knowledge of many things , besides his cleernes of wit , much reading , and other many and various vertues , wherein he is almost by none now living excell'd , hath few equalls , and excells most , hath this praise peculiar to himself , that none in this age ha●h us'd exacter diligence in the exposition of scripture . and a little beneath . bucer is more large then to be read by over-busied men , and too high to be easily understood by unattentive men , and of a low capacitie . sir iohn cheek , tutor to k. edw. the sixth . . wee have lost our master , then whom the world scarce held a greater , whether we consider his knowledge of true religion , or his integrity and innocence of life , or his incessant study of holy things , or his matchless labour of promoting piety , or his authority and amplitude of teaching , or whatever els was praise-worthy and glorious in him . script . anglicana , pag. . iohn sturmius of strasborrow . no man can be ignorant what a great and constant opinion and estimation of bucer there is in italy , france , and england . whence the saying of quintilian hath oft come to my minde , that he hath well profited in eloquence whom cicero pleases . the same ●ay i of bucer , that he hath made no small progress in divinitie , whom bucer pleases ; for in his volumes , which he wrote very many , there is the plain impression to be discern'd of many great vertues , of diligence , of charitie , of truth , of acutenes , of judgment , of learning . wherin he hath a certain prop●r kind of writing , wherby he doth not only teach the reader , but affects him with the sweetness of his sentences , and with the manner of his arguing , which is so teaching , and so logical , that it may be perceiv'd how learnedly he separates probable reasons from necessary , how forcibly he confirms what he has to prove , how suttly he refutes , not with sharpnes , but with truth . theodore beza on the portraiture of m. bucer . this is that countnance of bucer , the mirror of mildnes , temper'd with gravitie ; to whom the c●tie of strasburgh owes the reformation of her church . whose singular learning , and eminent zeal , joyn'd with excellent wisdom , both his learned books , and public disputations in the general diets of the empire , shall witness to all ages . him the german persecution drove into england ; where honourably entertain'd by edward the sixt , he was for two years chief professor of divinity in cambridge , with greatest frequency and applause of all learned and pious men untill his death . . bezae icones . mr fox book of martyrs , vol. . p. . bucer what by writing , but chiefly by reading and preaching openly , wherin being painfull in the word of god , he never spar'd himself , nor regarded his health , brought all men into such an admiration of him , that neither his friends could sufficiently praise him , nor his enemies in any point find fault with his singular life , & sincere doctrine . a most certain tok'n wherof may be his sumptuous burial at cambridge , solemniz d with so great an assistance of all the universitie , that it was not possible to devise more to the setting out and amplifying of the same . dr pern the popish vicechancelour of cambridge his adversary . cardinal pool about the fourth year of queen mary , intending to reduce the universitié of cambridge to popery again , thought no way so effectuall , as to cause the bones of martin bucer and paulus fagius , which had been foure years in the grave , to be tak'n up and burnt openly with thir books , as knowing that those two worthy men had bin of greatest moment to the reformation of that place from popery , and had left such powerfull seeds of thir doctrine behind them , as would never die , unless the men themselvs were diggd up , and openly condemn'd for heretics by the universitie it self . this was put in execution , and doctor pern vicechancelor appointed to preach against bucer . who among other things laid to his charge the opinions which he held of the marriage of priests , of divorcement , and of usury . but immediatly after his sermon , or somwhat before , as the book of martyrs for a truth relates , vol. . p. . the said doctor pern smiting himself on the breast , and in manner weeping , wisht with all his heart , that god would grant his soul might then presently depart , and remain with bucers ; for he knew his life was such , that if any mans soul were worthy of heaven , he thought bucers in special , to be most worthy , histor. de combust . buceri , & fagii . acworth the vniversitie orator . soon after , that queen elizabeth came to the crown , this condemnation of bucer and fagius by the cardinal and his doctors , was solemnly repeal'd by the universitie ; and the memory of those two famous men celebrated in an oration by acworth the universitie orator , which is yet extant in the book of mattyrs , vol. . p. . and in latin . scripta anglic. p. . nicolas carre , a learned man , walter haddon maister of the requests to queen elizabeth , matthew parker , afterwards primate of england , with other eminent men , in their funeral orations and sermons expresse abundantly how great a man martin bucer was , what an incredible losse england sustain'd in his death ; and that with him dy'd the hope of a perfet reformation for that age . ibid. iacobus verheiden of grave , in his elogies of famous divines . though the name of martin luther be famous , yet thou martin bucer , for piety , learning , labour , care , vigilance , and writing , art not to be held inferior to luther . bucer was a singular instrument of god , so was luther . by the death of this most learned and most faithfull man , the church of christ sustaind a heavy losse ; as calvin witnesteth ; and they who are studious of calvin , are not ignorant how much he ascribes to bucer ; for thus he writes in a letter to viretus : what a manifold losse be●ell the church of god in the death o●bucer , as oft as i call to minde , i feel my heart almost rent asunder . peter martyr epist. to conradus hubertus . he is dead , who hath overcome in many battells of the lord . god lent us for a time this our father , and our teacher , never enough prais'd . death hath divided me from a most unanimous friend , one truly according to mine own heart . my minde is over-prest with grief , in so much that i have not power to write more . i bid thee in christ farewell , and wish thou maist be able to beare the losse of bucer , better then i can beare it . testimonies giv'n by learned men to paulus fagius , who held the same opinion with martin bucer concerning divorce . paulus fagius born in the palatinate , became most skilfull in the hebrew tongue . beeing call'd to the ministery at isna , he publisht many ancient and profitable hebrew books , being aided in the expenses by a senator of that citie , as origen somtime was by a certain rich man call'd ambrosius . at length invited to strasburgh , he there famously discharg'd the office of a teacher ; until the same persecution drove him and bucer into england , where he was preferr'd to a professors place in cambridge , and soon after died . melchior adamus writes his life among the famous german divines . sleidan and thuanus mention him with honour in their history . and verheiden in his elogies . to the parlament . the book which among other great and high points of reformation , contains as a principall part thereof , this treatise here presented , supreme court of parlament , was by the famous author martin bucer , dedicated to edward the sixt : whose incomparable youth doubtless had brought forth to the church of england such a glorious manbood , bad his life reacht it , as would have left in the affairs of religion , nothing without an excellent pattern for us now to follow . but since the secret purpose of divine appointment hath reserv'd no lesse perhaps then the just half of such a sacred work to be accomplisht in this age , and principally , as we trust , by your succesful wisdom and authority , religious lords and commons , what wonder if i seek no other , to whose exactest judgement , and revieu i may commend these last and worthiest labours of this renowned teacher : whom living , all the pious nobility of those reforming times , your truest and best imitated ancestors , reverenc't and admir'd . nor was be wanting to a recompence as great as was himself ; when both at many times before , and especially among his last sighs and prayers testifying his dear and fatherly affection to the church and realm of england , he sincerely wisht in the hearing of many devout men , that what he had in this his last book written to king edward concerning discipline , might have place in this kingdom . his hope was then that no calamity , no confusion , or deformity would happen to the common-wealth ; but otherwise he fear'd , lest in the midst of all this ardency to know god , yet by the neglect of discipline , our good endeavours would not succeed . these remarkable words of so godly and so eminent a man at his death , as they are related by a sufficient and well known witnes , who heard them and inserted by thuanus into his grave and serious history , so ought they to be chiesly consider'd by that nation for whose sake they were utter'd , and more especially by that general counsel which represents the body of that nation . if therfore the book , or this part therof , for necessary causes , be now reviv'd and recommended to the use of this undisciplin'd age , it hence appears that these reasons have not err'd in the choyee of a fit patronage , for a discourse of such importance . but why the whole tractat is not beer brought entire , but this matter of divorcement selected in particular , to prevent the full speed of some mis-interpreter , i hasten to disclose . first , it will be soon manifest to them who know what wise men should know , that the constitution and reformation of a common-wealth , if ezra and nehemiah did not mis-reform , is , like a building , to begin ord●rly from the foundation therof , which is mariage and the family , to set right fi●st what ever is amisse therein . how can there els grow up a race of warrantable men , while the house and home that breeds them , is troubl'd and disquieted under a bondage not of gods constraining with a natureles conste●int ( if his most righte●us judgements may be our rule ) but laid upon us impe●iously in the worst and weakest ages of knowledge , by a canonicall tyranny of stupid and malicious monks : who having rashly vow'd themselves to a single life , which they could not undergoe , invented new fetters to throw on matrimony , that the world thereby waxing more dissolute , they also in a general loosnes might sin with more favor . next , there being yet among many , such a strange iniquity and perversnes against all necessary divorce , while they will needs expound the words of our saviour not duly by comparing other places , as they must doe in the resolving of a hunder'd other scriptures , but by persisting deafely in the abrupt and papistical way● of a literal apprehension against the direct analogy of sense , reason , law and gospel , it therfore may well seem more then time to apply the sound and holy persuasions of this apostolic man , to that part in us , which is not yet fully dispossest of an error as absurd , as most that we deplove in our blindest adversaries ; and to let his autority and unanswerable reasons be vulgarly known , that either his name , or the force of his doctrine may work a wholsom effect . lastly , i find it cleer to be the authors intention that this point of divorcement should be ●eld and receav'd as a most necessary and prime part of discipline in every christian government . and therfore having reduc't his model of reformation to . heads , he bestows almost as much time about this one point of divorce , as about all the rest ; which also was the judgement of his heirs and learned friends in germany , best acquainted with his meaning ; who first publishing this his book by oporinus at basil ( a citie for learning and constancie in the the true faith , honorable among the first ) added a special note in the title , that there the reader should finde the doctrine of divorce handl'd so solidly , and so fully , as scars the like in any writer of that age : and with this particular commendation they doubted not to dedicate the book , as a most profitable & exquisit discours , to christian the d , a worthy & pious king of denmark , as the author himself had done before to our edward the sixt . yet did not bucer in that volume only declare what his constant opinion was herein , but also in his comment upon matthew , written at strasburgh divers years before , he treats distinctly and copiously the same argument in three severall places ; touches it also upon the . to the romans , & promises the same solution more largely upon the . to the corintbians , omitting no occasion to weed out this last and deepest mischief of the canon law sown into the opinions of modern men against the lawes and practice both of gods chosen people , and the best primitive times . wheri● his faithfulnes and powerful evidence prevail'd so farre with all the church of strasburgh , that they publisht this doctrine of divorce , as an article of their confession , after they had taught so eight and twenty years , through all those times , when that citie flourisht , and excell'd most , both in religion , lerning , and good government , under those first restorers of the gospel there , zellius , hedio , capito , fagius , and those who incomparably then govern'd the common-wealth , farrerus and sturmius . if therefore god in the former age found out a servant , and by whom he had converted and reform'd many a citie , by him thought good to restore the most needfull doctrine of divorce from rigorous and harmfull mistakes on the right hand , it can be no strange thing if in this age be stirre up by whatsoever means whom it pleases him , to take in hand & maintain the same assertion . certainly if it be in mans discerning to sever providence from chance , i could allege many instances , wherin there would appear cause to esteem of me no other then a passive instrument under some power and counsel higher and better then can be human , working to a general good in the whole cours of this matter . for that i ow no light , or leading receav'd from anyman in the discovery of this truth , what time i first undertook it in the doctrine and discipline of divorce , and had only the infallible grounds of scripture to be my guide , he who tries the inmost heart , and saw with what severe industry and examination of my self , i set down ever● period , will be my witnes , when i had almost finisht the first edition , i chanc't to read in the notes of h●go grotius upon the . o● matth. whom i strait understood inclining to reasonable terms in this controversie : and somthing be whisper'd rather then disputed about the law of charity , and the true end of wedlock , glad therfore of such an able assistant , how ever at much distance , i resolv'd at length to put off into this wild and calumnious world . for god , it seems , intended to prove me , whether i durst alone take up a rightful cause against a world of disesteem , & found i durst . my name i did not publish , as not willing it should sway the reader either for me or against me . but when i was told , that the stile , which what it ailes to be so soon distinguishable , i cannot tell , was known by most men , and that some of the clergie began to inveigh and exclaim on what i was credibly inform'd they had not read , i took it then for my proper season both to shew them a name that could easily contemn such as indiscreet kind of censure , and to reinforce the question with a more accurat diligence : that if any of them would be so good as to leav rayling , and to let us hear so much of his lerning and christian wisdom , as will be strictly demanded of him in his answering to this probl●me , care was had he should not spend his prep●rations against 〈◊〉 pamphlet . by this time i had l●rnt that paulus fagius , one of the chief divines in germany , sent for by frederic the pa●tine , to reforme his dominion ; and after that invited hither in king edwards dayes to be professor of divinity in cambridge , was of the same opinion touching divorce , which these men so lavishly traduc't in me . what i found , i inserted where fittest place was , thinking sure they would respect so g●ave an author , at lest to the moderating of their odious inferences . and having now perfected a second edition , i referr'd the judging therof to your high and impartial sentence , honour'd lords and commons . for i was confident , if any thing generous , any thing noble , and above the multitude , were left yet in the spirit of england , it could be no where sooner found , and no where sooner understood , then in that house of justice and true liberty where ye sit in c●unsel . nor doth the event hitherto , for some reasons which i shall not ●eer deliver , faile me of what i conceiv'd so highly . nevertheless being farre otherwise dealt with by some , of whose profession and supposed knowledge i had better hope , and esteem'd the deviser of a new and pernicious paradox , i felt no difference within me from that peace & firmnes of minde , which is of neerest kin to patience and contentment : both for that i knew i had divulg'd a truth linkt inseparably with the most fundamental rules of christianity , to stand or fall together , and was not un-inform'd that divers lerned and judicious men testify'd their d●ily approbation of the book . yet at length it hath pleas'd god , who had already giv'n me satisfaction in my self , to afford me now a means wherby i may be fully justify'd also in the eyes of men . when the book had bin now the second time set forth wel-nigh three months , as i best remember , i then first came to hear that martin bucer had writt'n much concerning divorce : whom earnestly turning over , i soon p●rceav'd , but not without amazement , in the same opinion , confirm'd with the same reasons which in that publisht book without the help or imitation of any precedent writer , i had labour'd out , and laid together . not but that there is some difference in the handling , in the order , and the number of arguments , but still agreeing in the same conclusion . so as i may justly gra●ulat mine own mind , with due acknowledgement of assistance from above , which led me , not as a lerner , but as a collateral teacher , to a sympathy of judgement with no lesse am in then martin bucer . and he , if our things heer below arrive him where he is , does not rep●nt him to see that point of knowledge which he first , and with an unche●t freedom preacht to those more knowing times of england , now found so necessary , though what he admonisht were lost out of our memory , yet that god doth now again create the same doctrin in another un● table , and raises it up immediatly out of his pure oracle to the convincement of 〈◊〉 p●rvers age , eager in the reformation of names and ceremonies , but i● real●ies as traditional and as ignorant as their forefathers . i would ask now the foremost of my profound accusers , whether they dare affirm that to be lic●ntious , new and dangerous , which martin bucer so often , and so urgently avoucht to be most lawfull , most necessary , and most christian , without the lest blemish to his good name , among all the worthy men of that age , and since , who testifie so highly of him ? if they dare , they must then set up an arrogance of their own against all those churches and saints who honour'd him without this exception : if they dare not , how can they now make that licentious doctrin in another , which was never blam'd , or confuted in bucer , or in fagius ? the truth is , there will be due to them for this their unadvised rashnes , the best donative that can be giv'n them , i mean , a round reproof ; now that where they thought to be most magisterial , they have display'd their own want , both of reading , and of judgement . first , to be so unacquainted in the writings of bucer , which are so obvious and so usefull in their own faculty ; next , to be so caught in a prejudicating weaknes , as to condemn that for lewd , which ( whether they knew or not ) these elect servants of christ commended for lawfull ; and for new , that which was taught by these almost the first and greatest authors of reformation , who were never taxt for so teaching ; and dedicated without scruple to a royall pair of the first reforming kings in christendom , and confest in the public confession of a most orthodoxall church & state in germany . this is also another fault which i must tell them ; that they have stood now almost this whole year clamouring a farre off , while the book hath bin twice printed , twice bought up , & never once vouchs● a friendly conference with the author , who would be glad and thankfull to be sh●wn an error , either by privat dispute , or public answer , and could retract , as well as wise men before him ; might also be worth the gaining , as one who heertofore , hath done good service to the church by their own confession . or if he be obstinat , their confutation would have render'd him without excuse , and reclam'd others of no mean parts who incline to his opinion . but now their work is more then doubl'd ; and how they will hold up their heads against the sudden aspect of these two great and reverend s●ints whom they have defam'd , how they will make good the censuring of that for a novelty of licence , which bucer constantly taught to be a pure and holy law of christs kingdom , let them advise . for against these my adversaries , who before the examining of a propounded truth in a fit time of reformation , have had the conscience to oppose ●ght 〈◊〉 but their blind reproaches and surmises , that a single innocence might not be oppr●st and overborn by a c●ow of mouths for the restoring of a law and doctrin falsely and unlernedly reputed new and scandalous , god , that i may ever magnifie and record this his goodnes , hath unexpectedly rais'd up as it were from the dead , more then one famous light of the first reformation to bear witne● with me , and to d●e me honour in that very thing , wherin these men thought to have blotted me : and hath giv'n them the proof of a capacity which they despis'd , running equal , and authentic with some of thir chiefest masters unthought of , and in a point of sagest moment . however , if we know at all , when to ascribe the occurrences of this life to the work of a special providence , as nothing is more usual in the talk of good men , what can be more like to a special providence of god , then in the first reformation of england , that this question of divorce , as a main thing to be restor'd to just freedom , was writt'n , and seriously c●mmended to edward the sixt , by a man call'd from another countrey to be the instructer of our nation , and now in this pres●nt renewing of the church and common-wealth , which we pray may be more lasting , that the same question should be again treated and presented to this parlament , by one enabl'd to use the same reasons without the lest sight or knowledge of what was done before . it were no trespas , lords and commons , though something of lesse note were attributed to the ordering of a heavnly power ; this question therfore of such prime concernment both to christian and civil welfare , in such an extraordinary manner , not recover'd , but plainly twise born to these latter ages , as from a divine hand i tender to your acceptance , and most considerate thoughts . think not that god rais'd up in vain a man of greatest a●ority in the church to tell a trivial and licentious tale in the eares of that good prince , and to bequeath it as his last will and testament , nay rather as the testamont and royall law of christ to this nation , or that it should of it self after so many yeares , as it were in a new feild where it was never sow'n , grow up again as a vitious plant in the minde of another , who had spoke honestest things to the nation ; though he knew not that what his youth then reason'd without a pattern , had bin heard already , and well allow'd from the gravity and worth of martin bucer : till meeting with the envy of men ignorant in thir own undertak'n calling , god directed him to the forgott'n writings of this faithfull evangelist , to be his defence and warrant against the gross imputation of broaching licence . ye are now in the glorious way to high vertu , and matchless deeds , trusted with a most inestimable trust , the asserting of our just liberties . ye have a nation that expects now , and from mighty suffrings aspires to be the example of all christendom to a perfetest reforming . dare to be as great , as ample , and as eminent in the fair progress of your noble designes , as the full and goodly stature of truth and excellence it self : as unlimited by petty presidents and copies , as your unquestionable calling from heaven giv● ye power to be . what are all our public immunities and privileges worth , and how shall it be judg'd that we sight for them with minds worthy to enjoy them , if wee suffer our selvs in the mean while not to understand the most important freedom that god and nature hath givn us in the family ; which no wise nation ever wanted , till the popery and superstition of some former ages attempted to remove and alter divine and most prudent laws for human and most imprudent canons ; whereby good men in the best portion of t●ir lives , and in that ordinance of god which entitles them from the beginning to most just and requisite contentments , are compell'd to civil indignities , which by the law of moses bad men were not compell'd to . be not bound about , and straitn'd in the spatious wisdom of your free spirits , by the scanty and unadequat and inconsistent principles of such as condemn others for adhering to traditions , and are themselvs the prostrate worshippers of custom ; and of such a tradition as they can deduce from no antiquitie , but from the rud●st , and thick●st barbarism of antichristian times . but why doe i anticipate the more acceptable , and prevailing voice of lerned bucer himself , the pastor of nations ? and o that i could set him living before ye in that doctoral chair , where once the lernedest of england thought it no disparagement to sit at his feet ▪ he would be such a pilot , and such a father to ye , as ye would soon find the difference of his hand and skill upon the helm of reformation . nor doe i forget that faithfull associate of his labours , paulus fagius ; for these thir great names and merits , how pretious so ever , god hath now joyn'd with me necessarily , in the good or evil report of this doctrin which i leav with you . it was writt'n to a religious king of this land ; writt'n earnestly , as a main matter wher in this kingdom needed a reform , if it purpos'd to be the kingdom of christ : writt'n by him who if any since the d●ies of luther , merits to be counted the apostle of our church ; whose unw●aried pains and watching for our sakes , as they spent him quickly heer among us , so did they , during the shortnes of his life , incredibly promote the gospel throughout this realm . the autority , the lerning , the godlines of this man consulted with , is able to out-ballance all that the lightnes of a vulgar opposition can being to counterpoise . i leav him also as my complete suretie and testimonial , if truth be not the best witnes to it self , that what i formerly presented to your reading on this subject , was good , and just , and honest , not licentious . not that i have now more confidence by the addition of these great authors to my party ; for what i wrote was not my opinion , but my knowledge ; evn then when i could trace no footstep in the way i went : nor that i think to win upon your apprehensions with numbers and with names , rather then wi●h reasons , yet certainly the worst of my d●tracters will not except against so good a baile of my integritie and judgement , as now appeares for me . they must els put in the fame of bucer and of fagins , as my accomplices and confederats into the same endightment ; they must dig up the good name of these prime worthies ( if thir names could be ever buried ) they must dig them up and brand them as the papists did thir bodies ; and those thir pure unblamable spirits , which live not only in heaven , but in thir writings , they must attaint with new attaintures which no protestant ever before aspers't them with . or if perhaps wee may obtain to get our appeachment new drawn a writ of error , not of libertinism , that those two principal leaders of reformation may not come now to be su'd in a bill of licence , to the scandal of , our church , the brief result will be , that for the error , if thir own works be not thought sufficient to defend them , there livs yet who will be ready , in a fair and christianly discussive way , to debate and sift this matter to the utmost ounce of lerning and religion , in him that shall lay it as an error , either upon martin bueer , or any other of his opinion . if this be not anough to qualifie my traducers , and that they think it more for the wisdom of thir virulence , not to recant the injuries they have bespoke me , i shall not for much more disturbance then they can bring me , intermitt the prosecution of those thoughts which may render me best serviceable , either to this age , or if it so happ'n , to posteritie ; following the fair path which your illustrious exploits , honourd lords and commons , against the brest of tyrany have open'd ; and depending so on your happy successes in the hopes that i have conceiv'd either of my self , or of the nation , as must needs conclude me one who most affectionately wishes and awaits the prosperous issue of your noble and valorous counsels . john milton . the judgement of martin bucer touching divorce . taken out of the second book entitl'd of the kingdom of christ writt'n by martin bucer to edward the th k. of england . chapter xv . the th law of the sanctifying and ordering of mariage . besides these things , christ our king , and his churches require from your sacred majesty , that you would take upon you the just care of mariages . for it is unspeakable , how many good consciences are heerby entangl'd , af●licted , and in danger , because there are no just laws , no speedy way constituted , according to gods word , touching this holy society and fountain of mankind . for seeing matrimony is a civil thing , men , that they may rightly contract , inviolably keep , and not without extreme necessitie dissolv mariage , are not only to be taught by the doctrine and discipline of the church , but also are to be acquitted , aided , and compell'd by laws and judicature of the common-wealth . which thing pious emperours acknowledgeing , and therin framing themselvs to the law of nations , gave laws both of contracting and preserving , and also where an unhappy need requir'd , of divorcing mariages . as may be seen in the code of justinian the book , from the beginning through titles . and in the authentic of justinian the , and some others . but the antichrists of rome , to get the imperial power into thir own hands , first by fraud●lent persuasion , afterwards by force drew to themselvs the whole autority of determining and judging as well in mat●imonial causes , as in most other matters . therfore it hath bin long beleiv'd , that the care and government therof doth not belong to the civil magistrate . yet where the gospel of christ is receav'd , the laws of antichrist should be rejected . if therfore kings and governours take not this care , by the power of law and justice to provide that mariages be piously contracted , religiously kept , and lawfully dissolv'd , if need require , who sees not what confusion and trouble is brought upon this holy society ; and what a rack is prepar'd , evn for many of the best consciences , while they have no certain laws to follow , no justice to implore , if any intolerable thing happen . and how much it concerns the honour and safety of the common-wealth , that mariages , according to the will of christ , be made , maintain'd , and not without just cause dissolv'd , who understands not ? for unlesse that first and holi●st society of man and woman be purely constituted , that houshold discipline may be upheld by them according to gods law , how can wee expect a race of good men . let your majesty therfore know that this is your duty , and in the first place , to reassume to your self the just ordering of matrimony , and by firm laws to establish and defend the religion of this first and divine societie among men , as all wise law-givers of old , and christian emperours have carefully don . the two next chapters because they chiefly treat about the degrees of consanguinity and affinity i omit ; only setting down a passage or two concerning the judicial laws of moses , how fit they be for christians to imitate rather then any other . chap. xvii . toward the end . i confesse that wee beeing free in christ are not bound to the civil laws of moses in every circumstance , yet seeing no laws can be more honest , just , and wholsom , then those which god himself gave , who is eternal wisdom & goodnes , i see not why christians , in things which no lesse appertain to them , ought not to follow the laws of god , rather then of any men . wee are not to use circumcision , sacrifice , and those bodily washings prescrib'd to the jews ; yet by these things wee may rightly learn , with what purity and devotion both baptism and the lords supper should be administerd and receay'd . how much more is it our duty to observ diligently what the lord hath commanded , and taught by the examples of his people concerning mariage ; wherof wee have the use no lesse then they . and because this same worthy author hath another passage to this purpose in his comment upon matthew , chap. . . i heer insert it from p. . since wee have need of civil laws and the power of punishing , it will be wisest not to contemn those giv'n by moses ; but seriously rather to consider what the meaning of god was in them , what he cheifly requir'd , and how much it might be to the good of every nation , if they would borrow thence thir manner of governing the common-wealth ; yet freely all things and with the spirit of christ . for what solon , or plato , or aristotle , what lawyers or caesars could make better laws then god ? and it is no light argument , that many magistrates at this day doe not anough acknowledge the kingdom of christ , though they would seem most christian , in that they govern thir states by laws so divers from those of moses . the chap. i only mention as determining a thing not heer in question , that mariage without consent of parents ought not to be held good ; yet with this qualification fit to be known . that if parents admit not the honest desires of thir children , but shall persist to abuse the power they have over them , they are to be mollifi'd by admonitions , entreaties , and persuasions , first of thir freinds and kindred , next of the church elders . whom if still the hard parents refuse to hear , then ought the magistrate to interpose his power : left any by the evil minde of thir parents be detain'd from mariage longer then is meet , or fore't to an unworthy match : in which case the roman laws also provided . g●de nupt. l. . . . chap. xix . whether it may be permitted to revoke the promise of mariage . heer ariseth another question concerning contracts , when they ought to be unchangeable ; for religious emperours decre●'d that the contract was not indissoluble , until the spouse were brought home , and the solemnities perform'd . they thought it a thing unworthy of divine and human equitie , and the due consideration of mans infirmitie in deliberating and determining , when space is giv'n to renounce other contracts of much lesse moment , which are not yet confirm'd before the magistrate , to deny that to the most waighty contract of marriage , which requires the greatest care and consultation . yet left such a covenant should be brok'n for no just cause , and to the injury of that person to whom mariage was promis'd , they decreed a fine , that he who deni'd mariage to whom he had promis'd , and for some cause not approv'd by the judges , should pay the double of that pledge which was giv'n at making sure , or as much as the judge should pronounce might satisfie the dammage or the hinderance of either parsie . it beeing most certain that ofttimes after contract , just and honest causes of departing from promise , come to be known and found out , it cannot be other then the duty of pious princes , to give men the s●me liberty of unpromising in these cases , as pious emperours granted : especially where there is only a promise , and not carnal knowledge . and as there is no true mariage between them , who agree not in true consent of mind , so it will be the part of godly magistrates to procure that no matrimony be among thir subjects , but what is knit with love and consent . and though your majesty be not bound to th imperial laws , yet it is the duty of a christian king to embrace and follow what ever he knows to be anywhere piously and justly constituted , and to be honest , just and well-pleasing to his people . but why in gods law and the examples of his saints nothing heerof is read , no marvell , seeing his ancient people had power , yea a precept , that who so could not bend hismind to the true love of his wife , should give her a bill of divorce , and send her from him , though after carnal knowledge and long dwelling together . this is anough to authorize ag●dly prince in that indulgence which he gives to the changing of a contract ; both because it is certainly the inv●ntion of antichrist , that the pro●rise of mariage de praesenti as they call it , should be indissoluble , and because it should be a princes care that matrimony be so joyn'd , as god ordain'd ; which is , that every one should love his wife with such a love as adam exprest to eve : so , as wee may hope that they who marry may become one sl●sh , and one also in the lord . chap. xx . concerns only the celebration of mariage . chap. xxi . the means of preserving mariage holy and pure . now since there ought not to be lesse care that mariage be religiously kept , then that it be piously and deliberately contracted , it will be meet that to every church be ordan'd certain grave and godly men , who may have this care upon them , to observ whether the husband bear himself wisely toward the wife , loving , & inciting her to all piety and the other duties of this life ; and whether the wife be subject to her husband , and study to be truly a meet help to him , as first to all godlines , so to every other use of life . and if they shal find each to other failing of their duty , or the one long absent from the other without just and urgent cause , or giving suspicion of irreligious and impure life , or of living in manifest wickednes , let it be admonisht them in time . and if thir autority be contemn'd , let the names of such contemners be brought to the magistrate , who may use punishment to compell such violaters of mariage , to thir duty , that they may abstain from all probable suspicion of transgressing ; and if they admit of suspected company ; the magistrate is to forbid them ; whom they not therin oboying , are to be punisht as adulterers , according to the law of justinian , authont . for if holy wedlock the fountain and seminary of good subjects , be not vigilantly preserv'd from all blots and disturbances , what can be hop'd , as i said before , of the springing up of good men , and a right reformation of the common-wealth . we know it is not anough for christians to abstain from foul deeds , but from the appearance and suspicion therof . chap. xxii . of full divorce ▪ what the ancient churches have thought . now we shall speak about that dissolving of mutrimony which may be approv'd , in the sight of god , if any greevous necessity requite . in which thing the roman antichrists have knit many a pernicious entanglement to distrissed consuiences ; for that they might heer also exalt themselvs above god , as if they would be wiser and chaster then god himself is , for no cause , honest , or necessary , will they permit final divorce , in the 〈◊〉 while whordoms and adulteries , and wor● things then these , not duly tolerating in themselvs and others , but therishing , and throwing then headlong into these evils . for although , they also dis-joyn married persons from board and bed , that is , from all conjugall society and communion , and this not only for adultery , but for ill usage , and matrimoniall duties deni'd , yet they forbid thos● thus parted to joyn in wedlock with others , but , as i said before , any dishonest associating they permit . and they pronounce the bond of that 〈◊〉 to remain between those whom they have thus separat . as if the bond of mariage , god so teaching and pronouncing , were not such a league as bindee the maried couple to all society of life , and communion in divine & humane things ; and so associated keeps them . somthing indeed out of the latter fathers they may pretend for this thir tyranny , especially out of austine and some others , who were much taken wth a preposterous admiration of sing'e life ; yet though the● , fathers , from the words of christ not rightly understood , taught that it was unlawfull to marry again , while the former wife liv'd , whatever cause ther had bin either of desertion or divorce , yet if we mark the custom of the church , and the common judgement which ●oth in their times and afterward prevail'd , we shall perceave that neither these fathers did ever cast out of the church any one for marying after a divorce , approv'd by the imperiall laws . nor only the first christian emperours , but the lator also , ov'n to justinian , and after him , did grant for certain causes approv'd by judges , to make a true divorse ; which made and confirm'd by law , it might be lawfull to marry again : which if it could not have bin done without disple sing christ and his church , surely it would not have been granted by christian emperours , nor had the fathers then winkt at those doings in the emperours . hence ye may see that jerom also , though zealous of single life more then anough , and such a condemner of second mariage though after the death of either party , yet forc't by plain equity , desended . fabiola , a noble matron of rome , who having refus'd her husband for just causes , was married to another . for that the sending of a divorce to her husband was not blame-worthy , he affirms , because the man was hainously vitious , and that if an adulterous wife may be discarded , an adulterous husband is not to be kept . but that she maried again , while yet her husband was alive , he defends in that the apostle hath said , it is better to mary then to burn , and that young widows should mary , for such was fabiola , and could not remain in widowhood . but some one will object that jerom there addes , neither did she know the vigor of the gospel , wherein all cause of marying i● debarr'd from women , while thi● husbands live , and again , while she avoided many wounds of satan , she receav'd one ere she was aware . put let the equall reader minde also what went before ; because , saith he soon after the beginning , there is a rock and storm of slanderers oppos'd against her , i will not praise her converted , unlesse i first absolve her guilty . for why does he call them slanderers who accus'd fabiola of marying again , if he did not judge it a matter of christian equity and charity , to passe by and pardon that fact , though in his own opinion he held it a fault . and what can this mean ? i will not praise her , unlesse i first absolv her . for how could he absolv her but by proving that fabiola neither in rejecting her vitious husband , nor in marying another , had committed such a sin , as could be justly condem'd . nay , he proves both by evident reason , and cleer testimonies of scripture , that she avoided sin . this also is hence understood , that jerom by the vigor of the gospel , meant that height and perfection of our saviours precept , which might be remitted to those that burn ; for he addes , but if she be accus'd in that she remain'd not unmarried , i shall confesse the fault , so i may relate the necessity . if then he acknowledg'd a necessity , as he did , because she was young , and could not live in widowhood , certainly he could not impute her second mariage to her much blame : but when he excuses her out of the word of god , does he not openly declare his thoughts , that the second mariage of fabiola was permitted her by the holy ghost himself for the necessity which she suffer'd , and to shun the danger of fornication , though she went somwhat aside from the vigor of the gospel . but if any urge that fabiola did public penance for her second mariage , which was not impos'd but for great faults . t' is answer'd , she was not enjoyn'd to this pennance . but did it of her own accord , and not till after her second husbands death . as in the time of cyprian we read that many were wont to doe voluntary penance for small faults , which were not liable to excommunication . chap. xxiii . that mariage was granted by the ancient fathers , ev'n after the vow of single life . some will say perhaps , whersore all this concerning mariage after vow of single life , when as the question was of mariage after divorse ? for this reason , that they whom it so much moves , because some of the fathers thought mariage after any kind of divorce , to be condemn'd of our saviour , may see that this conclusion follows not . the fathers thought all mariage after divorce to be forbidd'n of our saviour , therfore they thought such mariage was not to be tolerated in a christian . for the same fathers judg'd it forbidd'n to marry after vow ; yet such mariages they neither dissolv'd nor excommunicated . for these words of our saviour , and of the holy ghost , stood in their way ; all cannot receav this saying , but they to whom it is giv'n . every one hath his proper gifs from god , one after this manner , another after that . it is better to marry then to burn . i will that younger widows marry , and the like . so there are many canons , and laws extant , wherby priests , if they maried , were remov'd from their office , yet is it not read that their mariage was dissolv'd , as the papists now-a-dayes doe , or that they were excommunicated , nay expressly they might communicate as lay men . if the consideration of human infirmitie , and those testimonies of divine scripture which grant mariage to every one that wants it , persuaded those fathers to bear themselvs so humanly toward them who had maried with breach of vow to god , as they beleev'd , and with divorce of that mariage wherin they were in a manner joyn'd to god ; who doubts , but that the same fathers held the like humanitie was to be afforded to those who after divorce & faith broken with men , as they thought , enter'd into second mariage : for among suchare also found no lesse weak , and no lesse burning . chap. xxiv . who of the ancient fathers have granted marriage after divorce . this is cleer both by what hath bin said , and by that which origen relates of certain bishops in his time , homil. . in matth. i know some , saith he , which are over churches , who without scripture have permitted the wife to mary while her former husband liv'd . and did this against scripture which saith , the wife is bound to her husband so long as he lives , and she shall be call●d an adulteresse , if , her husband living , she take another man , yet did they not permit this without cause , perhaps for the infirmitie of such as had not continence , they permitted evill to avoid worse . ye see origen and the doctors of his age , not without all cause , permitted women after divorce to marry , though their former husbands were living : yet writes that they permitted against scripture . but what cause could they have to doe so , unlesse they thought our saviour in his precepts of divorce , had so forbid'n , as willing to remit such perfection to his weaker ones , cast into danger of worse faults . the same thought leo , bishop of rome , ep. . to the african bishops of mauritania caesariensis , wherin cōplaining of a certain priest , who divorcing his wife , or being divorc't by her , as other copies have it , had maried another , neither dissolvs the matrimony , nor excommunicates him , only unpreists him . the fathers therfore as wee see , did not simple and wholly condemn mariage after divorce . but as t● me , this remi●ting of our saviours precepts , which these ancients allow to the 〈◊〉 in marrying after vow and divorce , i can in no ways admit ; for what so ever plunly consents not with the commandment , cannot , i am certain , be permitted , or suffer'd in any christian : for heav'n and earth shall p●sse away , but not a ●le from the commands of god among them who expect ●e eternal . let us therfore consi●er , and waigh the words of our lord concerning mariage , and divorce , which he pronounc't both by himself , and by his apostle , and let us compare them with other cracles of god ; for whatsoever is contrary to these , i shall not persuade the least tolerating therof . but if it can be taught to agree with the word of god , yea to be commanded that most men may have permission giv'n them to divorce and marry again , i must preferre the au●rity of gods word before the opinion of fathers and doctors , as they themselvs teach . chap. xxv . the words of our lord , a●d of the holy ghost by the apostle paul concerning divorce are explain'd . bvt the words of our lord and of the holy ghost , out of which austin , and some others of the fathers think it concluded that our saviour forbids ma●iage after any divorce are these , mat. . , . i● hath bin said &c. and mat. . . they say unto him , why did moses then command , &c. and mark the th , and luke the . rom. . , , . cor. . , . h●nce therfore they conclude that all mariage after divorce is call'd adultery ; which to commit beeing no ways to be tolerated in any christian , they think it follows that second ●ariage is in no case to be permitted either to the divorcer or to the divorsed . but that it may be more fully and plainly perceav'd , what force is in this kind of reasoning , it will be the best cours to lay down certain grounds wher of no christian can doubt the truth . first it is a wickednes to suspect that our saviour branded that for adultery , which himself in his own law , which he came to fulfill , and not to dissolv , did not only permit , but also command ; for by him the only mediator was the wh●le law of god giv'n . but that by this law of god mariage was permitted after any divorce is certain by deut. . . chap. xxvi . that god in his law did not only grant , but also command divorce to certain men . deul . . . when a man hath taken a wife , &c. but in mala. . , . is read the lords command to put her away whom a man hates , in these words . take heed to your spirit , and let none deal injuriously against the wife of his youth . if he hate , let him put away , saith the lord god of israel . and he shall hide thy violence with his garment , that maries her divorc't by thee , saith the lord of hosts ; but take heed to your spirit , and doe no injury . by these testimonies of the divine law , wee see that the lord did not only permit , but also expresly and earnestly commanded his people , by whom he would that all holiness and faith of mariage convant should be observ'd , that he who could not induce his minde to love his wife with a true conjugal love , might dismisse her that shee might marry to another . chap. xxvii . that what the lord permitted and commanded to his ancient people concerning divorce , belongs also to christians . now what the lord permitted to his first-borne people , that certainly he could not forbid to his own among the gentils , whom he made coheires and into one body with his people , nor could he ever permit , much lesse command ought that was not good for them , at least so us'd , as he commanded . for beeing god , he is not chang'd as man . which thing who seriously considers , how can he imagine that god would make that wicked to them that beleeve , and serv him under grace , which he granted and commanded to them that serv'd him under the law . when as the same causes require the same permission . and who that knows but humane matters , and loves the truth , will deny that many mariage● hang as ill together now , as ever they did among the jews ? so that such mariages are liker to torments then true mariages . as therfore the lord doth always fuctour and help the oppressed , so he would ever have it provided for injur'd husbands and wives , that under pretence of the mariage-bond , they be not sold to perpetual vexations , instead of the loving and comfortable mariage-duties . and lastly , as god doth always d●te 〈◊〉 , and fraud , so neither doth he approvo , that 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , that should be counted mariage , wherin none of those duties remain wherby the league of wedlock is chiefly preserv'd . what inconsiderat neglect then of gods law is this , that i may not call it worse , to hold that christ our lord would not grant the same remedies both of divorce and second mariage to the weak , or to the evil , if they will needs have it so , but especially to the innocent and wronged , when as the same urgent causes remain , as before , when the discipline of the church and magistrate hath tri'd what may be tri'd . chap. xxviii . that our lord christ intended not to make new laws of mariage and divorce , or of any civil matters . it is agreed by all who determine of the kingdom , and offices of christ by the holy scriptures , as all godly men ought to doe , that our saviour upon earth took not on him either to give new laws in civil affairs , or to change the old . but it is certain that matrimony and divorce are civil things . which the christian emperours knowing , gave conjugal laws ; and reserv'd the administration of them to thir own courts ; which no true ancient bishop ever condemn'd . our savour came to preach repentance , and remission ; seeing therfore those who put away thir wives without any just cause , were not toucht with conscience of the sin , through misunderstanding of the law , he recall'd them to a right interpretation , and taught that the woman in the beginning was so joyn'd to the man , that there should be a perpetual union both in body and spirit : where this is not , the matrimony is already broke , before there be yet any divorce made or second mariage . chap. xxix . that it is wicked to strain the words of christ beyond thir purpose . this is his third axiom , wherof there needs no explication heer . chap. xxx . that all places of scripture about the same thing are to be joyn'd , and compar'd , to avoid contradictions . this be demonstrates at large out of sundry places in the gospel ; and principally by that precept against swearing , which compar'd with many places of the law and prophets , is a flat contradiction of them all , if we follow superstitiously the letter . then having repeated briefly his fo●re axioms , he thus proceeds . these things thus preadmonisht , let us enquire what the undoubted meaning is of our saviours words ; and enquire according to the rule which is observ'd by all learned and good men in their expositions ; that praying first to god , who is the only opener of our hearts , wee may first with fear and reverence consider well the words of our saviour touching this question . next , that wee may compare them with all other places of scripture , treating of this matter , to see how they consent with our saviours words , and those of his apostle . chap. xxxi . this chapter disputes against austin and the papists , who deny second mariage , ev'n to them who divorce in case of adultery , which because it is not controverted among true protestants , but that the innocent person is easily allow'd to marry , i spare the translating . chap. xxxii . that a manifest adulteresse ought to be divorc't , and cannot lawfully be retain'd in mariage by any true christian . this though be prove sufficiently , yet i let passe , because this question was not hindl'd in the doctrine and discipline of divorce ; to which book i bring so much of this treatise as runs parallel . chapter xxxiii . that adultery is to be punisht by death . this chapter also i omitt for the reason last alleg'd . chap. xxxiv . that it is lawfull for a wife to leav an adulterer , and to marry another husband . this is generally granted , and therfore excuses me the writing out . chap. xxxv . places in the writings of the apostle paul touching divorce explain'd . let us consider the answers of the lord giv'n by the apostle severally . concerning the first which is rom. . . know yet not brethren , for i speak to them that know the law , &c. ver. . the woman is bound by the law to her husband so long as he liveth . heer it is certain that the holy ghost had no purpose to determine ought of mariage , or divorce , but only to bring an example from the common and ordinary law of wedlock , to shew that as no covnant holds either party beeing dead , so now that wee are not bound to the law , but to christ our lord , seeing that through him wee are dead to sin , and to the law ; and so joyn'd to christ that wee may bring forth fruit in him from a willing godlines , and not by the compulsion of law , wherby our sins are more excited , and become more violent . what therfore the holy spirit heer speaks of matrimony , cannot be extended beyond the general rule . besides it is manifest , that the apostle did allege the law of wedlock , as it was deliver'd to the jews ; for , saith he , i speak to them that know the law . they knew no law of god but that by moses , which plainly grants divorce for several reasons . it cannot therfore be said that the apostle cited this generall example out of the law , to abolish the several exceptions of that law , which god himself granted by giving autority to divorce . next when the apostle brings an example out of gods law concerning man and wife , it must be necessary that wee understand such for man and wife , as are so indeed according to the same law of god ; that is , who are so dispos'd as that they are both willing and able to perform the necessary duties of mariage ; not those who under a false title of mariage , keep themselves mutually bound to injuries and disgraces ; for such twain are nothing lesse then lawfull man and wife . the like answer is to be giv'n to all the other places both of the gospel and the apostle , that what ever exception may be prov'd out of gods law , be not excluded from those places . for the spirit of god doth not condemn things formerly granted , and allow'd , where there is like cause and reason . hence ambrose upon that place , cor. . . a brother or a sister is not under bondage in such cases ; thus expounds ; the reverence of mariage is not due to him who abhors the author of mariage ; nor is that mariage ratify'd which is without devotion to god : he sins not therfore who is put away for gods cause , though be joyn himself to another . for the dishonor of the creator dissolves the right of matrimonl to him who is deserted , that he be not accus'd , though marrying to another . the faith of wedlock is not to be kept with him who departs , that he might not hear the god of christians to be the author of wedlock . for if ezra caus'd the mis-beleeving wives and husbands to be divorc't , that god might be appeas'd , and not effended , though they took others of thir own faith , how much more shall it be free , if the mis-beleever depart to marry one of our own religion . for this is not to be counted matrimony which is against the law of god . two things are heer to be observ'd toward the following discourse , which truth it self , and the force of gods word hath drawn from this holy man . for those words are very large , matrimony is not ratify'd without devotion to god . and the dishonour of the creator dissolvs the right of matrimony . for devotion is farre off , and dishonor is done to god by all who persist in any wickednes and hainous crime . chap. xxxvi . that although it seem in the gospel , as if our saviour granted divorce only for adultery , yet in very deed he granted it for other causes also . now is to be dealt with this question , whether it be lawful to divorce and marry again for other causes besides adultery , since our saviour exprest that only . to this question , if we retain our principles already laid , and must acknowledge it to be a cursed blasphemy , if we say that the words of god doe contradict one another , of necessity we must confesse that our lord did grant divorce , and mariage after that for other causes besides adultery , notwithstanding what he said in matthew . for first , they who consider but only that place , cor. . which treats of beleevers and misbeleevers matcht together , must of force confesse , that our lord granted just divorce , and second mariage in the cause of desertion , which is other then the cause of fornication . and if there be one other cause found lawfull , then is it most true that divorce was granted not only for fornication . next , it cannot be doubted , as i shew'd before , by them to whom it is giv'n to know god and his judgements out of his own word , but that , what means of peace and safety god ever granted and ordain'd to his elected people , the same he grants and ordains to men of all ages who have equally need of the same remedies . and who , that is but a knowing man , dares say there be not husbands and wives now to be found in such a hardnesse of heart , that they will not perform either conjugal affection , or any requis●t duty therof , though it be most deserv'd at thir hands . neither can any one deferre to confesse , but that god whose property it is to judge the cause of them that suffer injury , hath provided for innocent and honest persons wedded , how they might free themselvs by lawfull means of divorce , from the bondage and iniquity of those who are falsly term'd thir husbands or thir wives . this is cleer out of deut , . . malach. . matth. . cor. . and out of those principles which the scripture every where teaches , that god changes not his minde , dissents not from himself , is no accepter of persons ; but allows the same remedies to all men opprest with the same necessities and infirmities ; yea , requires that wee should use them . this he will easily perceave , who considers these things in the spirit of the lord . lastly , it is most certain , that the lord hath commanded us to obey the civil laws every one of his own common-wealth , if they be not against the laws of god . chap. xxxvii . for what causes divorce is permitted by the civil law ex . consensu codic . de repudiis . it is also manifest that the law of theodosius and valentinian , which begins consensu , &c. touching divorce , and many other decrees of pious emperours agreeing heerwith , are not contrary to the word of god . and therfore may be recall'd into use by any christian prince or common-wealth , nay ought to be with due respect had to every nation . for whatsoever is equall and just , that in every thing is to be sought and us'd by christians . hence it is plain that divorce is granted by divine approbation , both to husbands and to wives , if either party can convict the other of these following offences before the magistrate . if the husband can prove the wife to be an adulteresse , a witch , a murdresse , to have bought or sold to slavery any one free born , to have violated sepulchers , committed sacrilege , favor'd theevs and robbers , desitous of feasting with strangers , the husband not knowing , or not willing , if she lodge forth without a just and probable cause , or frequant theaters and sights , he forbidding , if she be privie with those that plot against the state , or if she deal● falsly , or offer blows . and if the wife can prove her husband guilty of any those fore-named crimes , and frequent the company of lewd women in her sight ; or if he beat her , she had the like liberty to quit herselfe , with this difference , that the man after divorce might forthwith marry again ; the woman not till a year after , lest she might chance to have conceav'd . chap. xxxviii . an exposition of those places wherein god declares the nature of holy wedlock : now to the end it may be seen that this agrees with the divine law , the first institution of mariage is to be consider'd , and those texts in which god establisht the joyning of male and famale , and describ'd the duties of them both . when god had determin'd to make woman , and give her as a wife to man , he spake thus , gen. . . it is not good for man to be alone , i will make him a help meet for him . and adam said , but in the spirit of god , v. . . this is now bone of my bone , and slesh of my slesh . therfore shall a man leav his father and mother , and shall cl●av to his wise , and thy shall be one slesh . to this first institution did christ recall his own ; when answering the pharises , he condemn'd the licence of unlawfull divorce . he taught therfore by his example , that we , according to this first institution , and what god hath spok'n therof , ought to determin what kind of covnant mariage is , how to be kept , and how farre ; and lastly , for what cau●s to be dislolv'd . to which decrees of god these also are to be joyn'd , which the holy ghost hath taught by his apostle , that neither the husband nor the wife hath power of their own body , but mutually each of eithers . that the husband shall love the wife as his own body , yea as christ loves his church , and that the wife ought to be subject to her husband , as the church is to christ . by these things the nature of holy wedlock is certainly known ; whereof if only one be wanting in both or either party , and that either by obstinate malev●lence , or too deep inbred weak●es of minde , or lastly , through incurable impotence of body , it cannot then be said that the covnant of matrimony holds good between such ; if we mean that covnant which god instituted and call'd mariage , and that wherof only it must be understood that our saviour said , those whom god hath joyn'd , let no man separate . and hence is concluded , that matrimonv requires continuall cohabitation and living together , unlesse the calling of god be otherwise evident ; which union if the parties themselves dis-joyn either by mutuall consent , or one against the others will depart , the marriage is then brok'n . wherein the papists , as in other things oppose themselvs against god ; while they ●rate for many causes from bed and board , & yet will have the bond of matrimony remain , as if this covnant could be other then the conjunction and communion not only of bed & board , but of all other loving and helpfull duties . this we may see in these words ; i will make him a help meet for him ; bone of his bones , and flesh of his slesh ; for this cause shall he leav father and mother , and cleav to his wife , and they twain shall be one flesh . by which words who discerns not , that god requires of them both so to live together , and to be united not only in body but in mind also , with such an affection as none may be dearer and more ardent among all the relations of mankind , nor of more efficacy to the mutual offices of love , and loyalty . they must communicate and consent in all things both divine and human , which have any moment to well and happy living . the wife must honour and obey her husband , as the church honours and obeys christ her head . the husband must love and cherish his wife , as christ his church . thus they must be to each other , if they will be true man and wife in the sight of god , whom certainly the churches ought to follow in thir judgement . now the proper and ultimate end of mariage is not copulation , or children , for then there was not true matrimony between joseph and mary the mother of christ , nor between many holy persons more ; but the full and proper and main end of mariage , is the communicating of all duties , both divine and humane , each to other , with utmost benevolence and affection . chap. xxxix . the properties of a true and christian mariage , more distinctly repeated . by which definition wee may know that god esteems and reckons upon these foure necessary properties to be in every true mariage . . that they should live together , unlesse the calling of god require otherwise for a time . . that they should love one another to the height of dearnes , and that in the lord , and in the communion of true religion . . that the husband beare himself as the head and preserver of his wife , instructing her to all godlines and integritie of life ; that the wife also be to her husband a help , according to her place , especially furdering him in the true worship of god , and next in all the occasions of civil life . and . that they defraud not each other of conjugal benevolence , as the apostle commands , cor. . hence it follows according to the sentence of god , which all christians ought to be rul'd by , that between those who either through obstinacy , or helples inabilitie , cannot or will not perform these repeated duties , between those there can be no true matrimony , nor ought they to b● counted man and wife . chap. xl . whether those crimes recited chap. . out of the civil law dissolv matrimony in gods account . now if a husband or wife be found guilty of any those crimes , which by the law consensu are made causes of divorce , t is manifest that such a man cannot be the head , and preserver of his wife , nor such a woman be a meet help to her husband , as the divine law in true wedlock requires ; for these faults are punisht either by death , or deportation , or extream infamy , which are directly opposite to the covnant of mariage . if they deserve death , as adultery and the like , doubtles god would not that any should live in wedlock with them whom he would not have to live at all . or if it be not death , but the incurring of notorious infamy , certain it is neither just , nor expedient , nor meet , that an honest man should be coupl'd with an infamous woman , nor an honest matron with an infamous man . the wise roman princes had so great regard to the equal honour of either wedded person , that they counted those mariages of no force which were made between the one of good repute , and the other of evill note . how much more will all honest regard of christian expedience and comlines beseem & concern those who are set free and dignify'd in christ , then it could the roman senate , or thir sons , for whō that law was provided . and this all godly men will soon apprehend , that he who ought to be the head and preserver not only of his wife , but also of his children and family , as christ is of his church , had need be one of honest name : so likewise the wife which is to be the meet help of an honest and good man , the mother of an honest off-spring and family , the glory of the man , ev'n as the man is the glory of christ , should not be tainted with ignominy ; as neither of them can avoid to be , having bin justly appeacht of those forenamed crimes ; and therfore cannot be worthy to hold thir place in a christian family : yea they themselvs turn out themselvs and dissolv that holy covnant . and they who are true brethren and sisters in the lord , are no more in bondage to such violaters of mariage . but heer the patrons of wickednes and dissolvers of christian discipline will object , that it is the part of man and wife to bear one anothers crosse , whether in calamit●e , or infamy , that they might gain each other , if not to a good name , yet to repentance and amendment . but they who thus object , seek the impunity of wickednes , and the favour of wicked men , not the duties of true charity ; which preferrs public honesty before private interest ; and had rather the remedies of wholsom punishment appointed by god should be in use , then that by remisness the licence of evil doing should encrease . for if they who by committing such offences , have made void the holy knott of mariage , be capable of repentance , they will be sooner mov'd when due punishment is executed on them ; then when it is remitted . wee must ever beware , lest , in contriving what will be best for the souls health of delinquents , wee make our selvs wiser and discreeter then god . he that religiously waighs his oracles concerning mariage , cannot doubt that they who have committed the foresaid transgressions , have lost the right of matrimony , and are unworthy to hold thir dignity in an honest and christian family . but if any husband or wife●see such signs of repentance in thir transgressor , as that they doubt not to regain them by continuing with them , and partaking of thir miseries and attaintures , they may be left to thir own hopes , and thir own mind , saving ever the right of church and common-wealth , that it receav no scandal by the neglect of due severity , and thir children no harm by this invitation to licence , and want of good education . from all these considerations , if they be thought on , as in the presence of god , and out of his word , any one may perceav , who desires to determine of these things by the scripture , that those causes of lawfull divorce , which the most religious emperours theodosius and valentinian set forth in the forecited place , are according to the law of god , and the prime institution of mariage . and were still more and more straitn'd , as the church and state of the empire still more and more corrupted and degenerated . therfore pious princes & common-wealths both may and ought establish them again , if they have a mind to restore the honour , sanctitie , and religion of holy wedlock to thir people , and dis-intangle many consciences from a miserable and perilous condition , to a chaste and honest life . to those recited causes wherfore a wife might send a divorce to her husband , justinian added foure more , constit , . and foure more , for which a man might put away his wife . three other causes were added in the code derepudiis l. jubemus . all which causes are so cleerly contrary to the first intent of mariage , that they plainly dissolv it . i set them not down beeing easie to be found in the body of the civil law . it was permitted also by christian emperours , that they who would divorce by mutuall conscnt , might without impediment . or if there were any difficulty at all in it , the law expresses the reason , that it was only in favour of the children , so that if there were none , the law of those godly emperours made no other difficulty of a divorce by consent . or if any were minded without consent of the other to divorce , and without those causes which have bin nam'd , the christian emperours laid no other punishment upon them , then that the husband wrongfully divorcing his wife should give back her dowry , and the use of that which was call'd don●tio propter nuptias ; or if there were no dowry nor no donation , that he should then give her the fourth part of his goods . the like penalty was inflicted on the wife departing without just cause . but that they who were once maried should be compe●l'd to remain so ever against thir wills , was not exacted . wherin those pious princes follow'd the law of god in deut. . . and his expresse charge by the profet malachy to dismisse from him the wife whom he hates . for god never meant in mariage to give to man a perpetuall torm● , instead of a meet help . neither can god approve that to the violation of this holy league ( which is violated as soon as true affection ceases and is lost , ) should be added murder , which is already committed by either of them who res●lvedly hates the other , as i shew'd out of john . who so hateth his brother is a murderer . chap. xli . whether the husband or wife deserted may marry to another . the wives desertion of her husband the christian emperours plainly decreed to be a just cause of divorce , when as they granted him the right therof , if she had but lain out one night against his will without pr●ble ●use . but of the man deserting his wife they did not so determine : yet if we look into the word of god , wee shall find , that he who though but for a year without just cause forsakes his wife , and neither provides for her maintenance , nor signifies his purpose of returning , and good will towards her , when as he may , hath forfe●ted hi● 〈◊〉 in ●er s● for●ak'n . for the spirit of god speaks plainly , th●t both man and wife hath such power over one anothers person as that they cannot deprive each other of ●iving together , but by 〈◊〉 and for a time . h● may b● added that the holy spirit grants desertion to be a cause of divorce , in those answers giv'n to the corin●hians concerning a brother or sister d●d by a ●is-beleever . if he depart , let him depart , a brother 〈◊〉 siste● 〈◊〉 not under bondage in such cases . in which words , who sees● of that the holy ghost openly pronoune't , that the party without c●e deserted , is not bound for anothers wilfull defe●ion , to abstain from mariage , if he have need therof . but some will say , that this is spok'n of a mis-beleever departing . but i beseech yee , doth not he reject the faith of christ in his deeds , who rashly breaks the holy covnant of wedlock instituted by god ? and besides this , the holy spirit does not make the mis-beleeving of him who departs , but the departing of him who mis-beleevs to be the just cause of freedom to the brother or sister . since therfore it will be agreed among christians , that they who depart from wedlock without just cause , doe not only deny the faith of matrimony , but of christ also , what ever they professe with thir mouths , it is but reason to conclude , that the party deserted is not bound in case of causlesse desertion , but that he may lawfully seek another consort , if it be needfull to him toward a pure and blameles conversation . chap. xlii . that impotence of body , leprosie , madnes , &c. are just causes of divorce . of this , because it was not disputed in the doctline and discipline of divorce , him that would know furder i commend to the latin original . chap. xliii . that to grant divorce for all the causes which have bin hitherto brought , disagrees not from the words of christ naming only the cause of adultery . now wee must see how these things can stand with the words of our saviour , who seems directly to forbid all divorce excepti be for adultery . to the understanding wherof , wee must ever remember this : that in the words of our saviour there can be no contrarietie . that his words and answers are not to be stretcht beyond the question propos'd . that our saviour did not there purpose to treat of all the causes for which it might be lawfull to divor● and marry again ; for then that in the co●hiaus of marrying again with 〈◊〉 guilt of adultery could not be added . that it is not good for that man to be alone who hath not the special gift from above . that it is good for every such one to be married , 〈◊〉 he may sh● fornication . with regard to these principle let us see what our lord answer'd to the tempting pharises about divorce , and second ma●iage , and how ●rre his answer doth extend first , no man who is not very contentious , will deny that the pharises askt our lord whether it were lawfull to put away such a wife , as was truly , and according to gods law , to be counted a wife ; that is , such a one as would dwell with her husband , and both would & could perform the necessary duties of wedlock tolerably . but shee who will not dwell with her husband , is not put away by him , but goes of her self : and sh●e who denies to be a meet help , or to be so , hath made her self unsit by open misd●meanours , or through incurable impotencies cannot be able , is not by the law of god to be esteem'd a wife ; as hath bin shewn both from the first institution , and other places of scripture . neither certainly would the pharises propound a question concerning such an unconjugall wife ; for thir depravation of the law had brought them to that passe , as to think a man bad right to put away his wife for any cause , though never so slight . since therfore it is manifest that christ answer'd the pharises concerning a sit and meet wife according to the law of god , whom he forbid to divorce for any cause but fornication . who sees not that it is a wickednes so to wrest and extend that answer of his , as if it forbad to divorce her who hath already forsak'n , or hath lost the place and dignitie of a wife by deserved infamy , or hath undertak'n to be that which she hath not naturall ability to be . this truth is so powerfull that it hath mov'd the papists to grant their kind of divorce for other causes besides adultery , as for ill usage , and the not performing of conjugal dutie ; and to separate from b●d and board for these causes , which is as much divorce , as they grant for adultery . but some perhaps will object , that though it be yeilded , that our lord granted divorce not only for adultery , yet it is not certain that he permitted mariage after divorce , unlesse for that only cause . i answer , first , that the sentence of divorce , and second mariage , is one and the same . so that when the right of divorce is evinc't to belong not only to the cause of fornication , the power of second mariage is also prov'd to be not limited to that cause only ; and that most evidently , when as the holy ghost , cor. . so frees the deserted party from bondage , as that he may not only send a just divorce in case of desertion , but may seek another marriage . lastly , seeing god will not that any should live in danger of fornication and utter ruine for the default of another , and hath commanded the husband to send away with a bill of divorce her whom he could not love , it is impossible that the charge of adultery should belong to him who for lawfull causes divorces and marries , or to her who marries after she hath bin unjustly rejected , or to him who receavs her without all fraud to the former wedlock . for this were a horrid blasphemy against god , so to interpret his words , as to make him dissent from himself ; for who sees not a flat contradiction in this , to enthrall blameles men and women to mis●ries and injuries , under a false and soothing title of mariage , and yet to declare by his apostie that a brother or sister is not under bondage in such cases . no lesse doe these two things conflict with themselvs , to enforce the innocent and faultles to endure the pain and misery 〈◊〉 nothers perversnes , or els to live in unavoidable temptation ; and to affirm elswhere that he lays on no man the burden of another mans sin , nor doth constrain any man to the endangering of his soul . chap. xliv . that to those also who are justly divorc't , second mariage ought to be permitted . this although ●t be well prov'd , yet because it concerns only the offendor , i leav him to search out his own charter himself in the author . chap. xlv . that some persons are so ordain'd to mariage , as that they cannot obtain the gift of continence , no not by earnest prayer , and that therin every one is to be left to his own judgement , and conscience , and not to have a burden laid upon him by any other . chap. xlvi . the words of the apostle concerning the praise of single life unfolded . these two chapters not so immediatly debating the right of divorce , i chose rather not to insert . chap. xlvii . the conclusion of this treatise . these things , most renowned king , i have brought together , both to explain for what causes the unhappy , but sometimes most necessary help of divorce ought to be granted , according to gods word , by princes and rulers : as also to explain how the words of christ d●e consent with such a grant . i have bin large indeed both in handling those oracles of god , and in laying down those certain principles , which he who will know what the mind of god is in this matter , must ever think on , and remember . but if wee consider what mist and obscuritie hath bin powrd out by antichrist upon this question , and how deep this pernicious contempt of wedlock , and admiration of single life , ev'n in those who are not call'd therto , hath sunk into many mens persuasions , i fear lest all that hath bin said , be hardly anough to persuade such that they would cease at length to make themselvs wiser & holier then god himself , in beeing so severe to grant lawfull mariage , and so easie to connive at all , not only whordoms , but deflowrings , and adulteries . when as among the people of god , no whordom was to be tolerated . our lord jesus christ , who came to destroy the works of satan , send down his spiritupon all christians , and principally upon christian governours both in church and common-wealth ( for of the cleer judgement of your royall majesty i nothing doubt , revolving the scripture so often as yee doe ) that they may acknowledge how much they provoke the anger of god against us , when as all kind of unchastity is tolerated , fornications and adulteries winkt at : but holy and honourable wedlock is oft withheld by the meer persuasion of antichrist , from such as without this remedy , cannot preserve themselves from damnation ! for none who hath but a spark of honesty will deny that princes and states ought to use diligence toward the maintaining of pure and honest life among all men , without which all justice , all fear of god , and true religion decayes . and who knows not that chastity and purenes of life , can never be restor'd , or continu'd in the common-wealth , unlesse it be first establisht in private houses , from whence the whole breed of men is to come forth . to effect this , no wise man can doubt that it is necessary for princes and magistrates first with severity to punish whordom and adultery ; next to see that mariages be lawfully contracted , and in the lord , then that they be faithfully kept ; and lastly , when that unhappines urges , that they be lawfully dissolv'd , and other mariage granted , according as the law of god , and of nature , and the constitutions of pious princes have decreed ; as i have shewn both by evident autorities of scripture , together with the writings of the ancient fathers , and other testimonies . only the lord grant that we may learn to preferre his ever just and saving word , before the comments of antichrist , too deeply rooted in many , and the false and blasphemous exposition of our saviours words . amen . the end a post-script . thus farre martin bucer ; whom where i might without injury to either part of the cause , i deny not to have epitomiz'd : in the rest observing a well-warranted rule , not to give an inventory of so many words , but to weigh thir force . i could have added that eloquent and right christian discours , writt'n by erasmus on this argument , not disagreeing in effect from bucer . but this , i hope , will be anough to excuse me with the meer englishman , to be no forger of new and loose opinions . others may read him in his own phrase on the first to the corinthians , and ease me who never could delight in long citations , much lesse in whole traductions ; whether it be natural disposition or education in me , or that my mother bore me a speaker of what god made mine own , and not a translator . there be others also whom i could reck'n up , of no mean account in the church ( and peter martyr among the first ) who are more then half our own in this controversy . but this is a providence not to be slighted , that as bucer wrote this tractat of divorce in england and for england , so erasmus professes he begun heer among us the same subject , especially out of compassion , for the need he saw this nation had of some charitable redresse heerin ; and seriously exhorts others to use thir best industry in the cleering of this point , wherin custom hath a greater sway then verity . that therfore which came into the minde of these two admired strangers to doe for england , and in a touch of highest prudence which they took to be not yet recover'd from monastic superstition , if i a native am found to have don for mine own country , altogether sutably and conformly to their so large and cleer understanding , yet without the lest help of theirs , i suppose that hence-forward among conscionable and ju●icious persons , it will no more be thought to my discredit , or at all to this nations dishonor . and if these thir books , the one shall be printed often , with best allowance in most religious cities , the other with express autority of leo the tenth a pope , shall for the propagating of truth be publisht and republisht , though against the receav'd opinion of that church , and mine containing but the same thing , shall in a time of reformation , a time of free speaking , free writing , not find a permission to the presse , i referre me to wisest men , whether truth be suffer'd to be truth , or liberty to be liberty now among us , and be not again in danger of new fetters and captivity after all our hopes and labours lost : and whether learning be not ( which our enemies too profetically fear'd ) in the way to be trodd'n down again by ignorance . wherof while time is , out of the faith owing to god and my country , i bid this kingdom beware : and doubt not but god , who hath dignify'd this parlament already to so many glorious degrees , will also give them ( which is a singular blessing ) to inform themselvs rightly in the midst of an unprincipl'd age ; and to prevent this working mystery of ignorance and ecclestastical thraldom , which under new shapes and disguises begins afresh to grow upon us . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- bezae icones . notes for div a e- * nicol. de obit bri. notes for div a e- that the ●dering of ●riage belo● to the civi● power . the popes have invaded by fraud and force the ordering of ma●iage . i omit his testimonies out of cyprian , gelasius , epiphanius , contented only to relate what he thence collects to the present purpose . the . axion● that christ could not ' condemn of adultery that which he once commanded . the second axiom . axiom . mat. . . a reply to the answer (printed by his majesties command at oxford) to a printed booke intituled observations upon some of his maiesties late answers and expresses by j.m. j. m. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or :e , no ) a reply to the answer (printed by his majesties command at oxford) to a printed booke intituled observations upon some of his maiesties late answers and expresses by j.m. j. m. milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed for matthew walbancke, london : . attributed to john milton. cf. wing. reproduction of original in yale university library and thomason collection, british library. eng diggs, dudley, - . -- answer to a printed book intituled observations upon some of his majesties late answers and expresses. parker, henry, - . -- observations upon some of his majesties late answers and expresses. great britain -- history -- charles i, - . a r (wing m ). civilwar no a reply to the answer (printed by his majesties command at oxford) to a printed booke intituled observations upon some of his maiesties late j. m f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a reply to the answer ( printed by his majesties command at oxford ) to a printed booke intituled observations upon some of his maiesties late answers and expresses . by j. m. london , printed for matthew walbancke , anno dom. . a reply to the answer ( printed by his majesties command at oxford ) to a printed booke intituled observations upon some of his maiesties late answers and expresses . the authour of the answer to the observator ( which was p●…inted a●…oxford ( no place more fit to entertaine such cavils ) by his 〈◊〉 command ( too good a patron to be thus abused ) begins his dis●…urse by way of preface , and there would tell us the originall of regall authority , were it not a losse of time ( he has been to profuse & prodigall of it in his book , he doth well to spare it in the preface ) for that he sees [ t is granted to be at 〈◊〉 least mediately from god . ] i shall not dispute whether god be the immediate donor of royalty or no ▪ for i take it to be very cleare and evident , that the kings of israel were of divine insti●…tion ; but that royall authority should bee unto us , or the s●…cceeding ages more of divine right or institution , then aristocraticall or democraticall power , that i deny ▪ 〈◊〉 were they of divine institution , it must of necessity be , that all states must be fwayed and ruled by kings ; and the execution of other power were sinne , and that i hope 〈◊〉 man will dare to a●…rt . againe , were they of divine right , they ought to have equall power and dominion in all places ; and that they have not , for as it is well known , in some kingdomes they have greater authority , in some lesse ; and all vary according to the severall lawes and constitutions of their countries . why then if they bee of humane institution , it must be agreed , that no king hath at thi●… day , any speciall ordinance from heaven by which to intitle himselfe to his crowne and regall authority : and hence the consequence is just , that kings are bound by th●…se qualifications of compact and condition that were made with them by the people , and ought to discharge and execute their royall functions answerable thereunto . but then he goes on an●… tels us that power or governement [ was o●…yned of god for the good of mankind , which was not to bee obtained without preservation of order , and therefore he hath commanded all to be subject to the lawes of society , not onely for wrath , but for conscience sake . ] with this limitation the author saith true , we must submitt to the lawe●… of society , where they doe not oppose the law of god , otherwise not , for how can a man obey for conscience against conscience ? and he sa●…es we must submit , [ not onely whilst we enjoy the benefit of governors , but 〈◊〉 whilst we d●…e suffer under some accidentall abuses . ] i , but what if those abus●… prov●…●…o be wilfull ? i know that is the authors meaning , though he will not expresse it , for if his opinion mi●…ht passe as orthodox , the cases would be all one , i , and what if th●…se abuses strike at our religion , at our lives , libe●…ies , and estates ; at all that god hath entrusted us with , and made us happy in ▪ must wee here submitt and quietly surrender up all our happinesse at once ▪ a most strange doctrine . well let him preach it at oxford , to those whom a foolish zeale hath besotted with an unwarrantable devotion to their soveraign . but let us know , that good subjects may preserve these & yet not be the lesse , but the more dutifull to their king ; is it any breach of duty to deny that which the law of god and my conscience tels mee that i ought not to grant ? or can that have the impuration of disloyalty to my soveraigne which styles mee just before god ? well , to passe this ( because i shall have occasion to speake more fully to it after ) those that maintaine this error , misery will bee this portion here , and a just judgement hereafter . but he tels us that [ we cannot reape the constant fruits of an establ●…shed policy , unlesse by comp●…ct we submit our selves to some possible inconveniences . ] the author would have done well to have explained 〈◊〉 what he meanes by those inconveniences ; b●…t 〈◊〉 this is his meaning ( for the whole s●…ope of his booke speakes as m●…ch ) that it is possible a king may degenerate into a ty●…ant , and make his boundlesse arbitrary will to be law , and if this fall out , ( as too commonly it doth ) yet wee must patiently doe or s●…ffer what ever ( though never so unjustly and contrary to good conscience ) is imposed upon us , and which is more , wee must by solemne contract binde our selves beforehand this to doe ; and why so ? for that otherwise there can be no constant benefit of an established policy . a most strange and unnaturall assert●…on , was it ever heard , or can it bee imagined , that a people should contract to their owne ruine ? there is a mutuall compact betwixt king and people , the king is to governe by a rule if he would have his people to obey ; and if he swerve from that , this dissol●…es the contract , and gives the people p●…wer to 〈◊〉 and preserve themselves . and if this were not law , what benefit could we expect to reape of such an established destructive policy ? he hath made bad premi●…es , and worse conclusion , for marke what he has d●…uced from thence . hence ( saith he ) it followes after a people hath by 〈◊〉 contra●… divested it selfe of that power which was primarily in them , they cannot upon what pret●…ce soever witho●…t manif●…st breach of divine ordinance , and violation of publique sa●…th resume that authority which they have placed in another . ) this by the way , power ( according to the authors owne 〈◊〉 ) was primarily in the people ( a truth ingeniously acknowledged ) but the mischiefe 〈◊〉 ; they have by contract divest●…d themselves of that power : how is that made good ? why thus , they chose one to be king over them , and contracted to obey him ; what in omnibus 〈◊〉 , in all his commissions , nothing lesse ; for that might be to disodey god , and whether it bee lawfull to obey god or man , judge you . i , but they have given him an absolute authority , and made him supreme , and therefore not to be q●…stioned by ●…ny inferiour p●…wer ; and if this were true , his majesties counsell ( who too 〈◊〉 mal●…ne ●…he ha●…pinesse of king and peop●… , and would worke o●… their owne 〈◊〉 des●…gnes by the ruine of bo●…h ) w●…ld never have advised h●…s maj●…sty to have inserted this into many of his declarat●…ons , that his royal power was committed unto him by god and the law ▪ in trust for the well govern●…ng and 〈◊〉 of his people committ●…d to his charge . and as a trust is for the benefit and behoofe of him , for whose sake the conv●…yance in tr●…st was made , n●…t of him , who is the party intrusted . so likew●…se every trust doth impl●… a condit●…on that the party doe d●…ly perf●…rme and discharge th●… t●…st , or if h●…e doe not , that he bee 〈◊〉 so to doe . th●…s th●…n being thus h●…w h●…ve the people tota●…ly divest●…d themselves of their power ? i d●…e n●…t speake this to defend the peoples 〈◊〉 of their authority , or to 〈◊〉 that po●…tion of depo●…ng princes , so farre i concurre w●…th the author : but that th●…y should ha●…e a boundl●…sse 〈◊〉 power , that i denie . againe ( for he maketh a second conclusion o●…t of the former premisses ) hence it 〈◊〉 ( saith hee ) though ●…he pe●…ple should 〈◊〉 th●…y ●…ght live more hapi●… , if the ki●…gs 〈◊〉 were mor●… 〈◊〉 , his revenues diminish●…d , it were h●…gh sinne to 〈◊〉 upon his 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 in st●…e , when that the k●…ngs prerogative doth not invade the sub●…ects 〈◊〉 nor their 〈◊〉 entrench 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but ea●…h keepe within their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and circumference : but th●…s wee must ●…ow , that as the kings crowne and 〈◊〉 ●…ower was committed to him in trust f●…r the good of his 〈◊〉 , so likewise w●…re his 〈◊〉 and prerogatives , and if these b●… abused to the 〈◊〉 of l●…berty , and the 〈◊〉 or the dest●…uction of his peo●…le , t is no entrenching upon prerogative , to q●…estion this ab●…se , and indeavour our owne preservation . i , but then he saies , it doth no way prejudice regall authority , that god is the author of aristocrat call or democraticall power . ] doth the observators saying that god is the auhor of those powers , any way conclude against regall authority ? where the powers are various , and no way contradictory or opposite one to another , for a man to conclude the illegality of the one , from the legality of the other , were a very simple and fallacious kinde of reasoning . but our authour will not bee thus satisfied , for he doth here charge the observator with ●…reading in the steps of ma●…iana and buchanan sworne enemies ●…o 〈◊〉 . ] and why so pray you ? why because the observator doth shew how the infancy of the world was governed ; most nations being ruled by their lords and their arbitrary edicts , which was not ( he saith ) in a long time digested . and then for that he further sheweth the inconveniences , which in more mat●…re ages were ●…onnd to accompany unconditionate royalty , but concludes that since most countries have so●…nd out an art for the regulating the exorbitances of princes , hee is very unjust that will oppose this a●… and order . and now let any wise and indiff●…rent man j●…dge how falsely and maliciously this imputation of an enemy to monarchy is cast upon the observator : for doth the d●…monstrating and disproving of other governements any way strike at monarchy ? or doth it not rather propp or support it ? doth not the dis●…llowing of other powers ( if not commend ) yet tacitly allow and approve our owne ? nay doth he not here ( as in other places ) expr●…sly appla●…de the order and const●…tution of 〈◊〉 monarchy so well fenced in by the art of parliaments ? why then what colour or ground is th●…re for this imputation ? is there not a wide d●…fference be●…wixt modification and extirpation ? had our author cons●…red this , certainely he would not have beene thus unjust in his censure ; bu●… here we may learne what doctirine is daily delivered to the king : that it is the kings crown that is aimed at , & not onely so , but even the very dethroning of him & his whole posterity , and in truth so it is , but by his majesties evill c●…ncellors ; who to magni●…ie themselves intend the ruine of t●…e common-wealth ▪ and is not that in effect a d●…throning of his majest●… ? all that i shall say is but this ; no govenement more blest or happie , if not abused by the advice of vile and malignant co●…ellours . after so long a preface , the author tells us , that hee will now take i●…to consideration the observators grounds , upon which hee would overthrow so ancient and well ●…unded a monarch●… . ] the false imp●…tation of enmity against this great and well established power will not be thus shaken ●…ff ; the truth of it is , he that resolves to say any thing , be it never so scandalous and void of truth , will againe 〈◊〉 to stand or fall upon the same principles . but give him leave and he will shew you one of the grounds that strikes at monarchie ( p●…ay observe what an unnecessary ●…nference is h●…re made by the author . ) t●…e observator sa●…th : that , the king a●…tributeth the originall of his royalty to god and the law , making no mention at all of the grant consent or tr●…st of man therein . ] a ground●…sse cavile ( s●…th the author ) and why so ? because when god is fi●…st named , under what notion can he apprehend ●…aw but as an ag●…eement o●… the people deriving of their power , and committing the 〈◊〉 to his trust . ] you charge the observator with a ●…avile , and you labour to ma●…e it good by so large allowance , that i could not have 〈◊〉 so much from ox●…d . what an agreement o●… the people in the 〈◊〉 of a king , and a deriving of ●…heir power unto him , and whi●…h h●…s yet more , a 〈◊〉 of th●… 〈◊〉 to h●…s ma●…esty ●…n tr●…st ( why then that is no absolute and 〈◊〉 power ) t●…s m●…ch all th●…s sh●…ld bee granted , but yet i feare , ●…is yo●… ▪ not the observator that dea●…es 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , tell●…ng him that the 〈◊〉 and agreement of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 obliterated and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it is not now to be taken notice of , or ●…hat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the ●…etter of th●… law , so what else can be the meaning 〈◊〉 tha●… f●…equent ●…xpression in many of his 〈◊〉 , declarations ? that he is responsible to god alone for his actions , not to man . is not this ( since no absolute power was transferred by the people , as it is here confessed , & as i have made it good before ) a denying of the consent and agreement of the people , and a granting of a boundlesse authority ? and how can that and a trust stand together ? certainely a dependant and an independant governement are not synonyma . t is true , that if a people doe erect a king over them , that this is confirmed a●…d ratified in heaven ; but being of humane institution this doth no way expunge those qualifications of trust and condition which are incident to , and tacitly passe with this sacred function ; and if so , we must of necessity allow a power in some , to see the due discharge and execution of them ; nor will it derogate from the honour of god or the dignity of a prince , that the people exact the due execution of the law , and the performance of that compact , trust , and condition , that followes soveraignty . by this time i hope our author may be , satisfied , that it is he that cavils , not the observator , since it is plaine that the word ( law ) though it doe receive so candid an interpretation from the observator ) may be and is denyed to be the consent and agreement of the people . but now how doth this determine against monarchy ? why yes , thus , or not at all ; the king denies the people their right , therfore the people may take away his . is this one of the grounds upon which the observator doth intend to overthrow monarchy ? yes , if our author may be judge . was ever imputation of so great guilt layed upon any man upon such shallow grounds ? well , since he failes here , suspends your judgement but a while , he may make good his charge hereafter . that dominion which is usurped and not just , yet whilest it remaines dominion , and till it be legally againe devested , refers to god , as to its author and donor , as much as that which is hereditary . ] to which our author saith , that usurpation and unjust dominion can give no right to the possessor . can it any way by the most scrutenous understanding be collected from the observators words , that usurpation gaines a right ? what probability can there be of this inference ? if this could be made good , lawes would be but cyphers and unlawfull force upon any mans interest , the best meanes of living , so that he who could steale most would be the true proprietor of most , and the strongest prove the richest men . but doth not the observator expresly say , that that dominion which is usurped is not just ? if so , what needes this cavill ? o yes , for he saith , that it is a flat contradiction to say , that god is the author and donor of dominion usurped and not just , as well as of that which is hereditary ; and what is his reason ? why , for that god being lord proprietary of all , his donation transferrs a full right to him ●…n whom he bestowes it , and this deede of gift being knowne , it is not lawfull to indeavour a recovery , ] and therfore god cannot be the author and donor of that dominion which is usurped and not just , for that such a dominion doth not intitle a man to a full right , because the lawfull proprietor may regaine it by conquest , as justice permitts , and so reestablish himselfe in his dominion . yet under favour this is no contradiction , for doth or can the revolution or maeander of time produce any change or alteration , either in king or state that god is not the author of ? the evill of sin man alone is the father of , for that sinne is inconsistent with that absolute purity and holinesse that is in god , but the evill of punishment , that is gods . is there any evill in the city that i have not done saith the lord ? and if god , for the sinne of the king or people , or both , shall permit a stranger to usurpe upon the dominion of the king , and to entrench upon his soveraignty ▪ is it any contradiction to say that god is as much the author and donor of this dominion that is thus gained by usurpation , as he is of that which is hereditary ? doubtlesse not , for god is onely the confirmer , man the creator or institutor of both . and though god as absolute soveraigne and proprietor can transferre a full right in any thing unto whom he pleaseth ; yet it doth not follow that hee will alwaies so doe : for as sinne may divorce a king from his kingdome , or a people from gods blessing for a time , so true and unfained repentance may ( through gods mercy ) reestablish and unite them againe together . when our author had said ( as before ) that where god is the donor of dominion , that there it is not lawfull to ir ●…eavor a recovery ; he further adds , that this was the case of rehoboam , who aft●… the desect of ten tribes raised an army out of iudah & the tribe of benjamin in hopes to reduce them to obedience : but was warned by shemaiah the man of god , not to fight against his brethren not because it was unlawfull in it selfe , or the successe unprobable , but for that this was from the lord . ] i shall not dare to defend a peoples revolting from their king ( though their burden be great and their yoake heavie ) as here israels from reho●…oam , who ( when they could not obtaine an ease , or discharge of their pressures which they had suffered under his father salomon ) answered the king saying , what portlon have wee in david ? neither have we inheritance in the son of iesse ; here they disavowed their king , and not long after have made ieroboam king in his stead : for my part i do not beleeve this to be a warrantable act in israel . and i conceive that israel taking up of armes to reduce them to obedience was lawfull , and that he might have proceeded , and have expected a good successe upon his indeavour , had hee not had an expresse command from god to the contrary . but now on the other side , i will not justifie rehoboam in forsaking the councell of the sage old men , who ( as grave & wise counsellers that seeke the good of the publique , not their owne ) advised the king that if he would bee a servant unto this people , and serve them , and answer them , and speake good words to them , then they would be his servants for ever ; ( here you may learne the office of good kings and their counsellers ) but the king ( as most kings use ) rejecting such rigid counsell , betooke him to his young men and consulted with them , & asked them what counsell they would give him , ( t is easie to judge what the effect of their counsell would be ) and they answer him , thus shalt thou say unto them , my little finger shall be thicker then my fathers loynes : in stead of an ease of their present miseries , he promises them that he will augment them for the future ; no question this was a great sinne in rehoboam , and i am confident had not israel revolted , they might have justified before god , the taking up of armes against these malignant counsellors , for the restoring and reducing of their ancient rights and liberties : kings must serve their people by protecting and defending of them according to law and right , as also by easing of them of all unlawfull pressures , if they expect that their people should serve them in love and obedience . the authour goes on , and saith , though force be not law , yet is after conquest , a people resigne their right in part or in whole by a subsequent act of consent , they are obliged to stand to those conditions , which they made perchance out of a probable seare of harder usage ] who will oppose this , our author needed not to have laboured for instances to make this good , o●… to have shewed us the strong obligation that the law of god and man , doe impose upon such compacts and agreements , for no doubt men ought to bee fai●…ull in the discharge of their ingagements , though it be to their owne prejudice ; besides as wee say in law , he that disseises or disposse●…es another of his ●…reehold , or other interest , hath a right against all men , except the disseisee , or the party so dispossessed ▪ so without question it is in case of dominion or royalty , hee that gaines a kingdome by conquest , 〈◊〉 absolute king against all men , except the rightfull soveraigne , and therefore as our law is , well knowne , he may obliterate and utterly extirpate and abolish their old lawes and rights , and create & introduct new , which is one strong argument of true & absolute soveraignty . but i hope on the other side our author will take notice that the right of conquest cannot be pleaded to acquit or discharge princes of their duty . there is onus aswell as honos , that is , a great burden , charg and care aswell as honour and renowne , th●…t is inseperably incident to this great function , and therefore he that gaines the one , be it by discent , conquest , or otherwise , must discharge the other . the fountaine and efficient cause of power is the people , and from hence the inference is just , the king though he be singulis major , yet he is universis minor . the author tels us : that , this inference is most weake , and that the quite contrary may clearely be concluded ; pray heare his reason , the people being the efficient cause of power ( which can be no other way , but by deriving their divided power , and uniting it in him , ) since they cannot retaine what they have parted with , nor have what they gave away , it followes ●…e which 〈◊〉 their power ( i may adde his owne perticular besides ) must needs be greater and more powerfull then they . the authors argument , to destroy the observators inference , is but this ; that though the people be the fountaine and efficient cause of power , yet for that they have made a free donation of all power to the king since they cannot be owners of that they have given away ; therefore it must needs follow , that the king is greater then the people . i doubt the author will finde it a greater difficulty to maintaine this argument then to make it ; for if it can be proved ( on that hangs the strength of his argument : ) that the people have not divested themselves of all power o●…t of his premisses , the consequence is just , that the universe is greater then the king . now if trust and condition are inseparable incidents to sove●…ty ( as i have shewed before ) it must follow , that the people represented by a parliament may call in question the breach of them for otherwise the power would be ( in eff●…ct ) 〈◊〉 , which hath been denied even by the king himself , who acknowledgeth that his kingdome is commited to him in trust : and if so ( as no doubt p●…dents of that nature are not wanting to posterity , ( for that no question that was one maine ground of the constitution of parliaments ; the restraining of the exorbitancy of princes ) why then how can it bee that the people should have divested themselves of all their power ? for it must be agreed that that power which may call in question the discharge of others is the supreame and superintendent , for no inferiour power can doe it , so that by this time , i hope the author is satisfied , that the obse●…ors inference is just , and his reason weake and defective . but the observator tenders a proofe of the premisses , for ( saith he ) if the people be the true ●…ent cause of powe●… ; it is a rule in na●…ure , quicquid efficit tale , est magis tale . s●…ange ( sayes the author ) that men upon such palpable sophistry , should endeavour to cast off monarchy . it is more strange to mee that men against cleare reason , should make the●…selves so palpably ignorant , can not the author difference a reasonable modification or qualificatio●… , from an extreame extirpation , or eradication : if my reason faile me not , it is he that indeavoureth ( what ever he pretend ) the casting off of monarchy : for as monarchy is never so secure , as when fenced in by the wisdome of parliaments , it submits to their determinations : so it is never so much in danger , as when it exalts it selfe above and against them , and endeavoureth an absolutenesse of soveraignty : hence it may be determined who are the greatest enemies to monarchs . but pray what is the sophistry the observator stands accused of ? why , it is this ; he hath given you a rule that is regularly , not generally true ; that will maintaine the case in question , not all others : for instance , he tels the observator , that he will be unwilling to follow the consequence of this rule : and why ? for that ( saith he ) he hath an estate which no question 〈◊〉 would willingly improve , let him bestow it upon me , he will make me rich , a●…d 〈◊〉 richer : for quicquid 〈◊〉 tale est magis tale . i , this is tha●… , ●…hat hath made this great combustion , ma●…r of ●…ight and estate , could you perswade us out of our reason , you would quickly seize upon these : but i trust your sophistry shall not so captivate our sense , as to betray our selves to ruine by a foolish prating with that , which god dispenced unto our ancestors , and they through his mercy , ●…queathed unto us . if i should tell you . that god made man , therefore god is greater than man , or that the ocean distributing it selfe into severall streames or rivolets , is greater than those rivolets , and so conclude that therefore , quicquid efficit tale , est magis tal●… , you would presently say , that this were no infallible way of reasoning : why for you to conclude , that it doth not hold in some cases , therefore not in the case in question , is not this the same fallacy ? but as befor , s now i shall make good the axiome in our case upon his owne grounds , for he saith , it doth hold in those agents in whom the quality by which they operate is ●…erent , and from whom it cannot be seperated : not true in those who by way of donation d●…st themselves of power or wealth . that power was origi●…lly inherent in the people , that i thinke will not be questioned . that the people 〈◊〉 not divested themselves of all their power , is cleared thus , ( as i have shewn before ) that power that is fiduciary and upon condition , must needs bee subject to a power more supream , to see the due discharge of this trust and condition , or oth●…rwise it would in effect prove absolute , but i say the royall dignite and authority is fiduciary only and upon condition , therefore it must be sub●…ect to a power more su●…e , w●…h can bee no other than the people represented by a parliament ▪ besides , what a groundlesse and unnaturall thing is it to think , that a people in whom all power did orig●…y reside , should so totally and absolutely dispose that to one , which being abused , must without hope of redresse prove their owne inevitable destruction . i , but saith the author , if the king be universis minor , then the people have p●…ced a king , not over , but 〈◊〉 them ; and 〈◊〉 doe ill to 〈◊〉 , when they might command , they may 〈◊〉 it from the prince their subject . the king is universis minor , lesse than the publike , but he is singulis major over and above all individuals ; and therefore the author in this doth not much mistake himselfe ; for that undutifull and ●…urable passage , of commanding of his majestie , and of making him our subject , i wish withall my soule , that the author of this booke and his associates , were not more guilty of this , then his parliament ▪ could ever parliament or ●…ple , with more submissivenesse , pray or petition his ma●…estie , than we have done ? or can all preceeding ages produce an example of greater humilitie and loyaltie to their soveraigne ? but to passe this , we shall ever count it our dutie to petition , and acknowledge our king , while others , though not in words , yet in heart disclaime him . the author saith , his majestie doth most freely acknowledge , and will constantly maintaine what ever rights the law doth give us ; ●…et he is not bound to be ray his owne . happy england if this were made good unto us . i doe not question his royall heart , i believe it to b●…●…ull of pie●…y a●…d truth : but it is you and your complices that have divided him from his people , and made him act a part cleane contrary to his p●…ous 〈◊〉 : obtruding the rights and liberties of his 〈◊〉 , in not d●…fending the power and priviledges of parliament , in taking up of a●…es against his people , the●…eby to inforce that , which law and right proclaimes unjust ; but i pres●…e this no further . happy 〈◊〉 , when that prerogative and subjects liberty doe not invade each other ▪ but let this 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 construction : if pre●…ive be abused to the endangering of the state , t is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his majesties right , to bee ruled by the counsell of his parliament , for the securing 〈◊〉 his people . no dissolution ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the consent of 〈◊〉 , into such and such hands , but by the same 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 it had its 〈◊〉 . the author by a needlesse endeavour , would ●…ne have us ri●…tly 〈◊〉 this , 〈◊〉 saith he , where a man doth by donation or promise part with any 〈◊〉 , he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it as his due upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 that it would 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hee , where there are ●…wo parties to the contract , as 〈◊〉 case of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , there the people cannot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 government without this 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 those few 〈◊〉 . for my 〈◊〉 i d●…e n●…t believe that ever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intended to attribute such a power to the people , as is here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no other power may abrogate , but that which did 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 not in 〈◊〉 ●…clude , that they in all cases may doe it , 〈◊〉 the author n●…ght well have 〈◊〉 his labour . it were strange if the people subjecting it selfe to ●…mmand , should 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 thing but its owne good , in the fi●…st and last place . after the author had confessed this , yet saith he , for that the peo●… could not attaine this , without a common protector to admin●…ster justice equally amongst them , they found it n●…ssary in a higher degree to provide for his good , in recompence ●…f their 〈◊〉 , &c. and so concludes , that the good of either is mu●…ally involved , and that the people may be hap●… , they must first provide for the happ●…nesse of their ruler . that the good of both hath a 〈◊〉 dependance upon each other no 〈◊〉 , but that the constitution of government , was 〈◊〉 and principally for the good of the pe●…ple , that 's as 〈◊〉 , and therefore that ought first to be 〈◊〉 . the author charges the observator , with breaking out into a most scandalous and false invective 〈◊〉 the late government , and this he counts 〈◊〉 of any 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 he give any answer we should be s●…re to have it , but what he cannot answer , h●…e cannot answer , he can by some sophysticall flight evade , or els tell you , ( as ●…re ) that it is false , though the lye reflect upon himselfe ; but he may ( without offence ) give it to himselfe , as he doth in the very words following , by which he confesses , that the subject groaned under some grievances . if i should have demanded of the author before parliament ( granting he were not one who added to the burden ) whether that the kingdom were not even ready to sink and faint away under those heavie pressures of monopolies , ship-mony , cote and conduct money , and the like ( most illegall charges , such as our ancestors never knew ) i am confident that hee would have answered me in the affirmative , and have further added , that the body politike must die , if that a parliament did not interpose ▪ for the securing of it ; and are these now become false and scandalous invectives ? t is very strange that the author should so sodainly forget gods goodne●…e and mercy towards us , in this parliament , as not only to forget the blessing , but even to deny the benefit : for hee saith , wè owe it to the goodnesse of his majesty , that we are free , even from the feare of them for the future . no respect at all is to be had of the parliament , as if they were not so much as instruments in the conveyance of this mercy : t is pitty that he should share in the blessing , that will not acknowledge the hand that conveyed it . we shall ever with all humilitie acknowledg●… his majesties goodnesse and grace towards us this parliament , in taking off those unjust burdens that pressed our shoulders ; and yet not forget our worthies : and by the way , let me say this ; he that layes an unjust burden upon me , and after long suffering , binds himselfe to ease me of it for the future , as it is no restitution or recompence for the evill already undergone , so he doth no more then what the law of god and an upright conscience ties him to . i but saith the author , compare us to any other nation in the christian world , we in our worst times , were least unhappy . a strange reason , that because other nations are not so happy as wee , perchance out of defect of their government , or themselves , that therefore wee must inslave our selves to be like them : i feare this is the labour of the time , to reduce us to their condition ; and i hope this will be our care , not to be content with a comparative happinesse only , but to labour to maintaine our ancient rights and priviledges . againe the author saith , that he shall not endeavour to excuse the former times , by comparison with our present miseries : though neither be defirable , yet we are too sensible , which we have justest reason to complaine of . t is certaine that no evill is defirable , but yet if fate decree it , let me suffer under the hand of justice , rather than of wrong and oppression . besides desperate diseases , must have desperate cures , if these times bring greater misery than the former , thanks be to the author and his con●…derates ; the publike calamity now , is but the sad effect of that before . had we freely enjoyed our birth-right and inheritance then , there would not have beene this civill combustion now : bad premisses must have bad conclusions . i 〈◊〉 under this word ( protect ) the king intends not only to shield us from all kinde of evill , but to promote us also to all kinde of polyticall happinesse , according to his utmost devoyre . saith the author , i never did apprehend in the word ( protect ) 〈◊〉 large notion . every particular subject hath a just title , and may challenge an interest in whatsoever is meant by the word protection : is the king therefore bo●…nd to promote every particular person to all kinds of politicall happinesse ? to advance all to honours , offices , power , command ? i wonder how you can now apprehend this word ( protect ) under so large a notion : or is it possible ( were you not resolved to cavill ) that these words should give you ground for it ? certainly ( if my reason faile me not ) politicall happinesse hath reference only to the body politike , and that is not capable of any advancement , to any ho●…our , office , or power , and to take the words in other sense were to make them impossible , for can it be thought or expected that his majestie should be bound to advance all his subjects to places of honor or power ? since if all should be in authority they might command themselvs , there would be none left to obey . the sence of the observator is plainely this , that the king by this word protect is not only to intend a shielding us from all evill , but likewise a promoting of the commo●…wealth to all kinde of politicall happinesse : by endeavouring to inrich , not impoverish his kingdom : by maintaining peace , and establishing good and wholesome laws amongst his people , and by putting of such in place of power and authority , that may see the due execution of the same . though all single 〈◊〉 ought to looke upon the late bills passed by the king , as matters of grace , with all thankfulnesse and humility , yet the king himselfe , looking upon the whole state , ought to acknowledge that he cannot merit of it &c. all hath proceeded but from his meere duty . it was believed heretofore ( saith the author ) the greatest happinesse of a prince , that 〈◊〉 was able , and his greatest glory , to be willing to oblige his people . but now he is made not capeable of doing any courtesie . vvhen he hath done all he can , he hath discharged the duty of a trusty servant . whatsoever hath beene or could be attributed to any prince in point of grace or humble acknowledgement , that we ascribe unto our gracious soveraigne , with all humilitie : and we shall alwayes account it our happinesse , to have a prince not only able , but willing to engage his people by his grace and goodnesse ; but must it therefore be thought to be a dishonour or derogation from his gracious and publike favours , to say , that hee doth but fungi officio , discharge his office , or duty , according as the law of god and man obligeth him ? certainly had rhehoboams sages thought that their councell had carryed the least badge of irreverence or disrespect to their prince , they would not have advised him in such rough and unacceptable language , that if he would be a servant to that people and serve them , &c. that then they would be his servants for ever . good princes have acknowledged themselves servants to the common wealth . and t is the councell of young men only that suggest the contrary . but it is a certaine position , that that prince will never discharge his trust aright , that sacrifices too much to his royaltie . here the author may see , that other ages have beene guilty of the like irreverence and disrespect ( as this sycophantean co●…tier is pleased to stile it ) to princes . againe he saith , that if all single persons ought to looke upon the late bills passed by the king , as matters of grace . then they truly are so , for no obligation can lye upon any man , to believe things ●…therwise than they are . t is true , things that are simply good , or simply evil , cannot be varied by circumstances : & and therefore no obligation may constrain a man to believe them otherwise . but that which is not in it selfe good or bad , but varies according to its severall object ; in such case , for one and the same act to produce good to one , and ill to another , is no novelty : and here the application denominates the action . so in this case , one and the same action may be matter of grace to one , and yet but matter of d●…ty to another . as when a iudge doth justice to a man , as to him t is grace and favour , but with reference to the law , t●…s but his dutie . i but he saith , that this ground destroyes the power of bene●…nce in a pri●…ce , and the duty of gratitude in subjects . under favour nothing lesse ▪ for as it is his ma●…esties office and duty by all meanes of grace and favour , as also by justice and right , to endeavour the happinesse of the common wealth ; so it is our duty by all meanes of humble acknowledgement , to bee gratefull , t is a great mercy for to have a prince that will governe his people according to law and right . and it were a great judgement , for the people not to bee thankfull . the king ought not to account that a profit , or strength to him which is a losse and wasting to the people , nor ought ●…ee to thinke that pe●…sht to him , which is gained to the people . by the same argument the people may share all that be hath , and he is ●…ound to believe that be hath lost nothing . all that the observator here drives at , is but this , that the kings strength and riches , a●…e imbarked in the happinesse and prosperity of h●…s people ; and therefore that it is not their debilitating or impoverishing , that will any way 〈◊〉 , or enrich his majestie , but the contrary ; blest be the king in his portion , may it increase to nonplus arithmeticke , and his dayes , time ; but yet let him know , that the misery or happinesse of his people are by way of r●…flection made his . is king an●… people have severall ●…ghts ( saith the author ) what law is there which binds the king suo j●…re cedere , and enables the people to preserve their rights , nay to challenge his ? no do●…bt the king and people have severall rights ( happy state , when they doe not intrench upon each other ) but in this they va●…y ; the king , for the most part , is seized or poss●…ssed in jure 〈◊〉 , and the people in their owne right : so that the king hath n●… that 〈◊〉 of property , that the people hath : and no doubt the king at first ( as it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the author ) received his demesnes from his people , as a recompence of his care , to whom they owed their securitie ; and therefore if it were law for 〈◊〉 , no question the people might most colourably justifie an incroachment . a●… the king by the law of god and man is bound to doe justice , and to protect and de●… his people : and therefore if he have any right or priviledge that is inconsistent wi●…h these , he is obliged suo jure cedere . but againe , doth any one goe about to take away the kings right , or to divest any property of his ? nay rather doe they not in defect of his 〈◊〉 , and in his right , imploy and mannage them according to the trust reposed in him ; or if they did doe it , ought not the king rather to loose his right or priviledge , then that the publike ●…erish or be destroyed ? regall dignity was erected to preserve the comminalty : but that which is the end is ●…arre 〈◊〉 honourable and valuable in nature , and policy , then that which is the meanes . the conclusion impl●…d is , therefore the commons more honourable than the soveraigne . t is no dishonour to h●…s majestie , for to say , that the comminaltie or body politique is more honourable than he : did he not receive his dignitie from them , and for their behalf ? is he not a servant to the common-wealth ? and is not the common wealth of greater valuation and esteeme ? i , that the author doth agree too , but he saith , it doth not follow , that therefore it is more honourable . pray what is honour ? but the estimate and repute of people , so that every man is more or lesse 〈◊〉 , according to the greater or lesser valuation and 〈◊〉 , that he is had in with the people . honor est magis in hon●…rante , quam in honorato , and no d●…ubt the publike good carries the greatest price and estimate , therefore the more honourable . l , b●…t saith the author , how doe you maintaine your argument : that because the end is more honourable and valuable than the means , therefore the comminaltie is more 〈◊〉 than the king . for saith he , 〈◊〉 are ministring spirits for the good of men , ●…ut will it therefore follow , that because the end is more honourable than the meanes , that me●… are more honourable than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so sai●…h hee , christ is made the head of the church , for the salvation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the end is 〈◊〉 honourable and ●…aluable ●…an the meanes , can it therefore be , that man is more ho●…ble and valuable than c●…st ? these cases may receive a short answer , for 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 is pleased to say , that the highest 〈◊〉 of angels ministration , and the ob●…ce of chi●…st , is the gl●…ry of god ; 〈◊〉 ●…our it is the proximate end , and so it is not in 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 than in other humane acts or 〈◊〉 : so 〈◊〉 these cases conclude 〈◊〉 us , n●… against us ; b●…t 〈◊〉 that they could hold , this is a strange way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 a rule will not stand in one 〈◊〉 case ▪ that therefore it will in no 〈◊〉 ; allow me but this 〈◊〉 in dispute , and i will 〈◊〉 overthrow , or maintaine 〈◊〉 c●…e in question : as for 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 is the meanes of the salvation of mens 〈◊〉 , is not t●…e end h●…e mo●…e 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 th●…n the meanes ? so 〈◊〉 and sord●…d labour may raise a man to g●…at rich●…s and 〈◊〉 , and is not the end here , more 〈◊〉 and valuable than the meanes . now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to ●…clude from these cases to the case in d●…bate you would say were a very fallacious 〈◊〉 , turne but the s●…ales the case is your ●…wn . but the author saith , that 〈◊〉 rule ●…h hold in s●…ch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as are onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 unto their ends , and have no proper goodnes●… of their ●…wne , but a k●…ng 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 were made for man●… sustinence , and here no question , the end is more ho●… and valuable than the meanes , and yet we must n●…t 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 in the creature . so the word of god preached is good in it selfe ▪ and yet here the end is more honourable than the meanes , so the king might be an honourable person in himself which the superaddition of royaltie doth not destroy , but en●…rease , and yet withall this , being but the meanes to preserve the 〈◊〉 ; may bee lesse honourable and valuable than they who are the end of his royaltie . this directs us to the trancendent {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of all politiques , to the paramount law that shall give law to all humane lawes whatsoever , and that is salus populi . how many nations hath this abused principle brought to ruine and confusion . he instances in none ; but would subtilly insinuate such things into your beliefe , that might make you to feare your present condition ; but if phanta●…mes or chymoeraes have vainely frighted others , happily out of their wits , shall not wee therefore wisely secure ou●… selves ●…rom apparent and visible dangers ? the abuse of a good thing , doth no way conclude against the lawfull use . but a●…ter he had agreed this to be the end of all government , hee holds it without doubt , that governours proportion all their laws to that end ; for ( saith he ) who that is wise , will not provide for their safety as well as he can , in whose destruction his owne is ●…nvolved . i wish from my very soule that this were duly pondered on , salus regis & populi , lye now at stake for a 〈◊〉 , and is like to be lost , without the king , by the advice of his great councell , be pleased , providere salvationi regni sui . gratious soveraigne , suffer not your people ( and in them your owne honour and happinesse ) to dye , who ( god knowes ) seek nothing but the maintenance and preservation of both . well , after this , the author tels us of a crafty kind of people ' ( who hee meanes , god knowes , for i believe he himselfe doth not ) who by faire glosses and pretences insinuate themselves into the hearts of the multitude , who pity their sufferings , and tell them they are not so well governed as they might be ; these things if applyed to our state and condition , are not bare pretences . and then he instances in the story of absalon , who stole away the hearts of his fathers subjects , under a pretence of doing o●… them justice ; this absolon , i feare , is neerer oxford than london : after he saith , they promise 〈◊〉 , and to effect this , desi●…es the peopl●…s assistance , unhappy people and fit to be inslaved , that will not yeeld their aide for redu●…ing of their ancient liberties . then , he saith , the people full of great hopes , cry up these men , as the only fit iustruments of state , none deserve better of the common wealth ( let the mo●…th of malice suggest what it can by way of detraction ) then such as have haza●…ded their lives and fortunes for reducing of its former happinesse ; and no instruments so fit as these , that are chosen by publike consent and approbation . having thus ga●…ned the 〈◊〉 of the people , their next worke is to pick a quarrel 〈◊〉 great 〈◊〉 that by 〈◊〉 t●…m , they make 〈◊〉 for thems●…lves , is that to picke a quarrell with great officers to accuse them legally for their unjust oppression and malignity to the common wealth ? and if they ●…hance to be expulsed ( though it seldome prove so ) as justice requireth , where can you find their accusers in their roome ? which possibly might have beene had they desired it . then he saith , if these men will not out of their preferments . the people are acquainted , the●…e are the only ●…ubs , which 〈◊〉 a ●…appy government ; ●…hese are the close enemies to the state . no wonder if the people be so informed ; those that have beene 〈◊〉 the oppreslers of the common wealth , will , rather than suffer their actions to come to the test , prove even the destroyers 〈◊〉 it . and is not salus ●…uli now concerned , and the whole ki●…gdome in danger and ( to use his owne words ▪ though with more reall intention ) no way to escape this imminent perill but by tearing o●… these men from the prince ; who endeavour to rent the king from his people , and utterly to destroy both . a●…ter all this large and darke discourse , hee concludes by way of advise ; and what is that ? why wholesome counsell , i warrant you . let them ( saith he ) rely upon their governours , who have 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 ( es●…ecially i●… they have given them great and late sig●…es of their 〈◊〉 to and care of 〈◊〉 , this is the most 〈◊〉 way of safety ▪ i marry sir , thi●… is good doctrine indeed : because 〈◊〉 will hazzard his fortune , which i●… greater ; must i therefore expose mine to ruine , which is lesse : but stay , hath any one individuall , a greater portion than the publike ? or m●…re to loose than the body politicke ? if so , we will intrust our store with him , and runne the hazzard ; if otherwise , you will give us leave to secu●…e the great●…r , and more considerable portion . a●…d under the a●…thors favour , t is no probable way of safety , ●…r a man to 〈◊〉 himselfe wit●… his enemie . i but th●…n heare what he saith immediately after the precedent words , if 〈◊〉 should miscary ( saith he ) which they can have no reason to suspect ) they would perish with a great deale of di●…cretion . the law of god , of nature , of nations , and the municipall law of the land , doe all inab'e a man to maintaine his life and fortunes , though by force and violence . and can it then be thought that a whole kingdome and people should bee bound ( under i know not what divine obligation ) to yeeld themselves as a pray to the malice of their enemies ▪ t is not the bond of governours , that can challenge a submission to things unlawf●…ll : and for that cause , that i am not bound to obey , it were unnaturall , if i migh●… not defend : and therefore with the authors favour , it were high sin and indiscretion for me to loose my life , when i might save it . it seemes 〈◊〉 all to me , that any nation should be bound to contribute its owne inherent puissance , meerely to abet tyranny , and support slavery . the inconveniences of tyranny conclude nothing against just monarch●… . that is true , i but what if a just monarch shall degenerate into a tyrant ? then i perceive you will allow , that the inconveniences of tyranny conclude somewhat . i but , saith the author , it is so far from being unnaturall , that any nation should be bound to contribute its power to that end , that some have made it their choice , others their refuge . what , to be made slaves ? most unreasonable , most unnaturall . all creatures ( much more man ) doe by nature desire liberty . t is that we were all borne to ; and as he doth oppugne nature , so hee waves part of his right and inheritance , that consents to thralldome . no temporall blessing next to life , greater than an ample freedome ; no greater misery , than a vile and sordid slavery . i but wh●…t if the authors position hold true ? that some nations have so far degenerated as to exchange a palace for a prison ( though perchance that by force too ) as the state of rome , turkey , and france ; must their examples be precidents for us ? or is it any whit the lesse unnaturall because they doe it ? i but the author saith , there may bee reasonable motives why a people should consent to slavery ; as if in danger of a potent enemy , they could hire none on gentler conditions , to undertake their defence , or if reduced to extreme want , they had not wherewith to sustaine themselves , they may very probably , like esau , ●…asse away their 〈◊〉 - right , 〈◊〉 : and he gives you an instance of both these , of the fi●…st , the 〈◊〉 to the children of israel : and of the last , the egyptians to pharaoh . t is an old and true saying , that necessity hath no law ; the law of nature bindes every man to defend and maintaine his libertie , but necessity may untie this bond ; for it is better to be , though miserable , then not to be at all . but now to conclude from a case of necessity , to a case out of necessity , is no good reasoning . to say that to save my life , i may part with my liberty ; and therefore like esau with his birth-right , i may passe it away for a messe of pottage ; this is a most foolish and unreasonable argument . to conclude this , freedome , as it is a great mercy , so it ought of temporall blessings , next to our lives , to receive the greatest estimate ; the slavery of the body is the 〈◊〉 to the thraldome of conscience ; and if we foolishly surrender up this , the other will not be long after . from the word ( trust ) used by his majestie , he gathers , the king doth admit his interest i●… the c●…owne in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . no ground for this collection : for there may be a trust , and that is so much the greater , if free from condition . under the authors favour the collection is very naturall ; for ( as i have shewen before ) every trust implyeth a condition ; that the party intrusted faithfully discharge and execute that trust that is reposed in him : and did not the king accept his crowne upon the same condition ? beside●… , ●…ll osfices of trust and confidence , or that concerne the administration of justice ( as lawyers well know ) carry a long with them a tacit condition ; and th●… office of a king , hath those qualifications in the most s●…perlative degree , of any other , and therefore must of necessity be conditionate . but the author saith , that this is true in some sense , and his majestie hath alwayes acknowledged , he is bound to maintain the rights and liberty of the subject : yet we must not so understand it , as if the right to his kingdom were so conditionate , that it wer●… capable of forfeiture upon a not exact performance of covenant . it can never be thought with any candid and f●…ire interpretation , that the observators intention was , that the king might , for breach of this condition , forfeit his crowne ; for it is cleare that the not executing of a trust , doth not forfeit the estate or interest intrusted : besides t is regularly true in our law , that that which is not grantable , is not forfeitable ▪ but the crown is not grantable , e●…go , & c. ●…ut that which most confirms me in this is , that the observator hath in ●…art declared his judgement against the opinion o●… deposing prin●…es , which i conc●…ive he would not have done , had he thought the crown forfeitable ; all that he intends ( if i may be thought fit to be his expositer ) is ( as i suppose ) but this , that he would not have kings have an absolute and unquestionable power , so that their exorbitancy might not ( though with greater happinesse to the common wealth ) be regulated by a parliament . as for the word ( elegerit ) whether it be future or past it skils not much . if he ●…ake notice of the conclusion deduced thence , he may finde as much difference between the tenses ; as betweene democracy and monarchy . give me leave to make the premisses , and doe you raise what conclusion you will . the observator ( who knew certainly to distinguish the tenses as well as the author ) seems to intend only thus much , that if elegerit be taken in the future tense , well and good ; it makes for him ; for then the king ( according to the very letter of his oath ) is bound under the heavy sinne of perjury to grant such lawes as a●…e requested of him by his people ; and then hee can have no negative voyce . but admitting it be expounded in the preter perfect tense , and not in the future ; why yet saith the observator , it matters not : for by the oath and the law of the land the king is bound to do justice ; and the granting of new laws unto his people upon their request , is an act of justice , & necessary as well as the dispencing of the old , & therfore there being the same necessitity , the publike trust must needs equally extend to both . but the aethor will shew us , why elegerit , must of necessity bee taken in the preterrerfect , not in the future , as this case is , for saith he , the word ( consuetudines ) which cannot referre to the future , undenyably evinces , it was meant of the time past . ] under favour this doth not infallibly conclude that elegerit must be taken in the preter perfect tense , for no more then the king can grant such customes as the people sh●…ll chuse , for that it must be time , not the kings patent , that can create a custome ; so neither can the king grant such lawes or customs unto a people , which they have already chosen , and which have beene established and ratified unto them , by all his predecessors ; for quod semel meum est ultra meum esse non potest , that which is mine owne already cannot be given unto me . so that the oath must bee construed , reddendo singula singulis , as we say in law ; that is , that he will confirme their ancient customes which they doe already enjoy . and that he will grant unto them such new laws as they shall hereafter make choyce of : other reasonable construction the oath will not admit of , and agreeing with this exposition is the first clause of his magisties oath , where demand is made whether his majestie will grant and co●…firm unto his people their ancient lawes and customes , who answers that he will . and contrary to that which the author doth assert , the parliament have made it clear and manifest by their declaration lately published , how that elegerit hath been alwayes rendered in the future tense , and not in the preter perfect tense . so that i shall passe this over without any further trouble , conceaving that the author may ( if he have not resolved to the contrary ) upon these grounds be fully convinced in this particular . the king is bound to consent to new laws , ●…f they be necessary , as well as defend the old . his majestie never thought otherwise ; but he is not bound to an implicit faith , to believe all necessary which is pretended to be so . this is in plaine termes to invert the method , for the king to chuse lawes not the people : for if he will consent to none ( be they of never so great necessity ) but such as hee himselfe holds convenient , what then is become of the peoples election ? this is to prescribe and enforce lawes upon the people , ●…ot to consent to them upon their election . besides , who so proper a judge of the necessity or conveniency of a publi●…e law as the republike ? those that knowe the want of the benefit , must needs be most sensible of the necessity . the word elegerit ; if it be in the preterperfect tense , yet shews , that the peoples election had beene the ground of ancient ●…a●…es and customes ; and why the peoples election in parliament should not be now of as great moment as ever , i cannot discover . the election there spoken of , is the election of the diffusive , no●… of any representative body , that with the tacit consent of the prince , and so os much other authority . under favour it is of no other authority , for though it should be con●…essed that at first the diffusive body did chuse their lawes , which had the tacit consent of the prince , and that since the people have granted the king a negative voyce in his parliaments , which is the representative body of the kingdome , yet being with this qualification , that his majesty grant all necessary lawes desired by the people , hence it followes , that the representative body ( having as great power , and as good judgement , to discern of laws necessary , as the diffusive ) have the same power of election , which ought to be of as great moment and consequence as ever . for the representative , their ancient right is not denyed , no law shall be abrog●…ted , none ●…acted without their assen●… . but there is a meane betweene doing nothing , a●…d all . i wonder at the author that he dare utter such palpable and knowne falsities . how often have the priviledges of parliament beene infringed ? even to amazement and wonder , that all foregoing ages cannot produce the like : and is there not an illegall commission of array , ( though not enacted ) yet ordained and set up in opposition to the parliament . but whtch is yet above all , and strikes at their very essence , are they not ( because others doe neglect their duty , and the trust reposed in them by the publike ) denyed even the very name of a parliament , and therein the power and vertue of it ? and whether this be not a denying of their right , , let the world judge . the author saith true , that there is a meane betweene doing nothing and all . but i would faine know how we shall be assured of this meane if his majestie ( upon pretence of unnecessary ) shall have power to deny whatsoever is requested by the parlament ? the result of all is , our kings cannot be said to have so unconditionate and high a propriety in all t●…e subjects , lives , liberties , and possessions , or in any thing else to the crowne appertaining , as subjects have in the kings dignitie . the author saith , that what should be meant by subjects having an unconditionate and h●…gh 〈◊〉 in the kings dignity , surpasses his understanding . 〈◊〉 not the author loved division , he would not have thus severed the observators words , thereby to pu●… a dylemma upon himselfe , and others : for the observator saith before , that the king was made for the people , and not the people for the king , and thence raiseth this conclusion ( which under savour is very naturall ) that therefore the king hath not that absolute right of property in the people and their interest , as they have in his majestie and his possession : and now will any man ( except our author who understands not ) deny this for a truth ? i , but he sa th , it seemes to s●…eake this wicked doctrine , that subjects may dispose of the soveraignty as ●…hey please . t is strange that our author will passe his judgement ( especially so severe an one ) upon any thing that he doth not understand : because happily it may conclude thus much , that his sacred person and his actions ought to be directed and ruled by his great councell the par●… 〈◊〉 it therefore thence be deduced , that they may dispose of his soveraignty at pleasure : this is the authors meaning not ours . if the king 〈◊〉 such high 〈◊〉 as subjects , it were not lawfull , or naturall for him to expo●…e his 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 for his 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 is it 〈◊〉 for subjects then to doe so ? what a strange 〈◊〉 is this ; is it not lawfull for a man , by the hazzard of his person , to defen●… his proper●…y ? which cannot be maintained without the defense of his countrey . but this doth no way prove that if the kings right were as absolute as the subjects , that he might expose h●…s life and for●…une for their defence : for no doubt hee that looseth his life when he might have saved it is a man slayer ; and if the people had beene made for the king , not the king for the people , what law could have warranted the hazzarding of his person , ●…or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? but to disprove , this conclusion , he saith , that the people have as great , 〈◊〉 g●…eater 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…or the king , and this he makes good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉 , which 〈◊〉 , that i become your le●…ge of life 〈◊〉 g●…ds . &c. as 〈◊〉 by ●…he pro●…station and 〈◊〉 of ligeance which are to the same effect . he is no true subject that will not expose 〈◊〉 and all that he hath , for the preservation of his king an●… sovera●…e , we shall ever acknowledge that strong tie and obligation , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 us to doe it . but yet we must 〈◊〉 that the kings oath , and the law of the land ( which engage the king to protect and defend his kingdome and people ) are equal●… 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 that the observator had shewen the effic●…ent cause of parliament to wit the people , an●… he finall cause safety and libertie , he descends to this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 he ) 〈◊〉 are aimed at in parliaments , not to be attained to by o●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 est of the people might be satisfied , ●…nd kings better counselled . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 certainly , many kingdomes have enjoyed a most high de●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 monarchs , who knew no parliaments . th●…s possibly may be 〈◊〉 ; but i ●…ope it shall not 〈◊〉 into the hearts of english subjects any whit the greater affection to that kind of 〈◊〉 ; i believe indeede that this is that the author would faine perswade us to ; these are the maine grounds of the sad division our religion and our parliaments : god enable us to maintai●… both ; for if wee part with either , we shake hands and bid adue to all happinesse . the author saith that two ●…her 〈◊〉 might have beene named as assentiall as the former , which are to supply his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by subsidies , and assent to the abrogation of old lawes , and enacting new . ] the latter i 〈◊〉 agree to be so , but i never heard before , that the supplying of his majesties wants by subsidies , was one of the essentiall ends of the calling of parliament . it was accounted formerly the mai●… end of calling of a parliament , the ease or releife of the subject , and the granting of subsidies was then esteemed but as a congratulation or thankfull acknowledgment of the kings grace and favour towards them in that parliament ; and is it now become one of the maine ends ? i suppose the author speakes out of a late experience ; 't was never happy with england since this law was broached . and wheresoever kings advance their owne profit , or but make it ●…quall with that of the publique , the people will never enjoy true happinesse . in the summes of edward . ( ●…laus . . in . dors . ) we see the first end of parliaments expressed : for he inserts in the writt , that whatsoeve●… affaire is 〈◊〉 publique concernment , ought to receive publique approbation , quod ownes tangit , 〈◊〉 omnibus app●…obari debet & tractari . ] the author tells us that this must be understood with due caution , lest wee reduce our selves to our primirive estate , by dissolving the bonds of government ; and therefore saith he , the policie of all est●…tes for the avoydi●…g of all confusion hath been , to leave the transaction of publique affaires , to some certaine number , and their suffrages doe in law binde the rest ; so saith he in absolute monarchies what princes doe is legally the act of all ; and hee makes the result of all to be this , those things which the law doth require , shall be transacted onely by parliament , the people doe handle and approve of by their knights and ●…rgesses : those things which the law hath intrusted the king with many of which concerne the good of the who●… ) what bee doth is their act . ] i shall not with our author dare to confine parliaments , whose power is vaste and incognit as my lord cooke speakes : and yet i shall not ascribe so unlimited a power unto them , as to give them ju●…isdiction in all cases . ( they themselves who best know their power ) have in their late declaration protested against it ; for they say , they have power of jurisdiction of declaring the law in perticular cases before them ; then not in all cases : but who shall bee judge of those cafes , by which they are intituled to jurisdiction ? can ther●… be any one a competent judge of this , but themselves ? and they having past their judgement , who ought or dare to contradict it ? no reversing of their judgement , but by the judgement of a subsequent parliament ; why then since none can know their power , or if they could , they are not competent judges of it ; how dare any one goe about ▪ to dispute their power or call in question their judgement ? the desire of the commons in the raigne of edw. . was , that they might not advise in things de queux ils nount pas cognizance , the matter in debate then concerning the setling of intestine commotions , guarding the marches in scotland and the seas ; concludes no more than this , that they thought themselves not ▪ competent counsellours in thi●… case ( happily by reason of their unskilfulnesse in that way , or for that the king had then more able counsellors to advise with in that matter ) which under favour is no renouncing of jurisdiction . but to give a more full and satisfactory answer , at that time the king complyed with his parliament , and would not be advised by others , and then there being no breach of trust , there 〈◊〉 the lesse reason for the parliament to advise or intermeddle with affaires of that nature ; but if the king had then deserted the counsell of his parliament , and cleaved to the advise of his young men like rehoboam , certainely then they would not have deserted their power in danger of the common-w●…alth , which by their writt and their oathes , they are bound to preserve and defend , and therefore clearely not out of their ●…gnizance ; for that passage in the diary of . hen. . i wonder the author should so farre forget himselfe , as to think that author●…ty of any moment ; when he doth produce the record , i will then give him an answer . so that i take this as an undeniable position , that where the king doth duely execute the trust reposed in him , there the 〈◊〉 are bound by his act ▪ and the parliament in such ca●…e have no 〈◊〉 or jurisdiction : b●…t if on the co●…trary the king infring his trust to the endangering of the kingdom , there the parliament may & are bound to 〈◊〉 for the securing o●… the king & 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 will not passe over th●…s r●…le thus ; for saith he , if quod omnes tangit , ab 〈◊〉 opprob●…ri debet ; with what equity then may the clergie , who are a considerable part of this kingdome be excluded ? ] why yes , by the same eq●…ity , that the statute of . hen. . doth excl●…de them from being farmers ; that those who have devoted themselves soly to gods service , might not miscere se secularibus negotijs , incumber thems●…lves with secular affaires , for that this would be an impediment to the execution of their sacred function ; 't was ne●…er happy with this nation since pride and covetousnesse so possessed the clergie ; and temporall jurisdiction was dispensed by ecclesiasticall persons : and since they proved better lawyers than divines , they ●…arved their flocke , and made them more like wolves , than sheepe , and heathens than christians . i wish they would not desire temporall pre●…erment , but keepe themselves ( as they ought ) in their proper spheare , & ponder on this , that it is no small happines to be exempted from state 〈◊〉 & molestations ; & that it is the greatest honour to be the servant of god . the author saith that the king tells them , their writt may direct them to know their power , which is to counsell , not to command . ] i wish with all my heart , that he and his associates could pleade as cleare a conscience from this , as his parliament can , though certainely they may make a more colourable pretence to it , than the cavalliers ; if begging and intreating with all the submissivenesse that possibly can be , be a commanding , then are the parliament highly guilty if it , otherwise not ; againe saith the author , the writt runnes , super dubijs negotijs tractaturi , vestrumque consilium impensuri ; so that the cleare meaning is , their advise is not law , except the royall assent established it into an act. ] if the authour please but to advise with the learned , he will finde that , tractare , is of a more large signication than to treat of or debate onely . but was it ever said , that their advise should be law without the regall assent ? they have power to declare what the law of the land is , in case of publique concernement , as now , but it was never so much as thought on , that they could make a new law , or alter the old , without his majesty ; we must distinguish betweene the declaring or adjudging of a new case by the reason of the old law , and the making of a new law ; the one they may doe without his majesties consent , the other they cannot . 't is alleadged that the king call●…th them counsellors , not in all things , but in quibusdam arduis , &c. and the case of wentworth is cited by his majesty , who being a member of the house of commons , was committed , by queene elizabeth but for proposing , they might advise the q●…eene in a matter she thought they had nothing to doe to m●…ddle with . to which the observator answereth a meere example ( though of queene elizabeth ) is no law . ] 't is true saith the author , but when grounded upon authority , i pray where is it ? and no way excepted against by those who have beene alwaies earnest defendors of their priviledges , it may bee reckoned among sound presidents . ] happily there was never the like occasion to except against i●… , as having never beene urged , how then could it be answered ? i am confident , that there was never any age before so guilty of the judging and questioning of the power of parliaments . but pray heare the parliament , and as you ought , so rest satisfied , who say , that some presidents ought not to be rules , this you must agree to , for that some are not lawfull ; but furthey they say , that no presidents can bee bounds to the proceedings of a parliament , because some ought not to be followed , and all may ●…all short and be different from the case in question . the king denies the assembly of the lords and commons , when be withdraweth himself●… , to bee rightly named a parl●…ament , or to have any power of any court , and consequen●…ly to be any thing , but a meere convention of so many private men . ] this is falsely imposed on his majesty , his answers and massages speakes the contrary , which are directed to both houses of parliament . ] had it not beene doubted that other direction might have caused some mistake and miscarriage , or at least have deni●…d them that acceptance , that his majesti●…s messages do d●…serve , i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o●…her name and style would have beene found out , for doth he not in these very m●…ssages call th●…m an inconsiderable number , and a company of factious 〈◊〉 persons and the lik●… ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not the stiles of a parliament , and for th●…ir pow●…r if they can doe nothing wi●…hout his m●…jesties consent , and that not to be obtained neither ; what are they more th●…n a cipher ? or a meere conv●…ntion of private men ? and is this a falsity ? but our authours language sh●…ll not provoke to a retaliation . the king doth assert , that because the law hath trusted him with a p●…erogative to discontinue p●…aments , to the danger or prejudice of the kingdome , this is no breach of that trust , because in 〈◊〉 of law , the people may not assemble in parliament , but by his writt . ] 〈◊〉 is grosse 〈◊〉 , saith the authour , howev●…r i am sure the language is gros●…e ; i had no time to 〈◊〉 for to disprove the author , but this i am certaine of , that his m●…jestie doth strongly urge that prerogative and his power and ●…lection thereby , which gives a strong intimation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 of freedome and power therein : but why is it false ? because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 author , if it appeare to him necessary , or expedient for the kingdome , hee ac●… , he is obliged by that trust reposed in him to issue out his writts . ] t is not to be 〈◊〉 ●…hat wh●…n the people granted this prerogative to his majestie , that they would give him so vast a power , as to make him the sole judge of the necessitie of a parli●…ment : for if so , upon the 〈◊〉 of not necessary , and that upon the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 counsellers , be the kingdome in never so imminent , never so appa●…ent danger , it must be destroyed for want of a parliament ; certainly this was never the intention of this trust : besides , who can be so competent a judge of any approaching danger , or of any malignities or pressures in the common wealth , as they who speake out of the common sense and 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 ? however this is certaine , the kingdome canno●… suff●…r by a parliament , i●… may withou●… . if the parliament make any transition in other matters , than what be pleases to propose , they are lyable to imprisonment at his pleasure . the sense of his inference is this , that because they cannot justifie the medling with things , which belong not to their cognizance , therefore they may bee punished , if they meddle with those that doe . this is the authors inference , not the observators , he doth not say , that for executing their due power they may be imprisoned , no , such inconsequent conclu●…ious we leave to the author . but this he seemeth to speake , that it should be very hard and unreasonable , that the power of judging of the jurisdiction and authority of a parliament should reside only in the kings breast , when that none can determine aright of them , but themselves ; for if so , if the king at any time shall say they exceed their power , they may be imprisoned at plea●…ure . the author telling the people how farre their ingagement goes with the parliament , saith that if they exceed their 〈◊〉 , and vote things not belonging to their cognizance , the people by no meanes is ingaged in it , as having no legall way of expressing of themselves in such cases . this is in plain termes to tell the people , in what cases they are to submit to , and maintain and desend the parliament ; in what not ; certainly people cannot be so 〈◊〉 as to thin●… that the illegall acts of a parliament s●…ould bind them ; but on the other side , i hope they will not be so foolish as to believe every thing to be illegall , which the author is pleased to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but rather cast themselves upon their care ( as in duty they are bound ) whom they have entrusted with the publike securitie ; but i hope the author will now be advised , that on the contrary the people are no more ingaged in the illegall proceedings of the prince ( in those things that he is intrusted with for the publike ) than of the parliament . it is impossible ( saith the king ) that the same trust should be irrevocably committed to us , and our heires for ever , and the same trust , and a power above that trust ( for such is the power they pretend to ) be committed to others . it is true ( saith the observator ) two supreames cannot be in the same sense and respect . this is a weake answer saith the author . so weake that the author cannot reply to it ; for nothing is more knowne or assented to than this , that the king is singulis major , yet universis minor . it seemes ( sayes the author ) the king hath taken the oath of alligeance as well as we , and we may call him 〈◊〉 fellow subject . did we ever speake of two kings ? or can there be so in one common wealth ? but much lesse can there be any alligeance due from the soveraigne to the subject ; certainly the author was not himselfe : but to prove his reasoning yet more absurd , we doe not say that the king is singulis minor , but that he is universis minor , and i hope ●…he universe or body politike , never swore alligeance or supremacy to the king , neither is it possible that it should , for that it is a body only in consideration of law , that hath neither life , nor motion like other individuals ; and therefore not capable of doing of any act in that capacity , so that notwithstanding this shallow rea●… , the king is universis minor . i , but saith the author , you tell us that he is greater than one , you doe not tell us that he is better than two , this is no greater supremacy , than probably he had before he was a king . the prince is singulis major as well as ●…ee , nay , may not any lord in the land chal 〈◊〉 the same supremacy over all the knights , any knight over all esqui●…es ? what a poore and senslesse cavill is this , doe not we say that he is universis minor ? and doth it not then consequently follow that we allow him major to all that is lesse than the universe ? when you can reduce the universe to so small a number as two , then will his majesty be lesse than those two , untill then he is greater ; for those slender instances to prove as great a supremacy in the prince , nay in every nobleman over all knights , and in knights over all esquires ; i must tell him , had not his senses b●…ene ravished by , and swallow●…d up in mon●…rchy , he would never have so much forgot himselfe ; can there be any one singulis major but the king ? he that accounts himself so high , 〈◊〉 to be made lower by the head ? the prince himselfe is not sing●…lis major , till he survive his father . to be short , all others are but comparatively great , the king only is great in the superlative . i , but to take us off these corrupt glosses ( i would there were no more 〈◊〉 in him●… the author 〈◊〉 us to . h. . ca. . which ( as he saith ) 〈◊〉 the king to be universis major , the preface of which statute 〈◊〉 thus , that this kingdome hath beene alwayes acknowledged to be an empire , governed by one supreame head and king , having the dignity and regall estate of the same , unto whom a body politique compact of all sorts and degrees of people &c. been bounden and owen next to god , a naturall and humble obedience . doth this prove the king universis major ? under favour nothing lesse : for wee must not understand this , that the body politike doth owe obedience , but that the severall sorts and degrees of people , of which this body is compacted and made , that they doe owe obedience , for to take it otherwise , were to make an absurd and impossible construction . for as i have said before , how is it possible that a body politike ( which is a body only in judgement , of law or contemplation , ) that hath neither life , sense , nor motion that that should owe homage or obedience to any one ? much lesse a naturall obedience as the statute speaketh , so that cleerly this doth not a●… all disprove the former position . if there were no king at all in england , you would call this government an aristocracy : and why i beseech you , do you not conf●…sse the name now , seeing the thing is altogether the same ? for if they give his voyce , t is all one , as if he had no voyce ; if their p●…wer must over-rule his , t is all one as if he were 〈◊〉 of all . certainly monarchy hath committed a rape upon the authors reason and understanding , or els he could not bee thus overseene . doth the parliament go about to take away the kings voyce , or to disrobe him of his power : more than the knowne law of the land doth approve of ? did they even declare or publish such a power to be in them , that they might enact any new lawes , or abrogate the old , without his majesties consent ? nay , ●…ove they not frequently prosessed the contrary ? why then , what have they done that should have the least colour of intitling them to an aristocraticall government ? o yes ; for they ▪ have voted and published it to the world , that the power of declaring law ( 〈◊〉 paul amento ) in case of any publike concernment : doth refide in them ; and that though the king neither doth , nor will consent , yet he is obliged by their votes . and is this any greater power or priviledge than every other inferiour court hath ? or is it more than they themselves formerly without the least scruple have exercised ? by declaring law in dubious points of stat●…s and erroneous judgements . and is their ancient , undoubted , and unquestionable right now become a power aristocraticall ? t is strange that the times should so vary the case , and that long enjoyment or possession ( which doth usually confirme and strengthen a mans right ) should be a meanes to take it away . but before i passe this over , let me tell the author , that it is a most idle , scandalous and false aspersion : and if i do in all this wrong him , let hee himself judge upon his owne inference , which is this , that the defending and maintaining of the ancient ●…ight and government , is a labouring for an introducting of a new , and if he chance to blush ( as he well may ) at his own inconsequent reasoning , let him mend it herea●…ter . i but saith he , i dare say that all histories and records ( except of such parliaments which deposed their king , which the observ●…or 〈◊〉 no free one ever did ) cannot produce an example of this nature , that the two howses should pretend to a power which must of necessity over-rule the king . that there is not the least colour of a pretence to such a power , i have before plainly evidenced it . kut i pray heare his reason , why this power , as to some respects may not be greater than the king . because ( saith he ) since the law hath given the king a power , by dissolving of the parliament , to take away that power ( as is pretended ) greater than his owne , if they had ever made claime to superiority over him , he would quickly have put an end to that dispute . this is in plaine termes to say , that a power that is but temporary , cannot be greater , than that which is continuing and unalterable : a strange fallacy , why , if the kingmake one high constable of england ad 〈◊〉 , ( whom we know hath a power very extensive ) shall we conclude that his dignity or authority is inferiour to others of lesse qualitie and esteeme , because dissolvable at the kings pleasure ? or if the king conferre the dignitie and office of lord keeper to another , by committing of the seale unto his custody , is he therefore not superiour to the rest of the nobility because removable at his majesties will and discretion ? an absurditie to thinke it . before this power be challinged , it would be fit to vote down that clause in a law , made h. cited by his majesty , that it is of the kings regality to grant or deny such of their petitions ; as pleaseth himselfe . for that this is said to be cited by his majesty , i shall not question the truth of it , though i have searched the statutes , and i cannot find any such clause ; but admitting it to be so , did ever any one make a question whether that there were such a prerogative in rerum natura , as the kings negative voyce ? certainly not . the matter in debate is whether it be so absolute and uncircumscribed that the parliament can doe nothing , no , not so much as declare what the common law is , without his majesties consent , or whether it be boun ed and limited ; so that this great and most supreame court may not be like a body without a soule , or a numberlesse cypher : and for tha●… of the statute , that he may deny their petitions , can you thence deduce , that he may deny their rights ? their right of declaring law in ca●…e of publike concernment , is not involved within the narrow compasse of a petition . to the most absolute ●…mpire in the world , this condition is most naturall and necessary , that the safety of the people is to be valued above any right of his . it is against common s●…nse to suppose a king that is in his ●…its , who ●…ll not provide for the safety of his people ; nay , who will not part with some of his right , rather than they should perish , because in their destruction he looseth all . i would to god that sad experience did not inform us that you speak severall languages , one thing to us , another to his majesty , if it were not so , the setling of the militia by his parliament , by reason of the abuse of that trust , to the endangering of the kingdom , by ●…he advise of ill affected counsellors , would not have ca●…sed this great combustion . i , but then the author saith . this doth not prove a king should part with his rights , as often as they will pretend to be in danger . nor can it be thought rea●…onable , if that a parliament , and in that a whole kingdome can use pretences . was ever age guilty of such disrespects to a parliament ? if this were once admitted , what wild plots would be invented ? what strange 〈◊〉 would be received ●…rom invisible spies . strange ! that a parliament should fancy and invent n●…series to themselves , and should thus frighten the publike with phantasmes or chimaeraes . i hope th●… author will prove it by experience , that it is not so easie a m●…tter to deceive a whole common weal●…h . i ( saith he ) and so often as crafty men were ambitious or covetous , so of●…n the silly people were to be frighted . more strange yet ! that ambition and covetousnesse should at once possesse a whole parliament ; and that a whole common-wealth should be accounted but a silly people , so easie to be wrought upon . i hope this disparagement to the publike will work an answerable acceptance to the people . since all naturall power is in those who obey , they which contract to obey to their owne ruine , or having so contracted , they which esteeme suc●… a contract before their owne preservation are sellonious to themselves and rebellious to nature . for example ( sayes the author , an agreement patiently to submit themselves to the ordinary tryall of law , and to suffer , if it should se fall out , t●…ough under an undeserved sentence . in this case bee that doth not make resistance , and prerr his preservation to his contract is pronounced felo de se , and a rebell to nature . and he puts other examples of the like nature , as that of the martyrs , ●…nd of our saviour christ , and demands our thoughts of ●…hem , whether they were selfe murtherers or no ? what a strange affected mistake is this of the author , can there be the least colourable inference out of what the observator hath delivered , to justifie any individuall opposition and infringment of contract ? or to make good an innocents oppugning of the sword of justice , to rescue his owne life ? i dare confidently asfirme , not the least title to this purpose . no ; a man ought to discharge his covenant though it be to his disadvantage . and ruat coelum , fiat 〈◊〉 , though heaven itselfe ( if it were possible ) should be destroyed , yet let justice ●…ourish . that were a way to open a gap for all disorder and breach of rule and society , without which no common wealth can be of long subsistance . if thou suffer unjustly , god will abundantly remunerate thy sufferings , and repay it upon the head of thine enemies ; wherefore much better it is for thee to submit to thy censure by patience , than to incurr the breach of all society by d●…sobedience . i , but saith the author , if reason will not satisfie , perhaps 〈◊〉 may , q●…i 〈◊〉 potestati , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt , to resist the magistrate , 〈◊〉 . and he saith , that answer ( with which too many are deceived ) cannot excuse disobedience and rebellion ; this 〈◊〉 obliges private men , but not magistrates , since inferiour magistrates being opposed to the supreame power are but as pirvate men , and in this respect the reason of obedience is common to 〈◊〉 . t is not usuall with mee to intren●…h upon another mans profession , but seeing i am here inforced to it , give me leave a little to sayle out of my way to answer the author . first , for the taking up of armes , or the waging of a warre in generall : i never heard any man oppose the leg●…timation of that warre , that had these three requisites or ingredients . a lawfull authotity commanding 〈◊〉 , as the ●…agistrate . a just and lawf●…ll end , or cause occasioning it , as the defence of our religion , liberties , and the like . and a good affection in following of it , as not with rashnesse or temeritie but after all other meanes sirst endeavoured . and now i appeale to any indifferent man , whom neither feare nor affection hath ingaged to the contrary , whether all these are not exactly made good in this great ●…taking of the parliament ? i , but saith the author , how doth this an●…wer the taking up of armes against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the king , for 〈◊〉 all o her 〈◊〉 are but as private men compared with him ? to this i ●…nswer , 〈◊〉 under he a●…ors favour , ●…he supr●…am power ( as i have made it good before ) is the people represented by a parlia●…ent , and then , no doubt , that precept of the apostle comprehending the king aswell as other persons , do●…h ( according to his owne argument ) justifie he parliament in their proceed●…s , and make good ●…heir taking up of armes in their owne just defence . i , but hen the author 〈◊〉 hat of the apostle , that the magistrate is dei minister nobis in bonum , gods minister to thee 〈◊〉 thy good , and though thou suffer by him unjusty , yet there he is 〈◊〉 in bonum , for that by thy patient suffering thou shalt thereby gaine an eternall reward . cer●…inly , god never made magistrates on purpose to a●…ict and 〈◊〉 over their p●…ople , th●…t they by patient 〈◊〉 might enjoy the gre●…ter happin●… hereafter . no , that they prov●… corrupt issues from hemselves , not from any divine determination ; and therefore if the m●…gistrate doe prove to be minister nobis in malum , a minister to thee ●…or thy ill , he is , not then 〈◊〉 minister , gods minister , for that he doth transgresse and goe beyond his commission , and in such case under the favour of m. doctor ferne , conscience do●…h not only deny obedience , but command and justifie 〈◊〉 . but in all this conceive me 〈◊〉 , t is the magistrates , not any 〈◊〉 opposition , that i justifie ; and this being undertaken with the due circumstance , is not a meanes to destroy order and societie , but maintaine them ; but yet i hope our au●…hor will be here informed that this is not our case . for doe we take up armes against our soveraign ▪ may he perish , who in his thoughts intends him the least ill ; no , t is ( as the parliament have often declared ) against his malignant councellors ? such who endeavour ( whatever their 〈◊〉 may be to his majesty ) the subversion of our religion , and the destruction of the publike . and i hope there is nothing in the word of god that opposeth this . o yes ; in opposing h●…s authority , you fight against him ; strange ! if it should , be so ; when neither the law of god nor man , do oblige obedience to commands unlawfull . he that obeyes the magistrate upon such termes , doth it at his owne perill ; and i hope t is lawfull for the parliament to depresse any civill or private combustion . i , but what if that authority have the kings person accompanying it , may you in such case make resistance ▪ no question we may , for t is not the person of the king that can legitimate an action , that is in it selfe unlawfull : nor adde any greater force or vigour to their commission that obey . besides the personall presence of the king , doth , or doth not countermand his authority ; if it do countermand his authority , then they have no power to warrant their act●…on ; if it do not , yet the act is 〈◊〉 . so then let them take their choise , they see their termes . unhappy people who having committed themselves to the government of one king onely , might not oppose the unlawfull and tyrannicall regiment of so many . it being in effect objected ( as appeares befo●…e ) that a ●…emporall power ( meaning the parliament : ) cannot bee greater than that which is lasting and unalterable ( intending the king . ) is this were so , saith the observator , the romanes have done impolitickly in creating dictators , when any great extremity assayled them , and yet we know it was very prosperous to them , sometimes to change the ●…orme of government . hence we may conclude it good policy in imminent danger ; to trust to a monarchy , not 〈◊〉 aristoc●…y , and much lesse to a democracy . what have we to do with aristocracy , or democracy ▪ god be blessed , we , nor know , nor desire any other government than that of monarchy ▪ and we shall with all h●…mility cast our selvs upon his majesties care and providence guided by his parliament ; but if sed●…ced by malignant and destructive counsell , we are not bound to yeeld our selves as a pr●…y , to the ran●… and malice of his and our enemies . the king objects ; if we allow the lords and commons to be more than councellors , wee make them comptrollers , and this is not ●…ble to royalty . to which the observator answers , 〈◊〉 say ( saith he ) that to co●…t is more than to counsell , 〈◊〉 yet not a●…es so much as to command and comptroll . true ▪ ( saith the author ) not alwayes , but then it is when their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impose a necessity upon the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 the like . doth their consent impose a greater necessity or ingagement upon the king , than the consent or declaration of law in cases of publike con●…nt , by former parliaments , hath done ▪ or than the judgement of his judges in inferiour courts do●…h do ? who are so counsellours for the king , as that the king may not countermand their judgements , and yet it were an harsh thing to say that they are therefore 〈◊〉 ●…nd co●…rs of the king , therefore it holds in parliaments a ●…tiori . i , but saith the author the 〈◊〉 why the king cannot countermand their judgement , is , because they 〈◊〉 his person , and ●…is consent is by law involved in ●…at by law they do , for that the act of a delegated power is his act , and there would be no end if he should undoe what be hath done . but ( saith hee ) in pa●…ament , the lords 〈◊〉 in a personall capacity , and the house of commo●…s as representing the body of the ki●…me , and therefore the cases doe not agree . under correction of the author i shall make the case parallel , notwithstanding this objection . i do agree , that in all acts of publique 〈◊〉 , which ●…e but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only ( i hope it will not offend any one to say that they are ministers to the common-wealth ) as in case of making and consenting to new lawes , or repealing of the old , or the like ; there the lo●…ds sit in a personall capacity , and the commons as represe●…ting the body of the kingdome ; but in all acts that are judiciall , as in case of reversing of 〈◊〉 judgements or of declaring or explayning the law of the land , there they represent the person of the king ; for that he is ●…ons iustitiae , the fountaine of justice , and no●…e c●…n 〈◊〉 such a power without it be first delegated to them by the king ; and therefore in such a case their judgements doe ●…ly involve the judgement of the king , and do oblige him as strongly as the 〈◊〉 o●… d●…terminations of the judges . now none can de●…y their declaring of the law in case of the militia to be a judiciall act , therefore the consequence is cleare that the king is justly bound by it . i , but further he saith , the judges sweare they will not assent to any thing , 〈◊〉 may turne the king in damage or 〈◊〉 , by any manner , way , or colo●… . . e. . and do not the parl●…ent ●…o the same by their oath of supremacy , and their late prote●…tion ? if you seriously examine them , you will finde that their obligation is the same . and now i hope the a●…thor will make good his 〈◊〉 to mee ; who said , that when i could make these th●…nges agree to the two houses , i should conclude from the judges sentence , to their votes ; wherefore i doe 〈◊〉 that there being the s●…e reason , there o●…ght to be the same la●… . i , but for a further answere ( seing his former will not hold ) saith the author , in matters of law there lyes an appeale to them ( a writ of errour being brought ) as to the highest court , not so in matters of state . be●…ause whilst they 〈◊〉 sentence according to known ▪ lawes , the state is no way indangered thereby , but if they challenge to themselvs a liberty of passing sentence according to reason of state , they may when they please ▪ overthrow our lawes . the counties which 〈◊〉 them ▪ looke upon them as judges , ●…ot politi●…s . t is not impossible they should be both ▪ and whatsoever the judgement of the co●…ties were that intrusted them , certaine i am that he is not fit to occupie a place in that great assembly , that is not at least in some reasonable measure so qualified ; that whilst the 〈◊〉 and other sages skilled 〈◊〉 that profession , are within guiding and directing of ▪ his great ship 〈◊〉 to ●…aw , men experienced in the politiques , may sit at sterne to secure it from the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 invasion , and civill combustion . and wh●…n the author can produce so able a 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 , so much ingaged in the welfarre of the kindome , and so void of selfe respect ; then will we upo●… his request de●…ert our parliament ; untill then , i hope all faithfull and true hearted people will adhereunto them . for that empty shadow and vaine dreame , of a possibili●… of the●…r 〈◊〉 the law ; it is a wonder to me that any 〈◊〉 mans sancie should so abuse it selfe . to 〈◊〉 the authors language upon himselfe . can it be conceived that men in their wits , who 〈◊〉 all that they have by the benefit of the law , and no doubt have as great a portion to lose 〈◊〉 others , should ex●…te that , which is the principall evidence of the●…r 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 of life or 〈◊〉 , and so pinne themselves and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon unknowne 〈◊〉 , t is extreame madnesse and folly to thinke it . wee ought not to conceive that they will either counsell or consent to any thing , but what is publiquel●… advantagious . when the king 〈◊〉 they doe not otherwise , hee will 〈◊〉 willingly sollow their 〈◊〉 . i dare confidently affirme , that no antiquity or records w●… 〈◊〉 are a●…le to 〈◊〉 one example of this nature , where the kings single conceipt or 〈◊〉 is opposed 〈◊〉 that o●… h●… whole parliament . but it can●… be exp●… that they should 〈◊〉 , while that the king by such malignant co●…nsell is kept a●… so great a d●…st 〈◊〉 . by such couns●…ll and 〈◊〉 we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the k●…ng li●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . such a cons●…nt in which his is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 not so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at all ; 〈◊〉 doth not limit , but take it away . doth this 〈◊〉 which doth ●…citely 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , more 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 his power , than that of their 〈◊〉 , o●… 〈◊〉 than the 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 ? the 〈◊〉 ( sai h hee ) doth not 〈◊〉 to have to 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 old , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 them . neither doe they without his 〈◊〉 , they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so would he a●…thor ingenio●…sly acknowledge , if that he were not so much 〈◊〉 ▪ with 〈◊〉 and prejudice . but happily hee doth not understand the difference b●…tweene constituting new , or repealing the old lawes , and declaring or expounding the lawes in being , how did ship-money destroy our propriety ( saith he ) but by this very consequence ? what a grosse mistake is this ? because the ki●…gs judgement is involved in that of his parliaments , and of his judges according to law ; must it therefore follow th●…t the whole kingdome should be obliged by his majesties determination against law ; or because legally we coul●… not be divested of our property without our cons●…nt , must not ther●…fore the king be bound by the judgement of his parliament , which doth tacitly include his cons●…nt ? i , but saith hee ejus est velle , qui potest nolle . he onely ha●● freedome of consent or disagreement , that may at his election do either . 't is true ; but this must be understood of an actuall consent , or dis●…greement and not of an implied . for in corporations or bodies politique , wh●…re the major part carri●…s it , will you say that the residue are not bound , because that they had not ●…lection to ●…ssent , or dissent , as the case falls out to be ? this were a way to open a gapp●… to all disorder and confusion . so the kings consent is included in that of his judges ; and y●…t i hope you will not say , that the king there had freedome of dissenting , which is the very cas●… of the parliament . it is alleaged in derogation of parliaments , wha●…soever the right of parliament is , to assemble and treate in all cases of a publique nature ; yet without the kings concurrence and consent they are livelesse conventions , without all vertue and power , the very name of parliaments is not due to them . i , but saith the author , you should deliver the kings sense and words truely ; the summe of which is onely thus , the two houses have not power of making lawes and altering the established governement without him . what a strange construction is this ; this is no more than will be readily agreed you ; you shall not neede disput●… it ; therefore questionlesse the words must import somewhat else . the truth of it is , your mist●…ke , ( of which you are fr●…quently guilty ) is this , that you promi●…uously counfound the making of new lawes and the altering of the establish●…d governement with declaring of the common-law in being ; which is palpable sophistication ; and now i would faine be resolved by any indifferent understanding , whether if th●…y may not do that , without the kings actuall concurrence and agreement , and that not to be obteined , they be not a meere livele●…e convention of private men without all vertue or power ? it must be agreed that he that is act●…ated and moved by another power onely hath none in himselfe . this allegation at one blow confounds all parliaments , and subjects us ●…o as unbounded a regiment of the king●… meere will , as any nation under heaven ever suffered under . the author saith that there is no colour of reason in this ; and why ? for ( saith he ) are we not lef●… in the same state in which wee were ? his majesty denying to bring in a new gove●…nmennt : doth not take away the old . the author saith true , that we are in the same state indeed , but 't is as we were before , and without the parl●…ament , subject to the kings meere will and lawlesse regiment . and though his majesties d●…nying to bring in a new government , doth not take away the old , yet his denying of the old governement , is an introducting of a new . vpon the same reason , by the kings d●●●●tion , other courts must needs be vertuelesse and void . it were a strange consequence to conclude , that because that may be done without the king , to which his consent by law is not required ; therefore that may be done without him , to which his consent is by law necessary . under reformation , the kings actuall consent to any legall or judiciall determination in parliament is no more required , than it is to that of his judges ; yet , with the authors favour , both have the implied and tacite consent ; and therefore upon the same ground , of the kings desertion , other c●…urts must be vertul●…sse , and quietly possesse a vacation in terme time , as well as his parliament . i , but saith the author it is against common sense to fancie ; ●…hat he which en●…oyes all by the benefit of lawes should hinder the due administration of iustice according to those ●…awes , and so wilfully endanger not onely his rights , but safety , by putting the kingdome into tumults and combustion . t●…is is an argument to perswade a man ; no ground to convince him , or a probable inducing r●…ason , no legall conclusion . to argue from a probability to nec●…ssity , as to sa●… it is not likely it should be so , therefore it is not so , is a strang p●…ece of logick . administration of j●…stice is delegated to the parliament ( though in a more high and sup●…reminent way ) ●…swell as to inferiour judges and the king gaines as much honour and benefit , nay mo●…e , by the free effl●…x and current of justice in that co●…rt , than in any other : and yet we see the streame is stopt , so that a deluge and inundation of misery hath be-spread the face of the whole kingdome ; and ●…o have fancied this , not long since , would have b●… as much opposite to common sense , as the other . it is attempted to divide betweene part and part in parliament . who those attempte●…s are , i inquire not . i suppose , be meanes those who divided the lords into good and bad , the members of the house of commons ●…to well and ill affected . you need not much enquire , your booke speaks you an acquaintance with them . but know those that are bad or ill affected , made that distinction themselves , not others . it is a wonderfull thing that the kings papers being ●…raited scarce with any thing ●…s , but such doctrines of division tending all to the subve●…sion of our ancient ●…damentall constitutions , 〈◊〉 support all our ancient liberties , ●…nd to the erection of an 〈◊〉 rule , should fi●…d such applause in the world . there is a vast difference betweene declaring what divisions are and causing them to b●… ; to shew ; is not to teach division . farre be it from me to lay the least imputation of guilt in this kind up●…n his sacred person , no ; the confidence that i ever had of his goodnesse , pi●…ty , and love to his people , bids me silence . but this i may , without breach of charity , or staine of loyalty , conclude , that the best prince may be corrupted , or if not so , seduced by those , who v●…w themselves 〈◊〉 servants to his majesty , and the publique , whereas th●…ir actions , which tend to nothing but rapine and spoyle , do plainely testifie the contrary . these are they that can dispence with their breach of trust ( how they will be absolved i know not ) and not onely sequester themselves , but 〈◊〉 the king from his parliament , and his people , and to open the gap more wide , and make the breach more incurable ; advise his majesty ( contrary to his pious 〈◊〉 ) by published declarations to traduce his parliament , an●… cast most strang and unheard of obliquies upon them , and to charge them with such 〈◊〉 their thoughts were never guilty of . thereby to render them odious unto the people ; so that by destroying the mutuall bond of confi●…ence and affection , we our selves might be made actors in our owne ruine ; and if this be not to cause division , aswell as to declare it , and to teach it , aswell as shew it , let the wo●…ld judge . i , b●…t 〈◊〉 the author , it is beyond 〈◊〉 , if the k●…ngs a●…mes are such , as he would have the world beleeve , that they should fin●… such applause . i neither d●…re , nor can charge his m●…jesty with aimes that are indirect ; but if he were guilty in this nature ( which i professe my faith is not as yet strong enough to beleeve ) we must know that all actions o●… kings find acceptance , and renow●…e with many ; and the very worst will not want some to appla●…d them . but pray heare his reason , why 't is not propable i●… the kings intentions were such , they should finde such applause ; for saith he , consider the persons from w●…m ; men that have muc●… more to lose , than some who may ayme at ge●…ting 〈◊〉 fo●…unes , by pretending they are in danger to lo●…e what they have . none are so ri●…h but they may have and desire more ; and t is 〈◊〉 they that have least , are best 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 young men might in all probability , have as great a portion to expose to hazard , as the grave and sage 〈◊〉 , and yet you see they preferred their vile and ambitio●… counsell before the good of the publique . i , b●…t then he sai●… , they are knowne not to value their lives equall to their 〈◊〉 . very good , if it were true ; yet for all this , they may be to chuse their religion . nay , which is more , they a●…e 〈◊〉 o●… as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as honesty : it may be greater ; neither of which would permit them to be 〈◊〉 to make themselves miserable , and pull upon their posterity and countrey perpetuall slavery . doth the author thinke that his i●…sinuating probabilities ( which are 〈◊〉 strongest arguments ) shall evince us that the sunne shines not , though our eyes 〈◊〉 the contrary . might not this with the sam●… strength of reason , have beene urged in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 young 〈◊〉 , and yet we see what wretched advise they gave the king ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 could not but 〈◊〉 , that they did 〈◊〉 inslave their posterity and 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it , to ●…cuse the k●…ng to intend that , wh●… the world sees , how much 〈◊〉 ●…h s●…d ●…y to 〈◊〉 it . what 〈◊〉 of expression is it to say we accuse the king of 〈◊〉 an arbitrary rule ? 〈◊〉 we labour nothing more than to 〈◊〉 his majesty ; no nation that ever enjoyed a municipall law ; ev●… 〈◊〉 n●…rer to an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than wee not long since did ; and did wee in all our 〈◊〉 in the least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or accuse his majesty ? no ; w●… 〈◊〉 his evill 〈◊〉 , who wrought that 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 , and they ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to do●… ) who dare oppresse his p●…ple , stick not ( to di●…charge themselves ) to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evill actions upon their soveraigne ; and such is the subtilty of our author here . if you imp●…ach him for any publike desservice , he knowes whether to flie ●…or 〈◊〉 . could our anc●…s ever have bele●…ved 〈◊〉 should come a king , who would plead 〈◊〉 m●…na c●…a , who would ●…rd his c●…wne in the ●…nce of his s●…bjects 〈◊〉 , and d●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rule ? this 〈◊〉 be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so●… ; ●…ut our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his evill 〈◊〉 pleai against magna char●…a , and too apparently hazard his crowne , in the destruction of his subjects , and their liberties ; indeavouring nothing more , than the introducting of an arbitrary rule . if the king 〈◊〉 parted from his parliament meerely because they sought his oppression , and he ●…d no 〈◊〉 meanes to withstand their 〈◊〉 , let this proclayme them a void assembly . his 〈◊〉 never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 charge to the parliament : the more impudent the author that dare doe it , when his majesty decli●… it : for he saith , it is most evident , there was too great rea●… to 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , when not withstanding his deepest 〈◊〉 to maintaine the true esta●… sh●… , they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 . i dare not charge his 〈◊〉 with any thing ▪ i have no authority for it : but this i say ; when justice 〈◊〉 be denied , and the course thereof obstructed , against such firebrands , 〈◊〉 , and engines of all 〈◊〉 , as jesuites , seminary priests and the like ; when papists shall approach so 〈◊〉 the throne , and none admitted into greater favour and affection than they ; certainly i may conclude ( without prejudice to my king ) that the pope harbours in some of his councels 〈◊〉 ; and this meanes being used , what alteration future necessity or 〈◊〉 may impose 〈◊〉 cast upon us , is not difficult to judge . when notwithstanding 〈◊〉 ut●… 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 happy 〈◊〉 on in ireland &c. and his frequent pressing them 〈◊〉 new 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 the people were made 〈◊〉 , he was a favourer of their bloody 〈◊〉 . it must be acknowledged the king ●…n 〈◊〉 , most wicked councell that afterwards depressed it ; witnesse the many 〈◊〉 that did intervene su●…ly manifested to the world . and which is above all , the seizing of that poore supply that was sent unto them . whea the baser sort of the people were 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the parliament in clamourous and 〈◊〉 able 〈◊〉 , &c. and were there not many of them ( having neither offensive nor de●… weapons ) most 〈◊〉 , inhumanely , and barbarously 〈◊〉 and butchered for their paines ? punishment sufficient for their 〈◊〉 , if they committed any . when seditious pam●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out , and 〈◊〉 i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 day and night to abuse the king . for my par : 〈◊〉 there were any such , i was never guilty of countenancing or abetting of them ; no , not so much as by their reading . however this i am certaine of , that whatsoever , the wit of malice could 〈◊〉 was dayly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and vented against the parliament . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 encouraged , whilest they did cast publike 〈◊〉 upon the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and which if they bad 〈◊〉 duly executed , would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 us to our 〈◊〉 peace and quiet , which we so long enjoyed , as wee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 . whom our author may 〈◊〉 wthin the compasse of this notion of factious preachers , 〈◊〉 ●…now not . but i feare by the stile of his booke , he comprehends all such as preach th●… word of god in ●…ruth and sincerity , not fearing the face of men , that will not be wrought upon to call evill , g●…d , or good evill . had paul lived in these dayes , i doubt our author would , ( 〈◊〉 like ) have accused h●…m for a pestilent fellow , a mover of sedition , and a 〈◊〉 of sects , and the like , and for my part , i think that those whom he intends , and paul were equally guil y of these offences . and yet you heare what testimony paul gives of himself , after the way which 〈◊〉 call 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the god of my 〈◊〉 . o , the 〈◊〉 of these times that we are 〈◊〉 into , that 〈◊〉 labouring for truth , honesty , and a good conscience , that will no●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by every idle and 〈◊〉 innovation , should 〈◊〉 accounted 〈◊〉 ! but i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 our author when he speakes of faction , to reflect upon himselfe , by a serious 〈◊〉 . but 〈◊〉 us that th●… lawes have beene 〈◊〉 ed ; 〈◊〉 if he had 〈◊〉 an answer he would 〈◊〉 shewed us in what . delosus 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 no●… 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 aling to hide your ●…ders in generalls : the more 〈◊〉 , if 〈◊〉 , that the●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reply . the last vaine feare was ; when such seditious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 even 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , &c. contention with words , makes no 〈◊〉 of blood , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this should be one cause of feare , that should drive the king to so great a di●… . well , 〈◊〉 is both 〈◊〉 and sedition in our authors book , had they 〈◊〉 as sure ven●… in the 〈◊〉 , they would not have gone unpunished , but i believe he can sooner wri●…e sedition , 〈◊〉 he can define it ; but to conclude this , t is wonderfull that these chymeraes which so 〈◊〉 the king at london , should likewise cause him to raise an army in the north . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king could be 〈◊〉 wisely or faithfully advised by any other cou●…t , o●… 〈◊〉 his single 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before all advise whatsoever , t were not only vaine , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the 〈◊〉 kingdome should be troubled to make elections , and that the 〈◊〉 e●… 〈◊〉 attend the publike 〈◊〉 . the king never refused to advise with them . what a 〈◊〉 falsitie is this , no doubt the author can 〈◊〉 london from yorke ; and the commission of array from the mi●… ; but then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 us , that the ●…all , but not the onely forme of the kings answere to such 〈◊〉 as they were not 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , l'roy 〈◊〉 , proves that after the advise of this his great 〈◊〉 , he is yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 further with persons or 〈◊〉 , as his owne 〈◊〉 shall thinke 〈◊〉 . master crompton in his 〈◊〉 of cou●…ts ●…ells us , ●…at when the king did cons●… a bill , then he endorsed it l'koy volt , the king will h●… it so , is ●…e did not ●…gree , then he indorsed it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which as he ●…es , was an absolu●… denyall , why ●…hen no ground for this in●…erence , that the king was at election to advis●… further with any other co●…ll . 〈◊〉 if it were so , this proves de facto that th●… king hath had this powr , but do●…h no way 〈◊〉 th●… obs rvators reason ; how that if this might be permitted , 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 to call parliaments . ●…sides , they are the most supreame councell in england , and therefore according 〈◊〉 the rule of law , in ●…he presence of this couns●…ll , all inf●…riour counc●…ls ought to cease . againe , what they councell or det●…rmine , is done in a legall and judiciall way , and therefore not to bee 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 extra judiciall advice wha●…ever ; no , nor by 〈◊〉 judg●…ment of any other court , but a subsequent parliam●…nt . and the observator adds this as a reason , why the kings judgement onely ought not to bee 〈◊〉 , for saith he , the many eyes of so many chiefe gentlemen , out of all parts see more than sewer . the same reason ( saith the author ) which denys a li●…y of d●…ing to the king ( that is such a number who see more , because they are more ) may deny it to the house of peeres in comparison of the house of commons , and to that house too , in comparison of the people , and so 〈◊〉 king and lords are voted out of parliament . what a poore evasion is this , and contrary to common sense , that this reason should deny a liberty of dislenting to the house of peeres , in comparison of the house of commons : for that they are much the major part of the parliament , and to that ho●…se too in comparison 〈◊〉 the people ; for the first he may aswell argue that the major part of the judges in the kings bench , should binde the minor in the common pleas , or 〈◊〉 versá ; and as soone maintaine it ; for though both the houses make but one court , yet they are so distinct , that each doth officiate in its proper spheare : and the conclusions of the one cannot bind the other ; and for the latt●…r , that the peoples judgement , because the greater number , should sway the house of commons ; h●…e may aswell reason , that though i give away my ●…t , yet the property is not altered , and as soone prove it . when hee can make 〈◊〉 p●…ople to represent the house of commons , not the house of commons the people , then shall the peoples judg●…ment for majority carry it . vntill then , we must , as wee are 〈◊〉 , by our election , submit to their determinations . besides , four hundred choice , grave and solid men , may 〈◊〉 and discover as much as f●…ure hun●…d thousand ; 't is no 〈◊〉 of number , but 〈◊〉 qualification , not the plurality of eyes , b●… the 〈◊〉 , that sees most ; y●…t as one good 〈◊〉 m●…y se●… more than many bad ones ; so i●… must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many good ones must 〈◊〉 that one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the au 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 sheweth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no●… g●…lly tru●… , i●… it be 〈◊〉 true , it is 〈◊〉 . for ( 〈◊〉 he ) i d●… 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almost any pa●…ent man , hee will 〈◊〉 us upon the 〈◊〉 of a bill , 〈◊〉 one 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 hou●…e hath found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and urged more exceptions than 〈◊〉 hun●… would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e●… . this possibly may be , but the str ng probability is on the o●…r fi●…le . 〈◊〉 c●…ally one may se●…●…ore than 〈◊〉 ●…ndred , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ei●…her probable or 〈◊〉 that it will be 〈◊〉 . for my part i shall never waive a propable certainty , for a meere 〈◊〉 , nor in ●…quall judgemen●…s preferre an vnite before a pluralitie . th●…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nay , whole parlia●… 〈◊〉 beene 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 null , ●…y succeeding pa●…liaments , and instances in many . i shall not indeavour to maintaine an infallibility in a 〈◊〉 , nor did i ever beleive ( considering them to be b●…t ●…n ) that they could not 〈◊〉 in judgement , aswell as others . but for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 to an 〈◊〉 to say that which ha h beene , may be , and therefore it 〈◊〉 : is s●…ch a peece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●… i never 〈◊〉 o●… . the ●…w 〈◊〉 ends 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 needs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 co●…lls mo●…e 〈◊〉 , impe●…all and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ce●… 〈◊〉 m●…y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as any other private subject . what , may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , casually me●… from the severall counties ▪ strangers to each other ; the most 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 men for wisedome and mann●…rs ; and propably of the best for●…nes , intrus●…d with the publique , have as many bye and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and as soone infring their 〈◊〉 , as any 〈◊〉 su●…iect ? when ever the 〈◊〉 makes this good , i will sacrifice my reason to his will ; a●…d b●…ve all to be sound doctrine which he preaches . they are strangly transported with the love of a pop●… state , who can so 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 , as to force themselves to thinke , the members of it may not be extreamely sub●…ect to am●…ition , covetousnesse , batred and affection . and they are as strongly ravish●… wi●… the love of mo●…rchy ; who can bel●…ive that all these may not sway the scep●…er , and rule the king to the oppressing an●… i●…aving of his subjects . but what ? do●…h the author count this a popular state ? i never learned before , that wh●…re the people had one princip●…ll governor over them , as a king , that , that should be a democracy . doubtlesse he is no●… well read in the politiques , or if he be , he doth much wrong himselfe , and dishonour his king , so grosly to mistake a monarchy , for a democracy . then hee instances in the bishop of durhams case , by which he saith wee are told in the . cap. of the second parliament held . mariae , how that that b●…prick was d●…lved in a forme ? par●…ament . . ed. . which was compassed and brought to passe by the ●…nister labour , great 〈◊〉 , and corrupt meanes of certaine ambit●…s persons , then being in 〈◊〉 , ●…ather to i●…rich themselves and their friends , with a great part o●… the possessions of 〈◊〉 sa●…d ●…shopprick , than upon just occasion or godly zeale . and then he concl●…des ; let the wo●…ld judge whether this age may not be subject to the same temptation , and whether the desire to share the meanes of the church , may not have as strong operations as ●…ormerly . i did never p●…ead ●…or an unerring power in that great ass●…bly , that 's too papisticall ; for though parliament men , yet still but men , subject to th●… same infirmities with others . but as it is against law to presume any wrong of that great body , so it is as much 〈◊〉 reason to thinke that so many from severall places , of severall consti●… and 〈◊〉 sho●…ld all comb●… to labour for themselves , not the publique , or ad●… that they may ( which is very improbable ) yet still let us pay them that tribu●…e , which former ages ha●…h done , of love and obedience , and strong presumption to the contrary . our judgemen●…s are but extrajudiciall and illegall , t is ●…he succeeding parliament only , that can or ●…th power to amend their errours , if ●…hey commi●… any ; t is our duty to pr●…ume 〈◊〉 best , and leave ●…heir actions to the ●…enning and comptrol of ●…heir wise successors ; and let us take this for a caution , that the errours of their 〈◊〉 ough●… not ( ho●…gh it be most 〈◊〉 and maliciously endeavoured ) to winn us to a beliefe , of the like in th●…m . that others have transgressed the limits of trust , is no good 〈◊〉 ●…o prove th●…t t●…ey doe so ; nor with the leave of t●…e author will the bishop of 〈◊〉 case any way impeach the age we live in ; t is one thing ●…o dissolve one bishoprick , ano●…her to extirpate the function , as h●…ppily not ●…ure divino , and therefore unwarrantable ; base and sordid lucre may perchance suggest the one , t is conscience only that must promote the other . no●…hing more common in the romane story , than the bribing of the senate . god be praised our stories cannot testifie the like of parliaments , neither is there any concluding from a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to a parliame●… , our author well knowes they will not hold parallel ; and he that should make such a comparison , deserves to be made an everlasting monument of distoyalti●… and d●…shonour to his countrey . i , but saith 〈◊〉 , they must evidently have more private ends than the king , who may be misled , upon wantonnesse , but they must struggle with solid temptations , desire of riches , desire of honours , there being an emptinesse in them , whereas he is f●…ll and satisfied . no king s●… g●…eat and honourable , bu●… may extend his dominions , and he that is circumscribed by law , would fa●…ne make his government obsolute , and are not these strong s●…ducing temptations ? nay , is it not most frequent , that the greatest have the most vast and unlimited desires ? he that enjoyes much would y●…t be a croesus , and every king an alexander , and he that cannot conq●…er other parts of the world , would 〈◊〉 inslave his subjects . wee have ever fo●…d 〈◊〉 and antipathy betwixt the court and the countrey , but never any till now , ●…etwixt the 〈◊〉 , and the body of the kingdome ▪ ●…epresented . how , b●…wixt them , and those many that intrusted them ? are not they satisfied with their carriage ? if this were never till now , it may seeme to be upon some causes which never were til●… now . th●… author saith true , but let me tell him , that the grounds move from such as he ( who 〈◊〉 the good and 〈◊〉 of ●…heir co●…trey in a happy reformation ) corrupt th●… people by their ill exampl●… , and w●…rse doctrine , dividing betwixt king and parliament , and 〈◊〉 , telling of them that they are bound ( by i know not w●…at div●… precept and injunction ) to desert the 〈◊〉 , and adhere to the king , though it be to the apparent destruction of both kingand p●…ple ; and whether this be true or no , let the author and ●…hat reverend doctor of cambridge witnesse . except master hollis ●…is rich widdow , i never ●…eard that promotion came to any one by serving in parliament . if the 〈◊〉 propo●…ions ●…ad passed , it would have beene no newes to beare of many promoted ▪ &c. nay it 〈◊〉 beene rare ●…o have heard of any advanced out of parliament &c. the greater had be●…e the happinesse both for king and people . are there not there a●…l 〈◊〉 of nobility and gentry ? men of approved integrity and ●…yncerity to their god , and of knowne faith and loyalty to their king and countrey ? and can any ( let malice it selfe speak ) be more meri orious or capable to receive honour and preferment than they , who have the vote both of king and people for their true and ●…aithfull service to both ? had it gone on , his majesty had increased his owne honour , and add●…d to his peoples security . the lords and commons ought not to be deserted , u●…sse we will allow , that the king may 〈◊〉 whe●…her he will admit o●… any counsell at all , or no , in the disposing 〈◊〉 our lives , lands , and 〈◊〉 . by law he cannot , he will not refuse to ●…earken t●… his gr●…t couns●…ll . to be advised by them but yet to doe what he li●…t , is this to hearken to their counsell ? that is not the way to satis●… the grounds of calling parliaments , to make the king ●…ole arbiter of publike 〈◊〉 . hee only s●…yes , he is 〈◊〉 bound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…is owne understanding , or to contradict his owre conscience ●…or 〈◊〉 counsellors sake what soe●…er . if he should do so in things ●…ubious , and o●… which he ought not to be the sole judge , so that his single judgement must of necessity be of lesse cons●…quence , than ●…hat of his parliament , t were no contradiction to conscience ; but why the advise of his parliament should be more opposite to conscience than any privie ( and at this time ) unwar●…ntable 〈◊〉 seemes a mystery . t is granted in things visible and 〈◊〉 , that iudge which is a so●…e iudge , and hath com●…●…ower to see his owne judgement exec●…d , o●…ght not to determine against the light of 〈◊〉 or evidence of ●…act . sole iudge or no●… al●…ers not the case , neither is there any 〈◊〉 o●…ely to visible and certaine things ; in the 〈◊〉 of a trust , the cons●…ence must be g●…ded ●…y a morall 〈◊〉 , or high pro●…lity . it doth plainly difference the case , for where a man is a sole ●…udge , he ought to be 〈◊〉 by the evidence of ●…act , either in certainty or 〈◊〉 , and cannot determine 〈◊〉 that ; but where he is not the sole judge , and the matter prove very d●…ous and incertaine , there 〈◊〉 may and is bound to submit to the judgement of the majoritie , and ought not to pre●…rre h●…s owne ●…udgement or opinion . the sinne of pilate was , that when 〈◊〉 might ●…ave saved our savi●…ur from an unjust dea●… , yet upon oc●…sations cont●…ctory in themselves , contrary to strange revelations from 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 would suffer ●…ocence to fall , and passe senten●…e of dea●…h 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 a blood-t●…sty ●…ultitude . concerning strang revelations ●…o the 〈◊〉 , all that i meete with is this , his wise told him saving , have thou 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , with that just man , for i have 〈◊〉 many things this day in a ●…reame because of him , what was revelation to her ; was but a single tradition to h●…m , she was obliged to believe god speaking to her , ●…e was not ●…ound to believe a woman speaking to him , &c. i shall not descant as our a●…thor d●…th , upon this reve●…ation , nor trouble my selfe to shew of what validity and esteeme it ought to have 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 ; though 〈◊〉 it ought not to have beene vilipended and r●…jected ; and the rather for tha●… he him●…lfe could discover no fault in him , as he professes ioh. ▪ and againe m●… . . . he sayes he knew that for 〈◊〉 they had delivered him , wherefore it must needs aggravate his fin , who contrary to the 〈◊〉 of his wife , agreeing with his own knowledge , should thus passe sentence of death upon an innocent . neither were these grounds 〈◊〉 in this 〈◊〉 , to challenge his assent , and make him yeeld to their vote , which the a●…thor by way of allu●…on to the observator , h●…re 〈◊〉 down , ●…at his single judgement was not to be preferred before all advise . th●…t the many eyes of all the people s●…e more than his . besides there was a 〈◊〉 gro●…nded upon nature , that a 〈◊〉 can ha●…e no private ends to mislead it . no ▪ 〈◊〉 here was a sole 〈◊〉 , and knew christ to be innocent , and therefore contrary to his owne knowledge and evidence of fact ; 〈◊〉 ●…ot to ha●…e b●…ene ●…wayed by the multi●…de ; but where there is a joynt judi●…all power , this doth no way conclude against a wise concession to the majoritie in cases dubious and 〈◊〉 . if one iud●…e upon the bench 〈◊〉 f●…om thr●…e , or one 〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉 from eleven , they may submit to the major number though perhaps lesse 〈◊〉 than 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ●…putation of guilt . the oa●…h of the 〈◊〉 is , that t●…y will doe r●…ght bet●…ixt party and par●…y , accor●…g to ●…vidence given in , not their ●…ellowes votes . how his ca●…uists will satisfie a mans conscience , when he violates this oath , i know not . the author mistakes , t is no v●…ation of oath , in matters dubious , for the 〈◊〉 to yeeld to 〈◊〉 whose verdict must needs be of greater strength 〈◊〉 validi●…y , for ●…hough poss●…ly that one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than the eleven ; yet ; t is eleven to one ( ods sufficient ) that he doth not . and if he doth ( as hee ought ) agree with them in their verdict , this is no complyance in vote , but a proceeding accord●…g to the information of testimony ; and therefore in this case he need not appeale to a casu●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , for if he doe right betwixt pa●…ty and party , the oath is sufficiently 〈◊〉 . t is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many 〈◊〉 , there may 〈◊〉 a legall submission , but then the law doth not require 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act contrary to conscience , but provides for the preservation of the innocency of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by making the act of the major part , have the force of the whole . a 〈◊〉 ought not so to sacrifice to his owne net , or to be devoted to his owne opinion , as not to 〈◊〉 to the greater number of his 〈◊〉 . nay , we know 〈◊〉 usuall for one single iudge being 〈◊〉 to the other 〈◊〉 , to release his opinion ; and doe we think in this he doth an act con●… to conscience ? seeing all men are subject 〈◊〉 errour , the more secure and safe way is in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for one to 〈◊〉 to the judgement of many , and not for many to 〈◊〉 to the vote of one . 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , much more in state , wher the very satisfying a 〈◊〉 , somtimes in things not other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may prove not only 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of peace and 〈◊〉 of strife . true , if in law , 〈◊〉 otherwise . a 〈◊〉 must not displease god to please the 〈◊〉 . if the author intend in matters cleare and obvious to every eye , there he is in the right , a governour ought not to displease god , to please the people . but if in matters 〈◊〉 and in●… , here he failes , it may be both convenient and lawfull in such case to subscribe to the 〈◊〉 : many times the 〈◊〉 of an unreasonable request , doth not satisfie , but increase their 〈◊〉 . ] t is expedient sometimes for governors to grant that which otherwise would not be necessary . there is a freedome of policy they may make use of sutable to the times and occasions , and not prejudice the law of god or their owne 〈◊〉 . that which at another time may bee unreasonable , may now be couvenient , better to run the hazzard of an illimited desire , than to destroy all for want of their present satisfaction . that the 〈◊〉 and magazine of hull &c. should be entrusted into such hands , as were in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good 〈◊〉 me , conscience and understanding could plead nothing against it . the king had more 〈◊〉 of some , 〈◊〉 more confidence in the fidelity of others . the same may be verified of the parliament , though upon better ground and 〈◊〉 ; our former sufferings could not but ingage our 〈◊〉 the future . and how could we trust those with this great ship of the common wealth in an imminent storm , who had 〈◊〉 run it upon the rockes and quicksands in a calme ? if 〈◊〉 could 〈◊〉 beene 〈◊〉 ( as it could not ; for the contrary was true ) that this would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and have 〈◊〉 the occasion of greater danger . what hath beene the cause of these unhappy 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the taking of the kings towne from him by 〈◊〉 , and the illegall 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 , upon 〈◊〉 of apparent danger . what impudence of malice are these times reduced to ? that any private pen dare charge the parliament with such 〈◊〉 ? is 〈◊〉 the towne of hull possessed in his 〈◊〉 behalfe , for the securing of him and his 〈◊〉 ? and is not the 〈◊〉 thereof 〈◊〉 upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the parliament have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it ? if his majesty should 〈◊〉 a for●… force or 〈◊〉 to invade the 〈◊〉 , and should surrender up a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is 〈◊〉 not lawfull for his subjects to seize his 〈◊〉 ; for his and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? and for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is said to be 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all law , and had 〈◊〉 most absolute 〈◊〉 that ever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to ; yet let me tell him , that 〈◊〉 doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 to stile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the 〈◊〉 have upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be legall . and i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can imagine his 〈◊〉 should 〈◊〉 rate that of the 〈◊〉 ; nay , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet 〈◊〉 , for the par●… to 〈◊〉 all this upon 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , and to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where no 〈◊〉 was , &c. 〈◊〉 if the 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 he ) had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : it might in so many 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. doth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all other 〈◊〉 to be blind , 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? 〈◊〉 , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because his confidence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉 danger which 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 , hath not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; we owe it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and vi●… of the parliament : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉 by this time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ruine and destruction . besides there is no 〈◊〉 the cause or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 : shall we conclude the clouds which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our 〈◊〉 , to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vapours , 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 down 〈◊〉 us ? or that our 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 an idle 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 happily our care , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impediment hath 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 the ground and cause of our jealousie ? the observator having shewed how that kings are 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith what 〈◊〉 is it then in 〈◊〉 , when they will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conscience and reason in things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people no man justifies pretended conscience , no man can condemne reall . t is true but conscience 〈◊〉 not to oppose or contradict that , which is good and behoovefor the people . i , but there is no ground of objecting of pretences ( saith the author ) and why so ? because the people are deceived , and if they looke upon his actions , they will 〈◊〉 unto them as 〈◊〉 as the day . i am so 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 , piety and goodnesse , that i 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 so ? t is his evill 〈◊〉 that causes this misunderstanding and breach 〈◊〉 his sacred person , and his 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 that their 〈◊〉 will prejudice his right ; and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with honour and a good 〈◊〉 grant 〈◊〉 , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to , would injure 〈◊〉 . i , but againe , 〈◊〉 , ( saith hee ) hee that hath 〈◊〉 so much in this . 〈◊〉 and that in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as put all 〈◊〉 royall 〈◊〉 acts 〈◊〉 grace together , they 〈◊〉 much short of his . and no wonder the 〈◊〉 was sick of many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 through the long 〈◊〉 of parliaments ; and all these ( which by their happy continuance might have beene prevented ) must now apply 〈◊〉 to the soveraigne 〈◊〉 of his royall grace and favour , for their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . would not have 〈◊〉 any thing which was 〈◊〉 , not anything ( since 〈◊〉 wants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them ) but 〈◊〉 should 〈◊〉 him into farre worse 〈◊〉 than that of poverty . t is not his majesties necessity that can 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 his evill 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a complyance with his parliament ; what is his necessity to them ? if theirs finde a supply , 〈◊〉 rex & 〈◊〉 regnum , they care not . but t is strange ! would setling of the 〈◊〉 by the advise of his parliament , put the king in a worse 〈◊〉 , than poverty ? why , yes ; he that gives away part of his 〈◊〉 , is poorer 〈◊〉 if he had divested himsefe of the 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plus 〈◊〉 , a pretty fallacy . the vertue of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beene denyed to the commons , and a 〈◊〉 hath 〈◊〉 made betwixt the parties chosen , and the parties 〈◊〉 , and so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all 〈◊〉 ; that immovable 〈◊〉 of all 〈◊〉 and power , whereby the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 right of all the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of england , hath 〈◊〉 attempted to be 〈◊〉 and disturbed . there may be a 〈◊〉 in the imputation of severance , and 〈◊〉 of representation to the commons . for put the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 men of a county , present a 〈◊〉 to the house against ●…ed lawes , and the 〈◊〉 discipline of the 〈◊〉 ; this is received and thankes returned ; if 〈◊〉 another petition ( modestly and 〈◊〉 expressing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that most excellent petition of kent ) be presented , 〈◊〉 by men more 〈◊〉 then the 〈◊〉 &c and this in 〈◊〉 of the present government &c. t is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 it , this by no 〈◊〉 is to bee called a 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 of representation . t is neither number , nor 〈◊〉 of persons ( though i confesse these may 〈◊〉 somewhat the better glosse upon 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 can 〈◊〉 a petition , either good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; no , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of it . and they that shall dare to make one 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ●…terminations of the house , t is no 〈◊〉 if they be put to make a second , for their 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 in so doing , t is they , not the house , that deny the 〈◊〉 of representation . most of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in parliaments have proceeded 〈◊〉 this ; 〈◊〉 the people upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 accusations , have beene so 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 themselves from their representatives , and 〈◊〉 there can be nothing under heaven , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…cing god , which can be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 , than 〈◊〉 . here we may see the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and 〈◊〉 you may d'scover the over powring of 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for ( saith he ) certainely we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oath of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●…ther did ever ( as i have made 〈◊〉 good before ) the body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 evidently follow ( saith 〈◊〉 ) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if one 〈◊〉 can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 may 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ●…wise , it will prove 〈◊〉 . this he grants as 〈◊〉 , that the 〈◊〉 power of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king , and 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 can make a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or law , without the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the king . this one 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 constantly 〈◊〉 to , would 〈◊〉 prevented 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , might restore the kingdome to 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 author never read any law , that knowes not what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 must receive an equitable & favourable 〈◊〉 , according as 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the case administers occasion ; for summum jus , est 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the law may 〈◊〉 be unlawfull . and therefore the 〈◊〉 doth make a good qualification of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ●…ing onely in 〈◊〉 cases ; but if the safety of the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto them , then an extraordinary course may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is it which hath so m●…serably rent this k●…ngdome , and raised these sad divisions . most malicious and scandalous ; 't is not this ; but the want of its due observance , and negl●…ct of our duty , th●…t hath raised thes ●…ad distrac●…ions . fi●…st the people are made beleive they are in danger . strange ! that a parliament should infringe their trust , and so easily deceive a whole kingdome . then a prevention of th●…se danges is promised . good reason ●…oo ; a whole kingdome ought not to be sold to misery and destruction upon an easie rate . the 〈◊〉 is this , in case of apparent and immi●…ent danger , the peoples sasety is not 〈◊〉 be negl●…cted ; they ought not to be exposed as a prey to the enemy ; therefore most ●…it they should be put into a posture of defence . well , what could reason or malice it selfe object against this ▪ i , but then none so fit judges of this apparent and imminent danger , as the two houses . is any one so fit ? or can any discover more than the r●…presentative body of the whole kingdome ▪ wherefore they to order this militia . had on●… author intended to have dealt fairely and candidly , he would have showne the man ▪ humble petitions and requests of the parliament , to his majesty , for the ordering of the militia , according to their advise , ●…or the better security of his people : and his majesti●…s negative returne unto them ; before they ( according to their duty ) undertooke in his majesti●…s and his people behal●…e , the trust and ma●…age of the same . and now it must be in their power to command men , 〈◊〉 horses , seise on all the ammunition , send for what supples of money , they thinke necessary , for the repelling those dangers . this is but a consequence of the other , it were but in vaine to lay a foundation , if they had not power ●…o raise the structure . i , but here wee are fallen backe againe into ( what we so much complained of ) arbitrary powe●… . 't is much that one , who pretends to be m●…ster of his reason should be thus mistaken . then belike all proceedings in cases according to equity and necessity ( which justice requireth , should not be regulated by the strickt rule and severity of law , as not being within the intention of it , for that such constructive might prove destinction to the rule ) is a prosecution of an arbitrary power . the manage of a businesse in case of necessity , neede not keepe correspondence and agreement with the rule , neith●…r that to be stile●… arbitrary , which necessit●… makes lawsull . was not this the very case of ship-money ? there likewise was a pretence of danger and necessity , and none so compelent a judge of this as the king , and therefore for the securing of the people , money must be immediatly raised without the subjects consent . with the authors favour these cases do no way runne parallel , for will it therefore follow , that because the king cannot ( upon no pretence whatsoever ) take away the subjects prop●…rty , without their consent ; that the parliam●…ent may not take it with their con●…ent ? most inconsequent . the parliament represent the people , which the king doth not ; and therefore their conclusions do 〈◊〉 ●…he people ; wh●…ch the kings cannot . but then he presles an argument that was made against the ship-money , which he saith will hold in our case . it was then laid downe as a sure 〈◊〉 of reason , that it was better for the kingdome , though it were in reall danger , in arena 〈◊〉 capere , to 〈◊〉 for it selfe as well as it w●…s able by a suddaine defence , than that the king should pr●…vide such a remedy , which would be so easily , so ●…quently abused upon every pre●…ence of d●…nger , to p●…event such an evill , which could extremly seldome , o●… almost never hap●…en , for an army and navy could not be so 〈◊〉 provided , but that we must have some intelligence of it . so 〈◊〉 ●…aith in case of the militia better suffer it in the old wa●… , and the kingdome 〈◊〉 for it selfe in case of 〈◊〉 , than to 〈◊〉 the hazzard of the 〈◊〉 abuse of it , to the putting of the kingdom into a combustion , upon i know not what vaine pretences . i beleive the author preached a quite contrary doctrine before the parli●…ment , o , the power and vertue of this great assembly ▪ that can so metamorphize men , as to mak●… th●…m sp●…ak acco●…ding to the dictate of reas●…n , not aff●…ction . but for his argument the ground of the ob●…ection that was laid down against the ship-money , was , the possible frequent abuse that might be of such a remedy , upon eve●…y pretence of danger : which without controversie carries a great deale of wait with it . and when our a●…thor can make it good ( as he h●…th strongly 〈◊〉 , but much failed in it ) that a communit●… ma●… have those many private ends to mislead it , that a king may , then sh●…ll we agree that the cases do in reason parrallel ; untill then , we must ●…ell him , th●…t there is ●…oure hundr●…d to one against him . i 〈◊〉 the world judge whether the 〈◊〉 sir i●…hn ho hams act treason , be not contrary to the cleare●…t 〈◊〉 of humane reason ▪ and the ●…trongest inclinations of nature ; for every private man may defind himselfe by force , if 〈◊〉 , though by the force of his majestrate , or his owne 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be not , without all confidence by fl●…ght . sir iohn hothams seising upon the kings towne and ammunition , was , it seemes in his own defence ; who assaulted him ? did his majesty drive him into hull ? no , but his mejesty would have driven him out , he being possessed of it by the authority of parliament , for the securing of him and his people . and though it be not lawfull for a subject to seise a towne in his owne defence , yet having got it by a lawfull authority : he may defend himselfe , and it , against any assault by the same power . neither can any other extrajudiciall power or command discharge him of that trust , which was committed to him in a legall and judiciall way by another . what can he thinke of the gunpowder traytors , was their resistance a just defence ? then certainely every rebellion is a just warre . his conclusion is very just ; for questionles there can be no warre unlawfull , if their resistance were a warrantable defence . but i hope the author will give us leave to tell him , that the cases are more different then a papist , and a prot●…stant ; they agree in somewhat , the cases in nothing ; for they had neither lawfull cause , nor sufficient authority on their side to maintaine resistance ; as sir iohn hotham had . againe they were traytours before by their horrid unnaturall and cruell attempt ; but i hope sir iohn hothams bare seising of the towne could not proclaime him traytor ; but enough of this in a case so manifest . he may as soone convince a man of common sense , that black and white are the same colour , as that these cases runne parallel . here whole nations being exposed to enmity and hazard , being uncapable of flight , must yeeld their throats , and submit to assassinates , if their king will not allow them defence . there is a great difference , betwixt a subjects defending of himselfe , and offending his king . his fea●…es are over witty , if they will not permit him , to thinke himselfe safe , except he get into one of the kings forts for his better security . without question he that may defend , may offend ; for how is it possible that i should defend my selfe , if i may not offend my enemy ? what a sensles thing , and void of reason is it , to mainetaine that subjects may take up armes to defend themselves , against the unlawfull tyranny of their prince ; but yet upon his approach they must not use any hostile act , but stand like so many stocks , immoveable what is this but opposi●…um in objecto , a fl●…t contradiction ; or a taking up of armes in iest , to make me capable of losing my life in earnest ? if this were all we could doe , the most facile way for wicked princes to accomplish their ends , would be ●…his , by tyranny and oppression , to ingage the people , in this imaginary defensive warre , thereby to disarme them , and force obedience to their unjust desires : or slay them with their owne weapons . but to passe this . if a king shall take up armes to d●…stroy his people , no question law , reason and pollicy will warrant their seising of ●…ny fort , or publique place of defence , for their owne better security . see if we are not left as a prey , to the same bloody hands , as have done such diabolicall exploits in ireland &c. if we may not take up armes for our owne safety , or if it be possible for us to take up armes , without s●…me ●…otes or ordinances to regulate the militia . subjects upon invasi●…n , would not have wanted commission to take up armes . but upon a civill combustion they might ; hee that will give me power to fight against his enemy ; will not give me authority to oppose himself , but doubtlesse this is no rule in the politiq●…es , for a man first to receive one blow , and then to stand upon his guard , to keepe off the second , better by a vigilant providence to prevent both ; or to expect an invasion , and then be to ●…eke our commission , enemies are more easie kept out , than th●…y can be repelled , when they are once in . i , but he saith , this would be of ill consequence to subjects , if they might have power to take up armes , as often as ambitious cholerick men for their own ends shall perswade th●…m they are in danger . for by this meanes , being easily deceived , whilest they endeavour to avoyd false , they would run them selves beadlong upon true perils . th●…se ambitious men ( which he himselfe knowes not ) and these pretended dangers ( because he himselfe feares not ) have a strong influence upon the authors whole booke ; t is very much that the reason and senses of a whole nation , should be so easily captivated . but t is his onely plea , and therefore you must give him leave to make use of hi●… pr●…tences , or you bid him silence . well , to tell our author once for all ; as no man can or will justifie a pretended cause of feare so no man can condemne a reall . and without he will say , that there can be no cause of feare , without he be privy to it ; this aspersion is by no meanes to be suffered ; for by this we shall never know how to beleeve that we are in danger ; for that true feares may be blasted with the ignominie of feined and pretended carry the visage of true . the king sayes ; the parliament denyes &c. to whether now in this uncertainty 〈◊〉 the subje●● bounded to adhere ? wee may consider whether the houses , doe not barely say ; and whether his majesty doth not descend so farre , as to give reasons for what ●…e doth , and to shew the kingdome the ground of his actions , by perticular citation of the lawes , which justifie them . what the two houses of parliament barely say ; then belike , if his suffrage be of any account , they prove or make good nothing . was ever age guilty of so great irreverence , or of offering so grea●… an afforo●…t an●… in ●…ignity to this great assembly ? of whom , as the law saith , we ought not to imagine a dishonourable thing , much lesse to speake it . i am confident that all histori●…s that ever were , cannot give you one example of so high disdaine and presumption . what the two ho●…ses barely say ? he hath a great measure of confidence that dare say it , for my part i dare not returne the contrary , but i leave it to the whole wo●…ld to judge , whether that they do not exactly prove and maintaine their owne assertion ; and utterly disprove and destroy the contrary objections and conclusions . i , but saith the author , we ought to agree , whether swer●…ing from law , be to be judged by the actions , or by the au●…hors ; that is , if the king should ●…ave done what ever they did , and the houses , what ever he did , whether all would not th●…n have be●…n l●…gall , because don by them . certainly t is no good way of iudging , to conclude the legality or illegality of an action from the author or actor , t is the applying of the rule to the action , that denominates it , eithergood , or bad . however we ought not totally to reject these circumst●…nces , of place and persons , for no doubt that in some cases may be lawfull for one , that will not be lawf●…ll for another . and it is more than probable , that the parliament may in many cases have a more extensive pow●…r than the king , however certaine i am , that it is but charity in our author to grant them his beleife ; that they will not approve or maintaine that in themselves : which they condemne as illegall in his majesty . the king doth not desire to captivate any mans understanding to his authority , but is willing to make all the world the judge of his actions . and have the parliament withheld any thing , that might give satisfaction to the people ? neither ●…s a blind ob dienc●… a part of any mans duty to the houses . hee , who after so great l●…ght and evidence of the integrity and justice of the parliaments proceedings , shall say . he obeyes , he knowes not upon what grounds ; may justly be conclud●…d to be non compos mentis , robbed of his senses . some things he saith , are matter of fact , here we may be guided by sense●… , and judge as wee see . with the authors favour , this to an ordinary capacity , may be a dangerous way of determining , for though wee must alwayes judge according to the outward s●…nse in matter of fact ▪ yet wee must have this caution , that we g●…e no further , as for instance ; if i see one enter and seisea castle , or fort of the kings ( put the case hull ) that he did enter , that my sense directs mee to discerne , but whether he keepe the possession for , or against the king , that is examinable upon other circumstances , and is matter of law , depending upon reason and judgement , and this every ordinary capacity cannot judge of . but saith he , this every one may ●…udge of , whether the king hath seised on any thing wherein the subject hath a property ? that 〈◊〉 thupon the ●…ower and priviledges of parliament , the best evidence to maintaine the title that we have to ●…ll that ever we enjoy ; or whether that the subject hath not seized on something , wherein the king hath a property ? that we must yeeld affirmative to , that the subject hath not seized on the kings property ; but it is to his use and behoofe , for the securing of him and his people . so that the king looseth nothing , but both gaine protection and safety thereby . whether the king hath raised warre against the parliament , that is , whether his guard was an army . a very strang and unusuall guard of . or . and whether hull is now london , very manifect it is not , but the forces , that ●…ound no b●…tter successe approaching london , may ( for ought i know ) make a speedy retreat to yorke againe . wee had a maxime , and it was grounded upon nature , and never till this parliament , withstood , t●…at a community can have no private ends , to mislead it , and make it injurious to it selfe . true , in a sta●…e where a collective bod●… 〈◊〉 : and the reason of it , is evident , for though every man aime at his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interest , yet except it be agreeable to the in●…erest of the major part , it will never passe into an act , and i●… it be advantagious for the most , it is to be esteemed publike ; now what service this c●…n do the two houses , i cannot see , because they are a representative body . o , yes , very much ; and let me tell you , none could have said more in their vindication , for 〈◊〉 your owne language upon your selfe , though every man in parliament , aime at his 〈◊〉 ●…erticular interest , 〈◊〉 except it be agreable to the interest of the major part , it will never 〈◊〉 into an act , and if it be advantagious for the most , it is to be esteemed publique . but you will say , it is indeed to bee esteemed so : and yet in truth it may be otherwise . first , this ough●… not to be presumed ; and againe , i dare confidently asfirme it , that the 〈◊〉 part of . or . hundred , may carry as publique spirits , and as free from selfe respects , or the persecution of private interest , as the major part of the collective body . and no doubt had not our predecessours at first , and all the succeeding ages since , beene possessed with these thoughts , two should not have satisfied every bu●…rough , nor the like number every county . i , but he 〈◊〉 , the reasons why this kingdom hath seldom 〈◊〉 under the corruptions of a 〈◊〉 . he doth well to say seldome indeed , for he cites no example of this nature ; and had there beene any such , i know the author would not withheld them , are first , for that it was a 〈◊〉 , for the most part , but of short continuance , so that they hold not time to ●…ould and fashion 〈◊〉 aimes ; and when called together againe , the body was much altered . the author , no doubt , had hee beene so w●…ll disposed , as to have done his countrey that right , could have shewne us many parliaments of long continuance ; and when he had done , 〈◊〉 have beene able to have charged them with the least corruptions ; but h●…e is mightily carried ●… way with vaine imaginations and 〈◊〉 . he thinks short parliaments , had they been long , would have beene adulterated , and donis empta corrupted with gifts , like the 〈◊〉 of rome , which , he so much instances in . had he ever beene acquainted with charity , it would have taught him better surmises of his private brother , much more of so great and reverend as semblie as the parliament , but his second and cheife reason is , ●…or that the finall determination 〈◊〉 not in one , nor two hands , but the joynt consent of three estates is necessary . 't is true , for the making new lawes , or altering , or repealing the old ; but not so in case of declaring of the common law of the land , for that the two houses may do , as an ancient right belonging to that supreame court , without the consent of his majesty , and why this power should be conceived more to traduce this parliament , ( as our author laboureth to insinuate into our beleife ) than it hath done others formerly , 〈◊〉 to me a mystery . the king may safely leave his highest rights to parliaments . if this be all the motive , he may as safely keepe them . must the kingdome be put to conf●…ict with u●…ter ruine , and 〈◊〉 , the sad ( but certaine ) 〈◊〉 of cruell warre , for want of that , which 〈◊〉 granted by the ki●…g , would no way prejudice his right , and being enjoyed by the people , would bring great happinesse and security to both . none knowes better , or aff●…cts more the sweetnesse of this so well ballanced a mona●…chy . i bele●…ve they affect monarchy ; why then doth this author indeavour to take it away , by denying the king power of 〈◊〉 , which our ancestours inviolably pres●…rved , as a most happy r●…straint of aristocracy or d●…mocracy . it is said , that by debating or reasoning of a thing , a man shall thereby be brought at last , to discover the true reason . which cert●…inely our author will never do ; who labours to defend one 〈◊〉 by another , ●…he subverting of monarchy by denying of the king a negative voice . none can sp●…ake mor●… ( that is not a ravished doctor , or fauning parasite ) to t●…stifie his affections to th●…s admira le and well established government than the author doth . neither doth he througho●…t his 〈◊〉 booke , deny the kings prerogative of a negative voice . all that he undertakes ; i●… but to shew them their ne plus ultra , ●…nd to del neate and demonstr●…te th●… true cir●… and bo●…ndaries of royalty ; and whether this be an end●…avour to take it away , let the weakest capacity judge . it hath be●…ne often in the power of former parliaments , to load that rule with greater ●…etters and cloggs , but they would not . a 〈◊〉 good 〈◊〉 , there is little reason now to do it . their 〈◊〉 of their just rights and priviledges , is no loading or settering of 〈◊〉 , but a keeping it in its equall and due 〈◊〉 . the observato●…r having shewed the exact and geomet●…icall distance that the three estates keep , one having no power to hurt or prejudice the other , but all labouring exactly for the good whole , 〈◊〉 us , not to secek to 〈◊〉 this purity of composition . very good councell : but 〈◊〉 ●…e 〈◊〉 in the words 〈◊〉 following . is not a perswading of he king that his parliament intends the divesting of his ancient prerogatives and rights ▪ and which is more , the diss●…lution of monarchy ; and by these 〈◊〉 insinuations , dividing him from his parliam●…nt , a mean●…s to corrupt this 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 why then no doubt , his words following are very seasonable , that wee must not conceive that both gent●…y and nobility , can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king . therefore it will be 〈◊〉 for the king to leave all ●…o their disposall , who certain●…ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing but what is fitting . this is the authors construction and conclusion ; but t is ●…ery 〈◊〉 that he should 〈◊〉 it out of this text , that because the parliament cannot combine 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 ▪ therefore it is fitting for the king to surrender up his power to the 〈◊〉 , i 〈◊〉 say that such a rule and predominancy never entr●…d the thoughts of any one , but himselfe . is not the conclusion more just ; that therefore this will maintaine the parliament in defending their owne rights ? doub●…lesse it is . for my part , my vote shall alwayes be , that the king may sway his scep●…er in its just extent and latitude , that the people may b●… made to know th●…ir due distance ; and that the parliament en●…oy their ancient rights , that the king may not 〈◊〉 upon liberty . the observator having shewed how that no change of government can be advantagious to the lords and common : hee descends to shew , how that though it might , yet it cannot be effected , for that their power is meerely derivative , so that except wee will conceive that both king and people will be consenting to the usurpation , nothing can be done . then it is confess●…d , the king hath a right of dissenting . confest ( out author thinks hee hath here got a great advantage of us , out of our owne confession ) why , was it ever denyed that the kings consent w●…s not necessary , to the making of new lawes , or to the altering or 〈◊〉 of the old ? nay , hath it not be●…ne agreed that his assent is so essentially necessary in such cases , that if he will dissent ( as hee may ) nothing can be don●… without him ? why then a fortiori he shall have a n●…gative power , where the alteration of th●… forme of government is propound●…d . but he must understand , that this doth no-way derogate or detract from the right of the parliament in declaring the common law of the land in certaine cases before them , without his majesties consent , for that that is a power incident to this great court , as well as others inferiour , and in such case the king hath no negative voyce . ●…xcept both king and people . he●…e ( saith hee ) a power is given to the people collectively beyond the lords c●…mmons and king . if ever he make good this collection out of the observators words : i le r●…nounce my understanding . all that he 〈◊〉 to intimate unto us , is but this , that the changing of the auncient established forme , of our government , is casus omissus out of their commission ; and therefore not to be accompli●…ed by them , without the consent of both king and people . 〈◊〉 doth not say , that the collective body may doe it , without the consent of the 〈◊〉 , lords and commons ; this happily might be a predominant power ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consent is necessary , for the introducting of a new frame of government . now , how this should be , a transferring of a power to the people collectively , beyond the lords , c●…mmons and king ; i must confesse i apprehend not ; therefore the construction is either very forraigne , or my capacitie extreame dull . if the king be an affecter of true liberty , he hath in parliament a power as ●…xtensive as ever the roman dictators was , for the preventing of publike d●…resses . he saith that though the romanes could not indure a king , yet in effect they had the same thing , for in any immi●…nt dangers , necessitie of state forced them to chuse a dictator , which ( as he sayes ) had absolute power over them ) and to submit to his authority , which relieved them in their greatest extremities . hence ( he saith ) we may make the truest judgement , what forme of government the wisest romanes esteemed most convenient . and concludes that since they preferred the unbounded power of one to a popular sway , we have no reason to change the much more happy temper of this government . &c. may all the blessings of heaven and earth-inrich and incompasse his royall scepter ; may he for ever enjoy the utmost limit of his just and legall power ; and may this happy glo rious succesefull ( and never sufficiently ) to be encomiasted ) government continue ( without the least interruption ) amongst us ; untill time hath spent its last period , and brought a dissolution and finall conclusion on all things ; and i take him to be no true and faithfull member of the common wealth that will not say amen . if the counsell of the parliament were directly opposite to common understanding , and good conscience , and the councell of the court were evidently consonant thereunto , there needed no such contestation . if the councell of the court were directly opposite to common understanding and good conscience , and the councell of the parliament were evidently consonant thereunto , there needed no such contestation . that the parliament and court should be at varience , t is no news , there hath beene alwayes a secret enmity and antipathy b●…twixt them . the court never well digesting the happinesse and freedome os 〈◊〉 people , nor they the oppression , and publique disservice of the court ; the one still contending for an absolutenesse of 〈◊〉 ; the other for the maintenance and desending of their liberty . but i n●…ver heard before that the counsell or advise of the court was opposed to that of the parliament ; or could any way ballance with that : doub●…lesse they are not equ●…ll competitors ; the parliament repres●…nt the publique , and those counsellors themselves onely , the one studies to augment the common wealth , the other their owne : wherefore he is perfidious to himselfe , and treacherous to h●…s countrey , that can be so transported with words , as to renounce the parliament ▪ for my part , i shall lay it down , as one of the articles of my beleife , that the counsell of ●…he court is directly opposite to common understanding , and good conscience ; and the councell of the parliament , evidently consonant thereunto : good cause then of contestation in defence of 〈◊〉 publike . the observator having laid it downe as a ground that 〈◊〉 c●…nnot reasonably be supposed , the greatest counsell of the kingdome should not gi●… the most faithfull advise , adds ; there●…ore princes if they may not be lead by their owne opinions , rather than by the sacred and awefull counsells of whole nations , unreasonably complaine , they are denied liberty of conscience , and 〈◊〉 out of their owne unde●…standings . i appeale to any mans judgment , whether any thing can be ●…ged for the authority of a lay councell , that it 〈◊〉 to in●…orce a submission of judgment , and a performance of duties arising from trust agreable there●…o , which may not with ( at least ) equall advantages , be pressed for the same binding power in councels eccleciasticall ; and yet the●…e ( he saith ( it would go hard , but a man would find some answer ( as easily he migh●… ) wherby to iustifie his liberty of dissenting in some things which he saies , we may with very little al●…eraton apply to civill counsells . i confe●…e this is a point more 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 by a divine , than a lawyer , but t is 〈◊〉 frequent with me to trespasse upon another mans profession : 〈◊〉 give me ●…ave a little , that our author may not passe u●…nswered , to speake my 〈◊〉 in this perticular . now ( with the favour of the author ( if my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 me not ) there is a wide 〈◊〉 , as to our case betwe●…ne lay and 〈◊〉 counsells . for i take this for a ●…rtaine and cleare truth in d●…vinity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 counsell whatsoever ( be it of never so great ability or eminency ) 〈◊〉 oblige the conscience of a man by their dicisions or determinations ; for th●…t the conscience of a man , is ( if i may so speake ) out of their jurisdiction , t is god alone that hath power over that . besides he that opposes the dictates of conscience sins against god . the apostle in the . to the rom. shewing how men ought not to contemn or condemn one another for things indifferent sayes in the . verse , one man esteemeth one day above another , another est●…emeth every day alike ; let every man be fully perswaded in his owne minde . by this t is manifest i ought not to be guided by the conscience of other men . againe ver. there is nothing ( saith he ) uncleane of it selfe : but ●…o 〈◊〉 that esteemeth any thing to be uncleane , to him it is uncleane , by this likewise , it is cleare that what my conscience persw●…des mee is unlawf●…ll ( be the judgement of other men what it will ) ought not to be inforced upon mee . againe the last verse , he that doubteth is damned , if he eate , because he eateth not of faith ; for whatsoever is not of faith , is finne . so that for my part i take it , as an unquestionable ●…ruth , that no ecclesiasticall authority whatsoever hath power over a mans conscience , though it be , but in things indifferent . but now on the other side , i take it to be as evident and as 〈◊〉 an assertion , that any lay counsell may in 〈◊〉 meerely civill or morall , no way reflecting upon the word of god , oblige the conscience ( which indeed is but the bare opinion and judgement of a man ) by their conclusions , and determinations ; and in such ease t is no sin , for a man to oppose his owne reason , by submission to the judgement of o●…hers . and if this were not a truth , justice would be but slow payed , and the law as various as the severall dispositions of men , and every man would have power to infringe the law upon every 〈◊〉 of opposition to conscience . 〈◊〉 but the author goes on , and tells us that though amongst probable a●…guments , that drawne 〈◊〉 the authority of wise men , carry with it greatest weight , yet it must give place to a greater reaso●… . t is ●…rue ; where the greater or better reason is evident : but 〈◊〉 are not bound to renounce our owne understanding , and to believe that to be the better reason , which you affirme to be so . the parliament must in strength of probability give the better reason ; and when you can prove the contrary ( which as yet you fall much short of ) then shall we be of your beliefe , untill then you must give us leave to retaine our owne . now to every man belongs a judgement of 〈◊〉 , which must decide for what concernes his perticular duty . t is true where he is sole arbiter , and where it co●…cernes his owne particular onely ; but where the publique is interested , there it is otherwise . so ( hee ●…aith ) in the kings case . the votes , which carry in them the authority of of both houses , shall beare great sway , and is it be in things extreamely dubious ; they may turne the scales of the other ●…ide . this truth , if firmely stood to ( as it ought ) would suddainely per●…d this sad contestation . but alas , how quickly t is broken . for he saith , if greater reason seeme to contradict them , his majesty will not hoodwinke his understanding ▪ and blindly ●…ollow , whether they please to lead him , he will walke by the greater light . greater reason , very much that the reason of the court , should preponderate that of the parliament ; for example ( he sa●…h ) 〈◊〉 majestie perceiving how much his people may suster under ar●… power , is resolved never to make use of it , and th●…nks it lesse fitting any other should . i would to god h●…s majestic had never been wrought upon by his evill counsell to break his resolution . is it not an arbitrary way of rule for to tak●… away mens property without their cons●…nt ? and is i●… not arbitrary for the king to pre●…e his owne single ex●…udiciall judgement , before that of his parliaments ▪ but it is told him now , the use of it will bee for their good , by reason of app●…ent imminent dangers . hath the author thus informed his majestie , certainly never any one else did , it were happy both for king and people , that it were no more practised by t●…e court , than it is by the parliamen●… . concerning the action at hull , the observator agreeth , to take poss●…ssion of the kings towne , and shu●… the gates against h●…m , is treason , if circumstances doe not vary the nature of the act , as in this case , he sayes , th●…y doe , for the first thing to be lookt on is , that the king was meerely d●…ed en●…ance for that time , his generall right was not denyed . if then a subject take up 〈◊〉 : against his soveraigne in a t●…mporall warre , it must not come 〈◊〉 the compasse of 〈◊〉 . no , whether it be temporary or co●…nuing , so he hath the same commission to justifie his action . and he may leg●…lly possesse 〈◊〉 of the kings 〈◊〉 , and maintaine them against him , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he hath no 〈◊〉 in them . t is not his confessing that he hath no right , for that all th●… world can judge of , but his doing no wrong that excuses him . no de●…ing language was given . if a man take away my pu●…se , shall he be acquitted from ●…elony , because he did not give mee ill language too ? inventio tua nomen imponit operi 〈◊〉 , t is the invention ( as we say in law ) that denominates the action . and therefore though i cannot acquit him of felony that shall take away your purse , and in exchange give you only good words ; yet if he shall rescue your purse out of the hands of robbers , or take it from your own●… person being in danger , for its better security ; and shall againe faithfully ●…ore it , when you have liberty to enjoy your owne : if he be felon , 〈◊〉 dye for him . no act of violence was used . this he may say , who hath picked anothers pocket ; but it is no sufficient plea against the law . yes , if he can shew a lawfull commission for it . 〈◊〉 he used no violence , though the king for 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 together , did stand within musket s●…t , &c. it is no argument of innocence , that he had 〈◊〉 to be more highly guilty , and abstained . t is true , had he beene guilty at all . the king used termes of desyance , &c. and this makes the act m●…ely desensive , or rather passive . if this were true , there was never any warre , but defensive . for those who by some great injustice o●…ed provoke a nation to right it s●…e , fight aswell to maintaine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as what they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that offer any injustice or wrong , though they take up a●…mes to secure themselves , 〈◊〉 on the offensive p●…t , n●…t the defensive . but this rests to prove in our case . how 〈◊〉 should 〈◊〉 to the king any grounds to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yorke , many men won●… , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seeme the same 〈◊〉 to the king , as if he had beene pursued to the gates 〈◊〉 ●…ke . certainly it was a 〈◊〉 ground not only to raise a guard , for his safety ; but an armie to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a●…d to right his 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 for his safety ▪ why sir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did not advance towards york ; nor ever〈◊〉 ●…sed it . an army to punish th●…t h●…gh indignity . very just it should be s●… , had there beene 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and to right his 〈◊〉 ve●…y reasonable ▪ had his ma●…esty been any way dishonoured ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the townesmen out of their 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be a 〈◊〉 , who acts only by their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 what are they ? i but he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 . this is but your bare assertion which is n●…t to be credited before the pa●…liament . but if it had beene so , that they had beene turned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be sayes the same law would have justified this act as well as the 〈◊〉 . so ▪ it would ; had the primer seisin of their estates beene of the like con●…equence and concernme●…t ●…o the publike . but , he sayes , since not only the countrey about , but the inhabitants within the towne have suffered in their estates and liberties . if any have suffered without , they may thank the unlawf●…ll assaults of others : if within , their unfaithfulnesse to the common wealth . or if they cl●…ymed any interest in it to themselves . so much the lesse reason to 〈◊〉 on it , if he cannot so much as pretend title ▪ to it . t is sufficient if the common wealth clayme an interest in it , though he doth not . or have 〈◊〉 the king , utterly denying his right for the future . if any law can be produced to justifie the taking away the kings goods 〈◊〉 a time , the 〈◊〉 will be cleared . if any law , or evidence can be produced to justifie the towne of hull to be the kings goods otherwise than with reference to the common wealth , for the good of which he is intrusted with it , then happily the case may not be so evident . or have made any other ●…se of their possession , but meerely to prevent civill warre . there is not any way more likely to create a civill 〈◊〉 , than indeavours to prevent it , by illegall courses . uery just if you could demonstrate any illegall courses that have beene taken . if the parliament ( the shutting of the king out of hull was not their act ) if the act of the substitute , be not the act of him that doth authorize him ; then i understaud no law , be not vertually the whole kingdome it selfe . the king excl●…ded , it is not . t is certaine , but if he exclude himselfe , then it is . if it be not like supreame judicature , as well in matters of state , as matters of law . till new lawes be enacted , the subject cannot justifie any act , but what is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the old . this is an unquestionable truth , if the author doe not corrupt it by this false glosse , and interpretation ; he must know , t is one thing to declare the common law , another to ●…act a new law ; the subject may justifie an act , by the authority of parliament , without his majesties consent in the former , not so in the latter . if it be not the great counsell of the kingdome , as well as of the king , to whom it belongeth by the consent of all nations , to provide in all extraordinary cases , ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica 〈◊〉 the brand of treason stick upon it . no provisions are allowed , but what are legall , least the remedies prove worse than the disease . very right , but circumstances may vary a case . and that may , and ought to be legall at one time , that nei●…her will , nor can be so , at another and in extraordinary cases , extraordinary provisions , may bee made , and ought not to be●… br●…nded with injustice , or breach of law . nay , if the parliament would have used this forcible meanes , unlesse petitioning would not have prevailed . it is no just cause to take away a 〈◊〉 money , and said he did first desire him to deliver it . cleare law ; and the cases will no way vary ; if the author can prove that the king hath as absolute a property in the towne of hull , as any man hath in his money . or if their grounds of 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 vaine . it is against all equitie , to d●…e a wrong , because there is a 〈◊〉 of suffering it . right , but i hope you will prove now , that there is a wrong done , and not argue this by way of admission . besides , it is against all reason that a whole kingdome should be put to suffer a wrong , out of a meere possibilitie of doing one . or if the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 kingdome can be co●…ted vaine . too large an expression , much the greater pa●…t of the kingdome apprehend unjust grounds of jealousies . very good , is not this the doctrine of division that i impeach our au●…hor to be guilty of before . the parliament have formerly beene esteemed the representative body of the who●… kingdome ; but belike now ●…is otherwise , they have ( i know not how ) lost this honour and priviledge ; or it is unjustly taken from them . in the easing us of these many pre●…ures , which lay so heavin upon he kingdome ( 〈◊〉 which we and our whole posterity are eternally ingaged unto them ) there they did represent us : and their actions for our benefi●… , had an influence upon the whole kingdome . but if they tell us through their vigilancy and great care of us ) that we are like to be reduced to a worse condition , through the malicious couns●…ll of those men that wrought our former miseries , if not timely preven●…ed ; there they sit in a parsonall capacity only , and we are not bound to believe that we 〈◊〉 in danger , because they say so : no , ala●… they are a seditious , factious and inconsid●…rable number ; who intend to raise t●…ir own fortunes , upon v●…ine 〈◊〉 of danger , out of the publike d straction●… . o the wit and power of 〈◊〉 , that should thus work upon men , to renounce their unde standing , neglect their duty and incurre the publike ruine , upon a meere possibility tha they may be seduced by the parliament . but t is very m●…ch ●…at the author should dare to affirme , ●…ha much the greater part of the kingdome appreh●…nd no ground of jealousie , b●…like he hath travailed the w●…ole kingdom over , and examined men by the poles , and tak●…n every ones suffrage , and so upon the to ●…l cast up on every side , is able to render you this account , or otherwise hee could never make good his assertion . o●… if they cl●…yme any such right of judging of dangers , and preventing of them without the kings consent as ordinary and perpetuall . as of●…en as they have a mind to make use of such a right , t is easie ●…or them to call the case extraordinary , and pretend publike dang●…rs . if it shall be suffered that their sole●…ne judgements and determinations ( which are of so great waight and credit , that they ought to awe us to a beliefe of them ) shall be blasted with the scandall of vaine and pretend●…d ; how can it possibly be , ●…hat there should fall out any case 〈◊〉 ? i , but the event ought to be judge ; and ( he sayes ) they will never be c●…nfuted by that , if not now , for certainly apparent dang●…s did never lesse app●…e . admirably ingenious , were it not a pure contradiction : for doub●…lesse , if apparent dangers ; they must be seene . but let me tell you , that the issue or event is no certaine de ermi●… of an imminent danger : a provident care ( as now ) or an unexpected interposing providence ( as in case of the gunpowder plo●… ) may prevent the blow ; shall we therefore conclude it was never ofl●…red ? it would more abundantly have satisfied me , if i had beene frighted with secret plots and 〈◊〉 designes . dou●…tlesse those , whome apparent and visible dangers will not frighten ; secret and concealed cannot . the king might have prevented the same repulse by send●…ng of a messenger before hand . that is , if he had not come to g●…t in , he had not b●…ene shut out , if he would have stayed away , he would not have denyed h●…m entrance . a very apt conclusion , and it had b●…ene happy his majestie had found so good advise , as to have saved hi●… labour . or by comming without any such considerable forces . let his forces be great , he was not to give law to his prince . no ; nor any privie counsell to the parliam●…nt ; b●…t n●…ither is it likely ●…ee would have ●…ave admitted him then , for you 〈◊〉 a lit●…le above , 〈◊〉 offered to enter , with twen●…y horse only unarmed . whether his ma●…esty m●…de any such profer or no , i know not : nor is i●… materiall , for t was not the paucitie of number , th t could excuse his breach of trust . the scots in england tooke newcastle , but by private authority , yet there w●…re other qualifications in that act , sufficient to purge it of treason . the king and parliament deserved so much respect from you , as not to have instanced so frequently in their act ; you might well let that passe in silence , which they have buried in an act of o●…livion . t is no wrong , either to king or parliament , for a man to say that is no treason , which they have adjudged not to be so . neither is that act of theirs so to be buri●…d in utter silence , as not to acquit and discharge us , if we can plead the same innocency . then the observator instances at large , in the example of ●…dward the second , misted by 〈◊〉 . it doth not ●…llow , because one king hath hearkned to evill couns●…ll , therefore all must be denyed the liberty to hearken to good . that is true , but it doth clearely demonstrate thus much , that o●…hers may be misled as well as he , and when a parliament shall declare ( as now ) that the king is misled by evill counsell , t is not your b●…re 〈◊〉 , that can make good the contrary . 〈◊〉 p●…tie was but of inconsiderable fortunes . he will get no advantage by putting mens estates into the scales , and ballancing their r●…putations . what odds may be gained in point of estate , i know not ( though i am 〈◊〉 there will be nothing lost ) but without controversie , their reputations cannot be very good , whose cause and counsell is so bad . an aristocracy in parliament , cannot be erected with●…ut some meanes , and what this meanes shall be , is yet to us altogether inscrutable . certainly he is quicker sighted , than not to perceive what is so obvious , deny the king a negative , and the thing is done . had the parliament ( as in truth they never did ) denyed the king a negative , yet the author ( who pretends to be so quick sighted ) would find it a matter of greater weight and difficulty , than to be so easie compassed and effected . the power of the parliaments is but derivative , and depending upon publike consent . and how publike consent should be gained for the erection of a new unlawfull , odious tyranny a mongst us is not disce●…able . it is not thought this was the intent of those that intrusted them , but it may be the abuse of power , if the kings authority be once swallowed up in theirs ; for though their power depend upon a publike consent in the election , yet not so after they are met together . if the power of parliament be meerely derivative ( as it cannot bee denyed ) and that not absolute and illimit●…d , but qualified and circumscribed ( as it must bee agreed ) why then the consequence is very just , that where they doe exceed that power , this doth not ●…gage the consent and obedience of the people ; why then without ●…e shall allow that the peoples vote , and consent may be had ( which is so far from improbable , that it is almost impossible ) we may here judge , what an idle fancie and vaine dreame this is of their labouring to introduct an aristocracy . he sayes that he believes they would not be able to goe through in that new way . but yet they must needs have a great party ; considering their severall relations , and the advantage they have in advancing the interests , whether religious or civill , of some , which may be able to doe them service , and this would create division in the kingdome . our author must vent his contumacious and opprobrious conceipts against the parliament ; though they be a contradiction to his owne reason . what are their severall relations compared with the publike ? or what advantage can th●…r power of preferment yeeld them , ( since but few can attaine to that ) in the ingaging of a whole kingdome to erect so unlawfull and oidous a tyranny ? his majesty expresses his indignation , that they should dare to tell their king , they may without want of modesty or duty depose him . to which the observator answers , this cannot bee collected from these words , that if they should make the highest presidents of other parliaments their patterne there would be no cause to complaine of want of modestie and duty , because ( sayes he , ) it may justly be denyed , that free parliaments did ever truly consent to the deposing of any king of england . what was there asfirmed of parliaments , had none of his present restriction of free in it . what though it had not any candid and ingenious reader would supply it , by a faire intendment ; we ought not to stand upon our captions with the parliament , whose words and actions ought ( if we will be guided by the rule of law ) to receive the most honourable and favourable construction of us . wh●…refore we ought not so critically and unjustly to imagine , when they doe generally mention the highest presidents of other parliaments , that they doe include forced parliaments , because ( as they well know ) these are not presidents , for free parliaments to bee guided by . and doe they not by their declaration dated the second of november . ( which i make no question , the author had a view of before the publishing of his booke ) say , that in that declaration , to which this objection refers , they delivered , that they did never so much as suffer this to enter into their thoughts . and further that some presidents were such , as that they ought not to be rules for them to follow ; which very reasonably and probably might intend those of deposing kings . how dare then the author , ( though not expresly , yet tacitly ) accuse the parliament of being guilty of the maintaining that position contrary to their owne publike profession and vindication ? but i passe itover , and leave him to his just censure . he sayes , that the king is offended at their frank expressions , disguised under the charge of a malignant party . the sense of his answer is this , they have no otherway to cleare themselves ; for there being foults somewhere , not to lay them upon others , were to take them upon themselves . happy were our condition if his majesties evill counsellors could so easily acquit themselves of any wrong done to the publike , as the parliament can . but then he goes on and sayes , that his majesty ha●…h proposed a very good way , which will fully satisfie the world in their innocency ( i hope the world is sufficiently satisfied without that ) which is not alwayes to accuse , but some times to prove . a most unusuall and illegall way ; was it ever heard of or knowne , that evidence should be produced against any man for any kind of delinquency , before the party was brought to his tryall ? t were very unjust to condemn a man , not see●…ng his accusers , no●… hearing their evidence ; i rather believe t●…is is to b●… a proposition of the authors coyning , than to proceed from his majestie ▪ and if any messenger were sent from the parlibe a proposition of the authors coyning , than to proceed from h●…s majesty . and if any messenger were s●…nt from the parliament , ( as i believe one was ) to demand a delinquent accused by them ; he might have beene sufficiently beaten for his paines , and have returned without him . how then could the parliament make their proofe in a legall way , according to this proposition ? the king demands justice for tumults , and high indignities offered , and complaines of a prohibition , sent from the house of commons into southwarke , to hinder the processe against a ryot according to law . the observators answer is , equa●… justice could not be obteined against the court cavalliers . his majestie never protected them from legall tryall , it was free for them to have proved what they could against them . it must have beene behind their backs ●…hen ; which is a p●…ece of admirable justice ; and when they had made good their proofes ; they must have sent to yorke , for to impeach and d●…mand them and what successe that journey would have produced , your jdgmen●… could easily informe you . the k●…ng sayes it being granted by them , that their priviledges do not extend to treason , felony , or breach of the peace , so as to exempt the members from all manner of tryall , yet if they be so priviledged in the method of their ●…yall , that the cause must first be brought before them , and their consent asked , before you can proceed , then their priviledges extend as far in these , as in the most unquestioned cases , because no priviledges exempt them fr●…m all manner of tryall , the house being acquainted and leave given . i take the law to be ( pardon me if i judge amisse ) in all cases of a criminall nature , where the person may be seised and sequestred : there though he may be arrested , or detained to appeare before them , yet he cannot be proceeded against in any other court or way than in parliament , whereby he may he taken or detained fr●…m the service of parliament , without their consent , and this is no exemption from tryall , but only a priviledge in the method of it . but now on the other side , in all civill causes , if they demand their priviledg , t is the frequent practice to allow it them , and this doth totally suspend the prosecution of the suit or tryall . i but he saith . it was fully intended the members should have had a legall and speedy tryall . it cannot be conceived so , since his majestie was advised to make such an unusuall and illegall impeachment , and prosecution against them . the parliament do not deny the king a true , reall interest , in any thing had by him , either in jure coronae , or in jure personae , but only affirms that in the same thing the state hath an interest paramount in cases of publ●…ke extremitie , by vertue of which it may justly seize and use the same for its owne necessary preservation . ] the king is a part of the state , and therefore the other part hath not any power warranted by law , to do what they think fit to his prejudice , upon pretence of publike extremity . we shall a low your assertion , that the king is part of the state , and that therefore the other part cannot without him , upon any pretence whatsoever , do any thing that may turn him in pre judice . but this doth tacitly grant that they may do any thing , in case of his diser●…ion , without his consent , that is for his majesties and the publike advantage , and if you had meant to make good your ground , by applying it to the case in qu●…stion , you should not have reasoned thus by way of admition of that , that will by no meanes be allowed you , but you ought to have proved that the parliament have done that which is a prejudice to his majestie , and then your consequence would have beene very just , whereas it is now but a meere scandalous and libellious argument : i , but he sayes , this is ship money : in every mans lands and goode the state hath an interest paramount , in cases of publike extremity , by vertue of which it may justly seize and use the same for its owne necessary preservation . doubtles no man who pret●…nds to knowledge , were not his reason and understanding captivated , would go about to perswade any man ▪ that it is all one to be divested of his property by violence and oppression ; as to part with it by free consent and donation ; why this is all the resemblance or similitude that the ship money and the proceedings of parliament have then let all the world judge how these contraries can possibly run parallel . the head without the body was the state before ; now it is a body without an head . that 's a monster of your making , t is not we . but you that divide the head from the body . i will not turn prophet , but know if heaven be just , a crime of so great aggravation cannot passe unpunished . but the kings things are still reserved for h●…m in b●…tter hands , than he would have put them . though this were true , it were an ill president for the subject , who must be bound to give up his meanes , as often as they conceive . they could dispose it more wisely . there is no concluding from the seising of forts , castles and the like , things meerly of publike use and concernment , in which the king hath no other interest , but in reference to his trust , for the good of the publike . to the seizing of any mans private or particular in●…erest , in which he hath a sole absolute and unquestionable property . no , why heare what the author sai●…h , let what will be pretended , the subject cannot be so stupid , as not to understand thesewho undertake to manage the paramount interest of the state , may seise on any subjects fortunes , by the same right they take the 〈◊〉 . with the authors favour he is grossely mistaken : for though it must be agreed that the state hath an interest paramount in every mans private property : and so if occasion require may call for a part , for the preservation of the whole ( and upon such termes , he is unwise that will not freely disburse it ) yet it doth not therfore follow , that this is seized by the same right , that the forts & castles are , which are meerely for the publike defence and security . for the kingdom hath a peculiar & proper interest in the one , which it hath not in the other . and though necessity may justly demand both for the publique safety , yet it is the proper worke and office of the one , not soof the other . that ▪ there is an arbitrary power in every state somewhere , t is true , t is necessary & no inconveniencefollows upon it . if he mean by arbitrary a lagistative power , this is granted , yet not to part but the wholebody . but what if one part do desert the other , and refuse to concurre with h●…m , must that 〈◊〉 still and do nothing ? but hee sayes , this speakes not to the case , for still they give us a certaine rule to live by . and do not the parliament do the same ? no law can be all equity , nor all equity law , for so the one would confound and destroy the other , but there must be a certaine rule upon which to make this equitable construction . why now i appeale to any one that know●… any thing of the justice of their proceedings ; whether that they have not often laid downe this as an unqu●…ionable position , that the king by his prerogative hath the sole ordering of the 〈◊〉 , of the forts , castles and magazine throughout the kingdome ( why then h●…re is your certaine rule to live by ) onely they make this equitable qualification of it , ( and i must say , that it were no just law , if it would not admit of this construction ) that in case where 〈◊〉 kingdome is in imminent danger of for reigne invasion , or civill combustion , and that the king seduced by evill and malignant counsellours , will not receive their advise and counsell for the securing of the same ; in such ca●… they , who are intrusted with the publike , may seize the forts and magazine , and 〈◊〉 the militia for his ma●…esties and his peoples safety and preservation . and doth this any whit destroy the rule ? nay , rather doth it not mainetaine and support it ? i but he saith , that he is to justifie , there is such a paramount law , which shall make other lawes truely oracles , that is , capable of contrary meanings : so that now a man may be justly punished for doing such a thi●…g , because he hath disobeyed the letter of the law ; a weeke after he shall be justly punished too , for no●… doing of the same thing , because he hath disobeyed the equity of the law . this i shall justifie , and yet let me tell the author that this is no forcing or st●…ayning the lawes to contrary meaning , but onely a declaration of the true intention of them . the statu●…e de frangentibus prisenam doth ena●…t that it shall be felony for a prisoner to breake prison ; the prison by accident is set on fire , t●…e prisoners may in such case break prison for the salvation of their lives , and are no felons , and yet this is against the expresse letter of the statute ; and shall wee in such case say that this is a contrary meaning to the law ? no , wee may not , t is cleerely agreeable with the intention of it . aga●…ne the sole power of ordering of the militia doth by the law reside in the king : and if in time of peace and secur●…ty , the king duely discharging of his trust , any one shall dare to execute any other commission , and by vertue of that shall traine , muster or discipline any 〈◊〉 his majesties sub●…ects , without his authority there hee is justly punishable as offending against the letter of the law . but now on the other side , if in time of publique distraction , and feare of invasion from abroad , or of civill and intestine combustion within , the king shall refuse to hearken to the counsell of his parliament , and shall listen to such advise , as being followed m●…y prove the utter ruine and destruction of the common-wealth : in such case , if they shall take upon them for to order the militia for the securing of his majesty and people , and shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commissions to that purpose ; those that in s●…ch case shall disobey , may be punished for not submitting to the equity of the law . and yet still this is no contradiction or contrary ●…eaning to the law , but an eq●…itable & just ●…planation , according to the int●…ntion of it . and if this will not give the author satifaction , for my part i thinke nothing will . i but then he cites us aristotle which saith those lawes are with greatest prudence 〈◊〉 shed , which d●…fine most cases , and which leave nothing which possibly may be determined , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 breast of the judge : and the author gives the reason of it , for that to leave an ample and large construction according to equity unto iudges , may be a meanes to satisfie corrupt ends . t was a wise saying of aristotle , and no doubt t is a very admirable rule and direction , for all legistative powers ; to make such lawes that might be their owne expos●…ours ; and that might ( if it were possible ) extend to all cases ; ●…hat so the selfe respect or corrupted judgement of their interpreters , might not through the dubious , ample or various , sense of them be satisfied . but since it is impossible for them , so 〈◊〉 sorsee and inlarge the law , but they must of necessity l●…ave some c●…ses unprovided for , and some incertaine , which must r●…st upon the judgement of the iudges of it . how doth it any way oppose law or reason , where there is not for all cases an exact provision , to allow a favourable and 〈◊〉 construction ? but then covertly 〈◊〉 to the condition of our times , he tells us a large story of the 〈◊〉 in germany , and of the thirty tyrants of athens : what a 〈◊〉 and large power they had got into their hands 〈◊〉 by insinuating themselves into the hearts of the people , and how they did abuse that power by injustice and oppression ; and so concludes that upon proportionable grounds and principles such mischeif●…s being then , may be againe . could the author have made a worse comp●…rison , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would ; was ever great●…r dishonour or indignity cast upon a parliament , upon such 〈◊〉 ▪ such groundlesse and inconsequent reasons and arguments ; the anabaptists they abused germany , the thirty tyrants , athens , and therefore th●… parliament do england , the rest of his booke shewes this to be his meaning , though hee conclude with a ( may be ) though he had not regarded his own credit and reputati●…n , yet h●…e should have had some respect to the honour and fame of his countr●…y , and have studied a better resemblance , though he had not raised a better conclusion . the bad actions or impostures of some , are not infallible presidents for others to be judged by . but to advertise the author that he do not for the future thus abuse his judgement and discretion ; l●…t me give him this caution , when his heart shall suggest any ill of so great and reverend a counsell ( whose actions ought to awe him to a good conceipt of them ) to consider well the grounds and reasons of his mistrust , and when he hath done this , ponder on the great disproportion and inequality that there is betwixt so great a power , and himself , and this will either ingage him to a better beleife , or force him to silence . and let th●… people take this caveat , that the subtile pr●…ssing and urging of the ill examples of other men , ought not ( though it be most maliciously indeavoured ) to perswade us to a beleife of the like corruptions in the parliament . the things taken from the king at hull , were armes , which are of more danger than other kind of chattells . by the same law , all that part of the kingdome which is not confided in , may be disarmed . good reason too , if in a publique 〈◊〉 , they shall appeare in opposition to them , who indeavour nothing but the publique fafety , and preservation . nay , why may not their money be taken too , upon probable feare , they may buy armes with it . if that probability can be evidenced by a sufficient proofe , i see no reason any man should be permitted to buy a sword , to helpe to cut his owne throat , nay more , to hasten the ruine of the common-wealth . the subj●…ct is in a miserable condition , that is liable to be undone , as often as they please to be fearefull . wee should be in a farre worse condition , if we should not feare , when we have just cause , and prevent the losing of the whole , by a wise parting with some small and inconsiderate portion . let brainford evidence this truth . i , but he saith it is so farre from excusing , it aggravates the fact to take away the kings armes , that is , the meanes whereby he may seize whatever else belongs unto his majesty . it doth much extenuate the fact , to seize those things which would be more immediate agents or instruments in his majesties and the publique ruine ; i , but then againe hee sayes , that the law of the land hath onely intrusted the prince with armes , so that the subject ought not to he arrayed , trayned and mustered , but by his commission ; he sayes very much , and of great consequence , had it beene at another time . but as circumstances may vary a case , so i hope the author will learne to distinguish betwixt a case in nece●…ity , and one out of necessity , betweene the kings adhering to the advise of his great counsell the parliament , and his deserting of them , and betweene the due execution of his trust , and the breach of it . these layed together will much vary the case , and justifie the parliament in their arraying , trayning and mustering without his majesties commission . but some determination must be supreame , and therefore either the kings power and trust must be guided by the directions of the parliament , or else the parliament and all other courts must be overruled by the kings meere direction . no necessity of either , for in cases of this nature , which is confessed to be extraordinary , if the king and parliament dissent things must be at a stand , and the subject must be obedient to the ordinary law . our author doub●…lesse hath a strong minerva that could make so subtile a decision of a matter of so great controve●…sie ; but i beleive this concept was as soone penned , as it was thought on . for what is this , but in plaine termes to tell the parliament hat they might aswell have saved their labour . and that if a king seduced by evill counsell shall indeavour the destruction of the publique , yet it lyes not in the power of the parliament any way to oppose or prevent it . a sad conclusion , if it would hold . but then his majesty maintaining of his negative power , puts this case , whether if the papists in ireland in truth were , or by act or accident had made themselves the major part of both houses of parliament there , and had pretended the trust , ( which the parliament here doth ) from the kingdome of ireland , & thereupon had voted their religion and liberty to ●…e in danger of extirpation , from a malignant party of protestants and puritanes ; and therefore that they should put themselves into a possure of defence ; that the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of that kingdome were to be put into the hands of such persons as they could confide in &c. whe●…her he were bound to consent to all such alterations , as these men should propose to him , and resolve to be for the publique good . i shall not need to prove the unlikely hood of their accomplishing their desired ends ; nor go about maintaine with the observator , that there is as true and intimate an union betwixt england and ireland , as ▪ betwixt england and wales . neither do i thinke if it were so that the two parliaments would joyn●… for transacting and concluding upon matters for both states . but to the question i shall give this short answere ; that i do not conceive the king in such case bound to consent to their proposalls . for i never did , nor shall allow , where their conclusions and requ●…sts are evidently against l●…w , reason or religion ( if that may b●… presumed of a parliament ) that in such case the ki●…g is bound to ye●…ld to their votes . no ; farre be it from any one thus to judge ; for that were to make him a ●…yrant , though against his will ; and to be ingaged in his peoples ruine against his conscience . but now what use or advantage can be made of this against the cas●… in question ( ●…he parliaments proposalls being not apparently either against law , reason or religion ) do●…h nonplus my understanding to imagine . a faction is said to have prevailed upon a major part by cunning , ●…orce , absence or accident . the observator argues thus aginst it . if by cunning we must suppose the kings party in parliament , hath lost all their law , policy and 〈◊〉 . the reason why they are overborne may be this , not because they have lesse law , but more ho●…sty , which will not permit them to maintaine a good cause , by ill meanes . no ; the reason is evidently this , that they have li●…le law , and 〈◊〉 honesty , which wi●…hholds them from promoting the publique saf●…ty . i but how falls it out , that after so many reiterated scandalls of pretences , and deceivings of the people , the author should now confesse that the cause is good only he adds that there is an ill prosecuting of it , which he ought to prove , if he expects we should beleive him . certainely he did not read what he had writ●…en , or not understand it , or there is some hope now at the last ( after the venting of his sple●…ne ) that he will prove a convert ? but i dispaire of convincing him by better reason ; for he is here in his very next words , fallen into a contradiction ; where he sa●…es , that wee all know , in how great stead these piae fraudes holy salsehoods , and religious untruth stood , the church of rome &c. and he concludes that wee ought to examine , whether this policy worke not ( at least in the beginning , till a discovery of their falsehoods is made , and the people is undeceived ) the same effects in a civill state ; whether there are not such things , as fraudes pretended to be reipublicae salutares here you have his apostasie , you may see how suddainly he hath declined the truth , for he is revolted againe into his pretences , deceipts and falsehoods . and i wish from my very heart , that these had no greater influence upon the actions of this man , and such as he is , than they have upon the proceedings of parliament , and then i am confident our sad divisions and distractions would not be long lived . i , but then the observator sayes , it cannot be by force , because they have no army visible . a thing is said in law to be done by force , not onely when men actually suffer ; if they make use of their liberty and refuse to satisfie the passion and humours of some , but then also , when they have just grounds of feare , for this workes on the minde as strongly , as the other on the body . i , but with the authors favour , this must be such a feare as may possesse a generous and setled spirit , not every idle phantasme or chymaera , such as they use to bugbear●… children withall . it remaines then , we examine whether the names of many gentlemen were not openly read in tumults . i marry sir , here is on●… of the imaginary spiri●…s , that hath thus forced the understanding and reason of these men . doubtl●…sse this is not a sufficient ground of feare ( were it true , which i much question ) to a resolved and setled judgement , neither doth the law t●…ke hold of any such feare as thi●… is . i , but then he goes on ; whether that they were not poasted with directions to th●…ir perticular lodgings . i , here you have another of these hobgoblins , and deformed images , more fit to fray children with , than men ; because ( if that were true ) they were directed to their chambers , and never intended , ( as the event cleares it ) to approach them ; therefore they complied or were silent , and so that faction prevailed . i , but he goes yet further , whether the way to the house , were not set with clamarous multitudes , that they must passe through the middest of them , whil●…st they insorme them , what is fit to be voted , and inquire after their names , and what side they take . this is like indeed to carry the visage of truth with it ; may not men who are part of the collective body of the common-wealth , whom the parliament represents considering that sua res agitur , it is their b●…sinesse that is there transacted , have recourse thi her , with a full desire onely to be informed of the proceedings of parliament , and how thing●… succeed for their good , but they must be branded with those ignominious stiles of unlawfull ass●…mblies and clamorous multitudes ? for their inquiring what their names were , and which s●…de they tooke ; certainely 〈◊〉 they may do without 〈◊〉 , and that can be no cause to make me dread a man , because he knowes my name , no ; nor his being privy to my actions nei 〈◊〉 , if i am conscious to my self , that they are such as are just and honourable ; ●…nd for their informing of them of what was fit to be voted , that is as like to be true , as that they sho●…ld vote , what they had informed them , for the other two of absence and accident , he sayes , they may be reduced to this . i t is no wond●…r many stay away , since they must be absent , even whilest th●…y are there . if their wills were absent , by being a verse from the publique good , whose fault was it that they stood cyphers ? better in such case , their rome than their company . the parliament requests of the king , that all great officers of state , by whom p●…blique affaires , sh●…ll be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…e chosen by 〈◊〉 or nomination of the great counsell . could the king 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for him , &c. if all parliaments were not taken as deadly enemies to 〈◊〉 is that the ●…eason , why each man preserves his owne right , b●…cause he takes all the rest of mankinde for deadly enemies ? no , but had i not a strong 〈◊〉 of such mens faith and loyaltie ; i should not upon just occasion 〈◊〉 to intrust my right with them . i , but can he with honour 〈◊〉 himselfe unfit to manage that 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the law hath commuted to him ? 〈◊〉 not a disavowing of his owne ability , to be ruled by the 〈◊〉 of his great counsell the parliament , one may man●…ge a trust well , and yet no disho●…●…hat a whole kingdom may do●… it better . with equall reason ( sayes he ) they may challenge to themselves the 〈◊〉 of all bishops , 〈◊〉 , sher●…ffes , 〈◊〉 , &c. and dispose of all the preserments of england . for th●… bishops ( thou●…h our sad experience at this day doth informe us ) that they have been very bad ) yet we shall not speak of what necessity it might be , that they likewise should be , nominated by the great counsell , for that it is boubtfull whether ever they shall come in nomination again . for the ministers likewise i shall leave them to the choyce and free elections of their patrons . but now for the sheriffes , justices and other inferiour officers of the law ; i must 〈◊〉 i much wonder how those can be brought within the ranke and order of great officers of state ; neither can there be the like reason possibly rendred , for the nominating of these , as for the other ; for though they may be corrupt in their way , yet that is a prejudice only to some particular interests , no danger to the publike . the truth of it is , this kingdome hath and doth still suffer under the hea●… pressures of ill 〈◊〉 and officers of sta●…e , who instead of defending and propagating the good of the publike : have , and do most vilely and traiterously-corrode and gnaw out the very bowels of it . was not then their req●…st and proposall very reasonable and safe both for king and people , that they might nominate such of that known and publike trust and confidence , who by their sedulous care , honest , and direct counsell , and which is above all , by their true and unfained zeale and affection to the common wealth , might prevent the like distractions and miseries for the future ▪ but to passe this ; had his 〈◊〉 beene graciously pleased for to hearken and comply with this advise of the parliament , the greater had been his honour in that certaine pledge of continued happinesse and security to h●…s people . if the king 〈◊〉 such a man treasurer or keeper out of his owne good liking only , or upon recommendation of such a 〈◊〉 , here 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 of no power ; but if it be upon the recommendation of the whole kingdome in parliament , who in all probability can judge better and are more concerned , this is an emptying himselfe of majestie , and 〈◊〉 himselfe of power . is this will cont●…nt them , th●…y shall hav●… as much power , as be ●…rants to his courtiers . if this might be obtained , i am consident they neede not make a second requ●…st ; nay , could they be perswaded , th●…t what●… they could propose , would be conceed by his majesty , i dare say 〈◊〉 owne modesty , judgement and 〈◊〉 , would not permit them to be guilty of so great dishonour to their king ; as to extend their pe●…itions so farre for in●…rease of power , as some lately ( to our sad experience ) have enjoyed ; i but he sayes , 〈◊〉 must be like the outward senses , and make a true represent at con ; the 〈◊〉 of reason is 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , to make judgement therein : 〈◊〉 informat●…n is not alwayes faithfull ; this 〈◊〉 no way 〈◊〉 have deprived the king of the office of reason ; for their 〈◊〉 did not 〈◊〉 away 〈◊〉 majesties power of refusall upon just ca●…se rendered . if by his last words 〈◊〉 intends the information of the court there he is in the right this age can 〈◊〉 to him , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not beene alwayes faithfull ; but if he do intend his great 〈◊〉 the parliament , there he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 against common judgement and understanding , for that no age is able to w●…tnesse any unfaithfulnes or 〈◊〉 in a parliament , i , but he 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their king , and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 , yet 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them●… , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their owne 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 in all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to expresse their 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and why so ▪ pray 〈◊〉 his reason , for ( saith hee ) they must 〈◊〉 to suffer 〈◊〉 those 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hoped for in a 〈◊〉 divided in it 〈◊〉 ? this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fire in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for it cannot be 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 . very tragically 〈◊〉 , though without any 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , i 〈◊〉 that if 〈◊〉 author 〈◊〉 , but to make a 〈◊〉 , he will easily informe himselfe 〈◊〉 that it is very 〈◊〉 to have great 〈◊〉 of state of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it will be very difficult to 〈◊〉 men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that dan●… incurred to by 〈◊〉 of such a power to the parliament , 〈◊〉 since there can be no absolute 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 on this side heaven , but that all humane inventions , whether of law , or whatever else will retaine or contract ( either more or lesse ) some mixture or tincture of ill in them . why then s●…uld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 benefit , for a possible inconvenience ? or reject the unquestionable commodum , for ●…are of a casuall incommodum , the bread that a man doth now eat , may choak him , and his house that he now lives in fals upon his head ; shall he therefore deny himselfe the certain nutriment of the one , or the secure habitation of the other ? for feare of these visible dangers ? t were phanatick ●…nd rediculous . by this r●…le a man should 〈◊〉 and decl●…ne all terrene and sublunary happinesse whatsoever , for that there is not so 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 condition , that is not subject to a possible pollution and corruption . now i b●…lieve it doth fully appeare that the law of that remonstrance laid down by his majesti by way of 〈◊〉 , in seven positions , is just and without offence , ●…eing such as will bring unquestionable happinesse both to church and 〈◊〉 , not denying our obedience to the king , 〈◊〉 our 〈◊〉 and faithfull service to god . that the parliament hath an absolute and 〈◊〉 power of declaring law . this power must rest in 〈◊〉 or in the king , or in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 courts , or 〈◊〉 all suite must bee endlesse , and it can no where rest more safely than in parliament . 〈◊〉 two houses are not the parliament , the subject of such power is the intire body , which consists of three estates . if deserted by the king they are , otherwise not . i , but he sayes , some things are cleare and evident in law , and want 〈◊〉 , if otherwise , all 〈◊〉 subjects 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the iudge very just , and some things are dubious in law and want 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( such is the case betweene the king and parliament ) and this must rest upon the breast of the 〈◊〉 , whi●…h in this case is the parliament . i but h●… sayes , if the houses should vote you●…ger brothers ought to 〈◊〉 by the law of england , could this 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the first 〈◊〉 ? a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but most easily answered and resolved . it is very manifest it could not , for 〈◊〉 this is a case which is evident and cleare , and here the law may be its owne judge , and needs no other interpreter or declarer . besides this is a destroying or repealing of the old law , and an int●…oduction of a new , which can●…ot be done , without the three esta●…es . but they may declare what the common law of the land is , without the king , which is only a passing sen●…ence , upon the 〈◊〉 and reasoning of a new case , by the old law , so that the judges are guided by this rule of law , 〈◊〉 eadem ratio , ibi idem 〈◊〉 , where there is the same reason , there ought to be the same law ; pray observe , and this will correct your mistake ; though the case be new , 〈◊〉 if it may be brought to the 〈◊〉 of the old law ) tis idem jus , not 〈◊〉 , the same , no new law . the truth of it is , that law is but a more pure and 〈◊〉 reason , and as reason is alwayes one and the same ; so of necessity must the law be . that the parliament are bound 〈◊〉 no presidents statute are not binding 〈◊〉 them , why then should presidents ? yet there is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 . this is an excellent ground to justifie their owne innoc●…ncy against all the world . for if they can make it appeare they are not bound ●…o keepe 〈◊〉 law , no 〈◊〉 can accuse 〈◊〉 for the breach of any . our author thinks he hath here got a strong hold and advantage against us . why wee shall allow ( as without 〈◊〉 the law is ) that 〈◊〉 are binding to the two houses of parliament , as well as others , till repealed ; but doth this any way disprove 〈◊〉 position , that they are not bound to presidents ? you know what they say ( who are best acquainted with the bounds and 〈◊〉 of their owne power ) some presidents are not to be followed , 〈◊〉 being not 〈◊〉 , and all may fall short , and be different from the 〈◊〉 case and condition of things , and therefore t is no reason that they should be bounds to the proceedings of a parliament . . that they are parliaments and may judge of publike necessity with●…ut the king , and dispose of any thing . they may not 〈◊〉 the king , but being 〈◊〉 by the king , when the kingdome is in 〈◊〉 they may judge of that 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 it , and are to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , as the whole body of the 〈◊〉 . to 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 he hath granted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in reason be d si ed. is not to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , but then by the rule of contraries , to dissent , 〈◊〉 he hath granted whatever might in reason be 〈◊〉 , is a 〈◊〉 of the houses ; and this you do 〈◊〉 allow . why now the onely judge in this case of reasonable or 〈◊〉 demands , is the parliament , and they have adjudged their request 〈◊〉 , wherefore it is your duty and mine ( 〈◊〉 wee will oppose our judgements to theirs , which will be extreame arrogancy ) to believe they are so : however what their awefull authority will not do , their reason ought . but he sayes ; upon pretence of distresse , to tak●… illegall courses , is as if th●…y should perswade us we are not in 〈◊〉 , and therefore they must break 〈◊〉 beads to forward our recovery . right , but in case of apparent and imminent danger ( as now ) if the great physitian of the common-wealth shall neglect his patient , it may by all lawf●…ll and legall courses ( as it doth now ) indeavour its owne preservation . th●…y represent the people to some purposes , not the king to any , and therefore are but a part of the state . very true , if the king do not desert them , but if he do , then they represent the whole state . . that no member of parliament , ought to be troubled for treason &c. without leave . this is intended of suspicions onely , and when leave cannot s●…asonably be ●…ad , and when competent accuse appeare not ●…n the impeachment . if by suspitions , be meant onely a bare not confiding in , this injustce cannot be sufficient ground . no ; nor if by suspitions is meant , a labouring for an arbitrary power , for which there is no ground , and of which the whole parliament must needs be equally guilty , this is as insufficient ●… cause of impeachment as the other . but upon articles drawne , and proofes in readinesse , which it is not fit to produce , while the accused parties are at liberty , they may be meddled with . true if competent 〈◊〉 appeare in the impeachment , then they may be arrested and deteined to appeare before the parliament ; but there ought to be no other pros●…cution , in any other court or way than in parliament , whereby they may be deprived of a member , without their consent . i , but sayes , hee , if the houses being adjourned , were not able to give consent ; or upon too much confidence , sho●…ld not be willing hath not the law provided in such a case for tryall of treason ? for the first ; no doubt , where they are not able to give consent , there they have not power to dissent . and for the latter if upon hearing of the cause , the accusers appeare to be competent , and the cause of impeachment legall and just ; t were to much presumption and confidence in us , for to believe them so confident , as not to be willing , to give way for a legall tryall . . that the sove●…aigne power resides in both houses of parliament , the king having no negative voyce . this power is not claymed as ordinary , nor to any purpose ; but to save the kingdome from ruine , in case where the king is so seduced , and that he preserres dangerous men , and prosecu●…s his loyall subjects . not as ordinary ; that is , they will only be kings as long as they please , and when they are weary of 〈◊〉 the kingdome shall be out of danger , and then it shall be his turne to command againe . the author might have spoken truth in better and more honourable language both to king and parliament , if he had pleased . that is , they will , as of right they ought , represent the whole state , the king deserting of them , so that , they may be enabled to preserve the kingdome from ruine , and when that shall be out of danger , then shall his majestie freely enjoy his negative , according to law and right . to save it from ruine ; the law hath better provided for the peoples safety , by prohibit●…ng all illegall executions of power , grounded upon what specious , pretences soever , 〈◊〉 . as illegall executions of power ( such as the commission of array ) are not to be justified . so legall ( such as the militia ) are not to be condenmed . and in case where the king is seduced , that is , when ●…e is not so wise as he should be , because he doth not thinke as they do , and refuses to satisfie the humors and interests of some . i dare not say that the king is not so wise as he should be , no ; such irreverend dialects i leave to the author . but this i may say , had not his majesty waived the fa●…full advise of his parliament ( who seek nothing but the peace and happinesse of him and his people ) and satisfied the humours and interests of others ( who ayme at nothing more than the ruine of both ) these s●…d disasters had not fallen upon us . and preferres ( this seemes to be the cause of all ; preferments do no●… goe the right way ) true for none but commissioners of array , do now happe preferments ) dangerous men ; that is , such as desire he should governe according to the known lawes of the land . were we before the parliament governed according to the known lawes of the land ? they are the same men that still labour to defend the same rule and power . and prosecu●…es his loyall●… subjects ; that is , is driven from london to yorke ; where be long time patiently expected the undeceiving of the people . no , he pa●…ed from london , or if you please ( that i may speake truth , ) was seduced by malignant counsell , to make so unhappy a change ; and i wish from my very soule that his sacred person were not more deceived by such , than his people are by the parliament . . that leavying of forces against the personall commands of the king ( though accompanyed with his presence ) is not levying war against the king : but war against his authority , though not person , is war against the king . if this were no●… so the parliament seeing a seduced king , ruining himselfe and the kingdome could not save both , but must stand , and looke on . it is against common sense to sancy a king ruining himselfe and kingdome , he can neither be willing not able . t is not to be presumed that a king rightly informed will , but a king seduced may ; and uponrep. ●…reacherous and unworthy advise , for raigne aid will not be wanting to do that , which dom●…stick cannot . . that according to some parliaments they may depose kings . t is denyed that any king was deposed by a free parliament 〈◊〉 elected . this is m●…st 〈◊〉 , but takes not off those words upon which this proposition is grounded . but it doth , with any faire and candid reading and interpretation : for when the parliament saith , that all presidents ought not to be rules for them to be regulated by ; this position must necessarily intend those of deposing kings ; for that the presidents of forced parliaments ought not to be followed . these might well have beene omitted , as being more fully handled in the booke , but least hee should complaine any thing was past over , i chose by a short review to be his remembrancer . finis notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. king. . verse . verse . verse . . verse . obs. ans. r●…p . obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. 〈◊〉 obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep : obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. 〈◊〉 . obs. 〈◊〉 . r●…p . obser. a●…s . 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. ●…ep obs. ans. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . a●…s . 〈◊〉 . obs. a●…s . rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. ans. rep. rom. ●… obs. ans. rep. obs. a●…s . r●…p . rep. obs. ans. rep. obser. 〈◊〉 . rep. obser. ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obser. ans. r●…p . obs. ans. rep. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ▪ 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ans. rep. obser. a●…s . r●… . obser. ans. rep. that was a p●…pular 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. rep. dr. ferne . obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. ol●… . ans. rep. obs●…r . ans. m●…t . rep. 〈◊〉 . . obsor . ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obser. ans. 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. 〈◊〉 . ans. rep. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obs. ans. r●…p . obs. obs. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obser. ans. rep. obs. ans. r●…p . obser. ans. r●…p . obs. ans. r●…p . obs. ans. r●…p . ob●… . ans. 〈◊〉 obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. 〈◊〉 . obs. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. 〈◊〉 . obs. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. rep. ob●… . ans. rep. o●… . ans. rep. ob●… . ans. rep ▪ obs. ans. rep. ob●… . a●… . rep. ob●… . a●… . rep ▪ o●…s . ans. 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. r●…p . obs. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. rep. ob●… . ans. rep. obs. a●…s . rep. obser. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. o●…s . a●…s rep. obser. ans. r●…p . obs. ans. 〈◊〉 . obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obs. ans. rep. obse●… . ans. rep. obs. 〈◊〉 . obs ans. rep. ol●… . ans. obs. ans. rep. of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises one whereof goes under the name of iames, arch-bishop of armagh. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises one whereof goes under the name of iames, arch-bishop of armagh. milton, john, - . [ ], - p. printed by r.o. & g.d. for thomas underhill..., london : . attributed to john milton. cf. blc. the second of milton's pamphlets written in support of the five protestant ministers in the smectymnuus controversy. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng smectymnuus. episcopacy -- early works to . a r (wing m ). civilwar no of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhether it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to tha milton, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - chris scherer sampled and proofread - chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of prelatical episcopacy , and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises : one whereof goes under the name of iames arch-bishop of armagh . london , printed by r. o. & g. d. for thomas underhill , and are to be sold at the signe of the bible , in wood-street , . of prelaticall episcopacy : epyscopacy , as it is taken for an order in the church above a presbyter , or as wee commonly name him , the minister of a congregation , is either of divine constitution , or of humane . if onely of humane , we have the same humane priviledge , that all men have ever had since adam , being borne free , and in the mistresse iland of all the british , to retaine this episcopacy , or to remove it , consulting with our owne occasions , and conveniences , and for the prevention of our owne dangers , and disquiets , in what best manner we can devise , without running at a losse , as wee must needs in those stale , and uselesse records of either uncertaine , or unsound antiquity , which if we hold fast to the grounds of the reformed church , can neither skill of us , nor we of it , ( so oft as it would lead us to the broken reed of tradition . if it bee of divine constitution , to satisfie us fully in that , the scripture onely is able , it being the onely book left us of divine authority , not in any thing more divine then in the all-sufficiency it hath to furnish us , as with all other spirituall knowledge , so with this in particular , setting out to us a perfect man of god accomplish't to all the good workes of his charge . through all which booke can be no where , either by plaine text , or solid reasoning found any difference betweene a bishop , and a presbyter , save that they be two names to signify the same order . notwithstanding this clearnesse , and that by all evidence of argument , timothy , and titus ( whom our prelates claim to imitate onely in the controuling part of their office ) had rather the vice-gerency of an apostleship committed to them , then the ordinary charge of a bishoprick , as being men of an extraordinary calling , yet to verify that which saint paul foretold of succeeding times , when men began to have itching eares , then not contented with the plentifull and wholsom fountaines of the gospell , they began after their owne lusts to heap to themselvs teachers , and as if the divine scripture wanted a supplement , and were to be eek't out , they cannot think any doubt resolv'd , and any doctrine confirm'd , unlesse they run to that indigested heap , and frie of authors , which they call antiquity . whatsoever time , or the heedlesse hand of blind chance , hath drawne down from of old to this present , in her huge dragnet , whether fish , or sea-weed , shells , or shrubbs , unpickt , unchosen , those are the fathers . seeing therefore some men , deeply conversant in bookes , have had so little care of late to give the world a better account of their reading , then by divulging needlesse tractats stuff't with specious names of ignatius , and polycarpus , with fragments of old martyrologies , and legends , to distract , and stagger the multitude of credulous readers , & mislead them from their strong guards , and places of safety under the tuition of holy writ , it came into my thoughts to perswade my selfe , setting all distances , and nice respects aside , that i could do religion , and my country no better service for the time then doing my utmost endeavour to recall the people of god from this vaine forraging after straw , and to reduce them to their firme stations under the standard of the gospell : by making appeare to them , first the insufficiency , next the inconvenience , and lastly the impiety of these gay testimonies , that their great doctors would bring them to dote on . and in performing this i shall not strive to be more exact in methode , then as their citations lead mee . first therefore concerning ignatius shall be treated fully , when the author shall come to insist upon some places in his epistles . next to prove a succession of . bishops from timothy , he cites one leontius bishop of magnesia , out of the . act of the chalcedonian councell : this is but an obscure , and single witnesse , and for his faithfull dealing who shall commend him to us , with this his catalogue of bishops ? what know wee further of him , but that he might be as factious , and false a bishop , as leontius of antioch that was a hunderd yeares his predecessor ? for neither the praise of his wisedome , or his vertue hath left him memorable to posterity , but onely this doubtfull relation , which wee must take at his word ; and how shall this testimony receive credit from his word , whose very name had scarse been thought on , but for this bare testimony ? but they will say hee was a member of the councell , and that may deserve to gaine him credit with us . i will not stand to argue , as yet with faire allowance i might , that wee may as justly suspect , there were some bad and slippery men in that councell , as we know there are wont to be in our convocations . nor shall i neede to plead at this time , that nothing hath been more attempted , nor with more subtilty brought about , both anciently by other heretiks , and modernly by papists , then to falsifie the editions of the councels , of which wee have none but from our adversaries hands , whence canons , acts , and whole spurious councels are thrust upon us , and hard it would be to prove in all , which are legitimat against the lawfull rejection of an urgent , and free disputer , but this i purpose not to take advantage of , for what availes it to wrangle about the corrupt editions of councells , when as we know that many yeares ere this time which was almost . years after christ , the councels themselves were fouly corrupted with ungodly prelatisme , and so farre plung'd into worldly ambition , as that it stood them upon long ere this to uphold their now well-tasted hierarchy by what faire pretext soever they could , in like manner as they had now learnt to defend many other grosse corruptions by as ancient , and suppos'd authentick tradition as episcopacie . and what hope can we have of this whole councell to warrant us a matter . years at least above their time concerning the distinction of bishop and presbyter , whenas we find them such blind judges of things before their eyes in their decrees of precedencie between bishop , and bishop , acknowledging rome for the apostolick throne , and peter in that see for the rock , the basis , and the foundation of the catholick church , and faith , contrary to the interpretation of more ancient fathers ; and therfore from a mistaken text did they give to leo as peters successor a kind of preheminence above the whole councel , as euagrius expresses ( for now the pope was come to that height , as to arrogate to himselfe by his vicars incompetible honours ) and yet having thus yeilded to rome the universall primacie for spirituall reasons , as they thought , they conclude their sitting with a carnall , and ambitious decree to give the second place of dignity to constantinople from reason of state , because it was new rome , and by like consequence doublesse of earthly priviledges annext to each other city , was the bishop therof to take his place . i may say againe therfore , what hope can we have of such a councell , as beginning in the spirit , ended thus in the flesh . much rather should we attend to what eusebius the ancientest writer extant of church-history , notwithstanding all the helps he had above these , confesses in the . chap. of his . book , that it was no easie matter to tell who were those that were left bishops of the churches by the apostles , more then by what a man might gather from the acts of the apostles , and the epistles of st. paul , in which number he reckons timothy for bishop of ephesus . so as may plainly appeare , that this tradition of bishoping timothy over ephesus was but taken for granted out of that place in st. paul , which was only an intreating him to tarry at ephesus , to do somthing left him in charge . now if eusebius a famous writer thought it so difficult to tell who were appointed bishops by the apostles , much more may we think it difficult to leontius an obscure bishop speaking beyond his own diocesse : and certainly much more hard was it for either of them to determine what kind of bishops those were , if they had so little means to know who they were ; and much lesse reason have we to stand to their definitive sentence , seeing they have bin so rash to raise up such lofty bishops and bishopricks out of places in scripture meerly misunderstood . thus while we leave the bible to gadde after these traditions of the ancients , we heare the ancients themselvs confessing , that what knowledge they had in this point was such as they had gather'd from the bible . since therfore antiquity it selfe hath turn'd over the controversie to that sovran book which we had fondly straggl'd from , we shall doe better not to detain this venerable apparition of leontius any longer , but dismisse him with his list of seven and twenty , to sleep unmolested in his former obscurity . now for the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it is more likely that timothy never knew the word in that sense : it was the vanity of those next succeeding times not to content themselves with the simplicity of scripture phrase , but must make a new lexicon to name themselves by , one will be call'd {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or antistes , a word of precedence , another would be term'd a gnostick as clemens , a third sacerdos , or priest , and talks of altars ; which was a plaine signe that their doctrine began to change , for which they must change their expressions : but that place of justin martyr serves rather to convince the author , then to make for him , where the name {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the president , or pastor of the brethren ( for to what end is he their president but to teach them ) cannot be limited to signifie a prelaticall bishop , but rather communicates that greek appellation to every ordinary presbyter : for there he tells what the christians had wont to doe in their severall congregations , to read , and expound , to pray and administer , all which he saies the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or antistes did . are these the offices only of a bishop , or shall we think that every congregation where these things were done , which he attributes to this antistes , had a bishop present among them ? unlesse they had as many antistites as presbyters , which this place rather seems to imply , and so we may inferre even from their own alledg'd authority , that antistes was nothing else but presbyter . as for that namelesse treatise of timothy's martyrdome , only cited by photius that liv'd almost . yeares after christ , it hansomely follows in that author , the martyrdome of the seven sleepers , that slept ( i tell you but what mine author sayes ) three hundred seaventy , and two years , for so long they had bin shut up in a cave without meat , and were found living . this story of timothy's ephesian bishopricke as it follows in order , so may it for truth , if it only subsist upon its own authority , as it doth , for photius only saith he read it ; he does not averre it . that other legendarie piece found among the lives of the saints , and sent us from the shop of the jesuites at lovain , does but bear the name of polyerates , how truly who can tell ? and shall have some more weight with us , when polycrates can perswade us of that which he affirms in the same place of eusebius . book , that st. john was a priest , and wore the golden brestplate : and why should he convince us more with his traditions of timothy's episcopacie , then he could convince victor bishop of rome with his traditions concerning the feast of easter , who not regarding his irrefragable instances of examples taken from philip , and his daughters that were prophetesses ; or from polycarpus , no nor from st. iohn himselfe , excommunicated both him , and all the asian churches for celebrating their easter judaically : he may therfore goe back to the seaven bishops his kinsmen , and make his moane to them that we esteem his traditionall ware , as lightly as victor did . those of theodoret , felix , and iohn of antioch are autorities of later times , and therfore not to be receiv'd for their antiquities sake to give in evidence concerning an allegation , wherin writers so much their elders , we see so easily miscarry . what if they had told us that peter , who as they say left ignatius bishop of antioch , went afterwards to rome , and was bishop there , as this ignatius , and irenaeus , and all antiquity with one mouth deliver , there be never the lesse a number of learned , and wise protestants who have written , and will maintain , that peters being at rome as bishop cannot stand with concordance of scripture . now come the epistles of ignatius to shew us first , that onesimus was bishop of ephesus ; next to assert the difference of bishop and presbyter , wherin i wonder that men teachers of the protestant religion , make no more difficulty of imposing upon our belief a supposititious ofspring of some dozen epistles , whereof five are rejected as spurious , containing in them herefies and trifles , which cannot agree in chronologie with ignatius , entitling him arch-bishop of antioch theopolis , which name of theopolis that city had not till iustinians time long after , as cedrenus mentions , which argues both the barbarous time , and the unskilfull fraud of him that foisted this epistle upon ignatius . in the epistle to those of tarsus he condemns them for ministers of satan , that say christ is god above all . to the phillippians them that kept their easter , as the asian churches , and polycarpus did , and them that fasted upon any saturday , or sunday , except one he counts as those that had slain the lord . to those of antioch he salutes the sub-deacons , chaunters , porters , and exorcists , as if these had bin orders of the church in his time : those other epistles lesse question'd are yet so interlarded with corruptions , as may justly indue us with a wholsome suspition of the rest . as to the trallians he writes that a bishop hath power over all beyond all government , and autority whatsoever . surely then no pope can desire more then ignatius attributes to every bishop , but what will become then of the archbishops and primates if every bishop in ignatius judgement be as supreme as a pope ? to the ephesians , neare the very place from whence they fetch their proof for episcopacy , there stands a line that casts an ill hue upon all the epistle , let no man erre , saith he , unlesse a man be within the rays , or enclosure of the altar , he is depriv'd of the bread of life . i say not but this may be stretch'd to a figurative construction , but yet it has an ill look , especially being follow'd beneath with the mention of i know not what sacrifices . in the other epistle to smyrna wherein is written that they should follow their bishop as christ did his father , and the presbytery as the apostles : not to speak of the insu●●e , and ill-layd comparison , this cited place lyes upon the very brimme of a noted corruption , which had they , that quote this passage , ventur'd to let us read , all men would have readily seen what grain the testimony had bin of , where it is said , that it is not lawfull without a bishop to baptize , nor to offer , nor to doe sacrifice . what can our church make of these phrases but scandalous : and but a little further he plainly falls to contradict the spirit of god in salomon , judge by the words themselvs . my son , saith he , honour god & the king ; but i say , honour god and the bishop as high-priest , bearing the image of god according to his ruling , and of christ , according to his priesting , and after him honour the king . excellent ignatius ! can ye blame the prelates for making much of this epistle ? certainly if this epistle can serve you to set a bishop above a presbyter , it may serve you next to set him above a king . these , and other like places in abundance through all those short epistles must either be adulterat , or else ignatius was not ignatius , nor a martyr , but most adulterate , and corrupt himselfe . in the midst therfore of so many forgeries where shall we fixe to dare say this is ignatius ? as for his stile who knows it ? so disfigur'd and interrupted as it is , except they think that where they meet with any thing found , and orthodoxal , there they find ignatius , and then they beleeve him not for his own authority , but for a truths sake , which they derive from els where : to what end then should they cite him as authentick for episcopacie , when they cannot know what is authentick in him , but by the judgement which they brought with them , & not by any judgement which they might safely learne from him . how can they bring satisfaction frō such an author , to whose very essence the reader must be fain to contribute his own understanding . had god ever intended that we should have sought any part of usefull instruction frōignatius , doubtles he would not have so ill provided for our knowledge , as to send him to our hands in this broken and disjoynted plight ; and if he intended no such thing , we doe injuriously in thinking to tast better the pure euangelick manna by seasoning our mouths with the tainted scraps , and fragments of an unknown table ; and searching among the verminous , and polluted rags dropt overworn from the toyling shoulders of time , with these deformedly to quilt , and interlace the intire , the spotlesse , and undecaying robe of truth , the daughter not of time , but of heaven , only bred up heer below in christian hearts , between two grave & holy nurses the doctrine , and discipline of the gospel . next follows irenaeus bishop of lions , who is cited to affirm that polycarpus was made bishop of smyrna by the apostles : and this it may seem , none could better tell then he who had both seen and heard polycarpus : but when did he heare him ? himselfe confesses to florinus , when he was a boy . whether that age in irenaeus may not be liable to many mistakings ; and whether a boy may be trusted to take an exact account of the manner of a church constitution , and upon what terms , and within what limits , and with what kind of commission polycarpus receiv'd his charge , let a man consider , ere he be 〈◊〉 . it will not be deny'd that he might have seen polycarpus in his youth a man of great eminence in the church , to whom the other presbyters might give way for his vertue , wisdome , and the reverence of his age and so did amcetus bishop of rome , even in his own city , give him a kind of priority inadministring the sacrament ; as may be read in eusebius : but that we should hence conclude a distinct , and superior order from the young observation of irenaeus , nothing yet alledg'd can warrant us , unlesse we shall beleeve such as would face us down , that calvin , and after him beza were bishops of geneva , because that in the unsetl'd state of the church , while things were not fully compos'd , their worth , and learning cast a greater share of businesse upon them , and directed mens eyes principally towards them , and yet these men were the dissolvers of episcopacie . we see the same necessity in state affaires brutns that expell'd the kings out of rome , was for the time forc't to be as it were a king himself , till matters were set in order , as in a free common-wealth . he that had seen pericles lead the athenians which way he listed , haply would have said he had bin their prince , and yet he was but a powerfull and eloquent man in a democratie , and had no more at any time then a temporary , and elective sway , which was in the will of the people when to abrogate . and it is most likely that in the church they which came after these apostolick men being lesse in merit , but bigger in ambition , strove to invade those priviledges by intrusion and plea of right , which polycarpus , and others like him possest from the voluntary surrender of men subdu'd by the excellencie of their heavenly gifts , which because their successors had not , and so could neither have that autority , it was their policy to divulge that the eminence which polycarpus and his equalls enjoy'd , was by right of constitution , not by free wil of condiscending . and yet thus farre irenaeus makes against them as in that very place to call polycarpus an apostolicall presbyter . but what fidelity his relations had in generall , we cannot sooner learn then by eusebius , who neer the end of his third book , speaking of papias a very ancient writer , one that had heard st. iohn , and was known to many that had seen , and bin acquainted with others of the apostles , but being of a shallow wit , and not understanding those traditions which he receiv'd , fill'd his writings with many new doctrines , and fabulous conceits , he tells us there , that divers ecclesiasticall men , and irenaeus among the rest , while they lookt at his antiquity , became infected with his errors . now if irenaeus were so rash as to take unexamin'd opinions from an author of so small capacity , when he was a man , we should be more rash our selves to rely upon those observations which he made when he was a boy . and this may be a sufficient reason to us why we need no longer muse at the spreading of many idle traditions so soon after the apostles , whilst such as this papias had the throwing them about , and the inconsiderate zeal of the next age , that heeded more the person , then the doctrine , had the gathering them up . where ever a man , who had bin any away conversant with the apostles , was to be found , thether slew all the inquisitive eares , the exercise of right instructing was chang'd into the curiosity of impertinent fabling : where the mind was to be edified with solid doctrine , there the fancy was sooth'd with solemne stories : with lesse fervency was studied what saint paul , or saint iohn had written then was listen'd to one that could say here hee taught , here he stood , this was his stature , and thus he went habited , and o happy this house that harbour'd him , and that cold stone whereon he rested , this village wherein he wrought such a miracle , and that pavement bedew'd with the warme effusion of his last blood , that sprouted up into eternall roses to crowne his martyrdome . thus while all their thoughts were powr'd out upon circumstances , and the gazing after such men as had sate at table with the apostles ( many of which christ hath profest , yea thoughthey had cast out divells in his name , he will not know at the last day ) by this meanes they lost their time , and truanted in the fundamentall grounds of saving knowledge , as was seene shortly by their writings . lastly for ireneus , wee have cause to thinke him lesse judicious in his reports from hand to hand of what the apostles did , when we find him so negligent in keeping the faith which they writ , as to say in his third booke against heresies , that the obedience of mary was the cause of salvation to her selfe , and all mankind , and in his fift booke , that as eve was seduc't to fly god , so the virgin mary was perswaded to obey god , that the virgin mary might be made the advocate of the virgin eve . thus if irenaeus for his neerenesse to the apostles , must be the patron of episcopacy to us , it is no marvell though he be the patron of idolatry to the papist , for the same cause . to the epistle of those brethren of smyrna , that write the martyrdome of polycarpus , and stile him an apostolicall , and propheticall doctor , and bishop of the church in smirna , i could be content to give some credit for the great honour , and affection which i see those brethren beare him , and not undeservedly if it be true which they there say that he was a prophet , and had a voyce from heaven to comfort him at his death , which they could heare , but the rest could not for the noise , and tumult that was in the place , and besides if his body were so pretious to the christians , that hee was never wont to pull off his shooes for one or other that still strove to have the office , that they might come to touch his feet , yet a light scruple or two i would gladly be resolv'd in ; if polycarpus ( who , as they say , was a prophet that never faild in what he foretold ) had declar'd to his friends , that he knew by vision , hee should die no other death then burning , how it came to passe that the fire when it came to proofe , would not doe his worke , but starting off like a full saile from the mast , did but reflect a golden light upon his unviolated limbes exhaling such a sweet odour , as if all the incense of arabia had bin burning , in so much that when the bill-men saw that the fire was overaw'd , and could not doe the deed , one of them steps to him , and stabs him with a sword , at which wound such abundance of bloud gusht forth as quencht the fire . by all this relation it appeares not , how the fire was guilty of his death , and then how can his prophesie bee fulfill'd ? next how the standers by could be so soone weary of such a glorious sight , and such a fragrant smell , as to hasten the executioner to put out the fire with the martyrs blood , unlesse perhaps they thought , as in all perfumes , that the smoake would bee more odorous then the flame ? yet these good brethren say he was bishop of smyrna . no man questions it , if bishop , and presbyter were anciently all one , and how does it appeare by any thing in this testimony that they were not ? if among his other high titles of propheticall , apostolicall , and most admired of those times , he bee also stil'd bishop of the church of smirna in a kind of speech , which the rhetoricians call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for his excellence sake , as being the most famous of all the smyrnian presbyters , it cannot bee prov'd neither from this nor that other place of irenaeus , that hee was therefore in distinct , and monarchicall order above the other presbyters , it is more probable , that if the whole presbytery had beene as renowned as he , they would have term'd every one of them severally bishop of smyrna . hence it is that wee read sometimes of two bishops in one place , and had all the presbyters there beene of like worth , we might perhaps have read of twenty . tertullian accosts us next ( for polycrates hath had his answer ) whose testimony , state but the question right , is of no more force to deduce episcopacy , then the two former . he saies that the church of smirna had polycarpus plac't there by iohn , and the church of rome clement ordain'd by peter , and so the rest of the churches did shew , what bishops they had receiv'd by the appointmēt of the apostles . none of this will be contradicted , for we have it out of the scripture that bishops or presbyters , which were the same , were left by the apostles in every church , and they might perhaps give some speciall charge to clement , or polycarpus , or linus , and put some speciall trust in them for the experience they had of their faith , and constancy ; it remaines yet to be evinc't out of this and the like places , which will never be , that the word bishop is otherwise taken , then in the language of saint paul , and the acts , for an order above presbyters . we grant them bishops , we grant them worthy men , we grant them plac't in severall churches by the apostles , we grant that irenaeus , and tertul : affirme this , but that they were plac't in a superiour order above the presbytery , shew from all these words why we should grant . 't is not enough to say the ap : left this man bishop in rome , & that other in ephesus , but to shew when they alterd their owne decree set downe by st. paul , and made all the presbyters underlings to one bishop . but suppose tertullian had made an imparity where none was originally , should hee move us , that goes about to prove an imparity betweene god the father , and god the sonne , as these words import in his booke against praxeas . the father is the whole substance , but the son a derivation , and portion of the whole , as he himselfe professes because the father is greater then me . beleeve him now for a faithfull relater of tradition , whom you see such an unfaithfull expounder of the scripture . besides in his time all allowable tradition was now lost . for this same author whom you bring to testifie the ordination of clement to the bishoprick of rome by peter , testifies also in the beginning of his treatise concerning chastity , that the bishop of rome did then use to send forth his edicts by the name of pontifex maximus , and episcopus episcoporum chief priest , and bishop of bishops . for shame then doe not urge that authority to keepe up a bishop , that will necessarily ingage you to set up a pope . as little can your advantage bee from hegesippus an historian of the same time not extant , but cited by eusebius , his words are , that in every city all things so stood in his time as the law , and the prophets , and our lord did preach . if they stood so , then stood not bishops above presbyters , for what our lord , and his disciples taught , god be thanked , we have no need to goe learne of him : and you may as well hope to perswade us out of the same author , that james the brother of our lord was a nazarite , and that to him only it was lawfull to enter into the holy of holies , that his food was not upon any thing that had life , fish , or flesh , that he us'd no wollen garments , but onely linnen , and so as he trifles on . if therefore the tradition of the church were now grown so ridiculous , & disconsenting from the doctrine of the apostles , even in those points which were of lest moment to mens particular ends , how well may we be assur'd it was much more degenerated in point of episcopacy , and precedency , things which could affor'd such plausible pretenses , such commodious traverses for ambition , and avarice to lvrke behind . as for those brittaine bishops which you cite , take heed what you doe , for our brittaine bishops lesse ancient then these , were remarkable for nothing more then their poverty , as sulp severus , and beda can remember you of examples good store . lastly ( for the fabulous metaphrastes is not worth an answer ) that authority of clemens alexandrinus is not to be found in all his workes , and wherever it be extant , it is in controversie , whether it be clements or no ; or if it were it sayes onely that saint iohn in some places constituted bishops : questionlesse he did , but where does clement say he set them above presbyters ? no man will gaine-say the constitution of bishops , but the raising them to a superiour , and distinct order above presbyters , seeing the gospell makes them one and the same thing , a thousand such allegations as these will not give prelaticall episcopacy , one chapell of ease above a parish church . and thus much for this cloud i cannot say rather then petty-fog of witnesses , with which episcopall men would cast a mist before us , to deduce their exalted episcopacy from apostolick times . now although , as all men well know , it be the wonted shift of errour , and fond opinion , when they find themselves outlaw'd by the bible , and forsaken of sound reason , to betake them with all speed to their old starting hole of tradition , and that wild , and overgrowne covert of antiquity thinking to farme there at large roome , and find good stabling , yet thus much their owne dêify'de antiquity betrayes them , to informe us that tradition hath had very seldome or never the gift of perswasion ; as that which church histories report of those east , and western paschalists formerly spoken of will declare , who would have thought that polycarpus on the one side could have err'd in what he saw saint iohn doe , or anicetus bishop of rome on the other side , in what he or some of his friends might pretend to have seene saint peter , or saint paul doe , and yet neither of these could perswade either when to keep e●ster ; the like frivolous contention troubled the primitive english churches , while colmanus 〈◊〉 wilfride on either side deducing their opinion 〈◊〉 the one from the undeniable example of saint iohn , and the learned bishop anatolius , and la●●● the miraculous columba the other from saint peter , and the nicene councell could gaine no ground each of other till king oswy perceiving no likelihood of ending the controversie that way , was faine to decide it himselfe good king , with that small knowledge , wherewith those times had furnisht him . so when those pious greek emperours began , as cedrenus relates , to put downe monks , and abolish images , the old idolaters finding themselves blasted , and driven back by the prevailing light of the scripture , sent out their sturdy monks call'd the abramites , to alledge for images the ancient fathers dionysius , and this our objected irenaus , nay they were so high flowne in their antiquity , that they undertooke to bring the apostles , and luke the evangelist , yea christ himselfe , from certaine records that were then current , to patronize their idolatry , yet for all this the worthy emperour theophilus , even in those darke times chose rather to nourish himselfe , and his people with the sincere milke of the gospell , then to drinke from the mixt confluence of so many corrupt , and poysonous waters , as tradition would have perswaded him to by most ancient seeming authorities : in like manner all the reformed churches abroad unthroning episcopacy doubtlesse were not ignorant of these testimonies alledg'd to draw it in a line from the apostles dayes , for surely the author will not thinke he hath brought us now any new authorities , or considerations into the world , which the reformers in other places were not advis'd of , and yet we see , the intercession of all these apostolick fathers could not prevaile with them to alter their resolved decree of reducing into order their usurping , and over provender'd episcopants : and god hath blest their worke this hunder'd yeares , with a prosperous and stedfast , and still happy successe . and this may serve to prove the insufficiency of these present episcopall testimonies not only in themselves , but in the account of those ever that have beene the followers of truth . it will next behoove us to consider the inconvenience we fall into , by using our selves to bee guided by these kind of testimonies . he that thinks it the part of a well learned man , to have read diligently the ancient stories of the church , and to be no stranger in the volumes of the fathers shall have all judicious men consenting with him ; not hereby to controule , and new fangle the scripture , god forbid , but to marke how corruption , and apostacy crept in by degrees , and to gather up , where ever wee find the remaining sparks of originall truth , wherewith to stop the mouthes of our adversaries , and to bridle them with their own curb , who willingly passe by that which is orthodoxall in them , and studiously cull out that which is commentitious , and best for their turnes , not weighing the fathers in the ballance of scripture , but scripture in the ballance of the fathers , if wee therefore making first the gospell our rule , and oracle shall take the good which wee light on in the fathers , and set it to oppose the evill which other men seek from them , in this way of skirmish wee shall easily master all superstition , and false doctrine ; but if we turne this our discreet , and wary usage of them into a blind devotion towards them , and whatsoever we find written by them , wee both forsake our owne grounds , and reasons which led us at first to part from rome , that is to hold to the scriptures against all antiquity ; wee remove our cause into our adversaries owne court , and take up there those cast principles which will soone cause us to soder up with them againe , in as much as beleeving antiquity for it self in any one point , we bring an ingagement upon our selves of assenting to all that it charges upon us . for suppose we should now neglecting that which is cleare in scripture , that a bishop and presbyter is all one both in name , and office , and that what was done by timothy , and titus executing an extraordinary place , as fellow labourers with the apostles , and of a universall charge in planting christianity through divers regions , cannot be drawne into particular , and dayly example , suppose that neglecting this cleerenesse of the text , we should by the uncertaine , and corrupted writings of succeeding times , determine that bishop and presbyter are different , because we dare not deny what ignatius or rather the perkin warbeck of ignatius sayes , then must we bee constrain'd to take upon our selves a thousand superstitions , and falsities which the papist will prove us downe in from as good authorities , and as ancient , as these that set a bishop above a presbyter . and the plaine truth is that when any of our men of those that are wedded to antiquity come to dispute with a papist , and leaving the scriptures put themselves without appeale to the sentence of synods , and councells , using in the cause of sion the hir'd souldjary of revolted israel , where they give the romanist one buff● , they receive two counterbuffs . were it therefore but in this regard , every true bishop should be afraid to conquer in his cause by such authorities as these , which if we admit for the authorities sake , we open a broad passage for a multitude of doctrines that have no ground in scripture , to break in upon us . lastly i doe not know , it being undeniable that there are but two ecclesiasticall orders , bishops , and deacons mention'd in the gospell , how it can be lesse then impiery to make a demurre at that , which is there so perspicuous , confronting , and parallelling the sacred verity of saint paul with the offalls , and sweepings of antiquity that met as accidentally and absurdly , as epicurus his atoms to patch up a leucippean ignatius , enclining rather to make this phantasme an expounder , or indeed a depraver of saint paul , then saint paul an examiner , and discoverer of this impostorship , nor caring how slightly they put off the verdit of holy text unsalv'd , that sayes plainely there bee but two orders , so they maintaine the reputation of their imaginary doctor that proclaimes three : certainly if christs apostle have set downe but two , then according to his owne words , though hee himselfe should unsay it , and not onely the angell of smyrna , but an angell from heaven should beare us downe that there bee three , saint paul has doom'd him twise , let him be accur'st , for christ hath pronounc't that no tittle of his word shall fall to the ground , and if one jot be alterable it is as possible that all should perish ; and this shall bee our righteousnes , our ample warrant , and strong assurance both now , and at the last day never to be asham'd of , against all the heaped names of angells , and martyrs , councells , and fathers urg'd upon us , if we have given our selves up to be taught by the pure , and living precept of gods word onely , which without more additions , nay with a forbidding of them hath within it selfe the promise of eternall life , the end of all our wearisome labours , and all our sustaining hopes . but if any shall strive to set up his ephod , and teraphim of antiquity against the brightnesse , and perfection of the gospell , let him feare lest he and his baal be turn'd into bosheth . and thus much may suffice to shew that the pretended episcopacy cannot be deduc't from the apostolicall times . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- tim. . pag. . tim. . . pag. . p euseb. l. . 〈◊〉 page , p. . p. . canterbvries dreame in which the apparition of cardinall wolsey did present himselfe unto him on the fourtenth of may last past : it being the third night after my lord of strafford had taken his fare-well to the world. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) canterbvries dreame in which the apparition of cardinall wolsey did present himselfe unto him on the fourtenth of may last past : it being the third night after my lord of strafford had taken his fare-well to the world. milton, john, - . [ ] p. s.n.] [s.l. : . attributed to milton by francis peck and reprinted in his new memoirs of the life and poetical works of mr. john milton, london, . woodcut illus. on t.p. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng wolsey, thomas, ?- . great britain -- religion -- th century. a r (wing c ). civilwar no canterburies dreame: in which the apparition of cardinall wolsey did present himselfe unto him on the fourtenth of may last past: it being t [no entry] b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion canterbvries dreame : in which the apparition of cardinall wolsey did present himselfe unto him on the fourtenth of may last past : it being the third night after my lord of strafford had taken his fare-well to the world . printed in the yeare . canterbvries dreame . on the fourteenth of may , betwixt the houres of twelve & one , when the night was growing towards the morning , and darknesse did yet incompasse me , my unquiet thoughts did interrupt my sleep , and the terrour of the afflicting place wherein i lodg'd , did possesse my soule : ( whether awake , or in a vision i cannot say ) but me thought , the reverend shadow of cardinall wolsey did present himselfe unto my view , and with a gracefull and majesticke gate , accoutered with those habiliments which did become his honours , he walked thrice by the side of my bed , and waving his left hand to me , hee leaned himselfe at his third returne , upon his crosier staffe , and with a soft voyce hee whispered thrice into my eare , my lord , my lord , my lord . though my faith in the great redeemer of the world , my lord jesus , to whose name without superstition i shall ever bow , had prepared and confirmed mee to over-looke all feares and dangers which fraile flesh doth stoop unto , i was amazed at the presence of the man , and by his proud deportment being not able well to distinguish whether it was the cardinall wolsey , who had kings to his favourites ; or whether it was the cardinall of richeleau , who had balzac to his servant ; my disputing thoughts made up to my first presumption , that it was indeed cardinall wolsey ; and the rather , because the honesty of philosophy doth instruct mee , that no sublunary creature can make an intuitive dispatch , but being bound by the jurisdiction of nature , to obey her termes of place , cannot move at once in two severall places , though oftentimes the abused fancy presents unto it selfe the counterfet and phantasticke bodies of absent friends or foes , the fancie being overcome by the dominiering passions of love or hatred . but the cardinall to cut off all doubtings , began thus to speake unto me : my lord , the newes of your greatnesse , and the noyse of the falling episcopacie , hath rouz'd me from the sloath of death , to understand what new ambition could prompt againe the miter to aspire unto a parity with the crowne , what policies could support so bold an enterprize , what spirit give warmth unto so dangerous a worke . i gave no answer at all ; whereat , either indignation of heart , or in assuming unto himselfe by my silence , a greater liberty of language , he thus proceeded : my lord , i had thought after my fate , that no man would againe adventure to preferre the pomp of this vaine world to the service of almighty god , & the cares by him injoyned to his charge . my lord , you might have read in the example of the right reverend father in god , thomas becket , sometimes archbishop of canterbury , and in my sad legend , how dangerous it is for prelates to nourish ambitious thoughts ; and that the highest glory of the church is the humility and the harmony of the priests ; but because that men blowne up by fortune , will swell themselves into any designe , be it never so impossible : what flattering conceit did tempt you in your pride of heart to magnifie your grace with mine , in a time when the english clergie lived not in that pompe and flourish as in my dayes they did ; when their best revenewes lye impropriated to certaine lay persons , and when it is almost impossible to obtain or to hope for a recovery . i had a great minde to give him that answer which his cause deserved , but having quite abandoned this world and anchored my faith on jesus christ , i lay silent while he thus proceeded . my lord , never dreame to make such parallels perfect , i must confesse my parentage was as low as yours , my education in the university was in magdalen colledge of oxford , as yours of saint iohns ; indeed my growing honours received not that priviledge to bee president of magdalen colledge , as you were of the other , my nobler wing did soare to a brave height , and though the chronicler who for all his name makes more haste then good speed , delivers me to be a schoolmaster ; i was in oxford tutor to my lord of dorsets sonnes , a charge that calleth for the indowments of an honest & an able man . alexander was more obliged to aristotle for his educat●on , then unto philip for his kingdomes , as it is a greater honor to be a christian then to be a man : god elected me to be an embassadour to his people , & henry the . to be an embassadour to a most royall prince , besides the honour of the cardinalls cap , and the broad seale of england . i sate at once in seven episcopall seas , and the primat of england ( which is the greatest dignity that ever you arrived at ) was content to have his crosses and his traine to follow the metropolitans of yorke : i lived as gracious in the eye of my soveraigne as your self , though it was your happinesse to meete with a prince of a more excellent and a more constant temper , earles have beene proud upon their knees to take the assay of my wine : it is true indeed , that you have countenanced learning and the muses and have beautified and improved their habitations , but not in my magnificent way : the hatred of the commons hath beene unto us alike , and some great men in both our times have griveously accused us : i was condemned as the causer of all heavy impositions , and my lord how you can purge your selfe from that accusation , you best can speake : what though sir amias paulet was by my meanes for the space of sixe yeares retained a prisoner in the midle temple , i doubt not but you have made more then one man suffer , and have put them to a harder if not a longer durance . the ruine of us both was indeed in both our times the joy and the voice of the people , and for the many barrells of gold and silver which i extorted from the commons to release the captive pope , i doubt not but you have found new waies to raise as great sums , and for what ends ( my lord ) your selfe best know . my lord let not your selfe or succeeding ages , make you my parallel , for though you equall me in my errors , i surmount you in my honours and magnificence : much more i have to say , but this is the third summons of the cock and to fill the number up , i must returne unto the children of night ; i was preparing to make my answer to him , but immediately he vanished from my sight , but with a louder voice then before as he turned his backe , i heard him to utter these or the like words : my lord though i depart i must leave you behinde me , wherein your fate hath prevented the condition of many your late state delinquents , who make a common custome , as they say , first to offend , and then to run away . finis . an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or :e , no ) an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed by e.g. for iohn rothwell ..., london : . a reply to bishop hall. the fifth of milton's pamphlets written in support of the five protestant ministers in the smectymnuus controversy. cf. wise, t.j. ashley lib., - , v. , p. . first ed. cf. nuc pre- . errata on p. . reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng hall, joseph, - . -- modest confutation of a slanderous and scurrilous libell. smectymnuus. episcopacy -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century. a r (wing m ). civilwar no an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus. milton, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus . london , printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at the signe of the sunne in pauls church-yard . . an apology , &c. if , readers , to that same great difficulty of well doing what we certainly know , were not added in most men as great a carelessenes of knowing what they , and others ought to do , we had bin long ere this , no doubt but all of us much farther on our way to some degree of peace and happinesse in this kingdome . but since our sinfull neglect of pract●sing that which we know to be undoubtedly true and good , hath brought forth among us , through gods just anger so great a difficulty now to know that which otherwise might be soone learnt , and hath divided us by a controversie of great importance indeed , but of no hard solution , which is the more our punishment , i resolv'd ( of what small moment soever i might be thought ) to stand on that side where i saw both the plain autority of scripture leading , and the reason of justice and equity perswading ; with this opinion which esteemes it more unlike a christian to be a cold neuter in the cause of the church , then the law of solon made it punishable after a sedition in the state . and because i observe that feare and dull disposition , lukewarmenesse & sloth are not seldomer wont to cloak themselves under the affected name of moderation , then true and lively zeale is customably dispareg'd with the terme of indiscretion , bitternesse , and choler , i could not to my thinking honor a good cause more from the heart , then by defending it earnestly , as oft as i could judge it to behoove me , notwithstanding any false name that could be invented to wrong , or undervalue an honest meaning . wherein although i have not doubted to single forth more then once , such of them as were thought the chiefe and most nominated opposers on the other side , whom no man else undertooke : if i have done well either to be confident of the truth , whose force is best seene against the ablest resistance , or to be jealous and tender of the hurt that might be done among the weaker by the intrapping autority of great names titl'd to false opinions , or that it be lawfull to attribute somewhat to guifts of gods imparting , which i boast not , but thankfully acknowledge , and feare also left at my certaine account they be reckon'd to me many rather then few , or if lastly it be but justice not to defraud of due esteeme the wearisome labours and studious watchings , wherein i have spent and tir'd out almost a whole youth , i shall not distrust to be acquitted of presumption . knowing that if heretofore all ages have receav'd with favour and good acceptance the earliest industry of him that hath beene hopefull , it were but hard measure now , if the freedome of any timely spirit should be opprest meerely by the big and blunted fame of his elder adversary ; and that his sufficiency must be now sentenc't , not by pondering the reason he shewes , but by calculating the yeares he brings . however , as my purpose is not , nor hath beene formerly , to looke on my adversary abroad , through the deceaving glasse of other mens great opinion of him , but at home , where i may finde him in the proper light of his owne worth , so now against the rancor of an evill tongue , from which i never thought so absurdly , as that i of all men should be exempt , i must be forc't to proceed from the unfained and diligent inquity of mine owne conscience at home ( for better way i know not , readers ) to give a more true account of my selfe abroad then this modest confuter , as he calls himselfe , hath given of me . albeit that in doing this i shall be sensible of two things which to me will be nothing pleasant ; the one is , that not unlikely i shall be thought too much a party in mine owne cause , and therein to see least ; the other , that i shall be put unwillingly to molest the publick view with the vindication of a private name ; as if it were worth the while that the people should care whether such a one were thus , or thus . yet those i intreat who have found the leasure to reade that name , however of small repute , unworthily defam'd , would be so good and so patient as to heare the same person not unneedfully defended . i will not deny but that the best apology against false accusers is silence and sufferance , and honest deeds set against dishonest words . and that i could at this time most easily , and securely , with the least losse of reputation use no other defence , i need not despaire to win beliefe . whether i consider both the foolish contriving , and ridiculous aiming of these his slanderous bolts , shot so wide of any suspicion to be fastn'd on me , that i have oft with inward contentment perceav'd my friends congratulating themselves in my innocence , and my enemies asham'd of their partners folly . or whether i look at these present times wherein most men now scarce permitted the liberty to think over their owne concernments have remov'd the seat of their thoughts more outward to the expectation of publick events . or whether the examples of men , either noble or religious , who have sat downe lately with a meeke silence and sufferance under many libellous endorsements , may be a rule to others , i might well appease my self to put up any reproaches in such an honourable society of fellow-sufferers using no other defence . and were it that slander would be content to make an end where it first fixes , and not seek to cast out the like infamy upon each thing that hath but any relation to the person traduc't , i should have pleaded against this confuter by no other advocates , then those which i first commended , silence , and sufferance , and speaking deeds against faltering words . but when i discern'd his intent was not so much to smite at me , as through me to render odious the truth which i had written , and to staine with ignominy that evangelick doctrine which opposes the tradition of prelaty , i conceav'd my selfe to be now not as mine own person , but as a member incorporate into that truth whereof i was perswaded , and whereof i had declar'd openly to be a partaker . whereupon i thought it my duty , if not to my selfe , yet to the religious cause i had in hand , not to leave on my garment the least spot , or blemish in good name so long as god should give me to say that which might wipe it off . lest those disgraces which i ought to suffer , if it so befall me , for my religion , through my default religion be made liable to suffer for me . and , whether it might not something reflect upon those reverent men whose friend i may be thought in writing the animadversions , was not my last care to consider , if i should rest under these reproaches having the same common adversary with them , it might be counted small credit for their cause to have found such an assistant , as this babler hath devis'd me . what other thing in his book there is of dispute , or question , in answering thereto i doubt not to be justifi'd ; except there be who will condemne me to have wasted time in throwing downe that which could not keepe it selfe up . as for others who notwithstanding what i can allege have yet decreed to mis-interpret the intents of my reply . i suppose they would have found as many causes to have misconceav'd the reasons of my silence . to beginne therefore an apology for those animadversions which i writ against the remonstrant in defence of smectymnus , since the preface , which was purposely set before them , is not thought apologeticall anough ; it will be best to acquaint ye , readers , before other things , what the meaning was to write them in that manner which i did . for i do not look to be askt wherefore i writ the book , it being no difficulty to answer that i did it to those ends which the best men propose to themselves when they write . but wherfore in that manner neglecting the maine bulk of all that specious antiquity , which might stunne children , but not men , i chose rather to observe some kinde of military advantages to await him at his forragings , at his watrings , and when ever he felt himselfe secure to solace his veine in derision of his more serious opponents . and here let me have pardon , readers ; if the remembrance of that which he hath licenc't himselfe to utter contemptuously of those reverend men provoke me to doe that over againe which some expect i should excuse as too freely done ; since i have two provocations , his latest insulting in his short answer , and their finall patience . i had no fear but that the authors of smectymnus to all the shew of solidity which the remonstrant could bring , were prepar'd both with skill and purpose to returne a suffizing answer , and were able anough to lay the dust and pudder in antiquity , which he and his , out of stratagem , are wont to raise ; but when i saw his weake arguments headed with sharpe taunts , and that his designe was , if he could not refute them , yet at least with quips and snapping adagies to vapour them out , which they bent only upon the businesse were minded to let passe , by how much i saw them taking little thought for their own injuries , i must confesse i took it as my part the lesse to endure that my respected friends through their own unnecessary patience should thus lye at the mercy of a coy flurting stile ; to be girded with frumps and curtall gibes , by one who makes sentences by the statute , as if all above three inches long were confiscat . to me it seem'd an indignity , that whom his whole wisdome could not move from their place , them his impetuous folly should presume to ride over . and if i were more warme then was meet in any passage of that booke , which yet i do not yeild , i might use therein the patronage of no worse an author then gregory nyssen , who mentioning his sharpnesse against eunomius in the defence of his brother basil , holds himselfe irreprovable in that it was not for himselfe , but in the cause of his brother ; and in such cases , saith he , perhaps it is worthier pardon to be angry , then to be cooler . and whereas this confuter taxes the whole discourse of levity , i shall shew ye , readers , wheresoever it shall be objected in particular that i have answer'd with as little lightnesse as the remoustrant hath given example . i have not beene so light as the palme of a bishop which is the lightest thing in the world when he brings out his book of ordination : for then contrary to that which is wont in releasing out of prison , any one that will pay his fees is layd hands on . another reason , it would not be amisse though the remonstrant were told , wherefore he was in that unusuall manner beleaguer'd ; and this was it , to pluck out of the heads of his admirers the conceit that all who are not prelaticall , are grosse-headed , thick witted , illiterat , shallow . can nothing then but episcopacy teach men to speak good english , to pick & order a set of words judiciously ? must we learne from canons and quaint sermonings interlin'd with barbarous latin to illumin a period , to wreath an enthymema wth maistrous dexterity ? i rather encline , as i have heard it observ'd , that a jesuits italian when he writes , is ever naught , though he be borne and bred a florentine , so to thinke that from like causes we may go neere to observe the same in the stile of a prelat . for doubtlesse that indeed according to art is most eloquent , which returnes and approaches neerest to nature from whence it came ; and they expresse nature best , who in their lives least wander from her safe leading , which may be call'd regenerate reason . so that how he should be truly eloquent who is not withall a good man , i see not . never the lesse as oft as is to be dealt with men who pride themselves in their supposed art , to leave thē unexcusable wherin they will not be better'd there be of those that esteeme prelaty a figment , who yet can pipe , if they can dance , nor will be unfurnisht to shew that what the prelats admire and have not , others have and admire not . the knowledge whereof , and not of that only , but of what the scripture teacheth us how we ought to withstand the perverters of the gospell were those other motives which gave the animadversions no leave to remit a continuall vehemence throughout the book . for as in teaching , doubtlesse the spirit of meeknesse is most powerfull , so are the meeke only fit persons to be taught : as for the proud , the obstinate , and false doctors of mens devices , be taught they will not ; but discover'd and laid open they must be . for how can they admit of teaching who have the condemnation of god already upon them for refusing divine instruction ; that is , to be fill'd with their own devices , as in the proverbs we may reade ; therefore we may safely imitate the method that god uses ; with the froward to be froward , and to throw scorne upon the scorner , whom if any thing , nothing else will heale . and if the righteous shall laugh at the destruction of the ungodly , they may also laugh at their pertinacious and incurable obstinacy , and at the same time be mov'd with detestation of their seducing malice , who imploy all their wits to defend a prelaty usurp● , and to deprave that just government , which pride and ambition partly by fine fetches and pretences , partly by force , hath shoulder'd out of the church . and against such kind of deceavers openly and earnestly to protest , lest any one should be inquisitive wherefore this or that man is forwarder then others , let him know that this office goes not by age , or youth , but to whomsoever god shall give apparently the will , the spirit , and the utterance . ye have heard the reasons for which i thought not my selfe exempted from associating with good men in their labours toward the churches wellfare : to which if any one brought opposition , i brought my best resistance . if in requitall of this and for that i have not been negligent toward the reputation of my friends , i have gain'd a name bestuck , or as i may say , bedeckt with the reproaches and reviles of this modest confuter , it shall be to me neither strange , nor unwelcome ; as that which could not come in a better time . having render'd an account , what induc't me to write those animadversions in that manner as i writ them , i come now to see what the confutatiō hath to say against thē ; but so as the confuter shall hear first what i have to say against his confutation . and because he pretends to be a great conjector at other men by their writings , i will not faile to give ye , readers , a present taste of him from his own title ; hung out like a toling signe-post to call passengers , not simply a confutation but a modest confutation with a laudatory of it selfe obtruded in the very first word . whereas a modest title should only informe the buyer what the book containes without furder insinuation , this officious epithet so hastily assuming the modesty wch others are to judge of by reading , not the author to anticipate to himself by forestalling , is a strong presumption that his modesty set there to sale in the frontispice , is not much addicted to blush . a surer signe of his lost shame he could not have given , then seeking thus unseasonably to prepossesse men of his modesty . and seeing he hath neither kept his word in the sequel , not omitted any kinde of boldnesse in slandering , t is manifest his purpose was only to rub the forehead of his title with this word modest , that he might not want colour to be the more impudent throughout his whole confutation . next what can equally savour of injustice , and plaine arrogance , as to prejudice and forecondemne his adversary in the title for slanderous and scurrilous , and as the remonstrants fashion is , for frivolous , tedious , and false , not staying till the reader can hear him prov'd so in the following discourse ; which is one cause of a suspicion that in setting forth this pamplet the remonstrant was not unconsulted with ; thus his first addresse was an humble remonstrance by a dutifull son of the church , almost as if he had said her white-boy . his next was a defence ( a wonder how it scapt some praising adjunct ) against the frivolous and false exceptions of smectymnus , sitting in the chaire of his title page upon his poore cast adversaries both as a judge and party , and that before the jury of readers can be impannell'd . his last was a short answer to a tedious vindication ; so little can he suffer a man to measure either with his eye or judgement , what is short or what tedious without his preoccupying direction : and from hence is begotten this modest confutation against a slanderous and scurrilous libell . i conceave , readers , much may be guest at the man and his book , what depth there is , by the framing of his title , which being in this remonstrant so rash , and unadvised as ye see , i conceit him to be neere a kin to him who set forth a passion sermon with a formall dedicatory in great letters to our saviour . although i know that all we do ought to begin and end to his praise and glory , yet to inscribe him in a void place with flourishes , as a man in complement uses to trick up the name of some esquire , gentleman , or lord paramont at common law , to be his book-patron with the appendan● form of a ce●emonious presentment , wil ever appeare among the judicious to be but a● an insuls and frigid affectation . as no lesse was that before his book against the brownists to write a letter to a prosopopoea a certain rhetoriz'd woman whom he calls mother , and complains of some that laid whoredome to her charge ; and certainly had he folde● his epistle with a superscription to be deliver'd to that female figure by any post or carrier who were not a ubiquitary , it had beene a most miraculous greeting . we finde the primitive doctors as oft as they writ to churches , speaking to them as to a number of faithfull brethren and sons , and not to make a cloudy transmigration of sexes in such a familiar way of writing as an epistle ought to be , leaving the track of common adresse , to runne up , and tread the aire in metaphoricall compellations , and many fond utterances better let alone . but i step againe to this emblazoner of his title page ( whether it be the same man or no i leave it in the midst ) and here i finde him pronouncing without reprieve those animadversions to be a slanderous and scurrilous libell . to which i , readers , that they are neither sl●nderous , nor scurrilous , will answer in what place of his book he shall be found with reason , and not inke only in his mouth . nor can it be a libell more then his owne , which is both namelesse , and full of slanders , and if in this that it freely speaks of things amisse in religion , but establisht by act of state , i see not how wickleffe and luther , with all the first martyrs , and reformers , could avoid the imputation of libelling . i never thought the humane frailty of erring in cases of religion infamy to a state , no more then to a councell ; it had therefore beene neither civill , nor christianly , to derogate the honour of the state for that cause , especially when i saw the parlament it selfe piously and magnanimously bent to supply and reforme the defects and oversights of their forefathers , which to the godly and repentant ages of the jewes were often matter of humble confessing and bewailing , not of confident asserting and maintaining . of the state therefore i found good reason to speak all honourable things , and to joyne in petition with good men that petition'd : but against the prelats who were the only seducers and mis-leaders of the state to constitute the government of the church not rightly , me thought i had not vehemence anough . and thus , readers , by the example which hee hath set mee i have given yee two or three notes of him out of his title page ; by which his firstlings feare not to guesse boldly at his whole lumpe , for that guesse will not faile ye ; and although i tell him keen truth , yet he may beare with me , since i am like to chafe him into some good knowledge , and others , i trust , shall not mis-spend their leasure . for this my aime is , if i am forc't to be unpleasing to him whose fault it is , i shall not forget at the same time to be usefull in some thing to the stander by . as therefore he began in the title , so in the next leafe he makes it his first businesse to tamper with his reader by sycophanting and misnaming the worke of his adversary . he calls it a mime thrust forth upon the stage to make up the breaches of those solemne scenes betweene the prelats and the smectymnuans . wherein while he is so overgreedy to fix a name of ill sound upon another , note how stupid he is to expose himselfe , or his own friends to the same ignominy ; likening those grave controversies to a piece of s●●gery , or scene-worke where his owne remonstrant whether in buskin or sock must of all right be counted the chiefe player , be it boasting thraso , or davus that troubles all things , or one who can shift into any shape , i meddle not ; let him explicate who hath resembl'd the whole argument to a comedy , for tragicall , he sayes , were too ominous . nor yet doth he tell us what a mime is , whereof we have no pattern from ancient writers except some fragments , which containe many acute and wise sentences . and this we know in laertius , that the mimes of sophron were of such reckning with plato , as to take them nightly to read on and after make them his pillow . scaliger describes a mime to be a poem imitating any action to stirre up laughter . but this being neither poem , nor yet ridiculous , how is it but abusively taxt to be a mime . for if every book which may by chance excite to laugh here and there , must be term'd thus , then may the dialogues of plato , who for those his writings hath obtain'd the surname of divine , be esteem'd as they are by that detractor in athenaeus , no better then mimes . because there is scarce one of them , especially wherein some notable sophister lies sweating and turmoyling under the inevitable , and mercilesse dilemma's of socrates , but that hee who reads , were it saturne himselfe , would be often rob'd of more then a smile . and whereas he tels us that scurrilous mime was a personated grim lowring foole , his foolish language unwittingly writes foole upon his owne friend , for he who was there personated , was only the remonstrant ; the author is ever distinguisht from the person he introduces . but in an ill houre hath his unfortunate rashnesse stumbl'd upon the mention of miming . that hee might at length cease , which he hath not yet since he stept in , to gall and hurt him whom hee would aide . could he not beware , could he not be think him , was he so uncircumspect , as not to foresee , that no sooner would that word mime be set eye on in the paper , but it would bring to minde that wretched pilgrimage over minshews dictionary call'd mundus alter & idem , the idlest and the paltriest mime that ever mounted upon banke . let him ask the author of those toothlesse satyrs who was the maker , or rather the anticreator of that u●iversall foolery , who he was , who like that other principle of the maniches the arch evill one , when he had look't upon all that he had made and mapt out , could say no other but contrary to the divine mouth , that it was all very foolish . that grave and noble invention which the greatest and sublimest wits in sundry ages , plato in critias , and our two famous countreymen , the one in his vtopia , the other in his new atlantis chose , i may not say as a feild , but as a mighty continent wherein to display the largenesse of their spirits by teaching this our world better and exacter things , then were yet known , or us'd , this petty prevanicator of america , the zanie of columbus , ( for so he must be till his worlds end ) having rambl'd over the huge topography of his own vain thoughts , no marvell , if he brought us home nothing but a meer tankard drollery , a venereous parjetory for a stewes . certainly he that could indure with a sober pen to sit and devise laws for drunkards to carouse by , i doubt me whether the very sobernesse of such a one , like an unlicour'd silenus , were not stark drunk . let him go now and brand another man injuriously with the name of mime , being himselfe the loosest and most extravagant mime , that hath been heard of ; whom no lesse then almost halfe the world could serve for stage roome to play the mime in . and let him advise againe with sir francis bacon whom he cites to confute others , what it is to turn the sinnes of christendome into a mimicall mockery , to rip up the saddest vices with a laughing countenance , especially where neither reproofe nor better teaching is adjoynd . nor is my meaning , readers , to shift off a blame from my selfe , by charging the li●e upon my accuser , but shall only desire , that sentence may be respited , till i can come to some instance , whe●eto i may give answer . thus having spent his first onset not in confuting , but in a reasonlesse defaming of the book , the method of his malice hurries him to attempt the like against the author : not by proofes and testimonies , but having no certaine notice of me , as he professes , furder then what he gathers from the animadversions , blunders at me for the rest , and flings out stray crimes at a venture , which he could never , though he be a serpent , suck from any thing that i have written ; but from his own stuff magazin , and hoard of sl●nderous inventions , over and above that which he converted to venome in the drawing . to me readers , it happens as a singular contentment , and let it be to good men no slight satisfaction , that the sl●nderer here confesses , he has no furder notice of mee then his owne conj●cture . although it had been honest to have inquir'd , before he utter'd such infamous words , and i am credibly inform'd he did inquire , but finding small comfort from the intelligence which he receav'd , whereon to ground the fals●ties which he had provided , thought it his likeliest course under a pretended ignorance to let drive at randome , lest he should lose his odde ends which from some penurious book of characters he had been culling out and would faine apply . not caring to burden me with those vices , whereof , among whom my conversation hath been , i have been ever least suspected ; perhaps not without some suttlety to cast me into envie , by bringing on me a necessity to enter into mine own praises . in which argument i know every wise man is more unwillingly drawne to speak , then the most repining eare can be averse to heare . neverthelesse since i dare not wish to passe this life unpersecuted of slanderous tongues ; for god hath told us that to be generally prais'd is wofull , i shall relye on his promise to free the innocent from causelesse aspersions : whereof nothing sooner can assure me , then if i shall feele him now assisting me in the just vindication of my selfe which yet i could deferre , it being more meet that to those other matters of publick debatement in this book i should give attendance first , but that i feare it would but harme the truth , for me to reason in her behalfe , so long as i should suffer my honest estimation to lye unpurg'd from these insolent suspicions . and if i shall be large , or unwonted in justifying my selfe to those who know me not , for else it would be needlesse , let them consider that a short slander will oft times reach farder then a long apology : and that he who will do justly to all men , must begin from knowing how , if it so happen , to be not unjust to himselfe . i must be thought , if this libeller ( for now he shewes himselfe to be so ) can finde beliefe , after an inordinat and riotous youth spent at the vniversity , to have bin at length vomited out thence . for which commodious lye , that he may be incourag'd in the trade another time , i thank him ; for it hath given me an apt occasion to acknowledge publickly with all gratefull minde , that more then ordinary favour and respect which i found above any of my equals at the hands of those curteous and learned men , the fellowes of that colledge wherein i spent some yeares : who at my parting , after i had taken two degrees , as the manner is , signifi'd many wayes , how much better it would content them that i would stay ; as by many letters full of kindnesse and loving respect both before that time , and long after i was assur'd of their singular good affection towards me . which being likewise propense to all such as were for their studious and civill life worthy of esteeme , i could not wrong their judgements , and upright intentions ; so much as to think i had that regard from them for other cause then that i might be still encourag'd to proceed in the honest and laudable courses , of which they apprehended i had given good proofe . and to those ingenuous and friendly men who were ever the countnancers of vertuous and hopefull wits , i wish the best , and happiest things , that friends in absence wish one to another . as for the common approbation or dislike of that place , as now it is , that i should esteeme or disesteeme my selfe or any other the more for that , too simple and too credulous is the confuter , if he thinke to obtaine with me , or any right discerner . of small practize were that physitian who could not judge by what both she or her sister , hath of long time vomited , that the worser stuffe she strongly keeps in her stomack , but the better she is ever kecking at , and is queasie . she vomits now out of sicknesse , but ere it be well with her , she must vomit by strong physick . in the meane while that suburb sinke , as this rude scavinger calls it , and more then scurrilously taunts it with the plague , having a worse plague , in his middle entraile , that suburb wherein i dwell , shall be in my account a more honourable place then his university . which as in the time of her better health , and mine owne younger judgement i never greatly admir'd , so now much lesse . but he followes me to the city , still usurping and forging beyond his book notice , which only he affirmes to have had ; and where my morning haunts are he wisses not . t is wonder , that being so rare an alchymist of slander , he could not extract that , as well as the university vomit , and the suburb sinke which his art could distill so cunningly , but because his limbeck failes him , to give him and envie the more vexation , i le tell him . those morning haunts are where they should be , at home , not sleeping , or concocting the surfets of an irregular feast , but up , and stirring , in winter often ere the sound of any bell awake men to labour , or to devotion ; in summer as oft with the bird that first rouses , or not much tardier , to reade good authors , or cause them to be read , till the attention bee weary , or memory have his full fraught . then with usefull and generous labours preserving the bodies health , and hardinesse ; to render lightsome , cleare , and not lumpish obedience to the minde , to the cause of religion , and our countries liberty , when it shall require firme hearts in sound bodies to stand and cover their stations , rather then to see the ruine of our protestation , and the inforcement of a slavish life . these are the morning practises ; proceed now to the afternoone ; in playhouses , he sayes , and the bordelloes . your intelligence , unfaithfull spie of canaan ? he gives in his evidence , that there he hath trac't me . take him at his word readers , but let him bring good sureties , ere ye dismisse him , that while he pretended to dogge others , he did not t●rne in for his owne pleasure ; for so much in effect he concludes against himselfe , not contented to be caught in every other gin , but he must be such a novice , as to be still hamper'd in his owne hempe . in the animadversions , saith he , i finde the mention of old clokes , falsbeards , night-walkers , and salt lotion ; therefore the animadverter haunts playhouses and bordelloes ; for if hee did not , how could hee speake of such gear ? now that he may know what it is to be a childe , and yet to meddle with edg'd tooles , i turne his antistrophon upon his owne head ; the confuter knowes that these things are the furniture of playhouses and bordelloes , therefore by the same reason the confuter himselfe hath beene trac't in those places . was it such a dissolute speech telling of some politicians who were wont to eavesdroppe in disguises , to say they were often lyable to a night-walking ●●dgeller , or the emptying of a urinall ? what if i had writ as your friend the author of the aforesaid mime , mu●dus alter & idem , to have bin ravisht like some young cephalus or hylas , by a troope of camping huswives in viraginia , and that he was there forc't to sweare himselfe an uxorious varlet , then after a long servitude to have come into aphrodisia that pleasant count●ey that gave such a sweet smell to his nostrils among the shamelesse courtezans of desvergonia ? surely he would have then concluded me as constant at the bordello , as the gally-slave at his oare . but since there is such necessity to the hear-say of a tire , a periwig , or a vizard , that playes must have bin seene , what difficulty was there in that ? when in the colleges so many of the young divines , and those in next aptitude to divinity have bin seene so oft upon the stage writhing and unboning their clergie limmes to all the antick and dishonest gestures of trinculo's , buffons , and bawds ; prostituting the shame of that ministery which either they had , or were nigh having , to the eyes of courtiers and court-ladies , with their groomes and madamoisellaes . there while they acted , and overacted , among other young scholars , i was a spectator ; they thought themselves gallant men , and i thought them fools , they made sport , and i laught , they mispronounc't and i mislik't , and to make up the at●icisme , they were out , and i hist. judge now whether so many good text men were not sufficient to instruct me of false beard● and vizards without more expositors ; and how can thi● confuter take the face to object to me the seeing of that which his neve●ent prelats allow , and incite their young disciples to act . for if it be unlawfull to sit and behold a mercenary comedian personating that which is least unseemely for a hireling to doe , how much more blamefull is it to indure the sight of as vile things acted by persons either enter'd , or presently to enter into the ministery , and how much more foule and ignominious for them to be the actors . but because a● well by this upraiding to me the bordello's , as by other suspicious glancings in his book he would seem privily to point me out to his readers , as one whose custome of life were not honest , but licentious ; i shall intreat to be born with though i digresse ; & in a way not often trod acquaint ye with the summe of my thoughts in this matter through the course of my yeares and studies . although i am not ignorant how hazardous it will be to do this under the nose of the envious , as it were in skirmish to change the compact order , and instead of outward actions to bring inmost thoughts into front . and i must tell ye readers , that by this sort of men i have bin already bitten at ; yet shall they not for me know how slightly they are esteem'd , unlesse they have so much learning as to reade what in greek {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is , which together with envie is the common disease of those who censure books that are not for their reading . with me it fare● now , as with him whose outward garment hath bin injur'd and ill be●ighted ; for having no other shift , what helpe but to turn the inside outwards , especially if the lining be of the same , or , as it is sometimes , much better . so if my name and outward demeanour be not evident anough to defend me , i must make try all , if the discovery of my inmost thoughts can . wherein of two purposes both honest , and both sincere , the one perhaps i shall not misse ; although i faile to gaine beliefe with others of being such as my perpetuall thoughts shall heere disclose me , i may yet not faile of successe in perswading some , to be such really themselves , as they cannot believe me to be more then what i fain . i had my time readers , as others have , who have good learning bestow'd upon them , to be sent to those places , where the opinion was it might be soonest attain'd : and as the manner is , was not unstudied in those authors which are most commended ; whereof some were grave orators & historians , whose matter me thought i lov'd indeed , but as my age then was , so i understood them ; others were the smooth elegiack poets , whereof the schooles are not scarce . whom both for the pleasing sound of their numerous writing , which in imitation i found most easie ; and most agreeable to natures part in me , and for their matter which what it is , there be few who know not , i was so allur'd to read , that no recreation came to me better welcome . for that it was then those years with me which are excus'd though they be least severe , i may be sav'd the labour to remember ye . whence having observ'd them to account it the chiefe glory of their wit , in that they were ablest to judge , to praise , and by that could esteeme themselves worthiest to love those high perfections which under one or other name they took to celebrate , i thought with my selfe by every instinct and presage of nature which is not wont to be false , that what imboldn'd them to this task might with such diligence as they us'd imbolden me , and that what judgement , wit , or elegance was my share , would herein best appeare , and best value it selfe , by how much more wisely , and with more love of vertue i should choose ( let rude eares be absent ) the object of not unlike praises . for albeit these thoughts to some will seeme vertuous and commendable , to others only pardonable , to a third sort perhaps idle , yet the mentioning of them now will end in serious . nor blame it readers , in those yeares to propose to themselves such a reward , as the noblest ●ispositions above other things in this life have sometimes preferr'd . whereof not to be sensible , when good and faire in one person meet , argues both a grosse and shallow judgement , and withall an ungentle , and swainish brest . for by the firme setling of these perswasions i became , to my best memory , so much a proficient , that if i found those authors anywhere speaking unworthy things of themselves ; or unchaste of those names which before they had extoll'd , this effect it wrought with me , from that time forward their art i still applauded , but the men i deplor'd ; and above them all preferr'd the two famous renowners of beatrice and laura who never write but honour of them to whom they devote their verse , displaying sublime and pure thoughts , without transgression . and long it was not after , when i was confirm'd in this opinion , that he who would not be frustrate of his hope to write well hereafter in laudable things , ought him selfe to bee a true poem , that is , a composition , and patterne of the best and honourablest things ; not presuming to sing high praises o● heroick men , or famous cities , unlesse he have in himselfe the experience and the practice of all that which is praise-worthy . these reasonings , together with a certaine nicenesse of nature , an honest haughtinesse , and self-esteem either of what i was , or what i might be , ( which let envie call pride ) and lastly that modesty , whereof though not in the title page yet here i may be excus'd to make some beseeming profession , all these uniting the supply of their naturall aide together , kept me still above those low descents of minde , beneath which he must deject and plunge himself , that can agree to salable and unlawfull prostitutions . next , ( for heare me out now readers ) that i may tell ye whether my younger feet wander'd ; i betook me among those lofty fables and romances , which recount in solemne canto's the deeds of knigh●hood founded by our victorious kings ; & from hence had in renowne over all christendome . there i read it in the oath of every knight , that he should defend to the expence of his best blood , or of his life , if it so befell him , the honour and chastity of virgin or matron . from whence even then i learnt what a noble ve●tue chastity sure must be , to the defence of which so many worthies by such a deare adventure of themselves had sworne . and if i found in the story afterward any of them by word or deed breaking that oath , i judg'd it the same fault of the poet , as that which is attributed to homer ; to have written undecent things of the gods . only this my minde gave me that every free ●nd gentle spirit without that oath ought to be borne a knight , nor needed to expect the guilt spurre , or the laying of a sword upon his shoulder to stirre him up both by his counsell , and his arme to secure and protect the weaknesse of any attempted chastity . so that even those books which to many others have bin the fuell of wantonnesse and loose living , i cannot thinke how unlesse by divine indulgence prov'd to me so many incitements as you have heard , to the love and stedfast observation of that vertue which abhorres the society of bordello's . thus from the laureat fraternity of poets , riper yeares , and the ceaselesse round of study and reading led me to the shady spaces of philosophy , but chiefly to the divine volumes of plato , and his equall xenophon . where if i should tell ye what i learnt , of chastity and love , i meane that which is truly so , whose charming cup is only vertue which she bears in her hand to those who are worthy . the rest are cheated with a thick intoxicating potion which a certaine sorceresse the abuser of loves name carries about ; and how the first and chiefest office of love , begins and ends in the soule , producing those happy twins of her divine generation knowledge and vertue , with such abstracted sublimities as these , it might be worth your listning , readers , as i may one day hope to have ye in a still time , when there shall be no chiding ; not in these noises , the adversary as ye know , barking at the doore ; or searching for me at the burdello's where it may be he has lost himselfe , and raps up without pitty the sage and rheumatick old prelatesse with all her young corinthian laity to inquire for such a one . last of all not in time , but as perfection is last , that care was ever had of me , with my earliest capacity not to be negligently train'd in the precepts of christian religion : this that i have hitherto related , hath bin to shew , that though christianity had bin but slightly taught me , yet a certain reserv'dnesse of naturall disposition , and morall discipline learn● out of the noblest philosophy was anough to keep me in disdain of farre lesse incontinences then this of the burdello . but having had the doctrine of holy scripture unfolding those chaste and high mysteries with timeliest care infus'd , that the body is for the lord and the lord for the body , thus also i argu'd to my selfe ; that if unchastity in a woman whom saint paul termes the glory of man , be such a scandall and dishonour , then certainly in a man who is both the image and glory of god , it must , though commonly not so thought , be much more deflouring and dishonourable . in that he sins both against his owne body which is the perfeter sex , and his own glory which is in the woman , and that which is worst , against the image and glory of god which is in himselfe . nor did i slumber over that place expressing such high rewards of ever accompanying the lambe , with those celestiall songs to others inapprehensible , but not to those who were not defil'd with women , which doubtlesse meanes fornication : for mariage must not be call'd a defilement . thus large i have purposely bin , that if i have bin justly taxt with this crime , it may come upon me after all this my confession , with a tenne-fold shame . but if i have hitherto deserv'd no such opprobrious word , or suspicion , i may hereby ingage my selfe now openly to the faithfull observation of what i have profest . i go on to shew you the unbridl'd impudence of this loose rayler , who having once begun his race regards not how farre he flyes out beyond all truth & shame ; who from the single notice of the animadversions , as he protests , will undertake to tell ye the very cloaths i weare , though he be much mistaken in my wardrobe . and like a son of belial without the hire of i●sabel charges me of blaspheming god and the king , as ordnarily as he imagines me to drink sack and sweare , meerely because this was a shred in his common place-book , and seem'd to come off roundly , as if he were some empirick of false accusations to try his poysons upon me whether they would work or no . whom what should i endeavour to refute more , whenas that book which is his only testimony returnes the lye upon him ; not giving him the least hint of the author to be either a swearer , or a sack drinker . and for the readers if they can believe me , principally for those reasons which i have alleg'd , to be of life & purpose neither dishonest , nor unchaste , they will be easily induc't to thinke me sober both of wine , and of word ; but if i have bin already successelesse in perswading them , all that i can furder say will be but vaine ; and it will be better thrift to save two tedious labours , mine of excusing , and theirs of needlesse hearing . proceeding furder i am met with a whole ging of words and phrases not mine , for he hath maim'd them , and like a slye depraver mangl'd them in this his wicked limbo , worse then the ghost of deiphobus appear'd to his friend aenaeas . here i scarce know them , and he that would , let him repaire to the place in that booke where i set them . for certainly this tormenter of semicolons is as good at dismembring and slitting sentences , as his grave fathers the prelates have bin at stigmatizing & flitting noses . by such handy craft as this what might he not traduce ? only that odour which being his own must needs offend his sense of smelling , since he will needs bestow his foot among us , and not allow us to think he weares a sock , i shall endeavour it may be offencelesse to other mens eares . the remonstrant having to do with grave and reverend men his adversaries , thought it became him to tell them in scorne , that the bishops foot had beene in their book and confuted it , which when i saw him arrogate , to have done that with his heeles that surpast the best consideration of his head , to spurn a confutation among respected men , i question'd not the lawfulnesse of moving his jollity to bethink him , what odor a sock would have in such a painfull businesse . and this may have chanc't to touch him more neerly then i was aware ; for indeed a bishops foot that hath all his toes maugre the gout , and a linnen sock over it , is the aptest embleme of the prelate himselfe . who being a pluralist , may under one surplice which is also linnen , hide foure benefices besides the metropolitan toe , and sends a fouler stench to heaven , then that which this young queasinesse reches at . and this is the immediate reason here why our inrag'd confuter , that he may be as perfet an hypocrite as caiaphas , ere he be a high priest , cries out , horrid blasphemy ! and like a recreant jew calls for stones . i beseech ye friends , ere the brick-bats flye , resolve me and your selves , is it blasphemy , or any whit disagreeing from christian meeknesse , when as christ himselfe speaking of unsavory traditions , scruples not to name the dunghill and the jakes , for me to answer a slovenly wincer of a confutation , that , if he would needs put his foot to such a sweaty service , the odour of his sock was like to be neither musk , nor benjamin ? thus did that foolish monk in a barbarous declamation accuse petrarch of blasphemy for dispraising the french wines . but this which followes is plaine bedlam stuffe , this is the demoniack legion indeed , which the remonstrant feard had been against him , and now he may see is for him . you that love christ , saith he , and know this miscreant wretch , stone him to death , lest you smart for his impunity . what thinks the remonstrant ? does he like that such words as these should come out of his shop , out of his trojan horse ? to give the watch word like a guisian of paris to a mutiny or massacre ; to proclame a crusada against his fellow christian now in this troublous and divided time of the kingdome ? if he do , i shall say that to be the remonstrant is no better then to be a jesuit . and that if he and his accomplices could do as the rebels have done in ireland to the protestants , they would do in england the same to them that would no prelats . for a more seditious and butcherly speech no cell of loyola could have belch't against one who in all his writing spake not , that any mans skin should be rais'd . and yet this cursing shimei a hurler of stones , as well as a rayler , wants not the face instantly to make as though he despair'd of victory unlesse a modest defence would get it him . did i erre at all , readers , to foretell ye , when first i met with his title , that the epithet of modest there , was a certaine red portending signe , that he meant ere long to be most tempestuously bold , , and shamelesse ? neverthelesse he dares not say but there may be hid in his nature as much venemous atheisme and profanation , as he thinks , hath broke out at his adversaries lips , but he hath not the soarerunning upon him , as he would intimate i have . now trust me not , readers , if i be not already weary of pluming and footing this seagull , so open he lies to strokes ; and never offers at another , but brings home the dorre upon himselfe . for if the sore be running upon me , in all judgement i have scapt the disease , but he who hath as much infection hid in him , as he hath voluntarily confest , and cannot expell it , because hee is dull , for venomous atheisme were no treasure to be kept within him else , let him take the part hee hath chosen , which must needs follow , to swell and burst with his owne inward venome . sect. . but marke , readers , there is a kind of justice observ'd among them that do evill , but this man loves injustice in the very order of his malice . for having all this while abus'd the good name of his adversary with all manner of licence in revenge of his remonstrant , if they be not both one person , or as i am told , father and son , yet after all this he calls for satisfaction , when as he himselfe hath already taken the utmost fa●ding . violence hath been done , sayes he , to the person of a holy , and religious prelat ▪ to which , something in effect to what s. paul answer'd of ananias , i answer , i wist not brethren that he was a holy and religious prelat ; for evill is written of those who would be prelats . and finding him thus in disguise without his superscription or phylactery either of holy or prelat , it were no sinne to serve him as longchamp bishop of elie was serv'd in his disguise at dover ▪ he hath begun the measure namelesse , and when he pleases we may all appeare as we are . and let him be then what he will , he shall be to me so as i finde him principl'd . for neither must prelat or arch-prelat hope to exempt himselfe from being reckon'd as one of the vulgar ; which is for him only to hope whom true wisdome and the contempt of vulgar opinions exempts , it being taught us in the psalmes that he who is in honour and understandeth not is as the beasts that perish . and now first the manner of handling that cause which i undertook , he thinks is suspicious , as if the wisest , and the best words were not ever to some or other suspicious . but where is the offence , the disagreement from christian meeknesse , or the precept of solomon in answering folly ? when the remonstrant talks of froth and scum , i tell him there is none , and bid him spare his ladle : when he brings in the messe with keale , beef , and brewesse , what stomack in england could forbeare to call for flanks and briskets ? capon and whitebroth having beene likely sometimes in the same roome with christ and his apostles , why does it trouble him that it should be now in the same leafe , especially , where the discourse is not continu'd but interrupt ? and let him tell me , is he wont to say grace , doth he not then name holiest names over the steame of costliest superfluities ? does he judge it foolish or dishonest to write that among religious things , which when he talks of religious things he can devoutly chew ? is he afraid to name christ where those things are written in the same leafe whom he fears not to name while the same things are in his mouth ? doth not christ himselfe teach the highest things by the similitude of old bottles and patcht cloaths ? doth he not illustrate best things by things most evill ? his own comming to be as a thiefe in the night , and the righteous mans wisdome to that of a● unjust steward ? he might therefore have done better to have kept in his canting beggars and ●eathen altar to sacrifice his thredbare criticisme of bomolochus to an unseasonable goddesse fit for him call'd importunity , and have reserv'd his greek derivation till he lecture to his fresh men , for here his itching pedantry is but flouted . but to the end that nothing may be omitted which may furder satisfie any conscionable man , who notwithstanding what i could explaine before the animadversions , remains yet unsatisfi'd concerning that way of writing which i there defended , but this confuter whom it pinches , utterly disapproves , i shall assay once againe , and perhaps with more successe . if therefore the question were in oratory , whether a vehement vein throwing out indignation , or scorn upon an object that merits it , were among the aptest ideas of speech to be allow'd , it were my work , and that an easie one to make it cleare both by the rules of best rhetoricians , and the famousest examples of the greek and roman orations . but since the religion of it is disputed , and not the art , i shall make use only of such reasons and autorities , as religion cannot except against . it will be harder to gainsay , then for me to evince that in the teaching of men diversly temper'd different wayes are to be try'd . the baptist we know was a strict man remarkable for austerity and set order of life . our saviour who had all gifts in him was lord to expresse his indoctrinating power in what sort him best seem'd ; sometimes by a milde and familiar converse , sometimes with plaine and impartiall home-speaking regardlesse of those whom the auditors might think he should have had in more respect ; otherwhiles with bitter and irefull rebukes if not teaching yet leaving excuselesse those his wilfull impugners . what was all in him , was divided among many others the teachers of his church ; some to be severe and ever of a sad gravity that they may win such , & check sometimes those who be of nature over-confident and jocond ; others were sent more cheerefull , free , and still as it were at large , in the midst of an untrespassing honesty ; that they who are so temper'd may have by whom they might be drawne to salvation , and they who are too scrupulous , and dejected of spirit might be often strength●'d with wise consolations and revivings : no man being forc't wholly to dissolve that groundwork of nature which god created in him , the sanguine to empty out all his sociable livelinesse , the cholerick to expell quite the unsinning predominance of his anger ; but that each radicall humour and passion wrought upon and corrected as it ought , might be made the proper mould and foundation of every mans peculiar guifts , and vertues . some also were indu'd with a staid moderation , and soundnesse of argument to teach and convince the rationall and sober-minded ; yet not therefore that to be thought the only expedient course of teaching , for in times of opposition when either against new heresies arising , or old corruptions to be reform'd this coole unpassionate mildnesse of positive wisdome is not enough to damp and astonish the proud resistance of carnall , and false doctors , then ( that i may have leave to soare a while as the poets us● ) then zeale whose substance is ethereal , arming in compleat diamond ascends his fiery chariot drawn with two blazing meteors figur'd like beasts , but of a higher breed then any the zodiack yeilds , resembling two of those four which ezechiel and s. john saw , the one visag'd like a lion to expresse power , high autority and indignation , the other of count'nance like a man to cast derision and scorne upon perverse and fraudulent seducers ; with these the invincible warriour zeale shaking loosely the slack reins drives over the heads of scarlet prelats , and such as are insolent to maintaine traditions , brusing their stiffe necks under his flaming wheels . thus did the true prophets of old combat with the false ; thus christ himselfe the fountaine of meeknesse found acrimony anough to be still galling and vexing the prel●ticall pharisees . but ye will say these had immediat warrant from god to be thus bitter , and i say , so much the plainlier is it prov'd , that there may be a sanctifi'd bitternesse against the enemies of truth . yet that ye may not think inspiration only the warrant thereof , but that it is as any other vertue , of morall and generall observation , the example of luther may stand for all : whom god made choice of before others to be of highest eminence and power in reforming the church ; who not of revelation , but of judgement writ so vehemently against the chiefe defenders of old untruths in the romish church , that his own friends and favourers were many times offended with the fiercenesse of his spirit ; yet he being cited before charles the fifth to answer for his books , and having divided them into three sorts , whereof one was of those which he had sharply written , refus'd though upon deliberation giv'n him to retract or unsay any word therein ; as we may reade in sleiden . yea he defends his eagernesse , as being of an ardent spirit , and one who could not write a dull stile : and affirm'd hee thought it gods will to have the inventions of men thus laid open , seeing that matters quietly handled , were quickly forgot . and herewithall how usefull and available god had made this tart rhetorick in the churches cause , he often found by his owne experience . for when he betook himselfe to lenity and moderation , as they call it , he reapt nothing but contempt both from cajetan and erasmus , from cocleus , from ecchius and others , insomuch that blaming his friends who had so counsel'd him , he resolv'd never to runne into the like error ; if at other times he seeme to excuse his vehemence , as more then what was meet , i have not examin'd through his works to know how farre he gave way to his owne fervent minde ; it shall suffice me to looke to mine own . and this i shall easily averre though it may seeme a hard saying , that the spirit of god who is purity it selfe , when he would reprove any fault severely , or but relate things done or said with indignation by others , abstains not from some words not civill at other times to be spok'n . omitting that place in numbers at the killing of zimri and cosbi done by phineas in the heigth of zeal , related as the rabbines expound , not without an obscene word , we may finde in deuteronomy and three of the prophets , where god denouncing bitterly the punishments of idolaters , tels them in a terme immodest to be utter'd in coole blood , that their wives shall be defil'd openly . but these , they will say were honest words in that age when they were spok'n . which is more then any rabbin can prove , and certainly had god been so minded , he could have pickt such words , as should never have come into abuse . what will they say to this . david going against nabal , in the very same breath when he had but just before nam'd the name of god , he vowes not to leave any alive of nabals house that pisseth against the wall . but this was unadvisedly spoke , you will answer , and set downe to aggravate his infirmity . turne then to the first of kings where god himselfe uses the phrase ; i will cut off from ieroboam him that pisseth against the wall . which had it beene an unseemely speech in the heat of an earnest expression , then we must conclude that ionathan , or onk●los the targumists were of cleaner language then he that made the tongue ; for they render it as briefly , i will cut off all who are at yeares of discretion , that is to say so much discretion as to hide nakednesse . whereas god who is the author both of purity and eloquence , chose this phrase as fittest in that vehement character wherein he spake . otherwise that plaine word might have easily bin forborne . which the mas●reths and rabbinicall scholiasts not well attending , have often us'd to blurre the margent with keri , instead of ketiv , and gave us this ins●l● rule out of their talmud , that all words which in the law are writ ob●cenely , must be chang'd to more civill words . fools who would teach men to speak more decently then god thought good to write . and thus i take it to be manifest , that indignation against men and their actions notoriously bad , hath leave and autority oft times to utter such words and phrases as in common talke were not so mannerly to use . that ye may know , not only as the historian speaks , that all those things for which men plough , build , or saile , obey vertue , but that all words and whatsoever may be spoken shall at some time in an unwonted manner wait upon her purposes . now that the confutant may also know as he desires , what force of teaching there is sometimes in laughter , i shall returne him in short , that laughter being one way of answering a foole according to his folly , teaches two sorts of persons , first the foole himselfe not to be wise in his own conceit ; as salomon affirms , which is certainely a great document , to make an unwise man know himselfe . next , it teaches the hearers , in as much as scorne is one of those , punishments which belong to men carnally wise , which is oft in scripture declar'd ; for when such are punisht the simple are thereby made wise , if salomons rule be true . and i would ask , to what end eliah mockt the false prophets ? was it to shew his wit , or to fulfill his humour ? doubtlesse we cannot imagine that great servant of god had any other end in all which he there did , but to teach and instruct the poore misledde people . and we may frequently reade , that many of the martyrs in the midst of their troubles , were not sparing to deride and scoffe their superstitious persecutors . now may the confutant advise againe with sir francis bacon whether eliah and the ma●tyrs did well to turne religion into a comedy , or satir ; to rip up the wounds of idolatry and superstition with a laughing count●nance . so that for pious gravity his author here is matcht and overmatcht , and for wit and morality in one that followes . — laughing to teach the truth what hinders ? as some teachers give to boyes lunkets and knacks , that they may learne apace . thus fl●ccus in his first satir , and in his tenth — jesting decides great things stronglier , and better oft then earnest can . i could urge the same out of cicero , and seneca , but he may content him with this . and hence forward , if he can learn , may know as well what are the bounds , and objects of laughter and vehement reproofe , as he hath knowne hitherto how to deserve them both . but lest some may haply think , or thus expostulat with me after all this debatement , who made you the busie almoner to deale about this dole of laughter and reprehension which no man thanks your bounty for ? to the urbanity of that man i shold answer much after this sort ? that i , friend objecter , having read of heathen philosophers , some to have taught , that whosoever would but use his eare to listen , might heare the voice of his guiding genius ever before him , calling and as it were pointing to that way which is his part to follow ; others , as the stoicks , to account reason , which they call the hegemonicon , to be the common mercury conducting without error those that give themselves obediently to be led accordingly , having read this , i could not esteeme so poorly of the faith which i professe , that god had left nothing to those who had forsaken all other doctrines for his , to be an inward witnesse , and warrant of what they have to do , as that they should need to measure themselves by other mens measures how to give scope , or limit to their proper actions ; for that were to make us the most at a stand , the most unce●taine and accidentall wanderers in our doings , of all religions in the world . so that the question ere while mov'd who he is that spends thus the benevolence of laughter and reproofe so liberally upon such men as the prelats , may returne with a more just demand , who he is not of place and knowledge never so mean , under whose contempt and jerk these men are not deservedly falne ? neither can religion receive any wound by disgrace thrown upon the prelats , since religion and they surely were never in such amity . they rather are the men who have wounded religion , and their stripes must heale her . i might also tell them , what electra in sophocles , a wise virgin answer'd her wicked mother who thought her selfe too violently reprov'd by her the daughter . t is you that say it , not i , you do the deeds , and your ungodly deeds finde me the words . if therefore the remonstrant complaine of libels , it is because he feels them to be right aim'd . for i ask againe as before in the animadversions , how long is it since he hath dis-relisht libe●s ? we never heard the least mutter of his voice against them while they flew abroad without controul or check defaming the scots and puritans . and yet he can remember of none but lysimachus nicanor , and that he mislikt and censur'd . no more but of one can the remonstrant remember ? what if i put him in minde of one more ? what if of one more whereof the remonstrant in many likelyhoods may be thought the author ? did he never see a pamphlet intitl'd after his own fashion , a survey of that foolish , seditious , scandalous , profane libell the protestation protested ? the child doth not more expresly refigure the visage of his father , then that book resembles the stile of the remonstrant , in those idioms of speech , wherein he seemes most to delight : and in the seventeenth page three lines together taken out of the remonstrance word for word , not as a citation , but as an author borrowes from himselfe . who ever it be , he may as justly be said to have libell'd , as he against whom he writes : there ye shall finde another man then here is made shew of , there he bites as fast as this whines . vinegar in the inke is there the antidote of vipers . laughing in a religious controversie is there a thrifty physick to expell his melancholy . in the meane time the testimony of sir francis bacon was not misalledg'd , complaining that libels on the bishops part were utter'd openly ; and if he hop't the prelats had no intell●gence with the libellours , he delivers it but as his favourable opinion . but had he contradicted himselfe , how could i assoil him here , more then a little before , where i know not how by entangling himselfe , he leaves an aspersion upon iob , which by any else i never heard laid to his charge . for having affirm'd that there is no greater confusion then the confounding of jest and earnest , presently he brings the example of iob glancing at conceits of mirth , when he sate among the people with the gravity of a iudge upon him . if jest and earnest be such a confusion , then were the people much wiser then iob , for he smil'd , and they believ'd him not . to defend libels , which is that whereof i am next accus'd , was farre from my purpose . i had not so lit●le share in good name , as to give another that advantage against my selfe . the summe of what i said , was that a more free permission of writing at some times might be profitable , in such a question especially wherein the magistrates are not fully resolv'd ; and both sides have equall liberty to write , as now they have . not as when the prelats bore sway , in whose time the bookes of some men were confuted , when they who should have answer'd were in close prison , deny'd the use of pen or paper . and the divine right of episcopacy was then valiantly asserted , when he who would have bin respondent , must have bethought himselfe withall how he could refute the clink or the gate-house . if now therefore they be persn'd with bad words , who persecuted others with bad deeds , it is a way to lessen tumult rather then to encrea●e it ; when as anger thus freely vented spends it selfe , ere it break out into action , though machiavell whom he cites , or any machiavillian priest think the contrary . sect. . now readers i bring ye to his third section ; wherein very cautiously , and no more then needs , lest i should take him for some chaplaine at hand , some squire of the body to his prelat , one that serves not at the altar only , but at the court cup board , he will bestow on us a pretty modell of himselfe ; and sobs me out halfe a dozen tizicall mottoes where ever he had them , hopping short in the measure of convulsion fi●● ; in which labour the agony of his wit , having scapt narrowly , instead of well siz'd periods , he greets us with a quantity of thum-ring posies . he has a fortune therefore good , because he is content with it . this is a piece of sapience not worth the brain of a fruit-trencher ; as if content were the measure of what is good or bad in the guift of fortune . for by this rule a bad man may have a good fortune , because he may be oft times content with it for many reasons which have no affinity with vertue , as love of ease , want of spirit to use more , and the like . and therefore content , he sayes , because it neither goes before , nor comes behinde his merit . belike then if his fortune should go before his mer●t , he would not be content , but resigne , if we believe him , which i do the lesse , because he implyes that if it came behinde his merit , he would be content as little . wheras if a wise mans content should depend upon such a therefore , because his fortune came not behinde his merit , how many wise men could have content in this world ? in his next pithy symbol i dare not board him , for he passes all the seven wise masters of greece attributing to himselfe that which on my life salomon durst not ; to have affections so equally temper'd , that they neither too hastily adhere to the truth , before it be fully examin'd , nor too lazily afterward . which unlesse he only were exempted out of the corrupt masse of adam , borne without sinne originall , and living without actuall , is impossible . had salomon ( for it be●hoves me to i●stance in the wisest , dealing with such a transcendent sage as this ) had salomon affections so equally temper'd , as not adhering too lazily to the truth , when god warn'd him of his halting in idolatry ? do we reade that he repented hastily ? did not his affections lead him hastily from an examin'd truth , how much more would they lead him slowly to it ? yet this man beyond a stoick apathy sees truth as in a rapture , and cleaves to it . not as through the dim glasse of his affections which in this frail mansion of flesh are ever unequally temper'd , pushing forward to error , and keeping back from truth oft times the best of men . but how farre this boaster is from knowing himselfe , let his preface speake . something i thought it was that made him so quick-sighted to gather such strange things out of the animadversions , whereof the least conception could not be drawne from thence , of suburb si●ks , sometimes out of wit and cloaths , sometimes in new serge , drinking sack , and swearing , now i know it was this equall temper of his affections that gave him to see clearer then any fenell rub'd serpent . lastly , he has resolv'd that neither person , nor cause shall improper him . i may mistake his meaning , for the word ye heare is improper . but whether if not a person , yet a good personage , or impropriation bought out for him would not improper him , because there may be a quirk in the word , i leave it for a canonist ●o resolve . sect. . and thus ends this section , or rather dissection of himselfe , short ye will say both in breath , and extent , as in our own praises it ought to be , unlesse wherein a good name hath bin wrongfully attainted . right , but if ye looke at what he ascribes to himselfe , that temper of his affections which cannot anywhere be but in paradise , all the judicious panegyricks in any language extant are not halfe so prolixe . and that well appears in his next removall . for what with putting his fancy to the tiptoe in this description of himselfe , and what with adventuring presently to stand upon his own legs without the crutches of his margent , which is the sluce most commonly , that feeds the drouth of his text , he comes so lazily on in a similie , with his arme full of weeds , and demeanes himselfe in the dull expression so like a dough kneaded thing , that he has not spirit anough left him so farre to look to his syntaxis , as to avoide nonsense . for it must be understood there that the stranger , and not he who brings the bundle would be deceav'd in censuring the field , which this hip-shot grammarian cannot set into ●ight frame of construction , neither here in the similitude , nor in the following reddition thereof , which being to this purpose , that the faults of the best pickt out , and presented in grosse , seeme monstrous , this saith he , you have done , in pinning on his sleeve the faults of others ; as if to pick out his owne faults , and to pin the faults of others upon him , were to do the same thing . to answer therefore how i have cull'd out the evill actions of the remonstrant from his vertues , i am acquitted by the dexterity and conveiance of his non-sense , loosing that for which he brought his parable . but what of other mens faults i have pinn'd upon his sleeve , let him shew . for whether he were the man who term'd the martyrs foxian confessors , it matters not ; he that shall step up before others to defend a church-government , which wants almost no circumstance , but only a name to be a plaine popedome , a government which changes the fatherly and everteaching discipline of christ into that lordly and uninstructing jurisdiction which properly makes the pope antichrist , makes himselfe an accessory to all the evill committed by those , who are arm'd to do mischiefe by that undue government ; which they by their wicked deeds , do with a kinde of passive and unwitting obedience to god , destroy . but he by plausible words and traditions against the scripture obstinately seeks to maintaine . they by their owne wickednesse ruining their owne unjust autority make roome for good to succeed . but he by a shew of good upholding the evill which in them undoes it selfe , hinders the good which they by accident let in . their manifest crimes serve to bring forth an ensuing good and hasten a remedy against themselves , and his seeming good tends to reinforce their selfe-punishing crimes and his owne , by doing his best to delay all redresse . shall not all the mischiefe which other men do , be layd to his charge , if they doe it by that unchurchlike power which he defends ? christ saith , he that is not with me is against me , and he that gathers not with me scatters . in what degree of enmity to christ shall wee place that man then , who so is with him , as that it makes more against him , and so gathers with him , that it scatters more from him ? shall it availe that man to say he honours the martyrs memory and treads in their steps ? no ; the pharisees confest as much of the holy prophets . let him and such as he when they are in their best actions even at their prayers looke to heare that which the pharisees heard from iohn the baptist when they least expected , when they rather lookt for praise from him . generation of vipers who hath warn'd ye to flee from the wrath to come ? now that ye have sta●ted back from the purity of scripture which is the only rule of reformation , to the old vomit of your traditions , now that ye have e●ther troubl'd or leven'd the people of god , and the doctrine of the gospell with scandalous ceremonies and masse borrow'd liturgies , doe ye turne the use of that truth which ye professe , to countenance that falshood which ye gaine by ? we also reverence the martyrs but relye only upon the scriptures . and why we ought not to relye upon the martyrs i shall be content with such reasons as my confuter himselfe affords me ; who is i must needs say for him in that point as officious an adversary as i would wish to any man . for first , saith he , there may be a martyr in a wrong cause , and as couragious in suffering as the best : sometimes in a good cause with a forward ambition displeasing to god . otherwhiles they that story of them out of blind zeale , or malice may write many things of them untruly . if this be so , as ye heare his own confession , with what safety can the remonstant rely upon the martyrs as patrons of his cause , when as any of those who are alleg'd for the approvers of our liturgy or prelaty might have bin though not in a wrong cause martyrs , yet whether not vainly ambitious of that honour , or whether not misreported , or misunderstood , in those their opions god only knowes . the testimony of what we believe in religion must be such as the conscience may rest on to be infallible , and incorruptible , which is only the word of god . sect. . his fifth section finds it selfe agriev'd that the remonstrant should be taxt with the illegall proceedings of the high commission , and oath ex officio ; and first whether they were illegall or no , t is more then he knowes . see this malevolent fox ? that tyranny which the whole kingdome cry'd out against as stung with adders , and scorpions , that tyranny which the parlament in compassion of the church and commonwealth hath dissolv'd , and fetch 't up by the roots , for which it hath receav'd the publick thanks and blessings of thousands , this obscure thorn-eater of malice and detraction , as well as of quodlibets and sophisms knowes not whether it were illegall or not . evill , evill , would be your reward ye worthies of the parlament , if this sophister and his accomplices had the censuring , or the sounding forth of your labours . and that the remonstrant cannot wash his hands of all the cruelties exercis'd by the prelats , is past doubting . they scourg'd the confessors of the gospell , and he held the scourgers garments . they excuted their rage , and he , if he did nothing else , defended the government with the oath that did it , and the ceremonies which were the cause of it : does he think to be counted guiltlesse ? sect. . in the following section i must foretell ye , readers , the doings will be rough and dangerous , the bating of a satir . and if the work seeme more triviall or boistrous then for this discourse , let the remonstrant thank the folly of this confuter , who could not let a private word passe , but he must make all this blaze of it . i had said that because the remonstrant was so much offended with those who were tart against the prelats , sure he lov'd toothlesse satirs , which i took were as improper as a toothed sleekstone . this champion from behind the arras cries out that those toothlesse satyrs were of the remonstrants making ; and armes himselfe heretooth and naile and horne to boot , to supply the want of teeth , or rather of gumms in the satirs . and for an onset tels me that the simily of a sleekstone shewes i can be as bold with a prelat as familiar with a laundresse . but does it not argue rather the lascivious promptnesse of his own fancy , who from the harmelesse mention of a sleekstone could neigh out the remembrance of his old conversation among the viraginian trollops ? for me , if he move me , i shall claime his owne oath , the oath ex officio against any priest or prelat in the kingdome to have ever as much hated such pranks as the best and chast●st of them all . that exception which i made against toothlesse satirs the confuter hopes i had from the satirist , but is farre deceav'd : neither had i ever read the hobbling distick which he me●●● . for this good hap i had from a carefull education to be inur'● and season'd betimes with the best and elegantest authors of the learned tongues , and thereto brought an eare that could measure a just cadence , and scan without articulating ; rather nice and humorous in what was tolerable , then patient to read every drawling versifier . whence lighting upon this title of toothlesse satirs , i will not conceale ye what i thought . readers , that sure this must be some sucking satir , who might have done better to have us'd his corall , and made an end of breeding , ere he took upon him to weild a satirs whip . but when i heard him talk of scouring the rusted swords of elvish knights , doe not blame me , if i chang'd my thought , and concluded him some desperate cu●ler . but why his scornefull muse could never abide with tragick shoos her ankles for to hide , the pace of the verse told me that her maukin knuckles were never shapen to that royall buskin . and turning by chance to the sixth satyr of his second book i was confirm'd ; where having begun loftily in heavens universall alphab●t he fals downe to that wretched poorenesse and frigidity as to talke of bridge street in heav'n , and the ostler of heav'n , and there wanting other matter to catch him a heat , ( for certaine he was in the frozen zone miserably benumm'd ) with thoughts lower then any beadle betakes him to whip the signe posts of cambridge alehouses , the ordinary subject of freshmens tales , and in a straine as pittifull . which for him who would be counted the first english satyr , to abase himselfe to , who might have learnt better among the latin , and italian satyrists , and in our own tongue from the vision and creed of pierce plowman , besides others before him , manifested a presumptuous undertaking with weak , and unexamin'd shoulders . for a satyr as it was borne out of a tragedy , so ought to resemble his parentage , to strike high , and adventure dangerously at the most eminent vices among the greatest persons , and not to creepe into 〈◊〉 blinde taphouse that fears a constable more then a satyr . but that such a poem should be toothlesse i still affirme it to be a bull , taking away the essence of that which it calls it selfe . for if it bite neither the persons nor the vices , how is it a satyr , and if it bite either , how is it toothlesse , so that toothlesse satyrs are as much as if he had said toothlesse teeth . what we should do therefore with this learned comment upon teeth and horns which hath brought this confutant into his pedantick kingdome of cornucopia , to reward him for glossing upon hor●●● even to the hebrew root , i know not unlesse we should commend him to be lecturer in east-cheap upon ● . luk●s day , when they send their tribute to that famous hav'n by detfo●● . but we are not like to scape him so . for now the worme of criticisme works in him , he will tell us the de●ivation of german rutters , of meat , and of ink , which doubtlesse rightly apply'd with some gall in it may prove good to heale this tetter of pedagoguism● that bespreads him , with such a tenasmus of originating , that if he be an arminian and deny originall sinne , all the etymologies of his book shall witnesse that his brain is not meanly tainted with that infection . sect. . his seventh section labours to cavill out the flawes which were found in the remonstrants logick ; who having layd downe for a generall proposition , that civill polity is variable and arbitrary , from whence was inferr'd logically upon him that he had concluded the polity of england to be arbitrary , for generall includes particular , here his defendant is not asham'd to confesse that the remonstrants proposition was sophisticall by a fallacy call'd ad plures interrogationes which sounds to me somewhat strange that a remonstrant of that pretended sincerity should bring deceitfull and double dealing propositions to the parlament . the truth is he had let slip a shrewd passage ere he was aware , not thinking the conclusion would turne upon him with such a terrible edge , and not knowing how to winde out of the briars , he or his substitute seems more willing to lay the integrity of his logick to pawn , and grant a fallacy in his owne major where none is , then be forc't to uphold the inference . for that distinction of possible and lawfull is ridiculous to be sought for in that proposition ; no man doubting that it is possible to change the forme of civill polity ; and that it is held lawfull by that major , the word arbitrary implyes . nor will this helpe him , to deny that it is arbitrary at any time or by any undertakers ( which are two limitations invented by him since ) for when it stands as he will have it now by his second edition civill polity is variable but not at any time or by any undertakers , it will result upon him , belike then at some time , and by some undertakers it may . and so he goes on mincing the matter , till he meets with something in sir francis bacon , then he takes heart againe and holds his major at large . but by and by as soon as the shadow of sir francis hath left him , he fals off again warping and warping till he come to contradict himselfe in diameter : and denies flatly that it is either variable or arbitrary , being once settl'd . which third shift is no lesse a piece of laughter . for before the polity was settl'd how could it be vari●ble when as it was no polity at all , but either an anarchy or a tyranny . that limitation therefore of after setling is a meere tautology . so that in fine his former assertion is now recanted and civill polity is neither variable nor arbitrary . sect. . what ever else may perswade me that this confutation was not made without some assistance or advice of the remonstrant , yet in this eighth section that his hand was not greatly intermixt , i can easily believe . for it begins with this surmise , that not having to accuse the remonstrant to the king , i do it to the parlament , which conceit of the man cleanly shoves the king out of the parlament , and makes two bodies of one . whereas the remonstrant in the epistle to his last short answer , gives his supposall that they cannot be sever'd in the rights of their severall concernments . mark , readers , if they cannot be sever'd in what is severall ( which casts a buls eye to go yoke with the toothlesse satyrs ) how should they be sever'd in their common concernments , the wellfare of the land , by due accusation of such as are the common grievances , among which i took the remonstrant to be one . and therefore if i accus'd him to the parlament , it was the same as to accuse him to the king . next he casts it into the dish of i know not whom that they flatter some of the house and libell others whose consciences made them vote contrary to some proceedings . those some proceedings can be understood of nothing else but the deputies execution . and can this private concocter of malecontent , at the very instant when he pretends to extoll the parlament , afford thus to blurre over , rather then to mention that publick triumph of their justice and constancy so high , so glorious , so reviving to the fainted common-wealth with such a suspicious and murmuring expression as to call it some proceedings ? and yet immediately hee falls to glozing , as if hee were the only man that rejoyc't at these times . but i shall discover to ye readers , that this his praising of them is as full of non-sense and scolastick foppery , as his meaning he himselfe discovers to be full of close malignity . his first encomium is that the sun looks not upon a braver nobler convocation then is that of king , peers , and commons . one thing i beg of ye readers , as ye beare any zeale to learning , to elegance , and that which is call'd decorum in the writing of praise , especially on such a noble argument , ye would not be offended , though i rate this cloister'd lubber according to his deserts . where didst thou learne to be so agueish , so pusillanimous , thou lozel bachelour of art , as against all custome and use of speech to terme the high and sovran court of parlament , a convocation ? was this the flower of all thy syn●nyma's and voluminous papers whose best f●lios are pred●stin'd to no better end then to make winding sh●etes in lent for pilchers ? coul●'● thou presume thu● wi●h one words speaking to clap as it were under hatches the king with all his peeres and ge●try i●to square caps , an● morkish hoods ? how well dost thou now appeare to be a chip of the old block that c●uld finde bridg● st●e●t and al● houses in h●av●● ; why didst th●u no●t be his per●●ct mi●●tor , liken the king to the vice-chancellour & he lords to the doctors . n●ith●r is this an indignity only ou● a re●ro●ch t● call the inviolable residence of just●ce and liberty by such an ●dious name as now a convocation is beco●e ; which would be nothi●g inju●'d , though it were stil'd the house o● bondage , whereout so many c●uell tasks , so many ●●j●st bur●ens , have been ●aden upon the b●used con●ciences of to ma●y ch●●stian through●ut the land . but which of th●se worthy deeds , whereof we and our poste●ity must confesse this parlament to have done so many and so noble , which of those memor●ble acts come● first into his praises ? none of all , not one . what will he then praise them for ? not for any thing doing , but for deferring to do , for deferring to chastise his leud and insolent compriests . not that they have deferr'd all , but that he hopes they will r●mit what is yet behind . for the rest of his oratory that followes , so just is it in the language of stall epistle non sense , that if he who made it can understand it , i deny not but that he may deserve for his pains a cast doublet . when a man would looke he should vent something of his owne , as ever in a set speech the manner is with him that knowes any thing , he , lest we sh●uld not take notice anough of his barren stupidity , declares it by alphabet , and referres us to odde remnants in his topicks . nor yet content with the wonted room of his margent , but he must cut out large docks and creeks , into his text to unlade the foolish frigate of his unseasonable autorities , not wherewith to praise the parlament , but to tell them what he would h●ve them do . what else there is , he j●mbles together in such a lost construction , as no man either lette●'d , or unletter'd will be able to piece up . i shall spare to transcribe him , but if i do him wrong , let me be so dealt with . now although it be a digression from the ensuing matter , yet because it shall not be said i am apter to blame others then to make triall my selfe , and that i may after this harsh discord touch upon a smo●ther string , awhile to ente●t●ine my selfe and him that list , with some more pleasing fit , and not the lest to testifie the grati●ude which i owe to those publick benefact●rs of their country , for the sh●re i enjoy in the common peace and good by their incessant labours , i sh●ll be so troublesome to this declamer for once , as to shew him what he might have better said in their praise . wherein i must mention only some few things of many , for more then that to a digression may not be granted . although certainly their actions are worthy not thus to be spoken of by the way , yet if hereafter it befall me to attempt something more answerable to their great merits , i perceave how hopelesse it will be to reach the heigth of their prayses at the accomplisment of that expectation that weights upon their nob●e deeds , the unfinishing whereof already surpasses what others before them have left enacted with their utmost performance through many ages . and to the end we may be confident that what they do , proceeds neither from uncertaine opinion , nor su●den counsels , but from mature wisdome , deliberat vertue , and deere affection to the publick good , i shall begin at that which made them likeliest in the eyes of good men to effect those things for the recovery of decay'd religion and the common-wealth , which they who were best minded had long wisht for , but few , as the times then were desperat , had the courage to hope for . first therefore the most of them being either of ancient and high nobility , or at least of knowne and well reputed ancestry , which is a great advantage towards vertue one way , but in respect of welth , ease , and flattery , which accompanies a nice and tender education , is as much a hindrance another way , the good which lay before them they took , in imitating the worthiest of their progenitors , and the evill which assaulted their younger yeares by the temptation of riches , high birth , and that usuall bringing up , perhaps too favourable and too remisse , through the strength of an inbred goodnesse , and with the helpe of divine grace , that had markt them out for no meane purposes , they nobly overcame . yet had they a greater danger to cope with ; for being train'd up in the knowledge of learning , and sent to those places , which were intended to be the seed plots of piety and the liberall arts , but were become the nurseries of superstition , and empty speculation , as they were prosperous against those vices which grow upon youth out of idlenesse and superfluity , so were they happy in working off the harmes of their abused studies and labours ; correcting by the clearnesse of their owne judgement the errors of their mis-instruction , and were as david was , wiser then their teachers . and although their lot fell into such times , and to be bred in such places , where if they chanc't to be taught any thing good , or of their own accord had learn't it , they might see that presently untaught them by the custome and ill example of their elders , so farre in all probability was their youth from being , misl●d by the single power of example , as their riper years were knowne to be unmov'd with the baits of preferment , and undaunted for any discouragement and terror which appear'd often to those that lov'd religion , and their native liberty . which two things god hath inseparably knit together , and hath disclos'd to us that they who seek to corrupt our religion are the same that would inthrall our civill liberty . thus in the midst of all disdvantages and disrespects ( some also at last not without imprisonment and open disgraces in the cause of their countrey ) having given proofe of themselves to be better made and fram'd by nature to the love and practise of vertue , then others under the holiest precepts and best examples have been headstrong and prone to vice , and having in all the trialls of a firme ingrafted honesty not oftner buckl'd in the conflict , then giv'n every opposition the foile , this moreover was added by favour from heav'n , as an ornament and happinesse to their vertue , that it should be neither obscure in the opinion of men , nor eclipst for want of matter equall to illustrat it selfe ; god and man consenting in joynt approbation to choose them out as worthiest above others to be both the great reformers of the church , and the restorers of the common-wealth . nor did they deceave that expectation which with the eyes and desires of their countrey was fixt upon them ; for no sooner did the force of so much united excellence meet in one globe of brightnesse and efficacy , but encountring the dazl'd resistance of tyranny , they gave not over , though their enemies were strong and suttle , till they had laid her groveling upon the fatall block . with one stroke winning againe our lost liberties and charters , which our forefathers after so many battels could scarce maintaine . and meeting next , as i may so resemble , with the second life of tyranny ( for she was growne an ambiguous monster , and to be slaine in two shapes ) guarded with supe●stition which hath no small power to captivate the minds of men otherwise most wise , they neither were taken with her mite●'d hypocrisie , nor te●rifi'd with the push of her bestiall hornes , but breaking them immediately forc't her to unbend the pontificall brow , and recoile . which repulse only , given to the prelats ( that we may imagine how happy their removall would be ) was the producement of such glorious effects and consequences in the church , that if i should compare them with those exployts of highest fame in poems and panegyricks of old , i am certaine it would but diminish and impaire their worth , who a●e now my argument . for those ancient worthies deliver'd men from such tyrants as were content to inforce only an outward obedience , letting the minde be as free as it could . but these have freed us from a doctrine of tyranny that offe●'d violence and corruption even to the inward persuasion . they set at liberty nations and cities of men good and bad mixt together : but these opening the prisons and dungeons cal'd out of darknesse and bonds , the elect martyrs and witnesses of their redeemer . they restor'd the body to ease and wealth ; but these the opprest conscience to that freedome which is the chiefe prerogative of the gospell ; taking off those cruell burdens impos'd not by necessity , as other tyrants are wont for the safeguard of their lives , but laid upon our necks by the strange wilfulnesse and wantonnesse of a needlesse and jolly persecuter call'd indifference . lastly , some of those ancient deliverers have had immortall praises for preserving their citizens from a famine of corne . but these by this only repulse of an unholy hierarchy almost in a moment replenisht with saving knowledge their countrey nigh famisht for want of that which should feed their souls . all this being done while two armies in the field stood gazing on , the one in reverence of such noblenesse quietly gave back , and dislodg'd ; the other spight of the unrulinesse , and doubted fidelity in some regiments , was either perswaded or compell'd to disband and retire home . with such a majesty had their wisdome begi●t it selfe , that whereas others had levied warre to subdue a nation that sought for peace , they sitting here in peace could so many miles extend the force of their single words as to overawe the dissolute stoutnesse of an armed power secretly stir●'d up and almost hir'd against them . and having by a solemne protestation vow'd themselves and the kingdome anew to god and his service , and by a prudent foresight above what their fathers thought on prevented the dissolution and frustrating of their designes by an untimely breaking up , notwithstanding all the treason●us plots against them , all the rumours either of rebellion , or invasion , they have not bin yet brought to change their constant resolution , ever to think fearlesly of their owne safeties , and hopefully of the common-wealth . which hath gain'd them such an admiration from all good men , that now they heare it as their ord'nary surname , to be saluted the fathers of their countrey ; and sit as gods among daily petitions and publick thanks flowin● in upon them . which doth so little yet exalt them in their own thoughts , that with all gentle affability and curteous acceptance they both receave and returne that tribute of thanks which is tende●'d them ; testifying their zeale and desire to spend themselves as it were peice-meale upon the grievances and wrongs of their distressed nation . insomuch that the meanest artizans and labourers , at other times also women , and of●en the younger sort of servants assembling with their complaints , and that sometimes in a lesse humble guise then for petitioners , have gone with confidence , that neither their meannesse would be rejected , nor their simplicity contemn'd , nor yet their urgency distasted either by the dignity , wisdome , or moderation of that supreme senate ; nor did they depart unsatisfi'd . and indeed , if we consider the generall concourse of suppliants , the free and ready admittance , the willing and speedy redresse in what is possible , it will not seeme much otherwise , then as if some divine commission from heav'n were descended to take into hearing and commiseration the long remedilesse afflictions of this kingdome ; were it not that none more then themselves labour to remove and divert such thoughts , lest men should place too much confidence in their persons , still referring us and our prayers to him that can grant all and appointing the monthly return of publick fasts and supplications . therefore the more they seeke to humble themselves , the more does god by manifest signes and testimonies visibly honour their proceedings ; and sets them as the mediators of this his cov'nant which he offers us to renew . wicked men daily conspire their hurt , and it comes to nothing , rebellion rages in our irish province , but with miraculous and losselesse victories of few against many is daily discomfired and broken ; if we neglect not this early pledge of gods inclining towards us , by the slacknesse of our needfull aids . and whereas at other times we count it ample honour when god voutsafes to make man the instrument and subordinate worker of his gracious will , such acceptation have their prayers found with him , that to them he hath bin pleas'd to make himselfe the agent , and immediat performer of their desires ; dissolving their difficulties when they are thought inexplicable , cutting out wayes for them where no passage could be seene ; as who is there so regardlesse of divine providence , that from late occurences will not confesse . if therefore it be so high a grace when men are preferr'd to be but the inferior officer● of good things from god , what is it when god himselfe condescends , and workes with his owne hands to fulfill the requests of men ; which i leave with them as the greatest praise that can belong to humane nature . not that we should think they are at the end of their glorious progresse , but that they will go on to follow his almighty leading , who seems to have thus cov'nanted with them , that if the will and the endeavour shall be theirs , the performance and the perfeting shall be his . whence only it is that i have not fear'd , though many wise men have miscarried in praising great designes before the utmost event , because i see who is their assistant , who their confederat , who hath ingag'd his omnipotent arme , to support and crowne with successe their faith , their fortitude , their just and magnanimous actions , till he have brought to passe all that expected good which his servants trust is in his thoughts to bring upon this land in the full and per●et reformation of his church . thus farre i have digrest , readers , from my former subject ; but into such a path , as i doubt not ye will agree with me , to be much fairer and more delightfull then the rode way i was in . and how to break off suddenly into those jarring notes , which this confuter hath set me , i must be wary , unlesse i can provide against offending the eare , as some musicians are wont skilfully to fall out of one key into another without breach of harmony . by good luck therefore his ninth section is spent in mournfull elegy , certaine passionat soliloquies , and two whole pages of intergatories that praise the remonstrant even to the sonetting of his fresh cheeks , quick eyes , round tongue , agil hand , and nimble invention . in his tenth section he will needs erect figures , and tell fortunes . i am no bishop , he sayes , i was never borne to it ; let me tell therefore this wizzard since he calculats so right , that he may know there be in the world , and i among those who nothing admire his idol a bishoprick , and hold that it wants so much to be a blessing , as that i rather deeme it the meerest , the falsest , the most unfortunate guift of fortune . and were the punishment and misery of being a prelat bishop terminated only in the person , and did not extend to the affliction of the whole diocesse , if i would wish any thing in bitternesse of soule to mine enemy , i would wish him the biggest and the fattest bishoprick . but hee proceeds ; and the familiar belike informs him , that a rich widow , or a lecture , or both , would content me ; whereby i perceave him to be more ignorant in his art of divining then any gipsy . for this i cannot omit without ingratitude to that providence above , who hath ever bred me up in plenty , although my life hath not bin unexpensive in learning , and voyaging about , so long as it shall please him to lend mee what he hath hitherto thought good , which is anough to serve me in all honest and liberall occasions , and something over besides , i were unthankfull to that highest bounty , if i should make my selfe so poore , as to sollicite needily any such kinde of rich hopes as this fortune-teller dreams of . and that he may furder learne how his astrology is wide all the houses of heav'n in spelling mariages , i care not if i tell him thus much profestly , though it be to the losing of my rich hopes , as he calls them , that i think with them who both in prudence and elegance of spirit would choose a virgin of mean fortunes honestly bred , before the wealthiest widow . the feind therefore that told our chaldean the contrary was a lying feind . his next venome he utters against a prayer which he found in the animadversions , angry it seemss to finde any prayers but in the service book . he dislikes it , and i therefore like it the better . it was theatricall , he sayes . and yet it consisted most of scripture language : it had no rubrick to be sung in an antick coape upon the stage of a high altar . it was big-mouth'd he sayes ; no m●rvell ; if it were fram'd as the voice of three kingdomes : neither was it a prayer so much as a hymne in prose frequent both in the prophets , and in humane authors ; therefore the stile was greater then for an ordinary prayer : it was an astounding prayer . i thank him for that confession , so it was intended to astound and to astonish the guilty prelats ; and this confuter confesses that with him it wrought that effect . but in that which followes , he does not play the soothsayer but the diabolick slanderer of prayers . it was made , he sayes , not so much to please god , or to benefit the weale publick ( how dares the viper judge that ) but to intimate , saith he , your good abilities , to her that is your rich hopes , your maronilla . how hard it is when a man meets with a foole to keepe his tongue from folly . that were miserable indeed to be a courter of maronilla , and withall of such a haplesse invention , as that no way should be left me to present my meaning but to make my selfe a canting probationer of orisons , the remonstrant when he was as young as i could ▪ toothlesse teach each hollow grove to sound his love satyrs , wearying eccho with one changelesse word . and so he well might , and all his auditory besides with his teach each . toothlesse whether so me list my lovely thoughts to sing , satyrs , come dance ye nimble dryads by my side , whiles i report my fortunes or my loves . delicious ! he had that whole bevie at command whether in morrice or at may pole . whilest i , by this figure-caster must be imagin'd in such distresse as to sue to maronilla , and yet left so impoverisht of what to say , as to turne my liturgy into my ladies psalter . believe it graduat , i am not altogether so rustick , and nothing so irreligious , but as farre distant from a lecturer , as the meerest laick , for any consecrating hand of a prelat that shall ever touch me . yet , i shall not decline the more for that , to speak my opinion in the controversie next mov'd . whether the people may be allow'd , for competent judges of a ministers ability . for how else can be fulfill'd that which god hath promis'd , to power out such abundance of knowledge upon all sorts of men in the times of the gospell ? how should the people examine the doctrine which is taught them , as christ and his apostles continually bid them do ? how should they discerne and beware of false prophets , and try every spirit , if they must be thought unfit to judge of the ministers abilities : the apostles ever labour'd to perswade the christian flock that they were call'd in christ to all perfectnesse of spirituall knowledge , and full assurance of understanding in the mystery of god . but the non-resident and plurality-gaping prelats the gulphs and whirle pools of benefices , but the dry pits of all sound doctrine , that they may the better preach what they list to their sheep , are still possessing them that they are sheepe indeed , without judgement , without understanding , the very beasts of mount sinai as this confuter calls them ; which words of theirs may serve to condemne them out of their own● mouths ; and to shew the grosse contrarieties that are in their opinions . for while none thinke the people so void of knowledge as the prelats think them , none are so backward and malignant as they to bestow knowledge upon them ; both by suppressing 〈◊〉 frequency of sermons , and the printed explanations of the e●glish bible . no marvell if the people turne beasts , when their teachers themselves as isaiah calls them , are dumbe and greedy dogs that can never have anough , ignorant , blind , and cannot understand , who while they all look their own way every one for his gaine from his quarter , how many parts of the land are fed with windy ceremonies instead of sincere milke ; and while one prelat enjoyes the nourishment and ●ight of twenty ministers , how many waste places are left as darke as galile of the gentiles , sitting in the region and shadow of death ; without preaching minister , without light . so little care they of beasts to make them men , that by their sorcerous doctrine of formalities they take the way to transforme them out of christian men into iudaizing beasts . had they but taught the land , or suffer'd it to be taught , as christ would it should have bin , in all plenteous dispensation of the word , then the poore mechanick might have so accustom'd his eare to good teaching , as to have discern'd betweene faithfull teachers and false . but now with a most inhumane cruelty they who have put out the peoples eyes reproach them of their blindnesse . just as the pharisees their true fa●hers were wont ; who could not indure that the people should be thought competent judges of christs d●ctrine , although we know they judg●d farre better then those great rabbies . yet this people , said they , that knowes not the law is accurst . we need not the autority of pliny brought to tell us , the people cannot judge of a minister . yet ●ha● hurts no● . for as none can judge of a painter , or stain●ry but he who is ●n artist , that is , either in the practick or the theory which is often separated from the practick , and judges learnedly without it , so none can judge o● a christian teacher , but he who hath , either he pract●ze , o● the knowledge of christian religion , though not so art●●l●y dige●e● in him . and who almost of the meanest christians hath not heard the scriptures often read from his childhood , besides so many sermons and lectures mo●e in number then any stu●ent heard in philosohy , whereby he may easily attaine to know when he is wisely taught and when weakly . whereof three wayes i remember are set downe in scripture . the one is to reade often that best of books written to this purpose , that not the wise only but the simple and ignorant may learne by them ; the other way to know of a minister , is by the life he leads , whereof the meanest understanding may be appprehensive . the last way to judge a right in this point is when he who judges , lives a christian life himselfe . which of these three will the confuter affirme to exceed the capacity of a plaine artizan ? and what reason then is the●e left wherefore he should be deny'd his voice in the election of his minister , as not thought a competent discerner ? it is but arrogance therefore , and the pride of a metaphysicall fume , to thinke that the mutinous rabbl● ( for so he calls the christian congregation ) would be so mistaken in a clerk of the vniversity that were to be their minister . i doubt me those clerks that think so , are more mistaken in themselves , and what with tru●nting and debaushery , what with false grounds and the weaknesse of naturall faculties in many of them ( it being a maxim in some men to send the simplest of their sonnes thither ) perhaps there would be found among them as many unsolid and corrupted judgements both in doctri●e and life , as in any other two corporations of like bignesse . this is undoubted that if any carpenter smith , or weaver , were such a bungler in his trade , as the greater number of them are in their profession , he would starve for any custome . and should he exer●ise his manifacture , as little as they do their talents , he would forget his art : and should he mistake his tools as they do theirs , he would marre all the worke he took in hand . how few among them that know to write , or speak in a pu●e stile , much lesse to distinguish the idea's , and various kinds of stile : in latine barbarous , and oft not without solecisms , declaming in rugged and miscellaneous geare blown together by the foure winds , and in their choice preferring the gay rankness : of a●uleius , arn●bius or any moderne fustianist , be●ore the native latinisms of cicero . in the greek tongue m●st of them unletter'd , or unenter'd to any sound proficiency in those attick maisters of morall wisdome and eloquence . in the hebrew text , which is so necessary to be understood except it be some few of them , their lips are utterly uncircumcis'd . no lesse are they out of the way in philosophy ; pestring their heads with the saplesse dotages of old paris and salamanca . and that which is the main point , in their sermons affecting the comments and postils of friers and jesuits , but scorning and slighting the reformed writers . in so much that the better sort among them will confesse it a rare matter to heare a true edifying sermon in either of their great churches ; and that such as are most humm'd and applauded there , would scarce be suffer'd the second hearing in a grave congregation of pious christians . is there cause why these men should overween , and be so queasie of the rude multitude , lest their deepe worth should be undervalu'd for want of fit umpires ? no my matriculated confutant there will not want in any congregation of this island , that hath not beene altogether famisht , or wholly perverted with prelatish leven , there will not want divers plaine and solid men , that have learnt by the experience of a good conscience , what it is to be well taught , who will soone look through and through both the lofty nakednesse of your latinizing barbarian , and the finicall goosery of your neat sermon-actor . and so i leave you and your fellow starres , as you terme them , of either horizon , meaning i suppose either hemisphere , unlesse you will be ridiculous in your astronomy . for the rationall horizon in heav'n is but one , and the sensible horizons in earth are innumerable ; so that your allusion was as erroneous as your starres . but that you did well to prognosticat them all at lowest in the horizon , that is either seeming bigger then they are through the mist and vapour which they raise , or else sinking , and wasted to the snuffe in their westerne socket . sect. . his eleventh section intends i know not what unlesse to clog us with the residue of his phlegmatick sloth , discussing with a heavie pulse the expedience of set formes : which no question but to some , and for some time may be permitted , and perhaps there may be usefully set forth by the church a common directory of publick prayer , especially in the administration of the sacraments . but that it should therefore be inforc't where both minister and people professe to have no need , but to be scandaliz'd by it , that , i hope , every sensible christian will deny . and the reasons of such deniall the confuter himselfe , as his bounty still is to his adversary , will give us out of his affirmation . first saith he , god in his providence hath chosen s●me to teach others and pray for others , as ministers and pastors . whence i gather , that however the faculty of others may be , yet that th●y whom god hath set apart to his ministery , are by him endu'd with an ability of prayer ; because their office is to pray for others . and not to be the lip-working deacons of other mens appointed words . nor is it easily credible that he who can preach well should be unable to pray well ; when as it is indeed the same ability to speak affirmatively , or doctrinally , and only by changing the mood to speak prayingly . in vaine therefore do they pretend to want utterance in prayer , who can finde utterance to preach . and if prayer be the guift of the spirit , why do they admit those to the ministery , who want a maine guift of their function , and prescribe guifted men to use that which is the remedy of another mans want ; setting them their tasks to read , whom the spirit of god stands ready to assist in his ordinance with the guift of free conceptions . what if it be granted to the infirmity of some ministers ( though such seeme rather to be halfe ministers ) to help themselves with a set forme , shall it therefore be urg'd upon the plenteous graces of others ? and let it be granted to some people while they are babes in christian guifts , were it not better to take it away soone after , as we do loitering books , and interlineary translations from children ; to stirre up and exercise that portion of the spirit which is in them , & not impose it upon congregations who not only deny to need it , but as a thing troublesome and offensive refuse it . another reason which he brings for liturgie , is the preserving of order , unity , and piety , and the same shall be my reason against liturgy . for i readers , shall alwayes be of this opinion , that obedience to the spirit of god , rather then to the faire seeming pretences of men , is the best and most dutifull order that a christian can observe . if the spirit of god manifest the guift of prayer in his minister , what more seemely order in the congregation , then to go along with that man in our devoutest affections ? for him to abridge himselfe by reading , and to forestall himselfe in those petitions , which he must either omit , or vainly repeat , when he comes into the pulpit under a shew of order , is the greatest disorder . nor is unity lesse broken , especially by our liturgy , though this author would almost bring the communion of saints to a communion of liturgicall words . for what other reformed church holds communion with us by our liturgy , and does not rather disl●ke it ? and among our selves who knowes it not to have bin a perpetuall cause o● d●●nion . lastly , it hinders piety rather then sets it forward , be●ng more apt to weaken the ●pirituall faculties , if the people be not wean'd from it in due time ; as the daily powring in of hot waters quenches natur●ll heat . for not only the body , & the mind , but also the imp●ovement of gods spi●it is quickn'd by usin● . wheras they who will ever adh●re to liturgy , bring thēselves in the end to such a passe by overmuch leaning as to loose even the legs of their devotion . these inconveniencies and dangers follow the compelling of set formes : but that the toleration of the english liturgy now in use , is more dangerous then the compelling of any other which the reformed churches use , these reasons following may evince . to contend that it is fantasticall , if not senselesse in some places , were a copious argument , especially in the responsori●s . for such alternations as are there us'd must be by severall persons ; but the minister and the people cannot so sever their interests , as to sustaine severall persons ; he being the only mouth of the whole body which he presents . and if the people pray he being silent , or they ask one thing & he another , it either changes the property , making the priest the people , and the people the priest by turnes , or else makes two persons and two bodi●s representative where the●e should be but one . which if it be nought else , must needs be a strange quaintnesse in ordinary prayer . the like , or worse may be said of the litany , wherein neither p●iest nor people speak any intire sense of themselves throughout the whole i know not what to name it ; only by the timely contribution of their parted stakes , closing up as it were the schisme of a slic't prayer , they pray not in vaine , for by this means they keep life betweene them in a piece of gasping sense , and keep downe the sawcinesse of a continuall rebounding nonsense . and hence it is that as it hath been farre from the imitation of any warranted prayer , so we all know it hath bin obvious to be the pattern of many a jig . and he who hath but read in good books of devotion and no more , cannot be so either of eare or judgement unpractiz'd to distinguish what is grave , patheticall , devout , and what not , but will presently perceave this liturgy all over in conception leane and dry , of affections empty and unmoving , of passion , or any heigth whereto the soule might soar upon the wings of zeale , destitute and barren : besides errors , tautologies , impertinences , as those thanks in the womans churching for her delivery from sunburning and moonblasting , as if she had bin travailing not in her bed , but in the deserts of arabia . so that while some men cease not to admire the incomparable frame of our liturgy , i cannot but admire as fast what they think is become of judgement , and tast in other men , that they can hope to be heard without laughter . and if this were all , perhaps it were a complyable matter . but when we remember this our liturgy where we found it , whence we had it , and yet were we left it , still serving to all the abominations of the antichristian temple , it may be wonder'd how we can demurre whether it should be done away or no , and not rather feare we have highly offended in using it so long . it hath indeed bin pretended to be more ancient then the masse , but so little prov'd , that whereas other corrupt liturgies have had withall such a seeming antiquity , as that their publishers have ventur'd to ascribe them with their worst corruptions either to s. peter , s. james , s. mark , or at least to chrysostome , or basil , ours hath bin never able to find either age , or author allowable , on whom to father those things therein which are least offensive , except the two creeds , for te deum has a smach in it of limbus patrum . as if christ had not open'd the kingdome of heaven before he had overcome the sharpnesse of death . so that having receav'd it from the papall church as an originall creature , for ought can be shewn to the contrary , form'd and fashion'd by work maisters ill to be trusted , we may be assur'd that if god loathe the best of an idolaters prayer , much more the conceited fangle of his prayer . this confuter himselfe confesses that a community of the same set forme in prayers , is that which makes church and church truly one ; we then using a liturgy farre more like to the masse-book then to any protestant set forme , by his owne words must have more communion with the romish church , then with any of the reformed . how can we then not partake with them the curse and vengeance of their superstition ▪ to whom we come so neere in the same set forme and dresse of our devotion ? do we thinke to sift the matter finer then we are sure god in his jealousie will ? who detested both the gold , and the spoile of idolatrous cities , and forbid the eating of things offer'd to idols . are we stronger then he to brook that which his heart cannot brook ? it is not surely because we think that praiers are no where to be had but at rome ; that were a foule scorne and indignity cast upon all the reformed churches , and our own ; if we imagine that all the godly ministers of england are not able to new mould a better and more pious liturgy then this which was conceav'd and infanted by an idolatrous mother : how base●y were that to esteeme of gods spirit , and all the holy blessings and priviledges of a true church above a false ? heark ye prelats , is this your glorious mother of england , who when as christ hath taught her to pray , thinks it not anough unlesse she adde thereto the teaching of antichri●t ? how can we believe ye would refuse to take the stipend of rome , when ye shame not to live upon the almes-basket of he● pr●yers ? will ye perswade us that ye ea● curse rome from you● hearts when none bu● rome must teach ye to pray ? abraham disdain'd to take so much as a th●ed or a shoolatchet from the king of sod●me , though no foe of his , but a w●cked king , and shall we receave our prayers at the bounty of our more wicked enemies ? whose guifts are no guifts , but the instruments of our ban● ? alas that the spirit of god should blow as an uncertaine wind , should so mistake his inspiring , to misbestow his guifts promis'd only to the elect , that the idolatrous should finde words acceptable to present god with and abound to their neighbours , while the true profess●rs of the gospell can find nothing of their own worth the constituting , wherewith to worship god in publick . consider if this be to magnifie the church of england , and not rather to display her nakednesse to all the world . like therefore as the retaining of this romish liturgy is a provocation to god , and a dishonour to our church , so is it by those ceremonies , those purifyings and off●ings at the altar , a pollution and disturbance to the gospell it selfe ; and a kinde of driving us with the foolish galatians to another gospell . for that which the apostles taught hath freed us in religion from the ordinances of men , and commands that burdens be not laid upon the redeemed of christ , though the formalist will say , what no decency in gods worship ? certainly readers , the worship of god singly in it selfe , the very act of prayer and thanksgiving with those free and unimpos'd expressions which from a sincere heart unbidden come into the outward gesture , is the greatest decency that can be imagin'd . which to dresse up and garnish with a devis'd bravery abolishe in the law , and disclam'd by the gospell addes nothing but a deformed uglinesse . and hath ever afforded a colourable pretense to bring in all those traditions and carnalities that are so killing to the power and vertue of the gospell . what was that which made the jewes figur'd under the names of aholah and aholibah go a whooring after all the heathens inventions , but that they saw a religion gorgeously attir'd and desirable to the eye ? what was all , that the false doctors of the primitive church , and ever since have done , but to make a faire sh●w in the flesh , as s. pauls words are ? if we have indeed given a bill of divorce to popery and superstition , why do we not say as to a divors't wife ; those things which are yours take them all with you , and they shall sweepe after you ? why were not we thus wise at our parting from rome ? ah like a crafty adultresse she forgot not all her smooth looks and inticing words at her pa●ting ; yet keep these letters , these tokens , and these few ornaments ; i am not all so greedy of what is mine , let them preserve with you the memory of what i am ? no , but of what i was , once faire and lovely in your eyes . thus did those tender hearted reformers dotingly suffer themselves to be overcome with harlots language . and she like a witch , but with a contrary policy did not take something of theirs that she might still have power to bewitch them , but for the same intent left something of her own behind her . and that her whoorish cunning should prevaile to work upon us her deceitfull ends , though it be sad to speak , yet such is our blindnesse , that we deserve . for we are deepe in dotage . we cry out sacriledge and misdevotion against those who in zeale have demolish't the dens and cages of her uncleane wallowings . we stand for a popish liturgy as for the ark of our cov'nant . and so little does it appeare our prayers are from the heart , that multitudes of us declare , they know not how to pray but by rote . yet they can learnedly invent a prayer of their own to the parlament , that they may still ignorantly read the prayers of other men to god . they obj●ct that if wee must forsake all that is rome's , we must bid adieu to our creed ; and i had thought our creed had bin of the apostles ; for so it beares title . but if it be hers let her take it . we can want no creed , so long as we want not the scriptures . we magnifie those who in reforming our church have inconsideratly and blamefully permitted the old leven to remaine and soure our whole lumpe : but they were martyrs ; true and he that looks well into the book of gods providence , if he read there that god for this their negligence and halting , brought all that following persecution upon this church , and on themselves , perhaps will be found at the last day not to have read amisse . sect. . but now , readers , we have the port within sight ; his last section which is no deepe one , remains only to be foarded , and then the wisht shoare . and here first it pleases him much , that he hath discri'd me , as he conceaves , to be unread in the counsels . concerning which matter it will not be unnecessary to shape him this answer ; that some years i had spent in the stories of those greek and roman exploits , wherein i found many things both nobly done , add worthily spoken : when comming in the method of time to that age wherein the church had obtain'd a christian emperor , i so prepar'd my selfe , as being now to read examples of wisdome and goodnesse among those who were formost in the church , not else where to be parallell'd : but to the amazement of what i ex●ected , readers , i found it all quite contrary ; excepting in some very few , nothing but ambition , corruption , contention , combustion : in so much that i could not but love the historian socrates , who in the proem to his fifth book professes , he was faire to intermixe affaires of state , for that it would be else an extreame annoyance to heare in a continu'd discourse the endless brabbles & counterplottings of the bishops . finding therefore the most of their actions in single to be weak , and yet turbulent , full of strife and yet flat of spirit , and the summe of their best councels there collected , to be most commonly in questions either triviall and vaine , or else of short , and easie dec●sion without that great bustle which they made , i concluded that if their single ambition and ignorance was such , then certainly united in a councell it would be much more ; and if the compendious recitall of what they there did was so tedious and unprofitable , then surely to sit out the whole extent of their tattle in a dozen volumes , would be a losse of time irrecoverable . besides that which i had read of s. martin , who for his last sixteene yeares could never be perswaded to be at any councell of the bishops . and gregory nazianzen betook him to the same resolution affirming to procopius , that of any councell , or meeting of bishops he never saw good end ; nor any remedy thereby of evill in the church , but rather an increase . for , saith he , their contentions and desire of lording no tongue is able to expresse . i have not therefore i confesse read more of the councels save here and there , i should be sorry to have bin such a prodigall of my time : but that which is better , i can assure this confuter ; i have read into them all . and if i want any thing yet , i shall reply something toward that which in the defence of muraena was answer'd by cicero to sulpitius the lawyer . if ye provoke me ( for at no hand else will i undertake such a frivolous labour ) i will in three months be an expert councelist . for be not deceav'd , readers , by men that would overawe your eares with big names and huge tomes that contradict and repeal one another , because they can cramme a margent with citations . do but winnow their chaffe from their whe●t , ye shall see their great heape shrink and wax thin past belief● . from hence he passes to enqui●e wherefore i should blame the vices of the prelats only , seeing the inferiour clergy is known to be as faulty . to which let him heare in briefe ; that those priests whose vices have been notorious , are all prelaticall , which argues both the impiety of that opinion , and the wicked remisnesse of that government . we hear not of any which are call'd nonconformists that have been accus'd for scandalous living ; but are known to be pious , or at least sober men . which is a great good argument , that they are in the truth and prelats in the error . he would be resolv'd next what the corruptions of the vniversities concerne the prelats ? and to that let him take this , that the remonstrant having spok'n as if learning would decay with the removall of prelats , i shew'd him that while books were extant , and in print , learning could not readily be at a worse passe in the universities then it was now under their government . then he seeks to justifie the pernicious sermons of the clergy , as if they upheld soveranty , when as all christian soveranty is by law , and to no other end but to the maintenance of the common good . but their doctrine was plainly the dissolution of law which only sets up sov'ranty , and the erecting of an arbitrary sway according to privat will , to which they would enjoyne a slavish obedience without law ; which is the known definition of a tyrant , and a tyranniz'd people . a little beneath he denies that great riches in the church are the baits of pride & ambition of which error to undeceave him , i shall allege a reputed divine autority , as ancient as constantine , which his love to antiquity must not except against ; and to adde the more waight , he shall learne it rather in the words of our old poet gower then in mine , that he may see it is no new opinion , but a truth deliver'd of old by a voice from heav'n , and ratify'd by long experience , this constantine which heal hath found within rome anon let found two churches which he did make for peter and for pauls sake : of whom he had a vision , and yafe therto possession of lordship and of worlds good ; but how so that his will was good toward the pope and his franchise yet hath it proved otherwise to see the working of the deed , for in cronick thus i read anon as he hath made the yeft a voice was heard on high the left of which all rome was adrad and said this day venim is shad in holy church , of temporall that medleth with the spirituall and how it stant in that degree yet may a man the sooth see . god amend it whan he will i can thereto none other skill . but there were beasts of prey , saith he , before wealth was bestow'd on the church . what though ? because the vulturs had then but small pickings ; shall we therefore go and fling them a full gorge ? if they for lucre use to creepe into the church undiscernably , the more wisdome will it be so to provide that no revennu there may exceed the golden mean . for so , good pastors will be content , as having need of no more , and knowing withall the precept and example of christ and his apostles , and also will be lesse tempted to ambition . the bad will have but small matter whereon to set their mischiefe a work . and the worst and sutlest heads will not come at all , when they shall see the crop nothing answerable to their capacious greedinesse . for small temptations allure but dribling offendors ; but a great purchase will call such as both are most able of themselves , and will be most inabl'd hereby to compasse dangerous projects . but saith he , a widows house will t●mpt as well as a bishops palace . acutely spok'n . because neither we , nor the prelats can abolish widows houses which are but an occasion taken of evill without the church , therefore we shall set up within the church a lottery of such prizes as are the direct inviting causes of avarice and ambition , both unnecessary and harmefull to be propos'd , and most easie , most convenient , and needfull to be remov'd . yea but they are in a wise dispencers hand . let them be in whose hand they will , they are most apt to blind , to puffe up and pervert the most seeming good . and how they have bin kept from vultures , what ever the dispencers care hath bin , we have learnt by our miseries . but this which comes next in view , i know not what good vein , or humor took him , when he let drop into his paper . i that was ere while the ignorant , the loyterer , on the sudden by his permission am now granted to know something . and that such a volley of expression● he hath met withall , as he would never desire to have them better cloth'd . for me , readers , although i cannot say that i am utterly untrain'd in those rules which best rhetoricians have giv'n , or unacquainted with those examples which the primeauthors of eloquence have written in any learned tongu , yet true eloquence i find to be none , but the serious and hearty love of truth : and that whose mind so ever is fully possest with a fervent desire to know good things , and with the dearest charity to infuse the knowledge of them into others , when such a man would speak , his words ( by what i can expresse ) like so many nimble and airy servitors trip about him at command , and in well order'd files , as he would wish , fall aptly into their own places . but now to the remainder of our discours . christ refus'd great riches , and large honours at the devils hand . but why , saith he , as they were tender'd by him from whom it was a sin to receave them . timely remember'd : why is it not therefore as much a sin to receave a liturgy of the masses giving , were it for nothing else but for the giver ? but he could make no use of such a high estate , quoth the confuter ; opportunely . for why then should the servant take upon him to use those things which his master had unfitted himselfe to use , that hee might teach his ministers to follow his steps in the same ministery . but they were offer'd him to a bad end . so they prove to the prelats ; who after their preferment most usually change the teaching labour of the word , into the unteaching ease of lordship over consciences , and purses . but hee proceeds , god entic't the israelites with the promise of canaan . did not the prelats bring as slavish mindes with them , as the jewes brought out of egypt , they had left out that instance . besides that it was then the time , when as the best of them , as saint paul saith , was shut up unto the faith under the law their school-maister , who was forc't to intice them as children with childish enticements . but the gospell is our manhood , and the ministery should bee the manhood of the gospell , not to looke after , much lesse so basely to plead for earthly rewards . but god incited the wisest man salomon with these means . ah confuter of thy selfe , this example hath undone thee , salomon askt an understanding heart , which the prelats have little care to ask . he askt no riches which is their chiefe care : therefore was the prayer of salomon pleasing to god : hee gave him wisdome at his request , and riches without asking : as now hee gives the prelats riches at their seeking , and no wisdome because of their perverse asking . but hee gives not over yet , moses had an eye to the reward . to what reward , thou man that looks't with balaams eyes , to what reward had the faith of moses an eye to ? he that had forsaken all the greatnesse of egypt , and chose a troublesome journey in his old age through the wildernesse , and yet arriv'd not at his journies end : his faithfull eyes were fixt upon that incorruptible reward , promis'd to abraham and his seed in the messiah , hee sought a heav'nly reward which could make him happy , and never hurt him , and to such a reward every good man may have a respect . but the prelats are eager of such rewards as cannot make them happy , but can only make them worse . iacob a prince borne , vow'd , that if god would but give him bread to eat and raiment to put on , then the lord should be his god . but the prelats of meane birth , and oft times of lowest , making shew as if they were call'd to the spirituall and humble ministery of the gospell , yet murmur , and thinke it a hard service , unlesse contrary to the tenour of their profession , they may eat the bread and weare the honours of princes . so much more covetous and base they are then simon magus , for he proffer'd a reward to be admitted to that work , which they will not be mea●ly hir'd to . but saith he , are not the clergy members of christ , why should not each member thrive alike ? carnall textman ! as if worldly thriving were one of the priviledges wee have by being in christ , and were not a providence oft times extended more liberally to the infidell then to the christian . therefore must the ministers of christ not be over rich or great in the world , because their calling is spirituall , not secular ; becuase they have a speciall warfare , which is not to be intangl'd with many impediments : because their maister christ gave them this precept , and set them this example , told them this was the mystery of his comming , by meane things and persons to subdue mighty ones : and lastly because a middle estate is most proper to the office of teaching . whereas higher dignity teaches farre lesse , and blindes the teacher . nay , saith the confuter , fetching his last indeavour , the prelats will be very loath to let go their baronies , and votes in parlament , and calls it gods cause , with an unsufferable impudence . not that they love the honours and the means , good men and generous , but that they would not have their countrey made guilty of such a sacrilege and injustice . a worthy patriot for his owne corrupt ends ! that which hee imputes as sacrilege to his countrey , is the only way left them to purge that abominable sacrilege out of the land , which none but the prelats are guilty of . who for the discharge of one single duty receave and keepe that which might bee anough to satisfie the labours of many painefull ministers better deserving then themselves . who possesse huge benefices for lazie performances , great promotions , only for the execution of a cruell disgospelling jurisdiction . who ingrosse many pluralities under a non-resident and slubbring dispatch of soules . who let hundreds of parishes famish in one diocesse , while they the prelats are mute , and yet injoy that wealth that would furnish all those darke places with able supply , and yet they eat , and yet they live at the rate of earles , and yet hoard up . they who chase away all the faithfull shepheards of the flocke , and bring in a dearth of spirituall food , robbing thereby the church of her dearest treasure , and sending heards of souls starvling to hell , while they feast and riot upon the labours of hireling curats , consuming and purloyning even that which by their foundation is allow'd , and left to the poore , and to reparations of the church . these are they who have bound the land with the sinne of sacrilege , from which mortall ingagement wee shall never be free , till wee have totally remov'd with one labour as one individuall thing prelaty and sacrilege . and herein will the king be a true defender of the faith , not by paring or lessning , but by distributing in due proportion the maintenance of the church , that all parts of the land may equally partake the plentifull and diligent preaching of the faith , the scandall of ceremonies thrown out , that delude and circumvent the faith . and the usurpation of prelats laid levell , who are in words the fathers , but in their deeds the oppugners of the faith . this is that which will best confirme him in that glorious title . thus yee have heard , readers , how many shifts and wiles the prelats have invented to save their ill got booty . and if it be true , as in scripture it is foretold , that pride and covetousnesse are the sure ma●kes of those false prophets whicst are to come , then boldly conclude these to bee as great seducers , as any of the latter times . for betweene this and the judgement day , doe not looke for any arch deceavers who in spight of reformation will use more craft , or lesse shame to defend their love of the world , and their ambition , then these prelats have done . and if yee thinke that soundnesse of reason , or what force of argument soever , will bring them to an ingenuous silence , yee think that which will never be . but if ye take that course which erasmus was wont to say luther tooke against the pope and monks , if yee denounce warre against their miters and their bellies , ye shall soon discerne that turbant of pride which they weare upon their heads to be no helmet of salvation , but the meere mettle and horn-work of papall jurisdiction ; and that they have also this guift , like a certaine kinde of some that are possest , to have their voice in their bellies , which being well drain'd and taken downe , their great oracle , which is only there , will soone be dumbe , and the divine right of episcopacy forthwith expiring , will put us no more to trouble with tedious antiquities and disputes . the end . pag. . lin. . for speak correct it read pro populo adversus tyrannos, or, the sovereign right and power of the people over tyrants, clearly stated, and plainly proved with some reflections on the late posture of affairs / by a true protestant english-man, and well-wisher to posterity. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) pro populo adversus tyrannos, or, the sovereign right and power of the people over tyrants, clearly stated, and plainly proved with some reflections on the late posture of affairs / by a true protestant english-man, and well-wisher to posterity. milton, john, - . p. [s.n.], london : . attributed by wing to john milton. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -- history -- revolution of . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pro populo adversus tyrannos : or the sovereign right and power of the people over tyrants , clearly stated , and plainly proved . with some reflections on the late posture of affairs . by a true protestant english-man , and well-wisher to posterity . london , printed in the year , . if men within themselves would be govern'd by reason , and not generally give up their understandings to a double tyranny , of custom from without , and blind affections within , they would discern better what it is to favour and uphold the tyrant of a nation . but being slaves within doors , no wonder that they strive so much , to have the publick state conformably govern'd to the inward vicious rule by which they govern themselves ; for indeed none can love freedom heartily but good men , the rest love not freedom but license , which never hath more scope or greater indulgence than under tyrants : hence it is that tyrants are not often offended with , nor stand much in doubt of bad men , as being all naturally servile , but in whom virtue and true worth is most eminent , them they fear in earnest , as by right their masters , against them lies all their hatred and suspicion . consequently neither do bad men hate tyrants , but have been always readiest , with the falsified names of loyalty and obedience , to colour over their base servile compliances . and although sometimes for shame , and when it comes to their own grievances of purse or profit , especially , they would seem good patriots , and side with the better cause , yet when others , for the deliverance of their country , indu'd with fortitude and heroick virtue , to fear nothing but the curse against those that do the work of the lord negligently , jer. . . would go on to remove not only the calamities and thraldoms of a people , but the roots and causes whence they spring ; straight these men , as if they hated the miseries , but not the mischiefs , after they have juggled and paltred with the world , reflected on their king , and provok'd persons to bear arms against him ; nay , forc'd him to fly the land , and curs'd him all over it , to the engaging of sincere and real men beyond what is possible or honest to retreat from ; not only turn revolters from those principles which only could at first move them , but lay the stain of disloyalty and worse , on those proceedings , which just before , themselves seem'd to desire and promote , and which are the necessary consequences of their own late actions ; nor would they now perhaps shew any dislike to , did they not fear they will not be managed intirely to the advantages of their own faction , not considering the while , that he , toward whom they would boast their reviv'd and almost lost loyalty , counts them accessary , and will , if ever he gets power , by those laws and statutes which they have frequently and inhumanly brandish'd against others , doom them to the death of traytors , for what they have done already . others there are too , who not long ago seem'd fierce against their king , under the just notions of a tyrant , an jncroacher on the rights of the people , a dispencer with the laws , and a promoter of all arbitrary and illegal actions ; yet when god , out of his merciful providence , and singular love , hath deliver'd him over to follow such councils and methods , as have induc'd him to rid us of such an enemy to the publick good as himself was , on a sudden , and in a new garb of allegiance ( which their late doings seem'd to have cancel'd ) plead for him , pitty him , extol him , and protest against those that talk of excluding him from the government of these nations , which by his arbitrary actings he has justly forfeited . but certainly if we consider who , and what these are , on a sudden grown so pittiful ; we may conclude their pitty can be no true and christian commiseration , but either lenity or shallowness of mind , or else a carnal admiring of that worldly pomp and greatness from whence they see him fallen ; or rather , lastly , a dissembled and seditious pitty , feigned of industry to beget new commotions . as for mercy , if it be to a tyrant , undoubtedly it is the mercy of wicked men , and their mercies ( we read ) are cruelties , who would hazard the wellfare of a whole nation to save him , who rather than have fail'd in the accomplishment of his arbitrary and popish designs ( had it lain in his power ) would have set the whole world on fire . there is yet another sort , who coming in the course of their affairs , or by choice of the people , to have a share in great great actions now in agitation , at least to give their voice and approbation therein , begin to swerve and almost shiver at the majesty and grandeur of this noble deed , as if they were newly entered into a great sin , disputing presidents , forms and circumstances , when the commonwealth nigh perishes for want of deeds in substance , done with just and faithful expedition . to these i wish better instruction , and virtue equal to their calling ; the former of which ( that is to say instruction ) i shall endeavour , as my duty is , to bestow on them ; but considering what attempts are daily made to withdraw the nation from their duty , and cause them to mistake their interest , i will crave leave briefly to exhort them all not to start from the necessary , just , and pious resolution , of adhering with all their assistance , to those to whom ( next under the divine providence ) we owe our deliverance from popery , tyranny , and arbitrary government , and the safety both of our lives and estates . and fi●st , ●et not any be discouraged by any new , seditious , foolish , or apostate scare-crows , who under shew of giving counsel , send out their barking monitories , mementoes , speeches , and advices , empty of ought else , but the spleen of a foolish and frustrated faction ; for how can that pretended counsel be either sound or faithful , when they that give it , see not , for madness and vexation of their ends lost , that those statutes and scriptures , which both falsly and scandalously they wrest against us , would , by sentence of the common adversary , fall first and heaviest upon their own heads ? neither let mild and tender dispositions be foolishly softened from their duty and perseverance , with the unmasculine rhetorick of any puling priest , chaplain , or prelate , either in their pulpits ( which have constantly been made the place whence revilings and curses , instead of christian doctrine and exhortations , have been passionately emitted ) or in their papers , pretended to be sent as friendly letters of advice ; or the like , for fashion-sake in private , and forthwith publish'd by the sender himself , that we may know how much of friend there was in it , to cast an odious envy on him , to whom it was pretended to be sent in charity . nor lastly , let any man be deluded by either the ignorance , or notorious hypocrisie , and self-repugnance of some of our dancing clergy , who have the conscience and the boldness to come with scripture in their mouths , glos'd and fitted for their turns , with a double contradictory sense ; transforming the sacred verity of god to an idol with two faces , looking at once two several ways , and with quotations to charge others , which in the same cause , they have at other times made serve to justifie themselves ; for , while the hopes to have that unlawful and unlimited power , which their late kings gave them ( as finding them the most fit and chief instruments to serve their arbitrary ends ) continued to them by the present powers led them on , then to write and fight against the kings party was lawful , it was no resisting of superior powers , they only were powers not to be , resisted , who countenanc'd the good , and punish'd the evil : but now that they are ( we hope ) justly afraid their unsufferable and unchristian domineering , persecuting , lordly power will be abridg'd and taken away , and themselves depriv'd of those vast revenues which the most of them consume riotously , and pluralities to be now no more , now to talk of bringing all delinquents without exception or exemption to a fair tryal , is to be no less than corah , dathan and abiram . he , who but ere while was industriously by them reported to be a tyrant , an enemy to cod , the protestant religion , and liberty of people , is now ( though not one jot more penitent , or altered from his principles ) a lawful magistrate , a sovereign lord , the lords anointed , not to be touch'd , though by themselves forc'd to fly . good god! what inconstancy , what folly and madness possesses the breasts of this people , to what a miserable slavery would they lead us , and how fond and eager do they seem , to have him rule over us , who ( like the stork in the fable ) has , and would make it his greatest delight , to devour the best of free-born subjects ? but hoping all their attempts , to bring us to our old slavery , will be blasted , and that their eagerness in prosecuting them , will make us the more resolv'd to confound both them and their devices , i shall leave this subject , and ( according to my promise ) endeavour to give suitable instruction on to those last and fearful sort of people i mentioned but now . to begin then , who in particular is a tyrant , cannot be determin'd in a general discourse , otherwise than by supposition , his particular charge , and the sufficient proof of it must determine that , which i leave to magistrates , at least to the uprighter sort of them , and of the people ( though in number less by many ) those in whom faction and interest least have prevailed above the law of nature and right reason , to judge as they find : but this i dare own as part of my faith , that if such a one there be , by whose commission cities have been burnt , royal relations murther'd , multitudes of innocent subjects butcher'd , nobles taken off by sham-plots , poyson , perjuries or massacres ; part of his kingdom promised as their share , whom he had sollicited to help him to destroy his protestant subjects , and an impostor put on the nation to deprive the next heir of the crown ; i say if such a one there is , be he king , or tyrant , or emperor , the sword of justice is above him , in whose hand soever is found sufficient power to avenge the effusion of so much innocent blood , and those other unspeakable wicked tyrannies . for if all humane power to execute , not accidentally but intendedly , the wrath of god upon evil doers without exception , be of god ; then that power , whether ordinary , or if that fail , extraordinary , so executing that intent of god is lawful , and not to be resisted . but to unfold more at large this whole question , though with all expedient brevity , i shall here set down , from the first beginning , the original of kings ; how and wherefore exalted to that dignity above their brethren ; and from thence shall prove , that turning to tyranny they may be as lawfully depos'd and punish'd , as they were at first elected : this i shall do by authorities and reasons , not learn'd among schisms and heresies , as our doubting divines are ready to calumniate , but fetch'd out of the midst of choicest and authentick learning , and no prohibited , nor many heathen , but mosaical , christian , and orthodoxal authors . no man that knows any thing , can be so stupid to deny , that all men naturally were born free , being the image and resemblance of god himself , and were by priviledge above all the creatures , born to command , and not to obey ; and that they lived so , till from the root of adam's transgression , falling among themselves to do wrong and violence , and foreseeing that such courses must needs tend to the destruction of them all , they agreed by common league , to bind each other from mutual injury , and joyntly to defend themselves against any that gave disturbance or opposition to such agreement : hence come cities , towns and commonwealths . and because no faith in all was found sufficiently binding , they saw it needful to ordain some authority , that might restrain by force and punishment , what was violated against peace and common right : the authority and power of self-defence and preservation , being originally and naturally in every one of them , and united in them all , for ease and for order . and , left each man should be his own partial judge , they communicated and derived either to one , whom for the eminency of his wisdom and integrity they chose above the rest , or to more than one , whom they thought of equal deserving : the first was called a king , the other magistrates . not to be their lords and masters ( though afterwards those names in some places , were given voluntarily to such as had been authors of inestimable good to the people ) but , to be their deputies and commissioners , to execute by virtue of their intrusted power , that justice which else every man , by the bond of nature and of covenant , must have executed for himself , and for one another . and to him that shall consider well , why among free persons , one man by civil right should bear authority and jurisdiction over another , no other end or reason can be imaginable . these , for a while , governed well , and with much equity decided all things at their own arbitrement ; till the temptation of such a power left absolute in their hands , perverted them at length to injustice and partiality . then did they who now by tryal had found the danger and inconveniencies of committing arbitrary power to any , invent laws either framed or consented to by all , that should confine and limit the authority of whom they chose to govern them : that so man , of whose failing they had proof , might no more rule over them , but law and reason abstracted as much as might be from personal errors and frailties . when this would not serve , but that the law was either not executed , or misapplied , they were constrained from that time , the only remedy left them , to put conditions and take oaths from all kings and magistrates at their first installment , to do impartial justice by law ; who upon those terms and no other , received allegiance from the people , that is to say , bond or covenant , to obey them in execution of those laws which they the people had themselves made or assented to . and this often times with express warning , that if the king or magistrate proved unfaithful to his trust , the people would be disingaged . they added also counsellors and parliaments , not to be only at his beck , but with him or without him , at set times , or at all times , when any danger threatned , to have care of the publick safety . therefore , saith claudius sesell a french statesman , the parliament was set as a bridle to the king ; which i instance rather , because that monarchy is granted by all to be a far more absolute than ours . that this and the rest of what hath hitherto been spoken , is most true , might be copiously made appear throughout all stories heathen and christian , even of those nations where kings and emperors have sought means to abolish all ancient memory of the peoples right , by their encroachments and usurpations . but i spare long insertions , appealing to the german , french , italian , arragonian , english , and not least the scottish histories : not forgetting this only by the way , that william the norman , though a pretended conqueror , and not unsworn at his coronation , was compelled a second time to take oath at st. albans , ere the people would be brought to yield obedience . first , it being thus manifest that the power of kings and magistrates is nothing else , but what is only derivative , transferr'd and committed to them in trust from the people to the common good of them all , in whom the power yet remains fundamentally , and canot be taken from them , without a violation of their natural birth-right : and seeing that from hence aristotle and the best of political writers have defin'd a king , him who governs to the good and profit of his people , and not for his own ends , it follows from necessary causes , that the titles of soveraign lord , natural lord , and the like , are either arrogancies or flatteries , not admitted by emperors and kings of best note , and disliked by the church both of jews , isa . . . and ancient christians , as appears by tertullian and others . although generally the people of asia , and with them the jews also , especially since the time they chose a king , against the advice and counsel of god , are noted by wise authors much inclinable to slavery . secondly , that to say , as is usual , the king hath as good right to his crown and dignity as any man to his inheritance , is to make the subject no better than the king's slave , his chattel or his possession that may be bought and sold : and doubtless , if hereditary title were sufficiently enquired , the best foundation of it would be found but either in courtesie or convenience . but suppose it to be of right hereditary , what can be more just and legal , if a subject for certain crimes , be to forfeit by law from himself and posterity , all his inheritance to the king , than that a king for crimes proportional , should forfeit all his title and inheritance to the people , unless the people must be thought created all for him , he not for them , and they all in one body inferior to him single ; which were a kind of treason against the dignity of mankind to affirm . thirdly , it follows , that to say kings are accountable to none but god , is the overturning of all law and government . for if they may refuse to give account , then all covenants made with them at coronation ; all oaths are in vain , and meer mockeries ; all laws which they swear to keep , made to no purpose ; for if the king fear not god , ( as how many of them do not ? ) we hold then our lives and estates , by the tenure of his meer grace and mercy , as from a god , not a mortal magistrate ; a position that none but court parasites or men besotted would maintain . and no christian prince not drunk with high mind , and prouder than those pagan caesars , that deifi'd themselves , would arrogate so unreasonably above human condition , or derogate so basely from a whole nation of men his brethren , as if for him only subsisting , and to serve his glory , valuing them in comparison of his own brute will and pleasure , no more than so many beasts or vermin under his feet , not to be reasoned with , but to be injur'd among whom there might be found so many thousand men , for wisdom , vertue , nobleness of mind , and other respects , but the fortune of his dignity , of above him . yet some would perswade us , that this absurd opinion was king david's ; because in the psalm , he crys out to god , against thee only have i sinned ; as if david had imagined , that to murther uriah and adulterate his wife , had been no sin against his neighbour , when as that law of moses was to the king expresly ; deut. . not to think so highly of himself above his brethren . david therefore by those words , could mean no other , than either that the depth of his guiltiness was known to god only , or to so few as had not the will or power to question him , or that the sin against god was greater beyond compare , than against uriah . what ever his meaning were , any wise man will see , that the pathetical words of a psalm can be no certain decision to a point that hath abundantly more certain rules to go by . how much more rationally spake the heathen king demophoon , in a tragedy of enripides , than these interpreters would put upon king david ; i rule not my people by tyranny , as if they were barbarians , but am my self liable , if i do unjustly , to suffer justly . not unlike was the speech of trajan the worthy emperor , to one whom he made general of his praetorian forces . take this drawn sword , saith he , to use for me , if i reign well , if not , to use against me . thus dion relates , and not trajan only . but theodosius the younger , a christian emperor , and one of the best , caused it to be enacted as a rule undeniable , and fit to be acknowledged by all kings and emperors , that a prince is bound to the laws ; that on the authority of law the authority of a prince depends , and to the laws ought to submit . which edict of his remains yet unrepealed in the code of justinian , lib. . tit . . as a sacred constitution to all the succeeding emperors . how then can any king in europe maintain and write himself accountable to none but god , when emperors in their own imperial statutes , have written and decreed themselves accountable to law. and indeed where such account is not fear'd , he that bids a man reign over him above law , may bid as well a savage beast . it follows lastly , that the king or magistrate holds his authority of the people , both originally and naturally , for their good in the first place , and not his own ; then may the people as oft as they shall judge it for the best , either chuse him , or reject him , retain him , or depose him , though no tyrant , meerly by the liberty and right of free-born men , to be govern'd as seems to them best . this , though it cannot but stand with plain reason , shall be made good also by scripture , deut. . . when thou art come into the land which the lord thy god giveth thee , and shalt say , i will set a king over me , like as all the nations about me . these words confirm us , that the right of choosing , yea of changing their own government , is by the grant of god himself in the people . and therefore when they desired a king , though then under another form of government , and though their changing displeased him , yet he that was himself their king , and rejected by them , would not be a hindrance to what they intended , further than by perswasion , but that they might do therein as they saw good , sam. . only he reserv'd to himself the nomination of who should reign over them . neither did that exempt the king as if he were to god only accountable , though by his especial command anointed . therefore david first made a covenant with the elders of israel , and so was by them anointed king , chron. . and jehoiadah the priest , making jehoash king , made a covenant between him and the people , kings , . . therefore , when rehoboam at his coming to the crown , rejected those conditions which the israelites brought him ; hear what they answer him , what portion have we in david , or inheritance in the son of jesse ? see to thine own house david . and for the like conditions not perform'd , all israel before that time , deposed samuel ; not for his own default , but for the misgovernment of his sons . but some will say to both these examples , it was evilly done . i answer , that not the latter , because it was expresly allow'd them in the law to set up a king if they pleas'd ; and god himself joyn'd with them in the work ; though in some sort it was at that time displeasing to him , in respect of old samuel , who had govern'd them uprightly . as livy praises the romans who took occasion from tarquinius , a wicked prince , to gain their liberty , which to have extorted saith he , from numa or any of the good kings before , had not been seasonable . nor was it in the former example done unlawfully ; for when rehoboam had prepar'd a huge army to reduce the israelites , he was forbidden by the prophet , kings . . thus saith the lord , ye shall not go up , nor fight against your brethren , for this thing is from me . he calls them their brethren , not rebels , and forbids to be proceeded against them , owning the thing himself ; not by single providence , but by approbation , and that not only of the act , as in the former example , but of the fit season also ; he had not otherwise forbid to molest them . and those grave and wise counsellors whom rehoboam first advis'd with , spake no such thing , as our old gray headed flatterers now are wont ; stand upon your birth-right , scorn to capitulate , you hold of god , and not of them ; for they know no such matter , unless conditionally , but gave him politick counsel , as in a civil transaction . therefore kingdom and magistracy , whether supream or subordinate , is called a human ordinance , pet. . . &c. which we are there taught , is the will of god , we should submit to , so far as for the punishment of evil doers , and the encouragement of them that do well . submit , saith he , as free-men . and there is no power but of god , saith paul , rom. . as much as to say , god put it into mans heart to find out that way at first , for common peace and preservation , approving the exercise thereof ; else it contradicts peter , who calls the same authority an ordinance of man. it must be also understood of lawful and just power , else we read of great power in the affairs and kingdoms of the world permitted to the devil : for saith he to christ , luke . . all this power will i give thee , and the glory of them , for it is delivered to me , and to whomsoever i will , i give it : neither did he lie , or christ gainsay what he affirm'd : for in the . of the revelations , we read how the dragon gave to the beast his power , his seat , and great authority : which beast so authorized , most expound to be the tyrannical powers and kingdoms of the earth . therefore st. paul in the fore-cited chapter tells us , that such magistrates , he means , as are not a terror to the good , but to the evil , such as bear not the sword in vain , but to punish offenders , and to encourage the good. if such only be mentioned here as powers to be obeyed , and our submission to them only required , then doubtless those powers that do the contrary , are no powers ordained of god , and by consequence no obligation laid upon us to obey , or not to resist them . and it may be well observed that both these apostles , when ever they give this precept , express it in terms not concret , but abstract , as logicians are wont to speak , that is , they mention the ordinance , the power , the authority before the persons that execute it , and what that power is , left we should be deceived ; they describe exactly . so that if the power be not such , or the person execute not such power , neither the one nor the other is of god , but of the devil , and by consequence to be resisted . from this exposition chrysostom also on the same place dissents not , explaining , that these words were not written in behalf of a tyrant . and this is verified by david , himself a king , and likeliest to be author of the , psalm . . which saith , shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee ? and it were worth the knowing , since kings , and that by scripture , boast the justness of their title , by holding it immediately of god , yet cannot shew the time when god ever set on the throne them or their forefathers , but only when the people chose them ; why , by the same reason , since god ascribes as often to himself the casting down of princes from the throne , it should not be thought as lawful , and as much from god , when none are seen to do it but the people , and that for just causes . for if it needs must be a sin in them to depose , it may as likely be a sin to have elected . and contrary , if the peoples act in election be pleaded by a king , as the act of god , and the most just title to enthrone him , why may not the peoples act of rejection be as well pleaded by the people , as the act of god , and the most just reason of depose him ? so that we see the title and just right of reigning or deposing , in reference to god , is found in scripture to be all one ; visible only in the people , and depending meerly upon justice and demerit . thus far hath been considered briefly the power of kings and magistrates , how it was , and is originally the peoples , and by them conferred in trust only to be imployed to the common peace and benefit ; with liberty therefore and right remaining in them to reassume it to themselves , if by kings and magistrates it be abus'd ; or to dispose of it by any alteration , as they shall judge most conducing to the publick good. we may from hence , with more ease and force of argument , determine what a tyrant is , and what the people may do against him . a tyrant , whether by wrong or by right coming to the crown , is he who regarding neither law nor the common good , reigns only for himself and his faction : thus st. basil , among others , defines him . and because his power is great , his will boundless and exorbitant , the fulfilling whereof is for the most part accompanied with innumerable wrongs and oppressions of the people , murders , massacres , rapes , adulteries , desolation , and subversion of cities and whole provinces ; look how great a good and happiness a just king is , so great a mischief is a tyrant ; as he the publick father of his country , so this the common enemy ; against whom , what the people lawfully may do , as against a common pest , and destroyer of mankind , i suppose no man of clear judgment need go farther to be guided , than by the very principles of nature in him . but because it is the vulgar folly of men to desert their own reason , and shutting their eyes , to think they see best with other mens , i shall shew by such examples as ought to have most weight with us , what hath been done in this case heretofore . the greeks and romans , as their prime authors witness , held it not only lawful , but a glorious and heroick deed , rewarded publickly with statues and garlands , to kill an infamous tyrant at any time without tryal ; and but reason , that he who trod down all law , should not be vouchsafed the benefit of law. insomuch that seneca the tragedian brings in hercules the grand suppressor of tyrants , thus speaking , — victima haud ulla amplior potest , magisque opima mactari jovi quàm rex iniquus — — there can be slain no sacrifice to god more acceptable than an unjust and wicked king — but of these i name no more , lest it be objected they were heathen , and come to produce another sort of men that had the knowledge of true religion . amongst the jews this custom of tyrant-killing was not unusual . first , ehud , a man whom god had raised to deliver israel from eglon king of moab , who had conquered and ruled over them eighteen years , being sent to him as an ambassador with a present , slew him in his own hoase . but he was a forreign prince , an enemy , and ehud besides had special warrant from god. to the first i answer , it imports not whether forreign or native , for no prince so native , but professes to hold by law , which when he himself overturns , breaking all the covenants and oaths that gave him title to his dignity , and were the bond and alliance between him and his people , what differs he from an outlandish king or from an enemy ? for look how much right the king of spain hath to govern us at all , so much right hath the king of england to govern us tyrannically . if he , though not bound to us by any league , coming from spain in person to subdue us , or to destroy us , might lawfully , by the people of england , either be slain in fight , or put to death in captivity , what hath a native king to plead , bound by so many covenants , benefits and honours to the wellfare of his people , why he through the contempt of all laws and parliaments , the only tye of our obedience to him , for his own wills sake , and a boasted prerogative unaccountable , after unspeakable damages done by him to the people of great britain for these many years , and being now fled to our greatest enemy , should think to scape unquestionable , as a thing divine , in respect of whom so great a number of christians destroy'd should lye unaccounted for , polluting with their slaughtered carcasses all the land over , and crying for vengeance against the living that should have righted them . who knows not that there is a mutual bond of amity and brotherhood between man and man over all the world , neither is it the english sea that can sever us from that duty and relation : a straiter bond yet there is between fellow-subjects , neighbours , and friends : but when any of these do one to another so as hostility could do no worse , what doth the law decree less against them , than open enemies and invaders ? or if the law be not present , or too weak , what doth it warrant us to less than single defence or civil war ? and from that time forward the law of civil defensive war differs nothing from the law of forreign hostility . nor is it distance of place that makes enmity , but enmity that makes distance . he therefore that keeps peace with me near or remote of whatsoever nation , is to me as far as all civil and human offices an english-man and a neighbour ; but if an english-man forgetting all laws , humane , civil and religious , offend against life and liberty , to him offend and to the law in his behalf , though born in the same womb , he is no better than a turk , a saracen , a heathen . this is gospel , and this was ever law among equals , how much rather then in force against any king whatsoever , who in respect of the people is confess'd inferior and not equal : to distinguish therefore of a tyrant by outlandish or domestick , is a weak evasion . to the second , that he was an enemy , i answer , what tyrant is not ? yet eglon by the jews had been acknowledged as their sovereign , they had served him eighteen years , as long almost as we our william the pretended conqueror , in all which time he could not be so unwise a statesman , but to have taken of them oaths of fealty and allegiance , by which they made themselves his proper subjects , as their homage and present sent by ehud testified . to the third , that he had special warrant to kill eglon in that manner , it cannot be granted , because not expressed ; it is plain that he was raised by god to be a deliverer , and went on just principles , such as were then and ever held allowable , to deal so by a tyrant that could no otherwise be dealt with . neither did samuel , though a prophet , with his own hand abstain from agag , a forreign enemy no doubt , but mark the reason , as thy sword hath made women childless ; a cause that by the sentence of law it self , nullifies all relations . and as the law is between brother and brother , father and son , master and servant , wherefore not between king , or rather tyrant and people ? and whereas jehu had special command to slay jeboram a successive and hereditary tyrant , it seems not the less imitable for that ; for where a thing grounded so much on natural reason , hath the addition of a command from god , what does it but establish the lawfulness of such an act. nor is it likely that god , who had so many ways of punishing the house of ahab , would have sent a subject against his prince , if the fact in it self , as done to a tyrant , had been of bad example . and if david refused to lift his hand against the lords anointed , the matter between them was not tyranny , but private enmity , and david , as a private person , had been his own revenger , not so much the peoples ; but when any tyrant at this day can shew to be the lords annointed , the only mentioned reason why david withheld his hand , he may then , but not till then , presume on the same priviledge . we may pass therefore hence to christian times . and first our saviour himself , how much he favour'd tyrants , and how much intended they should be found or honour'd among christians , declares his mind not obscurely ; accounting their absolute authority no better than gentilism ; yea , though they flourish'd it over with the splendid name of benefactors ; charging those that would be his disciples to usurp no such dominion ; but that they who were to be of most authority among them , should esteem themselves ministers and servants to the publick . matt. . . the princes of the gentiles exercise lordship over them ; and mark . . they that seem to rule , saith he , either slighting or accounting them no lawful rulers ; but ye shall not be so , but the greatest among you shall be your servant . and although he himself were the meekest , and came on earth to be so , yet to a tyrant we hear him not vouchsafe and humble word : but , tell that fox , luke . and wherefore : did his mother the virgin mary , give such praise to god in her prophetick song , that he had now by the coming of christ , cut down dynasta's or proud monarchs from the throne ; if the church when god manifests his power in them to do so , should rather choose all misery and vassalage to serve them , and let them still sit on their potent seats , to be ador'd for doing mischief . surely it is not for nothing that tyrants by a kind of natural instinct , both hate and fear none more than the true church and saints of god , as the most dangerous enemies and subverters of monarchy , though indeed of tyranny : hath not this been the perpetual cry of courtiers , and court prelates ? whereof no likelier cause can be alledg'd but that they well discern'd the mind and principles of most devout and zealous men , and indeed the very discipline of church , tending to the dissolution of all tyranny . no marvel then if since the faith of christ receiv'd in purer or impurer times , to depose a king and put him to death for tyranny , hath been accounted so just and requisite , that neighbour kings have both upheld and taken part with subjects in the action . an ludovicus pius , himself an emperor , and son of charles the great , being made judge , ( du haillan is my author ) between milegast king of the vultzes and his subjects , who had depos'd him , gave his verdict for the subjects , and for him whom they had chosen in his room . note here , that the right of electing whom they please , is by the impartial testimony of an emperor in the people . for , said he , a just prince ought to be preferr'd before an unjust , and the end of government before the prerogative . and constantinus leo , another emperor in the byzantine laws saith , that the end of a king is for the general good which he not performing , is but the counterfeit of a king. and to prove that , some of our own monarchs have acknowledg'd , that their high office exempted them not from punishment ; they had the sword of st. edward born before them by an officer , who was called earl of the palace , even at the times of their highest pomp and solemnity , to mind them , saith matthew paris , the best of our historians , that if they err'd , the sword had power to restrain them . and what restraint the sword comes to at length , having both edge and point , if any sceptick will needs doubt , let him feel . it is also affirm'd from diligent search made in our ancient books of law , that the peers and barons of england , had a legal right to judge the king : which was the cause most likely , for it could be no slight cause , that they were call'd his peers , or equals . this however may stand immovable , so long as man hath to deal with no better than man ; that if our law judge all men to the lowest by their peers , it should in all equity ascend also , and judge the highest . and so much i find both in our own and foreign story , that dukes , earls , and marquesses , were at first not heriditary , not empty and vain titles , but names of trust and office , and with the office ceasing , as induces me to be of opinion , that every worthy man in parliament , for the word baron imports no more , might for the publick good be thought a fit peer and judge of the king ; without regard had petty cavears and circumstances , the chief impediment in high affairs , and ever stood upon most by circumstantial men . whence doubltless our ancestors who were not ignorant with what rights either nature or ancient constitution had endowed them , when oaths both at coronation and renew'd in parliament would not serve , thought it no way illegal to depose and put to death their tyrannous kings ; insomuch , that the parliament drew up a charge against richard the second , and the commons requested to have judgment decree'd against him , that the realm might not be endangered . and peter martyr , a divine of foremost rank , on the third of judges approves their doings . sir thomas smith also , a protestant and states man in his common-wealth of england , putting the question , whether it be lawful to rise against a tyrant ? answers , that the vulgar judge of it according to the event , and the learned according to the purpose of them that do it , but far before those days , gildas the most ancient of all our historians , speaking of those times wherein the roman empire decaying , quitted and relinquish'd what right they had by conquest to this island , and resign'd it all into peoples hands testifies that the people thus reinvested with their own original right , about the year , both elected them kings , whom they thought best ; ( the first christian british kings that ever reign'd here since the romans ) and by the same right , when they apprehended cause , usually depos'd and put them to death . this is the most fundamental and ancient tenure that any king of england can produce or pretend to ; in comparison of which , all other titles and pleas are but of yesterday . if any object that gildas condemns the britains for so doing , the answer is as ready ; that he condemns them no more for so doing , than he did before for chusing such ; for saith he , they anointed them kings ; not of god , but such as were more bloody than the rest . next , he condemns them not at all for deposing or putting them to death , but for doing it over hastily , without tryal or well examining the cause , and for electing others worse in their room . thus we have here both domestick and most ancient examples , that the people of britain have deposed and put to death their kings in those primitive christian times . and to couple reason with example , if the church in all ages , primitive , romish , or protestant , held it ever no less their duty , than the power of their keys , though without express warrant of scripture , to bring indifferently both king and peasant under the utmost rigor of their canons and censures ecclesiastical , even to the smiting him with a final excommunication ; if he persist impenitent , what hinders but the temporal law both may and ought , though without a special text or president , extend with like indifference the civil sword , to the cutting off without exemption , him that capitally offends , seeing that justice and religion are from the same god , and works of justice oft-times more acceptable . yet because some of our late passive obèdience men have wrote , that proceedings against kings are without presidents , from any protestant state or kingdom , i will briefly rehearse a few ( of many ) examples , which shall be all protestant . in the year . the duke of saxony , lantgrave of hessen , and the whole protestant league raised open war against charles the fifth their emperor , sent him a defiance , renounced all faith and allegiance toward him , and debated long in council , whether they should give him so much as the title of caesar . sleidan l. . let all men judge what this wanted of deposing or of killing , but the power to do it . in the year . the scotch protestants claiming promise of their queen regent for liberty of conscience , she answering , that promises were not to be claimed of princes , beyond what was commodious for them to grant ; told her to her face in the parliament then at sterling , that if it were so , they renounced their obedience ; and soon after betook them to arms. buchanan , hist . l. . certainly when allegiance is renounced , that very hour the king or queen is in effect deposed . in the year . john knox a most famous divine , and the reformer of scotland , at a general assembly , maintained openly in a dispute against lethington the secretary of state , that subjects might and ought execute gods judgments upon their king ; that the fact of jehu and others against their king , having the ground of gods ordinary command , to put such and such offenders to death , was not extraordinary , but to be imitated of all that preferred the honour of god to the affection of flesh and wicked princes ; that kings , if they offend , have no priviledge to be exempted from the punishments of law , more than any other subject ; so that if the king be a murtherer , adulterer or idolater , he should suffer not as a king , but as an offender ; this position he repeats again and again before them . answerable was the opinion of john craig another learned divine ; and that laws made by the tyranny of princes , or the negligence of people , their posterity might abrogate , and reform all things according to the original institution of commonwealths ; and knox being commanded by the nobility to write to calvin , and other learned men , for their judgements in that question , refused ; alledging , that both himself was fully resolved in conscience , and had heard their judgments , and had the same opinion under hand writing of many the most godly , and most learned that he knew in europe ; that if he should move the question to them again , what should he do but shew his own forgetfulness and inconstancy ? all this is far more largely in the ecclesiastical history of scotland , lib. . with many other passages to this effect all the book over ; set out with diligence , by scotch-men , of best repute among them , to let the world know , that the whole church , and protestant state of scotland , in those purest times of reformation , were of the same belief , three years after , they met in the field mary their lawful and hereditary queen , took her prisoner , yielding before fight , kept her in prison , and the same year deposed her . buch. hist . lib. . and four years after that , the scots , in justification of their deposing queen mary , sent ambassadors to queen elizabeth , and in a written declaration alledg'd , that they had used towards her more lenity than she deserved ; that their ancestors had heretofore punish'd their kings by death or banishment ; that the scots were a free nation , made king whom they freely chose , and with the same freedom unking'd him if they saw cause , by right of ancient laws and ceremonies , yet remaining , and old customs yet among the high-landers , in choosing the head of their clans or families ; all which , with many other arguments , bore witness , that regal power was nothing else but a mutual covenant , or stipulation between king and people . buchan . hist . lib. . nor did our queen , at the earnest desires of both houses of parliament , forbear to take off her head , though a crown'd one , and the reasons which were urged by our learned bishops , and others , for the queens encouragement in , and speedy execution of that great act of justice , being so very remarkable , and convincing , i think it not amiss to transcribe a few of them ( which may be read more at large in sir. s. d'ewes journal ) which are as follow , ( viz. ) for that they had a long time , to their intolerable grief , seen by how manifold most dangerous and execrable practices , the said queen of scots had compassed the destruction of her majesties person , thereby not only to bereave them of the sincere and true religion of almighty god , bringing them and this noble crown back again into the thraldom of the romish tyranny , but also utterly to ruinate and overthrow the happy state and commonweale of this most noble realm ; to banish and destroy the professors and professing of the true religion of jesus christ , and the ancient nobility of this land , and to bring this whole state and common-weale to forreign subjection , and to utter ruine and confusion ; which malicious purposes would never cease to be prosecuted by all possible means , so long as the said queens confederates , but ministers , and favourites had their eyes and imaginations fixed upon the said queen , the only ground of their treasonable hopes and conceits , and the only seed-plot of all dangerous and traiterous devices and practices against her majesties sacred person . and for that , upon advised and great consultation , they could not find any possible means to provide for her majesties safety , but by the just and speedy execution of the said queen , the neglecting whereof might procure the heavy displeasure and punishment of almighty god , as by sundry severe examples of his great justice in that behalf left us in sacred scripture , doth appear ; and that if the same were not put in execution , they should thereby ( so far as man's reason could reach ) be brought into utter despair of the continuance amongst them of the true religion of almighty god , and of her majesties . life , and of the safety of all her subjects , and of the good estate of this flourishing common weale . for that she ( the said queen of scots ) had continually breathed the overthrow and suppression of the protestant religion , being poysoned with popery from her tender youth , and at her age joyning in that false termed holy league , and had been ever since , and was then a powerful enemy of the truth . for that she rested wholly upon popish hopes , to be delivered and advanced , and was so devoted , and doted in that profession , that she would ( as well for the satisfaction of others , as for the feeding her own humour ) supplant the gospel where and whensoever she might ; which evil was so much the greater , and the more to be avoided , for that it slayeth the soul , and would spread it self not only over england and scotland , but also into all parts beyond the sea , where the gospel of god is maintained , the which cannot but be exceedingly weakened , if defection should be in these two most violent kingdoms . for that if she prevailed , she would rather take the subjects of england for slaves than for children . for that she had already provided them a foster father and a nurse , the pope and the king of spain , into whose hands if it should happen them to fall , what would they else look for , but ruin , destruction , and utter exterpation of goods , lands , lives , honours and all ? for that as she had already by her poyson'd baits , brought to destruction more noble-men and their houses , and a greater multitude of subjects , during her being here , than she would have done if she had been in possession of her own country , and arm'd in the field against them , so would she be still continually the cause of the like spoil , to the greater loss and peril of this estate ; and therefore this realm neither could nor mought endure her . for that her sectaries both wrote and printed , that the protestants would be at their wits end , worlds end , if she should out-live queen elizabeth ; meaning thereby , that the end of the protestant world was the beginning of their own ; and therefore if she the said queen of scots , were taken away , their world would be at an end before its beginning . for that since the sparing of her in the fourteenth year of queen elizabeths reign , popish traytors and recusants had multiplied exceedingly : and if she were now spared again , they would grow both innumerable and invincible also : and therefore mercy in that case would prove cruelty against them all : nam est quaedam crudelis misericordia ; and therefore to spare her blood , would be to spill all theirs . and for gods vengeance against saul , for sparing the life of agag , and against ahab for sparing the life of benhadad was most apparent , for they were both by the just judgement of god , deprived of their kingdoms , for sparing those wicked princes , whom god had delivered into their hands . and those magistrates were much commended ; who put to death those mischievous and wicked queens , jezabel and athaliah . so much for these reasons , which i leave to the perusal of our present prelates who have extreamly degenerated from the good and laudable principles of their fore-fathers . i will now return to the history , and after having mentioned one president more of protestants revolution from their kings , will conclude this subject . in the year . the states of holland , in a general assembly at the hague , abjured all obedience and subjection to philip king of spain ; and in a declaration justifie their so doing ; for that by his tyrannous government against faith so often given and broken , he had lost his right to all the belgick provinces ; that therefore they deposed him , and declared it lawfull to choose another in his stead . thuan. lib. . from that time to this no state or kingdom in the world hath equally prospered . but what need these examples to any who have but sense enough to conceive what monstrous inconveniences and miseries the doctrine of submission to a tyrannical power brings along with it ? thereby the property of all subjects , and the laws of all countries are destroyed together ; and we are ( contrary to the law of nature , reason , and christianity ) obliged to fit still while our children are murthered , wives ravish'd , estates consumed , and our own throats cut , besides an unspeakable deal more of barbarity commited by the irregular partizans of inhumane tyrants . in a word , the lawfulness of raising war against , and deposing of a tyrant in defence of religion and liberty , has not been denied , but constantly warranted and maintained by all the protestant churches round , from the first waldenses of lyons and languedoc , to this day . having now , i think , sufficiently cleared what the people by their just right may do in change of government and governor , besides other ample authority , even from the mouths of princes themselves , give me leave to add further , that surely they who shall boast as we do , to be a free nation , and yet not have in themselves the power to remove , or to abolish any governor , supream , or subordinate , with the government it self , upon urgent causes , may please their fancy with a ridiculous and painted freedom , fit to cozen babies , but are indeed under tyranny and servitude , as wanting that power which is the root and source of that liberty , to dispose and oeconomize in the land , which god hath given them , as masters of families in their houses , and free inheritance . without which natural and essential power of a free nation , ( how high soever they bear their heads ) they can in due esteem , be thought no better than slaves and vassals , born in the tenure and occupation of another inheriting lord , whose government though not illegal or intolerable , hangs over them as a lordly scourge , not as a free government , and therefore to be abrogated . how much more justly may they fling off tyranny , or tyrants ? who having once forsaken the kingdom , and being justly excluded , can be no more than private men , as subject to the reach of justice and arraignment as any other transgressors , as grotius affirms , de jur . & bell. lib. . chap. . si rex aut alius quis imperium abdicavit , aut manifeste habet pro derelicto , in eum post tempus omnia licent qua in privatum . and certainly if men ( not to speak of heathen ) both wise and religions , have done justice upon tyrants what way they could soonest , how much more mild and human then is to dethrone them , and divest them of their prerogative , nay , to bring them to legal and open tryals ? to teach lawless kings , and all that so much adore them , that not mortal man or his imperious will , but justice is the only true soveraign and supream majesty upon earth . let men therefore cease out of faction and malice to make outcries and report horrid things of things so just and honourable as our most renowned convention hath acted hitherto agaist our common adversary , and we hope they will go on , to act upon him such justice as may be a president to future ages to imitate , who if they prove not too degenerate , shall look up with honour , and aspire towards those exemplary deeds of their ancestors , as the highest top of their glory and emulation , which heretofore in the pursuance of fame and foreign dominion , spent it self vaingloriously abroad , but shall heceforth learn a better fortitude , to dare execute the highest justice on them that shall by force of arms endeavour the oppressing and bereaving men of their religion and liberty at home ; that no ubridled potentate or tyrant , but to his sorrow , for the future may presume such high and irresponsible licence over mandkind , to havock and turn upside down whole kingdoms of men , as though they were no more in respect of his perverse will , than a nation of pismires . i conclude all with one word of advice to that party called prelatical , many of whom i believe to be honest men , though they have been strangely misled by some of corrupt principles and prosecuting turbulent spirits : i wish them earnestly and calmly not to affect rigor and superiority over men , nor justly under them ; not to compell unlawful and unmerciful things in religion , especially if not voluntary becomes a sin , nor to assist the clamour and malicious drifts of men , who they themselves have judg'd to be the worst of men , the obdurate enemies of god and his church , nor to dart against the actions of their brethren , ( for want of other arguments ) those laws and scripture , which tho' they hurt not otherwise , yet taken up by them to the condemnation of their own late doings , give scandal unto all men , and discover in themselves either extream passion or apostasy . let them not oppose their best friends and associates , who molest them not at all , nor infringe the least of their liberties , unless they call it their liberty to bind other mens consciences , but are still seeking to live at peace with them and brotherly accord . let them beware an old and implacable enemy , though he hopes by sowing discord , to make them his instrument , yet cannot forbear a minute the open threatened revenge upon them , when they have served his purposes . let them fear therefore if they be wise , rather what they have done already , than what remains to do , and be warned in time to put no confidence in princes whom they have provoked , lest they be added to the examples of those that miserably have tasted the event . stories can inform them how christiern the second , king of denmark , not much above a hundred years past , driven out by his subjects , and received again upon new oaths and conditions , broke through them all , to his most bloody revenge ; slaying his chief opposers when he saw his time , both them and their children invited to a feast for that purpose . how maximilian dealt with those of bruges , though by mediation of the german princes reconciled to them by solemn and publick writing drawn and sealed . how the massacre at paris was the effect of that credulous peace with the french protestants , made with charles the ninth their king ; and that the main visible cause which to this day hath saved the netherlands from utter ruine , was their final not believing the perfidious cruelty , which as a constant maxim of state , hath been used by the spanish kings on their subjects that have taken arms , and after trusted them ; as no latter age but can testifie , heretofore in belgia it self , and not many years ago in naples . and further they may remember , how the present tyrant of france , has , after all his many edicts , oaths and grants , to maintain the protestants in all their priviledges , besides the obligations they have laid on him , most inhumanly and perfidiously banish'd , dragoon'd , murther'd and made away most , if not all his protestant subjects ; nay , what might be more convincing , would they but lay it to heart , how our late tyrant , notwithstanding the manifold obligations they heaped upon him , and oaths he laid himself under , to maintain them and their grandeur , has nevertheless violated all , and with all his power ( as if ingratitude was his chiefest delight ) endeavoured their extirpation and ruine , as well as other his protestant subjects . and to conclude with one past exception , though far more ancient , david , after once he had taken arms , never after that trusted saul , though with tears and much relenting , he twice promised not to hurt him . these instances , few of many , might admonish them , both english and scotch , not to let their own ends , and the driving on of a faction , betray them blindly into the snare of those enemies whose revenge looks on them as the men who first begun , fomented and carried on beyond the cure of any sound of safe accommodation , all the evil which hath since unavoidably fallen upon them and their king. i have something also to the clergy , though brief to what were needful ; not to be disturbers of the civil affairs , being in hands better able , and more belonging to manage them , but to study harder , and to attend the office of good pastors , knowing that he whose flock is least among them , hath a dreadful charge , not performed by mounting frequently in the desk to repeat their prayers ; or into the pulpit with a formal preachment hudled up at the old hours of a whole lazy week , but by incessant pains and watching in season and out of season , from house to house , over the souls of whom they have to feed . which if they ever well considered , how little leisure would they find to be the most pragmatical sides-men of every popular tumult and sedition ? and all this while are to learn what the true end and reason is of the gospel which they teach ; and what a world it differs from the censorious and supercilious lording over conscience . it would be good also , they lived so as might perswade the people they hated covetousness , which , worse than heresie , is idolatry ; hated pluralities and all kind of simony ; left rambling from benefice to befice , like ravenous wolves seeking where they may devour the biggest ; of which , if some well and warmly seated from the beginning , be not guilty , it were good they held not conversation with such as are . these things , if they observe and wait with patience , no doubt but all things will go well , without their importunities or exclamations ; and the printed letters and pamphlets which they send , subscribed with the ostentation of great characters and little moment , would be more considerable than now they are . but if they be the ministers of mammon instead of christ , and scandalize his church with the filthy love of gain , aspiring also to sit the closest and heaviest of all tyrants upon the conscience , and fall notoriously again into the same sins , which they lately seemed solemnly to have renounced and abjured , as god has rooted out those great enemies to truth and peace , the papists , so may they ( if they will be the others imitators ) except that the same god shall , for the vindication of his own glory and religion , uncover their hypocrisie to the open world , and visit upon their heads , in double and treble manner , those curses and miseries wherewith they have endeavoured to ruine and destroy the best of subjects and christians in great britain and ireland . sam. xii . , . only fear the lord and serve him , in truth , with all your heart , for consider how great things he hath done for you . but if ye shall still do wickedly , ye shall be consumed both ye and your king . finis . an history of angells being a theologicall treatise of our communion and warre with them : handled on the th chapter of the ephesians, the , , , , , , , verses / by henry lawrence ... of our communion and warre with angels lawrence, henry, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an history of angells being a theologicall treatise of our communion and warre with them : handled on the th chapter of the ephesians, the , , , , , , , verses / by henry lawrence ... of our communion and warre with angels lawrence, henry, - . milton, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by m.s. and are to be sold by william nealand ..., london : . title page vignette. the author was assisted in this work by john milton. appeared as: of our communion and warre with angels. . errata on p. 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such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng angels. good and evil. devil. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an history of angells , being a theologicall treatise of our communion and warre with them . handled on the th chapter of the ephesians , the , , , , , , , . verses . by henry lawrence , a member of this present parliament . london ; printed by m. s. and are to be sold by william nealand in duck lane , . to my most deare and most honour'd mother , the lady lawrence . most honour'd mother , dvring this busy time , in the which our country ( subjected to those calamities , of which by faith we see the catastrophe glorious ) hath beene the stage of so much action , and the field of so many battailles , my lot was cast to be from home , and in this retirement , if i injoyed not the happinesse of his wish , to have otium cum dignitate , leisure with dignity , ( for i pretend but to an excuse ) yet it was without any just cause of reproach , for the warre found me abroad , not sent me thither , and i have beene onely wary without a just and warrantable reason , to ingage my selfe in that condition , from which a providence seem'd to rescue mee . but of all the peeces of our life , wee are accountable for those of our greatest leisure , whereas publike and visible imployment gives its owne account . it was said of cato , that hee conflicted vvith manners , as scipio did vvith enemyes ; the conflict with manners , as it is a kind of warre , from which no condition will free us , so leisure and retirement is commonly the opportunity of it ; for such enemyes will find us soonest in that condition , as on the other side , wee have an advantage by it , to seeke out , and improove all the strengthes , and aides , that are requisite for our owne defence , and the incommodating of our enemyes . in this warre therefore , to which my leisure more eminently expos'd me , and to which also it more fitted & determin'd me , i was diversly acted , according to the severall methods , and occasions of warre , by the great generall of all his people iesus christ , sometimes conflicting with the knowne , otherwhiles persuing the discoveryes of the unknowne corruptions of my owne heart , and others . i found assuredly , that a mans foes vvere them of his ovvne houshold , and that to be delivered from the ill men our selves , vvas to be avovved as a rich and high mercy . but as most warres , that have their rise and beginnings at home , and from within , are not determin'd , and concluded within that circle , but to greaten and assure their party , and prevailing , seeke the assistance of forreigne aides , or find ( at least ) their homebred differences and divisions made use of by neighbouring powers , who while they pretend to helpe their friends , serve themselves , or some third state , to which their proper interests ingages and determines them : so did i conceave , that in this spirituall warre , there were not wanting aides and assistances from without , that were of mighty influence in the businesse of our fighting , and who by stratagems , and methods , as well as by fine force , contributed exceedingly , not onely to the last issue of the warre , but to the successe almost of every battaille . and these , though they were of wonderfull moment , yet me thought were generally little considered , but men terminated their thoughts within the compasse of themselves , or if they went farther , lookt presently , and immediately upon god , ( as in every thing it is an easy and vulgar step from the last effect to the highest cause ) whereas those hoasts of angells , which on either side more immediatly managed and improoved this warre , as they are spirituall and invisible beings , so they passe with us , unseene , and undiscerned , in a great proportion ; and we , who are the subjects of this warre , and whose interests are especially concern'd in it , by not knowing or considering , can neither improve our most active , and most powerfull friends , or enemyes , to our advantage . i was guided therefore by such thoughts as these to the ensuing meditations : and as we usually are more sensible of our enemyes then our friends , so the first designe i had , was to discover what influence the evill angells have upon us , and our actions , what parts they act , & how they communicate themselves to us , and affect us for ill . but as commonly things have not the same place in the execution , which they have in the designe , so i found it necessary in the method of this discourse , to consider first of the angells in their pure naturalls , and then , ( as of the most eminent patterne of angelicall power and influence ) of the good angells , and after that , ( with the due difference of the abate of power and strength which sinne had caus'd ) of the influence , and effects , which the evill angells have upon mankind , which every one experienceth , though few , enough know it or consider it . and because in a subject of this nature , nothing is more easy , then to wander even to the loosing of our selves in the speculative part , i endevoured to remedy that inconvenience throughout , by certaine practicall corollaryes , which might reduce the notionall part of the discourse to the use and end intended , and might let us see how much our interest is concern'd in the right knowing and improoving these mighty spirits . and lastly , because the scripture i first pitcht my thoughts upon in order to these things , furnisht me with proper armes for this holy warre , i judg'd it would be a good accesse to this discourse ( of which also it might constitute a third part ) to shew those armes , and to give what light i could to the right wearing and using of them . for other thinges i , pretend neither to such a method , or language , or what ever else of that kinde , as is wont to begett a reputation with many readers ; for besides the vanity of such affectations in a subject especially so serious , these thoughts were form'd for a more private use , then their present condition leads them to ; nay such thinges as were but necessary , as a division of this discourse into chapters ( of which it was easily capable ) a more correct printing , and some other perfectings of a like consideration , have by reason of the busines of my owne occasion , and a mistake somewhere , beene wanting ; this i pretend to , to magnifie god in those mighty hoasts of spirituall substances , which he manageth wonderfully and differently , for the good of his children ; to gratifie and serve the good angels , who ( if i may judge of others by my self ) have been too little considered , in order to them , or our selves ; and to professe , and ( as much as in me lyes ) to assist , to an irreconcileable , and everlasting warre , with the greatest and most inveterate enemies of god and man , the divell and his angells : and last of all ( which i mention'd in the beginning ) to give one instance , that i have not beene idle in these busy times , nor without the thoughts , and designes of warre , in an age , when warre is become almost the profession of all men . why i inscribe these papers to you , my dearest mother , will neede no larger account then this ; nature and your ovvne goodnesse , have form'd you ablest , to pardon me in any thing , vvherein i shall neede it ; and of all i have knovvne of either sexe , i have mett vvith fevv more diligently inquisitive , or pertinently reasoning of things of a raised and abstracted nature , ( especially vvhich might have influence into the good of another life ) then your self . to which i adde , that i professe to have infinite ingagements , to avovv my self before all the vvorld most honoured mother your most obedient sonne & most humble servant henry lawrence . a treatise of our communion and warre with angells . ephes. . . . . . . . . . put on the vvhole armour of god , that ye may be able to stand against the vviles of the divell ; for vvee vvrestle not against flesh and blood , but against principalities , against povvers , against the rulers of the darknes of this vvorld , against spirituall vvickednesse in high places , &c. the great externall cause of all our evills is the divell , who hath such a kinde of relation to our sins , as the holy spirit hath to our graces , saving that hee findes a foundation within us to build upon , matter out of which hee extracts his formes , whereas the holy spirit doth that worke as well as the other , and is put to the paine of foundation worke as well as building . i call him the externall cause in opposition to the working of our owne corruptions , which are our owne properly , and most of all within us . in other respects hee may be sayd to be the internall cause also , for hee mingles himselfe with our most intimate corruptions , and the seate of his warfare is the inward man. now because hee hath a greater influence into us then perhaps wee consider of , and the knowledge of our enemy is of great concernement to the warre wee must have with him , i desire a litle to inquire into this mighty enemy of god and man , that wee may knowe him , and dread him , so farre as to fit us for conflict , and that wee may knowe him and discover him , for hee is a perfect iugler , hee raignes not much when his tricks are discovered , and that wee may knowe him and resist him , if hee shall embolden himselfe to stand his ground as often hee doth . the apostle from the beginning of the chap. had taught them how they should live in generall , first among themselves , then with relation to those that are without , ver . . then hee condiscends to particuler duties of husbands and wives , parents and children , masters and servants , and last of all before hee concludes , returnes to that which hee had mentioned in the . chap. ver . . where hee beggs of god as the most desireable thing in the world , that they might be strengthened according to the riches of his grace in the inner man : heere hee turnes his prayer into an exhortation , wherein hee provokes them to be strong in the lord , and in the power of his might , ver . . that is to say , though you have all faith and all knowledge , and worke well , yet you must persevere , yee must goe on , and you must doe it with strength : it is a great matter to come into the lists , but it is great to runne also , and to fight when you are there , for you shall meete with those that shall oppose you and conflict with you , therefore be strong in the lord , and in the power of his might , that is with the lord by his spirit , which is his mighty agent shall worke in your hearts ; be not strong in your owne strength , in your owne purposes , in the freedome of your owne wills , so was peter , who got nothing by it , but in the lord , his spirit can strengthen , can raise , can confirme you . ver. . put you on the whole armour of god ; god is able to preserve you , but hee will doe it by your fighting , and your armour must be sutable to the hand that wields it , which is the spirit of god in you , and the enemy it conflicts with , which is the divell : againe , it must be the whole armour , if you want any one piece , that place will be exposed to danger , also , all , for offence , and defence , that you may save your self by destroying your enemy , that yee may bee able to stand against the wiles of the divell , that is , that yee may hold your ground though you should receive wounds , and thrusts yet that you may not give way , as ver . . that yee may withstand in the evill day ; the day of temptation is an evill day , a day of trouble , a day of tryall , and often in respect of the event , evill , therefore deliver us from evill : and having done all to stand , that is , if you doe all in this fight god commaunds you , and omit nothing , by the vertue of god , you will stand , but there is no dallying with such an enemy , your standing must be a fruit and result of doing all . the wiles of the divell ; the word is methods , that is , the divell like a cunning fencer hath his faints , knowes how to take his advantages , and like a great commaunder hath his stratagemes , by which hee doth as much as by fine force , and these are well laid , there is a method in them to make the worke the surer , one thing depends upon another , and all contribute to make the result firme . for wee wrastle , that is , de conflictu , est sermo , non de ludo , we speake of conflicts , not of play , or sport ; not against flesh and blood , that is , that which wee have onely in our eye is flesh and blood , wicked men that wounds us and persecute us , where note , that god calls all wicked men , all the enemies of his church , but flesh and blood ; now they are the most perishable things when god will blowe upon them , for all flesh is grasse ; though the enemies be never so great and mighty , they are but as grasse and stubble . or secondly flesh and blood , by which may be understood your carnall lusts , the concupiscence of the flesh , and the boyling and ebullition of the blood to anger , and all passions , it is not so much , or it is not especially against these you wrestle , but rather against him that acts them , and makes use of them to your ruine and dis-advantage , which is the divell , and this hee may perhaps speake against the opinion of the heathen , who understood not the operation of the divell , but thought all our conflicts was against internall passions . but against principalities , hee seemes to describe the divels heere which are our enemies , first from the principality of their nature , by which the eminency and raisednes of their nature in respect of this visible world is set forth , that as the state of princes differ eminently from other men , so the nature of divells , as princes , excells the nature of men and of all visible things . against powers ; hee calls them powers simply without any addition to shewe the eminency of their power , aswell as of their natures , that as they have a nature , farre above flesh and blood , fitted for great things , so they have a power sutable and fitted to act this nature , as may be seene by their effects , both upon us and upon the world , though wee are not so to judge of their power as the manichees , who feigned two supreame powers a good and a bad ; which conflicted perpetually each with other , for their power falls as farre below gods , as it is above us , and infinitely more . against the rulers of the darknesse of this world : heere the divels are described from the universall dominion they have in this world ; they are called the rulers of the darknesse of this world , to shewe what the divell is conversant about , all his worke is to bring in darknes , and to shewe principally the seate of his empire : hee is not the ruler of the world , that is gods territory , but of the darknes of this world , the children of darknes ; though hee ceaseth not to interpose , and excercise rule , even over the children of light , and within the saints , so farre as darknes possesseth them . it is also called the darknesse of this world , to shewe the terme of his empire ; it is but in this life , in another himselfe shal be subject to darknes , and eternall torments . against spirituall wickednesse in high places : beza translates it spirituall malices , the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the spirituallnes of evill and wickednesse , carnall wickednesses are inferiour to spirituall wickednesses , which occupieth the highest part of the soule , which possesses the understanding more , and are not laid out in carnall passions , and concupiscences , so as the divell hath a most excelling malice . hee layes out himselfe in the excercise of , and provoking us to the most spirituall wickednesses , though hee is in the other also , and labours to make even carnall sins as much spirituall as is possible , by causing them to be acted against light , and against love and engagements . in high places ; the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : beza translates it , in sublimi , on high , that is , in high places ; your enemy hath the advantage ground , hee is on high , hee hath gained the hill , hee is in the aire , how mighty an advantage this is in a combate you knowe , but it signifies in heavenly , as in the margent of your bookes , which may have relation aswell to things as places , and then it shewes the things about which his malicious studyes are conversant , that is to take all heavenly things from us , and to deprive us of what ever is heavenly . and now what say you to your antagonist , heere is a dreadfull enemy formed already , you have heard fables of giants , heere is a gyant indeed , great in subtilty , excellent in nature , mighty in power , large in dominion , above all , eminent in ill and malice ; wee are apt to feare onely , what wee see , but invisible things are the best and worst , they are the greatest , as our originall sin which wee see not but by its effects ; and this great invisible prince that casts so many darts at us , the blowes of which wee feele , but consider not the hand that gives them , whence comes all our mischeife : i would set out this enemy a litle in his owne coulours , that wee may knowe him , and knowe how to deale with him , wee shall surely finde him as blacke as wee can paint him , the ignorance of our evills may cover them , but not relieve them ; let us knowe him , and wee shall knowe how to deale with him , there is strength and might in iesus christ , god hath but raised him up as pharoah to make his power knowne upon him , wee have weapons can reach him , and an arme strong enough , but wee must arme our selves , but wee must use it , wee shall overcome , but wee must fight . put on therefore a firme courage , for before all be done your enemy will appeare extreamely blacke , and dreadfull , and yet to comfort you , greater is hee that is in you , then hee that is in the world . now for a more perfect knowledge of this great enemy , wee will launch a litle into that comon place , of the nature of angells , yet keeping neere the scripture and not departing from our assured rule , the word of god , nor intending so large a compasse of discourse as the thing will beare , though the knowledge of it is of very great use in many respects , but so farre forth as it may afford a full light , to the discourse wee have undertaken . and first , how excellent soever their nature is , that they are creatures , there is no question , though aristotle will needs have them eternall substances , a thing altogether derogatory to god , who onely is eternall , and therefore as the first cause , must needs be the former and maker of all other things : it is true that moses doth not particularly describe their creation , accommodating himselfe to the rudenesse , and ignorance of that time , in which hee writ , and therefore particularizes onely in visible things . but that they were created wee have cleare scripture for it , coloss. . . for by him were all things created , whether in heaven or earth , visible or invisible , whether they be thrones or dominions , or principalities , or powers , all things were created by him and for him : wee shall not insist heere upon the particuler titles , but you see heere creation of things in heaven , aswell as in earth , and invisible , aswell as visible , so psal. . . let them praise the name of the lord , for hee commanded and they were created . what was created ? all that hee had named before , the heavens and the angells . hee begins with the first and most eminent peeces of creation : if you aske when they were created ? certainely not before the created matter of the visible world , for moses saith , in the beginning god created the heavens and the earth ; if they had bene therefore created before , there should have bene a beginning of time , and working before that ; besides it s said god wrought all his workes in sixe dayes , and rested the seaventh . if you aske what day they were created ? in all likelyhood , the first day with the supreame heaven , in respect of the similitude of their nature ; they give also another reason job . . . when the morning starres sang together , and all the sons of god shouted for joye , because they seeme there to applaud god in the workes of his creation : vizt , when the highest heavens and first matter was created , out of which other things was formed . . these excellent creatures are true substances , and doe really exist , contrary to the opinion of the saduces , that denied angells and spirits , that is , that thought by the name of angells was meant nothing but good or ill inspirations , or motions , or els the wonders and apparitions which were wrought by god ; but nothing is more absurd then this for . first they were created , therefore they were substances and not accidents in another subject . . they are endowed with understanding and will , by virtue of which they were capable of sinning , and departing from the truth , of obeying , or standing out against god. . from their office they appeare before god , they serve god , wee are commaunded to make them our patternes , they come to us , admonish us of gods will , they teach , protect and comfort us . . from their apparitions and services , they appeared often to the fathers , they wrastled with iacob , eate with abraham , carry the elect into abrahams bosome , they gather the dead at the day of judgement , and wee shal be like the angells ; also christ was said not to take upon him the nature of angells , and paul chargeth timothy before christ and the elect angells , and christ is said to have a name given him above the angells : lastly to give a ground out of philosophy , aristotle saith that to the perfection of the world it is necessary that there should be three sorts of substances , invisible , visible , and partly invisible and partly visible , as if hee had hit ( as indeed hee did ) on gods creation : the second are the heavens and elements , and compositions out of them , the last are men , which have an invisible soule , and a visible body , and hold the middle , the first therefore must be the angells : if you aske as an appendix to this , whether the angells have bodies , or are altogether incorporall , it is a question controverted betweene the philosophers , the schoolmen , and the fathers ; the platoniste would have them have bodies , to which many of the fathers adhere ; aristotle and the schoolmen would have them altogether incorporall , the reasons on both sides are not unworthy considering , if one would amuse themselves in that , out of which the scripture gives no issue , i will not trouble you with it , onely this , its safe to say , that they are not essences so simple as they are altogether uncapable of composition , it is onely proper to god to have his being and essence or substance the same ; angells are mutable , they consist of an act which they are , and of a power into which they may be reduced , it is one thing in them to be simply , and another thing to be indued with understanding and will , to be and to be good , to be and to be wise , god onely is i am , uncapable of any change , as of any composition ; to say god were an angell , were a derogation , as to say hee were a body , unlesse you should meane by a body , a substance , as tertullian did , and so called god a body , that is , a substance : but if they have any such composition , as may be called a body , it is certainely of the greatest finenesse and subtilty a spirituall body , and therefore not like to be of that grossenes that either the aire is , or those heavens that are framed out of the chaos , but neerer the substance of the highest heavens , which seeme to have bene made at the same time : to conclude , it will be safe to say that in comparison of god they are bodies , in comparison of us they are pure and mighty spirits . from this that hath bene said in generall , of the nature of angells , consider by way of corrollary . first in that these blessed substances are creatures brought with you by god , out of the same wombe of nothing , and raised from that lowenesse to the height and dignity they possesse , how great then is that god that can make and forme such beings from nothing . wee praise workemen that with all accommodations of instruments and matter can produce something worth the looking on , but nothing and something are all alike to god ; also hee can make of one lumpe a vessell of honour , as easly as of dishonour , if the workman be to be esteemed by the worke ; consider these mighty pieces , and who made them , breake into an admiration and blessing of god , as david did psal. . . blesse the lord , o my soule , o lord my god thou art very great , cloathed with honour and majesty , why hee was able to forme and create those mighty things and among them the angells , ver . . who maketh his angells spirits , his ministers a flame of fire , where ( by the way ) hee gives you their nature and office , for their nature they are spirits raised and excellent , for that office , they are ministers . . but secondly if god created them , then feare them not hee hath a hand over them still , hee that bounds the sea , will bound the divells , they are reserved in chaines , as well to their effects , as to their punishments , they cannot breake loose nor get beyond their tedder : on the other side there are good ones amongst them , which shal be ordered to your advantage by this maker and creator of them , who mindes us as well as them , and mindes them for us , of which wee have a good pledge in iesus christ , who tooke not on him the nature of angells , but tooke on him the seed of abraham , our nature and surely all creatures shall subserve to that composition of which god is a part . . if god created the angells , feare no lowenesse , god can raise you high enough in a minute , can you imagine almost greater termes of distance , then from nothing to an angell , wee suffer many graduall changes in our bodies and soules , but god can raise us in a moment , if hee please , to the highest pitches of grace , or comfort , and prosperity . . how great is that love to piece up with much care , and paines such vessells as wee are , who could in a moment cast new ones of a better forme , and fill his house with angells ; but hee loves our tribe , and hath condiscended to us , and done more for us then for the angells . . you see reason to consider of the angells not as inspirations , motions , fansyes , or phantasmes , but as of reall substances , and existences , mightie spirits , that in the frame of the world and order of nature come neerest god , and possesse the next place to him , for so they are , and as such are the immediate instruments of god , which have ever had much to doe with the sonnes of men , though sometimes in apparitions more sutable to our nature , sometimes in a more spirituall converse , more agreeable to their owne nature , but ever they have bene beingh that have had and still have , a great part to play , and therefore as the good angells are of more use then wee consider , so the evill ( which is to our purpose especially ) are most powerfull and malignant substances , farre above the capacity of flesh and blood , carrying themselves rather as princes and powers , and dominions , and being acted with the greatest malice , are alwaies watching , alwaies tempting , alwaies observing , ever ( if wee looke not to it ) ruining and destroying us , warring with weapons sutable to our complexions and lusts , betraying simple soules with their methods and wiles , so as without a great power of god , wee shall not be able to escape them : the not considering of this enemy gives him a mighty advantage , wee hope in some measure to unmaske him . wee have considered two things already concerning the nature of angells in generall , first that they are creatures , secondly that they are substances and have made use of both : wee shall now consider their mutability , or immutability . and first wee say that as it is peculier to god onely to be without beginning , so it belongs to god onely to be without change , or shadowe of change , and that the angells as creatures are reduceable to nothing , by the same hand that made them , so as though there be no passive principle in them , by which they may be called corruptible , or mortall , yet in respect of an active power of god , upon which their being and life depends , they may be called corruptible , and mortall , because as it is in the power of the creator that things are , so it is in the power of the creator that they may not bee , yea so much they are in gods hands , though the best pieces of nature , that if hee doe but withdrawe his hand , they all moulder to nothing , there neede no great activity be put forth , a meere ceasing to uphold them is sufficent to destroy them ; but yet when yee speake of changeable or corruptible , it must be understood of the next and intrinsicall cause , and not of the remote and outward cause , as men are not called the children of the sunne , though sol & homo generat hominem , but of their parents , so as the angells may properly be called incorruptible and immortall , because they are so by nature ; i speake not now of the changeablenesse of their wills , but of their nature and substance , the reasons are . first because the angells are not produced out of the power of any matter as corporall substances , and the soules of beasts , but are produced onely by the word of god , and therefore as they have no internall principle of being , so have they none of dissolution , for there is the same reason of being , and not being . secondly angelicall natures as the soules also of men , are not compounded of matter & forme , but are simple formes and substances , subsisting by themselves ; now all corruption , mortality , and death is by the separation of the forme from the matter , as when the soule is separated from the body , which is corruption , or death , or when the accidentall forme is separated from the subject , as white from the wall , or health from the man , now what ever wants matter is incorruptible , because there is no composition , and so no separation ; but the scripture concludes this best in assimulating the state of immortality in which wee shall be to the angells ; this is the third consideration wee make of the nature of angells , that they are immutable . fourthly wee will consider of the apparitions of angells , of which wee heare so frequent mention in the scriptures , and the consideration whereof will proove so proper to our purpose . one manner of their appearings hath bene in dreames , another in visions , the third in assumption of bodies , and that either of bodies formed of nothing , or of pre-existant matter them formed , or possessing and acting naturall bodies already made . some have thought , there hath bene no assumption of bodies , but onely an appearance to the fancy and imagination ; but that must needs be otherwise , for what ever is a substance which is not a body , nor hath a body naturally united , and yet is sometime seene with a bodily sight or vision must needs take up a body , and further this was not an imaginary and phantasticall apparition , because such an imagination is not seene by the sences without , but by the fancy within . . an imaginative sight being onely within in the imagination consequently appeares to him onely , which so sees it , but that which is seene by the eyes , because it exists without and not within the minde , may be seene also of all others such apparitions , were of the angells that appeared to abraham , to lott , and to the men of sodome , who were seene by them , and indifferently by all . but if you object to what end was this assumption of bodies , since the power of the angells exceeds all bodily might ( and this will not be unusefull to consider since it makes way to shew to what end they appeare and what they have done , and can doe for us and upon us , both the good and bad . ) the angells assumed bodies for the manifesting themselves , not for the doing of their worke ; but that they might familiarly speake with men , without their terrour and dread . aquinas gives other reasons , that they might manifest the intelligible society and converse which men expect with them in another life ; and in the old testament that it was a certaine figurative declaration , that the word of god should take humane flesh , for all apparitions in the old testament were in order to that apparition of the sonne of god in the flesh : if you aske mee what kinde of bodies they tooke , and whether they were true men or no , in taking humane shapes ? answ. first though they appeared in a humane shape , they were not true men , as christ was a true man , because hee was personally and hypostatically united ; but bodies were not united to the angells , as to their forme , as the bodie is to the soule which is its forme , nor was the humane nature body and soule , united to the person of any angell , but they tooke bodies to them as garments which they tooke up , and laid downe upon occasion . if you aske of what those bodies consisted ? it is like ordinarily of some of the elements , as of the ayre . and if you object that the ayre is improper to take figure or coulour , because it is so thin and transparent ? the answer is , that although the ayre remaining in its rarity doth not reteyne figure or coulour , yet when it is condenced and thickened , it will doe both as appeares in the clouds . another way of appearing was in possessing some naturall body , so the divell entred into the serpent , and an angell spake in balams asse ; so you read often of men possessed with evill angells , the men spake not , but the divell in them , the like may be said often of the good . now if any shall aske what becomes of those bodies ? the answer is , if they be created of nothing , they are reduced into nothing , by the power of god ; but if they be formed of pre-existent matter , the worke being done for which they were taken up , they are resolved againe into their elements , or principles , but if the bodies were naturall , reall and existent before , they were left so againe , by the departing of the angells , so was balams asse and many bodies possest by the divells cast out by christ. another consideration is whether the angells having assumed those bodies , did put forth acts of life , whether they spake and sung , or eate and drunke , as they seemed to doe ; this is handled with much controversie , but it is certaine they did what they seemed to doe , as appeares by the plaine direct story of moses concerning the angells , that appeared to abraham , and others , and this is assur'd that what ever the angells appeared to have , or doe , that they had , & did , for they never deceived your sences , their coulour , their shape , their eating , their drinking , their speaking was what it seemed to be , for the sences are not deceived about their objects , if the distance be proportionable , and they no way distempered , for if the sences are ordinarily capable of being deceived , then you may question any thing , subjected to sence , as whether the snow be whit , &c. now all this they did , not by vertue of an internall forme , but an angelicall power , quickening and mooving the body they acted ; and it is observable , that when the angells would hide their natures , that they might converse more familiarly with men , they would eate , and drinke , and speake ; but when they would be acknowledged for angells , then they denied to eate meate , as iudges . in the story of gedion , and of sampson , iudges . if you aske what became of the meate they eate , for their assumed bodies needed no nourishment ? i would aske you what became of their bodies , their meate aswell as their bodies was reduced into nothing , or the pre-existent elements , of which they consisted , as that which christ eate after his resurrection . there is one question more in this subject , with which i will end , and that is ; why the angells make not their operations now , as formerly they have done ? the heathen who were ignorant of the wayes of god , ascribe this to the sins of men , that god being now displeased with them , hath no more minde to converse with them ; but the reason is quite otherwise , because as god would be worshipped in spirit and truth , so hee would have us walke in the spirit , and converse more with the spirit then formerly , and christ being now in the flesh , and in heaven , hee would have us live , by the faith of him , and a greater measure of the spirit being now given , hee would have us converse with the spirit , and these spirits , in a more invisible way : as also the church being now confirmed by god , needs not those visible , and sensible confirmations , as formerly , which is the reason also of the ceasing of miracles , they were appropriated to the laying of fondations , both of the law and the gospell , we walke now in the vertue of these apparitions , which were of old and in the power of these miracles , and besides wee have faith enableing us to converse with the angells in a way more spirituall : so much for the apparition of angells . first from the immutability of the angells , you see the reason of their indurance , nothing can destroy them , but god immediately , and god will not , the same reason is for the soules of men , for they as the angells are not produced out of matter , are not compounded of matter and forme , but are pure substances , created and infused by god immediately , and so not subject to corruption : and for glorified bodies , when they shall have put on a celestiall forme , this corruptible shall have put on incorruption , this passive principle by which they are corruptible shal be destroyed , they will then be in the same condition of the angells , uncapable of fadeing or alteration . from the apparition of angells , see the care that god hath had of his church in all times , hee hath not left himself without witnesse to the world , in that hee gave them raine and fruitfull seasons , nor to his people , for hee hath given them the apparitions of angells and invisible substances . secondly , learne the dignity of saints that have had the angells to be their ministers , and so farre as to humble and debase themselves to take up shapes , that were not their owne , heb. . . are they not all ministring spirits , &c. thirdly , consider the meanenesse of mans nature in respect of the angelicall , wee cannot beare apparitions scarce in our owne shape , but out of it in any higher wee are confounded . fourthly , see the blessednesse of our conditions , wee shall be as the angells , as little depending on elements and outward things , the more wee can frame our selves to this independency of living now , the more raised wee are , it is good to have our happines in few things , and to be easily able to quit the rest . fiftly , admire not bodily beauty , you see an angell which is a creature , but one degree above us can frame beautifull shapes , which shall be acted and moved and within a while comes to nothing , and this beauty of our bodies , this elementary beauty , this mixture of whit and red , is almost as perishing , a little blast of sicknes , a little undue commotion of the humours renders it also nothing . sixtly , see the great love of the son of god in his apparition , who though above angells , as being their creatour , coll. . . though hee were god blessed for ever , yet did not abhorre our nature , but as hee tooke our nature and not that of the angells , so hee tooke it up indeed , not in shewe , as the angells who troubled not themselves , with the heavinesse , indisposition , and vildenesse of our bodies , but christ so tooke our nature , as he subjected himselfe to all our naturall infirmities , and to have as wee , a vilde body . seaventhly , by the frequency of the former apparitions of the angells , you may know they are not idle now , although wee living by faith have not such a visible converse with them as formerly , but as miracles are ceased , so are their appearings seased , but not their workings though their converse be not so sencible , yet it is as reall : but of that in another place . so as the fifth thing will be to consider about the administrations of angells to us , and the deputations they have from god concerning us . and first , wee must know that the doctrine of the angell gardians hath bene exceeding antient , not onely amongst the christians , but the heathens also , who drew much of their knowledge from the scripture , and they thought that every man had his angell , which was his genius , hence are those phrases , invitâ minervâ , & contra genui facere , that when their angell or genius inspired them one way , they would do acts notwithstanding contrary to such inspirations , and to their genius . secondly , some , not onely philosophers , but christians have thought that every man good and bad , was under the guidance of a good angell , which to the reprobate was an aggravation of their sinnes , but it is cleare that the tutelage of the good angells , belongs onely to the elect for so it is , heb. . . are they not all ministring spirits , sent forth to minister to them who shall be heires of salvation ? exclusively , that is , to them and no others . els hee would not have made it a priviledge , and prerogative to the saints , but given it in common rather amongst men . so psal. . . hee shall give his angells charge over thee , but to whome ? ver . . those which make the lord their refuge , so that it is cleare , for them and for no others . and it doth not hinder , that this was spoken immediately to christ , for so are all the promises which concerne the elect , they are made , and made good first to christ , and from him as a head they discend to his members . a third consideration will be , whether every elect person hath a particular angell deputed for him , or whether all indifferently serve all : not to trouble you with the dispute , some incline rather to the negative , because they thinke it is a derogation to the goodnes of god to his people , who gives them the heavenly host amongst them and to them all , for their use and protection , but neither doth this satisfy mee , nor their answere to the places alleadged , for the former opinion , but before wee proceed further i affirme : that it is probable that every elect hath his proper and peculiar angell deputed as his keeper and companion , yet so as extraordinarily many may be sent to his ayde , for proofe of this math. . . take heed that you despise not one of these little ones , for in heaven their angells doe alwayes behold the face of my father which is in heaven . wherein seemes to beheld out plainely the particular guardian-ship of angells , for hee saith , their angells , that is , their particular angells , els hee might have said the angells , which are not onely their angells , but the angells of all the elect with them , so as hee seemes to have meant their particular angells which were deputed to them as tutors and keepers , which because it was a thing so honorable to them , they ought not to be dispised ; the antients were of this opinion ; and therefore ierome sayes upon this place ; it is a great dignity of soules that every one from his nativity hath an angell delegated for his keeper . also acts . . when the company with one accord affirmed that it was peters angell , that knocked , as a thing notorious amongst them that men had their particular angell guardians ; and from this opinion amongst the iewes arose that received and common opinion among the heathen , that every one had his angell or genius : now no man affirmes or need affirme that upon occasion there are not more then one deputed to the service of an elect man ( which may satisfie them of the other opinion ) for many angells carried lazarus into abrahams bosome , and the angell of god rejoyce over one sinner that repents : besides more angells then one brought lott out of sodome . as for the answere out of that place of peter , that it might be one of his angells , that lookes like an evasion , nor seemes it any derogation , but an honour to the saints to have their particular angells , so as wee doe not limit them to one , in all cases ; about this there are some other questions mooved ; as when this angell guardian begins his charge , whether when the child is borne , or baptized , or afterwards . there is no reason why the beginning should depend upon baptisme or any ordinance ; for the other if one would argue it there might be more question , i should rather thinke that the angells begins the execution of his charge , assoone as the soule is infused , for though the child be a part of the mother , yet it hath a distinct being of his owne , and is a person consisting of soule and body : againe some consider whether the angell keepers doe ever leave men or no with whose guardianship they are be trusted ? certainely never totally , for as our adversary the divell goes about seeking whom hee may destroy , so our angells intend their worke , of preserving and keeping with all diligence ; but as god leaves us that affliction or sin may follow : so may the angells of god also , which are his messengers and ministers , they may withdrawe for a time of affliction and the like , and returne againe for our advantage : for the keeping of the angells is nothing els , but a certaine execution of divine providence concerning us ; now god never leaves us , therefore not the angells , but they are often with us as phisitians are with those who have filthy ulcers , they stop their noses , & administer the medicine , so doe they , our vanity & sins extreamely offend them , as it doth god , yet their obedience to god and love to us , keepes them steddily to us , though in our ill waies , wee are no waies pleasant to them , but they shall alwayes beare us in their armes , as psal. . that no evill befall us . the next question as an appendix of this is , whether provinces , or communities have their angell guardians or no : it is very probable they have , as men their particular guardians , and yet the concurrence and assistance of more as they need , that place of the . of daniel is famous where mention is made of the prince of the kingdome of persia , and of the prince of grecia , and of michael their prince ver . . . and ver . . the prince of the kingdome of persia withstood him , but michael their prince came to helpe him : upon this place so cleare ierome , and all expositours agree , that there are angells deputed to the care and protection of provinces & countries , some other places are brought , but this cleare one shall suffice ; the same reason also might be given for churches which are communities very deare unto god ; the fathers were of that minde , and many bring those places of the revelation to the angell of particular churches , as of ephesus , &c. which they understood of the angell guardian ; i will not dispute that , but that place of . cor. . . might mee thinkes as probably be urged , where the women were to have power over their heads , because of the angells , in which place certainly the angells , not the ministers , are meant . and me thinkes it is pro ratio or an argument rather from the lesser to the greater , god doth take care for oxen , saith paul , then much more for ministers ; so doth god give such honour to provinces , then much more to churches , which are communities much dearer to him , but i shall not enlarge this now particularly . wee will now speake of the reasons , why god useth this ministry of angells towards us . if you aske in generall why god useth the ministry of angells ? it is for his owne glory , hee hath creatures about him fit for his service , dan. . . there is a brave court , thousand , thousands minister unto him , and ten thousand times , ten thousand stand before him . but if you aske , why god useth this ministration and guardianship of angells , towards us ? hee doth it first to preserve that eutaxy that good order , which hee hath put into things , as thicker bodies , and more inferiour are managed by more subtile and powerfull ; so the bodies of the beasts by a spirit of life , and irrationall spirits by rationall , as men governe beasts , so by the same reason of proportion , the angells which are invisible spirits , and are all spirits , have an influence upon men , which are partly spirits and partly bodies . thus the fathers , all visible things are moderatedly invisible , which what can it be els under god , say they , but the angells and spirits of just men , because things must be governed by that which is higher and purer then it self ; so that as god in respect of the earth and fruits of it , places the heavens next him , i will heare the heavens ; so in this sub-ordination , angells comes next to have an influence upon rationall creatures . secondly , god doth it for our very great comfort and consolation , what a happines is it that a haire of our heads cannot fall to the ground without gods notice , that they are all numbred , that god knowes and mindes all our wayes ; but now when god shall raise up such powers for us , when wee see the chariots and horses , this addes to our courage and assurance as it did to iacobs , god hath said hee will never leave us , nor forsake us : but when wee see corne and wine , when wee see him compassing us about with meanes sutable to our necessities , this confirmes us , as being a helpe proportionable to our neede , wee see our good and our desires , not onely in the remote cause , but in the next and immediate . god hath formed the angells , for the effecting many great workes about us and upon us , though wee little consider it ; now when wee see mighty creatures , fitted for those services , wee ought to have strong consolation , but the angells are framed ministering spirits , heb. . . god indeed doth all things , yet hee speakes by men , and teacheth also by his spirit , & there is a forme above men , angells , which hee useth also , they beare us in their armes , and pitch their tents about us , and doe much for us . thirdly god useth the angells for their good and honour , whom hee vonchsafeth to use as fellow-workemen with himselfe and his son ; this was pauls honour that hee wrought together with god ; now the angells which are deare to god are used in great imployments , as god is wont to serve himself of those hee loves to some imployment or other . fourthly that there may a love and acquaintance grow betweene us and the angells , with whom wee must live for ever , and whom wee must be like : now love growes by mutuall offices , as is seene in the love of mothers to their children , which increase by fostering and tending on them . it s good to be a saint , that yee may have the tutelage of angells , this honour have all the saints , and none but they . the wicked have no angells to looke to them , to take care of them particularly , though they may fall perhaps under some generall charge and care , as they doe also of god , that they may be preserved to their condition . god takes care of them so farre , and so may the angells , but they are properly guardians and ministering spirits to the saints , they are particularly ministering spirits to the heirs of salvation . it s good to be a church for the same reason , there being to churches a superadded deputation to that of saints , for to churches also angells seeme to be destined , to which purpose that place mentioned before is not inconsiderable , cor. . . because of the angells , on which place peter martyr sayes , wee ought to thinke that they have a care of our churches aswell as of the iewes , for sayes hee , it is said dan. . that michael the prince stood for the children of israel , and that this place is meant of the angells and not of the ministers , you have also the authority of calvin , who observes the word angell is never appropriated to ministers , without some addition , as to the angell of ephesus , &c. besides there would have bene more reason to have said , that the women should have had power of their heads in respect of their husbandes , or the whole congregation , then the ministers onely , and to improove this further , let this consideration worke upon you , least the angells be provoked to withdraw , as i told you they would , this is common to churches and christians both , for as the holy angells rejoyce at the conversion of a sinner , and in our right order , so they are offended and chastice according to their commission given them from god , when wee doe otherwise . thirdly that since the happines of these blessed angells lies in working as it doth , for it was given as one reason of their charge , that they might worke with him , so ours also , and though the services wee are imployed in may seeme much belowe us , yet if they be gods , and in reference to that order hee sets in the world and much more , if they be in order to the saints and their good and advancement , then be not ashamed of the services which angells performe , and be not weary of working which is the best improvement of the holy angells . fourthly let us so walke both as christians and members of churches , that the angells may discharge themselves of their worke with joy and not with griefe , for that will be unprofitable for us . thus you see in generall their charge you are fairly weited on , you have particular angell guardians , and in case of need you may have whole legions . next wee will come to consider of their power over our bodies and mindes , where it will be requisite to consider first of the knowledge they have of things , after of the excercise of their power , and then proceed to the evill workings of the evill angells , which is that principally intended . wee have already made this corrolary , that wee should so walke as the angells might discharge themselves with joy at the last day ; but that which seemes to be the proper use of the foregoeing point , is , that wee should leade heere angelicall lives , if the angells guard us and accompany us , wee should savour of their converse : men are knowne by their company , they are not idle attendants , such as great men have for a parade and a shew , nor is their speciall influence upon our outward man , as wee shall shew hereafter , mee thinkes wee should not keepe such company in vaine , but should savour of a spirituall abstracted communion , that as they tooke bodies to themselves in their apparitions , not for any pleasure they had in them , but for our need ; so wee should use outward and bodily things for the needs of the bodies , and should please our spirits and the good angells with whom wee converse , and who are about us , by gaining ground , as much of the flesh and corruption as is possible , and bring the body as neere as may bee into a spirituall frame by possessing it in sanctification and honour , and by making it serviceable to our minde , using it , and not being used and commaunded by it ; this will gratify the good angells which the scripture expects at our hands , . cor. . . but this onely by way of addition to what was said before . that wee have next to speake of , is the power of the angells , then , how it is excercised and put forth towards us . and because a great peece of their abilitie lies in their knowledge , wee will consider that : that they are indued with an excellent knowledge , as being the highest of all intellectuall creatures , is without all question , and will appeare in considering what their knowledge is . and first austen and the school-men , which follow him , give unto the angells a knowledge which they call cognitio matutina & vespertina , a morning and evening knowledge , or a day or a night knowledge . they call that the morning knowledge , which respects the things in its cause , and that the evening knowledge which respects the things in its effects , the one is a cleare knowledge , the other obscure . so as the morning or cleare knowledge is , that by which the angells see all things in the warde , that is in the sunne by whom they were created ; the evening or darke knowledge , is that by which they see the same things in themselves or in their owne natures . as the knowledge of a line or circle , by a mathematicus description , is a right knowledge in the beauty and proportion of it , but the knowledge of it as made in the dust , is to know it with many imperfections . but the knowledge of the angells may be distinguish't either into a naturall knowledge , of which in a great measure the good and ill were partakers , for so it is said , that some stood in the truth , and others fell from the truth , joh. . . hee was a murtherer from the beginning , and abode not in the truth . therefore there was a truth and knowledge which some adhered to and some not . the second is by revelation , so to the angell in daniel was revealed the mistery of the weekes , so the angell revealed to iohn the things hee knew not before , and of such things are they the messengers to the sonnes of men . a third is by experience , so they see the manifold wisedome of god in the church , and this is of great use to the good , and evill angells , for the same way men have to grow wise they have also . a fourth is a supernaturall knowledge , with which the elect angells were indued , not in the creation , for then it would have bene a naturall knowledge , but afterwards : and this answers a great objection , why some angells stood and some fell , when as they all sawe god ; and , i have formerly in another discourse affirmed , that when wee shall see god face to face , it will be impossible to sinne , or to turne away from that vision . the truth is , the reprobate angells never saw god , as the elect did , for the will of the good angells would never have bene firmer , if their understanding had not bene other wise enlightened , for it is the light of the understanding that hath the great influence upon the will , as wee see , so wee effect and moove . now of the elect angells it is said , that they alwayes behold the face of the father , which of the reprobate is not said ; now yee know what it is to see god face to face , that is , to see him evidently , clearely , as hee is to be seene , without a straitened and modificated vision , which is the great happines of men : you see now what kinde of knowledge the angells have , the last of which , namely supernaturall , was peculiar to the elect angells , and stood them in such steade as it kept them from falling away , when others fell to their owne perdition . if you aske mee how , or in what manner the angells know ? wee must consider , how wee our selves know , wee know a thing as wee see it , for the eye of the body hath a kinde of resemblance to the eye of the minde , now to seeing there is required first a power of seeing in the eye . secondly a light through which wee see , if the eye be blinde , or there be a hurt or wound in it , that there be not a facultie of seeing , you see not though you have light , and there must be light aswell as an eye , or you see not neither . thirdly the species or image of the thing you see , this altogether makes vision ; so in the understanding there is in like manner the power of the understanding , by which wee are made able to judge , then a light by which the minde is enlightened to perceive its object , and then the species or image of the thing , out of the understanding , by which the thing is made present to the understanding . the two first are common to us with the angells , to wit , the power of knowing , and the light by which wee know , they know more , but the way is the same . the question is onely of the last whether they understand as wee , by species or images received from things or otherwise ; it is certaine they know not all things by their owne essence , as god doth , for god containes all things in himselfe , and is himselfe the likenes and copie of all other things , and therefore knowing himselfe as hee doth most perfectly , hee knowes every thing , els of which hee is the copie : something 's they know by their owne essence , as the eye sees the light by it self , not by any image of it ; so the angells know themselves , by their owne essence , but of things without them , they know them by species , and representations not which they take of from the things , but such as are put into them , by god ; wee take of the image of god first by our outward sences , as the eye takes of the image , of what ever it sees , then by our fancy , and lastly wee forme a kinde of intelligible species sutable and proportionable to the things wee would know : but the angells , which have not either outward or inward sences , have not this way of knowing things , and therefore know them by species put into them by god. one thing more is considerable , that is , whether the angells know by reasoning and dividing and compounding as wee know , by drawing consequences , from principles already acknowledged . it is certaine they apprehend things quickly , as appeares by the comparison of a learned and wise man , with one who is not ; give a wise man any ground or principle , hee will make out of that many conclusions : so in matters of numbring and account ; an accountant will tell you that in a quarter of an hower , that another would be a day about . and though they doe know things by the effects , and by reasoning , yet it is with that quicknesse and certainty , that our greatest understanding is darknesse to it . another question is whether the angells know particular things , and what ever is done heere ? first , it is granted that they know one another so as there is no angell in heaven , which is not knowne by his fellow ; without which they would not enjoy one another , and so not be lesse happy : even as wee shall know the enumerable company of angells , and the spirits of just men , nor is there any divell in the ayre , or seas , or under the earth , which the good angells know not , for how could they els resist them , on our behalfe . secondly , it must needs be granted that the good angells know not onely the severall kindes and species of things , the humane nature , and all the kindes of creatures in heaven , and earth , and sea , with their properties and natures perfectly and exactly , ( for men in a great part know these things , how much more powers so much superiour ) but also they know particular things , that as god knowes all things by one image and likenes , which is his essence , ( which is the efficient , finall and exemplary cause of all things , ) so the angells by those many universall species , which are put into them by god , know not onely universall , but singular and particular things , for as any thing is more raised , and excellent , so it hath its strength and power more united , and is more efficatious , and therefore with their understanding onely by the universall species of things put into them by god , they know those things , which men take in , by their many sences , outward and inward , to wit , particular and singular things . but now whether the angells know all the particular actions , what ever is done , said , or suffered , is more questionable ; of those committed to their charge there is no question , but to affirme so of all , and all at once , were to intrench to much upon gods priviledge , to whom and to no other all things are open , and naked , there is to much of infinity in that . as for our thoughts , affections , and desires , they know them either by revelation , or externall signes . for god is onely the searcher of the hearts , thou onely knowest the hearts of the children of men . but they are extreamely ingenious in guessing , if phisitians , by the pulse and temper can tell your affections and passions , as that you are in love or take care , if a wise man , or an acquaintance can do any thing this way , they much more . first observe that in this vast compasse of the angells knowledge , and the severall kindes of it , it was supernaturall knowledge that stood them in the greatest stead , the other perished with them , it was the beholding of the face of god , that filled them and possest them , that tied them fast to god , that wrought effectually upon their wills , the other angells that had all the other sorts of knowledge in the largest compasse of it , carried it to hell with them , and the same difference of naturall and supernaturall light , is seene amongst us every day ; why doe the poore receive the gospell and christ , in whom are hid all the treasures of wisedome and knowledge , when the wise and knowing men cast it far from them ; it s certain this is the greatest wisedome in the world to take christ , to make sure of another life , this is wisdome , and every other thing in comparison , is folly ; but whence hath this poore man wisdome and others not ; but because they see nothing of god after a supernaturall way , they see god in a proportion , as the divells saw god before the fall ; there wants life , there wants fire , there wants a touch in what ever they see , that would improove all , that would render all the rest efficatious : the same sermon that speakes to the reason onely of one man , speakes to the heart and conscience of another : it is a goodly picture to others , but it wants life , they looke upon it with pleasure , but they will never fall in love with it ; they will never espouse it , or as wee told you , they see the circle in the dust , but the beauty and proportion , which is the tempting thing , that they see not ; pray therefore for supernaturall light , that will improove all the rest , and all the rest without it , will but helpe to render you inexcusable , and so leave you . secondly , see the ground of the firmenesse of your condition in the next life , you shall be as the good angells , you shall see the face of god , and then you are sure , your eyes nor hearts can never turne away from that vision . thirdly , yee shall know what they know , and as they know it , whence you see what raisedned of your conditions will bee . fourthly , see how exceedingly you are exposed to the knowledge of the angells . now having considered of the knowledge of the good angells , in which a great part of their ability lies , wee come to speake of their power , and first upon corporall things . it is certain they can doe any thing which nature can doe , either mediately or immediately ; for example , they can moove the heavens , they cannot make them stand still , for that is against nature , they can kill men , but they cannot raise them from the dead . miracles they cannot worke unlesse as gods instruments , as in the mooving of the water in the poole of bethesda , and gathering together of the dead at the day of judgement . god onely doth wonderfull things : now a miracle is not that which is against the order of some particular nature , for then the flinging of a stone upwards were a miracle , but that is a miracle which is against the order of nature in generall , as if a stone of it self should moove upward , without any force or draweing . so as the dividing of the red-sea was a miracle , and attributed to god onely , but the killing of the first-borne was none , and therefore attributed to an angell ; so the standing still of the sun was ascribed to god : but the victory they got ioshua . . to the angell . againe , they doe some things immediately , as the killing of the whole army of senacherib , and bringing peter and the apostles out of prison . so they can moove all corporall things almost in an instant ; they can stirre tempests ; moove waters and windes , but other things they cannot doe immediately , as generation , &c. nor can they do any thing as god , properly in an instant , and at their becke , as god and christ , but either by locall motion or naturall medimus , though with an inconceiveable dexterity , and quicknes . lastly all this power is subjected to the will of god , for so yee have it , blesse the lord all yee angells which are mighty in strength , which do his will , psal. . so thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven , that is , as it is done by the angells ; so god sent his angell and delivered peter , acts . . so saith christ , could i not have asked my father , and hee would give mee legions of angells ? for their power over us , over our bodies , it is the same which they have over other things bodily . as for our outward sences they have great power over them , and that either by forming new objects , so in the . kings . . the lord caused a sound of many horses to be heard , by the army of the king of assiria , which put them to flight . so the angells tooke fiery bodies , . kings . . the mountaines were full of horses and chariots of fire . againe , they can make such a commotion of the humours , within our bodies , that many things may appeare without which are not ; they can also shut up the sences , as to the men of sodome , gen. . who were strucke with blindenesse . as for the internall sences , to wit , the fancy and imagination , they have also a great power over them , as appeares by their appearing in dreames and visions ; for in sleepe , our externall sences are so bound up , as wee discerne nothing by them ; now wee being awake can by an act of our owne wills stirre up the memory of things and provoke our fancies , to the apprehension of things past . an angell therefore can doe this much more , for what an inferiour power can doe , that a superiour can much more doe . doe wee not see impressions in our fancy of things wee thought wee had altogether forgotten , which certainely is done by the angells good and bad , which can make compositions of what they finde there , they cannot put in new ones , but worke upon what matter they finde . as for their power over our understandings , and wills this to mee is evident , that the great workes they have to doe upon us , is upon the inward man , and that being ministering spirits , their ministration is spirituall , and as the divells , who though they doe some things to our bodies , doe ever infect our spirits ; so the good angells much rather apply themselves in their ministrations to our spirits , but to shew how they can operate upon our understandings and wills , wee will first lay this downe . that god can onely , effectually enlighten the understanding , and determine the will , hee can bend and turne , and forme it , which way hee pleaseth ; but the angells can speake also , to those pure spirituall parts , & their speaking carries a power with it , though god onely determine : first as one man teacheth another , so the angell spake to the blessed virgin , by apparition , by voyce ; sometimes by voyce without apparition , sometimes by writing , so to balteshazer by writing upon the wall , but they can invisibly also enlighten us , as appeares plainely in dreames , for so they spake to ioseph in a dreame , math. . and to many others ; now there is the same way and the same reason , of speaking to us waking and sleeping : to understand this , ( and heerein the ministration of angells to our spirits will appeare ) wee must conceive first , that the phantasmes of things , received by the outward sences , are kept , and preserved by the inward sences , or its organ , and instrument , as the species of sounds , of shapes , or what ever els : secondly that these phantasmes so kept , may be so mooved , by some extrinsecall thing , as they may move the fancy , and provoke it to represent and conceive more things and divers , which neither appeare , nor are at that time perceived , by any sence , this appeares evidently ; wee can sit in the darke , where wee heare and see nothing , and multiply a fancy in infinitum , by an act of our owne will : also without our will , this often appeares , as in dreames . now this inlarging , alteration and composition , must be by some motion of the subject in which these fancies are , as also by a certaine motion of our humours , and spirits . the fancy or imagination is stirred up to the making of various apprehensions and representations of things , this wee finde in dreames which follow often the temperature of the body , as appeares to every man , that hath in the least observed himselfe ; also in sicknesses , which altering the bodie and the humours , and so troubling the fancy , begets strange fancies , and makes dreadfull , and fearefull representations to us , sometimes extreamely foolish , as that which falls out as it were by chance , and by an undue jumbling of things together ; now this know , as wee saide before , that what ever an inferiour power can doe , that a superiour can much more doe , such fancies as befalls us ( as it were ) by chance , as in dreames or sicknes , by casuall , inordinate , or naturall motion of the humours , that the angells especially the good can most orderly and most efficaciously move , because they doe what they doe from will and counsell , and know exactly how the spirits and humours must be mooved , that the phantasmes may be conveniently applied to some conceptions or apprehensions , most accommodate and fitted for the knowledge , of what truth they would suggest . againe an angell can remoove the impediments of apprehension , as it lies in any commotion or perturbation of the spirits , or the humours , an angell can helpe it , and the impediment shall cease , or if the organ be to much intended , an angell can in a great measure accommodate and believe it . now of how great moment this is , to the enlightening of our understandings , and mooving our wills , all men know , that have minded , that the understanding receives things by the mediation , first of the externall sences , then of the fancy , of which the memory is the treasurer , so as all comes in to us this way , so that to mee heere is the difference , betweene the converse of men and angells , men can speake to our understandings by the mediation of our externall sences , angells which are spirits goe a neer way to worke , and speake to the internall , first of all , making such compositions there , as the understanding presently takes of , and reades what is written ; as on the other side , the understanding imprints much upon the fancy what it conceives , there is such a neere relation betweene the body and the minde . besides this way of writing in our fancies , almost what they will , and so speaking to us , by which they represent objects to our understandings , and our wills which often take and moove us ( as the objects of truth , or the appearance , hath a great power upon the understanding , and the object of good upon the will ) besides this , they can moove those sensitive passions which are in us ; anger concupiscence , which often moove us to chuse , to command , to will , and like sophisters deceive us with the coulour of good , as wee finde by experience , and see in peter and david , and all the saints . first consider how great a knowledge the angells have of us , how great an advantage upon us , there is such a linke betweene the body , and the minde , that to be well acquainted with a mans outward actions , to have a perfect experience of a mans discourse and actions , is almost to know him all ; but how many inward motions are there , which never come to the view , how much boyling of the blood , to lust , to revenge , that never appeares in the face , that the angells know by beholding the interiour sences , much more apparently then wee see it in the face ; besides if it come to guessing what was the meaning of such a looke , such a motion , such a blush , such a palenesse , there wisedome heere helpes them exceedingly , so as they are rarely deceived , besides that as our thoughts are more in the fountaine then our actions , so the impression upon our fancie is greater then upon our face , which our feare or wisedome often keepes in . thus much for their knowledge and light of us , which you see how great it is : then for their power upon us , almost what can they not doe upon our bodies , upon our sences outward and inward , upon our mindes , for by the meanes i have told you , what is it that they cannot communicate to you at their pleasure , speaking to the inward sences , and causing the understanding to reade of , what they there compound , and no time is free sleeping and waking , they can come to you , when the sences are bound up , as in dreames , they need not fetch the compasse of our eares , and eyes , that wee are faine to doe , therefore our communion is exceeding great with the angells , both good and bad ; for ( beleeve it ) they having such a price in their hands , will not loose it on either side , the divells malice will not suffer them , nor the good angells love and duty , will not suffer them to be wanting to their abilities , hee maketh his angells spirits , his ministers a flame of fire , this say some is with relation to their workeing toward us , both in lightening and heating ; this is therefore first by considering the advantages they have upon us , to consider how great and intimate our converse is with them ; secondly to consider this notwithstanding , that wee give not that which is gods due to the angells , though they be the beginning of his creation , for first god onely knowes the heart , even our thoughts afarre of , the angells onely as i have told you . secondly for working upon us , as all they doe is under god , and in fulfilling his will , which is the law and rule they moove by , so they cannot put in new species of things into the fancy , and such as the sences had never any knowledge of , though they can make many compositions and deductions , almost to the saying of what they will , yet their ability stretches not to the putting in of what was never there before , as to make , a man borne blinde , dreame of coulours and their difference , therefore , thirdly , take heed of receiving ill impressions by your eares or your eyes , or any way , if an ill man tell you an ill story once , the divell will tell you it a thousand times , it is a great happines to this purpose not to know ill : and on the other side , keepe your selves in such a holy frame , as may provoke the good angells to converse with you , wee love to speake where wee are like to finde intertainement , and so doe they and receive good images and impressions of things , that they may have matter to worke upon , for as i told you they cannot make a blinde man dreame of coulours . lastly for your soules sake keepe your body in a good frame , that the humours of the body be not armed against you , to lust , and anger , and revenge , but may be fitted for spirituall converse . fourthly feare and please god , who gives bounds to the most raging elements , water , and fire , and to the most mighty spirits the angells , for they are his messengers , they doe his will ; if you receive any good motions or inspirations , by the angells , any thing of comfort , it is god that doth it , hee commaunds that creature aswell as any other to give downe its milke , therefore let him have the praise , and if now you will offer a sacrifice for this , offer it to the lord , for so saith the angell himself , iudges . . revel . . . worship god ( saith the angell to iohn : ) see thou do it not . the angell had revealed great things to iohn , and hee would have worshipped him , but saith the angell , see thou doe it not . also . rev. . worship him saith the angell that made the heaven and the earth , and the sea and the fountaines of waters . but fifthly , love the angells and gratify them , for they love you and are mightily advantagious to you , they love us much without all question , for their wills are as gods will , and hee loves us and they know it , as being deputed by him to minister to us : and as they themselves love god above all , so they love us as themselves , which is the next commaund , for wee are their neighbours , they are very neere us , and wee shal be much neerer heareafter when wee shal be with them , and be as they are . lastly , wee may see their love by its effects . first by these workes for our good , they worke in us and upon us , and then those effects of love , they rejoyce to looke into the good things prepared for us . . pet. . . which things the angells desire to looke into , and as the holy spirit is grieved when wee sin , so are the angells also , as appeares by their contrary affection of rejoycing at our good , and conversion , for then the angells of heaven rejoyce . and therefore the psalmist provokes the angells to praise god , for his mercies to himselfe and to us , and by the same reason that wee hate the divell , and resist him , wee should love and gratifie the good angells : they hate god , they hate and tempt us , the others doe purely and truly the contrary , let us know these spirits , and grow into a greater league and familiarity with them , let them not have lesse of our love , because they are spirituall and invisible , for that inables them to doe us more service , and so is god , whom wee love most of all . in this tract of angells , that which most immediately and particularly reatcheth my intent , is to shew the power they have over us , especially over our spirits , and the way they have to communicate themselves according to their power , especially to our spirits , which wee have done already , though other things as a foundation , and in order to this were necessary to be knowne , and particularly that about the guardian-ship of angells : from that formerly delivered wee deduced severall corrolaries both from the knowledge of the angells , and from their power of communicating it , to all which wee shall onely adde this further . that they have not this knowledge and power in vaine , but according to their talent betrusted with them , they lay themselves out for our advantage , as concerning the outward man , so especially and above all , in relation to our spirits and inward man , tacitely and in a spirituall way communicating themselves to our spirits , suggesting good things , and provoking us to our duties in holines and obedience . this i proove , first from their power , what they can doe they doe , but they can communicate themselves to our spirits , and our inward man ; they can in a very great measure know our mindes and necessities , they can by the mediation of our fancies , and inward sences speake to us , almost what ever they will , therefore they doe it : the reason is cleare , for els they should not serve god with all their might . but wee told you before their obedience is the patterne of ours , therefore their love also , and wee proved also that they did love us exceedingly , because god loves us , and as being their neighbours , therefore wanting neither power to enable them to their duty , nor love to actuate that power , and ability , they are no way wanting to such a communion , without which as i have shewed they should neither make good their love to god , in serving him , with their strength , nor their love to us in doeing us that good they are able to doe . secondly you may remember i told you , that they did formerly take up their shapes , not for their owne needs , but for ours , nor for ours to facilitate any thing they were to effect upon us ( for they could have communicated themselves , as much to us without bodies as with ) but for other reasons , as for the same , that miracles were of use in the infancy of the church , and new establishment of religion , therefore what they have done , they doe , for their ministery ceaseth not though the way of their administration be changed : now to instance , they have in a more open and visible way excercised themselves in communicating to us spirituall things , the law it selfe the rule of all our holines , and obedience , was given by the disposition and ministration of angells , acts . . gal. . . consider those places a little , if any thing was administred by god immediately , one would thinke the law was , yet heere it is plainely said , ordained by angells , that is , the ministery of angells was in it , perhaps the voice that spake it was theirs , and so some thinke , for so heb. . . if the word spoken by angells , was stedfast , that is , the law , as for the mediatour there mentioned , some understand it of christ , others of moses , but it is cleare that the law was promulged by god , by the ministration of angells , and that though god be said to speake those words , it is elohim , that is , the word used respecting his office as judge and supreame , and therefore the angell that before founded the trumpet , now sounded articulately the words , and whereas the phrase is god , spake , these words , that is , but according to the stile of viceroyes , who write in their masters name , charles king. and often in scripture the word or action of the principall agent , is ascribed to the minister timothie is said to save himself , and those that heard him . . tim. . . and the saintes to judge the world , who are but ministers and approovers , for christ is the great judge . but god is so neere us , as hee should doe it himself , . cor. . . know ye not that yee are the temple of god , and that the spirit of god dwells in you ? . cor. . . know ye not that your bodie is the temple of the holy ghost which is in you , &c. these things are to be understood spiritually , ( that is ) wee are dedicated to god , as the temple of god , and god is in us and among us by his spirit , there is no mention made of a personall union ; so christ math. . . where two or three are gathered together in my name , there i am in the midst of them ; yet notwithstanding hee is so neere us , hee doth not cease to teach us by the channells of ordinances . ( where by the way they administer no suggestion , but what is agreable to the word of god , which was given by them , for they will not contradict the rule , that themselves administred , and if any other be suggested , it is from the other kinde of angells : ) to proceede the angell revealed to mary the incarnation of christ according to the word luke . and others in the same chapter preacht the nativity of the saviour of the world , so acts . they instruct the apostles about the returne of christ to judgement , according to the word , also that god is onely to be worshipped , rev. . . and therefore michaël contended with the divell about the body of moses , that it might not be found and worshipped : not to be long , an angell comforted hagar , and admonished her of her duty , gen. . so the angell of the lord comforted paul , and all that was in the ship with him , acts . so an angell strengthened and encouraged eliah to his worke . . kings . . in a word what ever by way of instruction , of admonition , of incouragement , they have done in a way more visible in the infancy of the church , that they doe not cease to doe now , because their ministery remaines , though the way of their administration , for reasons formerly mentioned , be altered . a third reason perswading you to this may be that which the divells doe on their part , they administer to our spirits most of all , their apparitions being almost as seldome now a dayes as of the good angells , they goe about like roaring lyons , seeking whom they may devour . their nets are alwayes spread , they tende their snares alwayes , not so much for our bodies as our spirits , as appeares by all manner of spirituall temptations , carnall lusts are as much spiritualized by them as may be ; therefore the good angells do the like , for their power is greater , and their love higher then the others malice . fourthly from their commission , heb. . . is prooved their administration especially to the inner man , they are ministring spirits , and what kinde of administration that seemes to be , is excellently set forth psal. . . . hee shall give his angells charge over thee to keepe thee in all thy wayes , they shall beare thee up in their hands , least thou dash thy foote against a stone . in this place the angells are compared , first to nurses , or mothers , that have a charge over weake and infirme children , to keepe them and to guard them . to carry them in their hands is a metaphor , and signifies a perfect execution of their custody , to have a speciall care of them , and therefore is rather exprest so , then carrying them on their shoulders , that which one carries on their hand they are sure to keepe ; and the spaniards have a proverb when they would signify eminent favour , and friendship , they carry him upon the palmes of their hands , that is , they exceedingly love him , and diligently keepe him . least at any time , thou shouldst dash thy foote against a stone : hee persists in the metaphor ; children often stumble and fall , unlesse they be ledd and carried in hands , and armes ; by stones , are meant all difficulties , objections , perills , both to the outward and inward man , as christ is said to take care of haires and sparrowes , that is , of every thing even to a haire . now wee know what this charge is saving that zanchy addes also , the metaphor of schoolmasters , and sayes that wee are poore rusticke people , strangers , but being adopted into the houshold of god , hee gives his most noble ministers , the angells charge , first of our nursing , and then of our education , when wee are weaned to instruct us , to admonish , to institute , to correct us , to comfort us , to defend us , to preserve us from all evill , & to provoke us to all good ; and these angells seeing that wee are so deare to god , that for our sakes hee spared not his owne sonne , takes this charge with all their hearts upon them , and omit nothing of their duty from our birth to the end of our life . and the same zanchy sayes , that there be three speciall heads of the angells working about us , the first is to preserve us , so far as god sees it profitable for us , from all the snares and force of the divell , that they should be a watch about us , they should observe all our actions and carriages , both private and publique , taking care that no evill befall us . secondly not onely this but especially that they should take care of our soules teaching us good things , declaring the will of god to us , revealing the misteryes of salvation , when hee pleaseth , taking care wee may be instructed in the law of god , which formerly they did in visions & dreames , as you have heard , now tacitely they admonish our mindes , and provoke us to good duties , to obedience , &c. thirdly that in afflictions they comfort us , strengthen us , raise us , &c. bodin tells a story in his first booke of the history of sorcerers of one who about the time of reformation of religion , desired much of god the guidance and assistance of an angell , and from the yeare of his age , hee had sensible manifestations of a spirit that assisted him , and followed him till his death ; if in company hee chanced to speake any unwary words , hee was sure to be advertized , and reproved for it in a dreame in the night ; if hee read a booke that was not good , the angell would strike upon the booke to cause him to leave it : also the angell would usually wake him early and provoke him to prayer , and holy duties , hee was also ever forewarn'd of such accidents , as were to befall him , either for good or ill . amongst others hee tells this particular story , that being to goe a journey by water , hee was in extreame danger of his life , as hee knew afterwards , for some enemies of his , were resolved in the way to kill him , but the night before hee had a dreame that his father had bought him two horses , one red , another white , which caused him in the morning to send his servant , to hire him a couple of horses , which prooved to be of the same coulour red and whit , as hee had seene the vision in his draeame , although hee had spoken no words to his servant concerning the coulour ; many other things hee mentions , very strang and considerable , but i shall inlarge this story no further nor adde any more , for the illustrating of this point . so that you see this made good , that the angells are of a mighty use to us , especially in a spirituall way , and to our inward man , that their administrations is not changed , but the way of it onely . but what doe wee leave now to christ and the spirit , if you give to the angells the worke of teaching and hinting spirituall things ? i answere , what will you leave to the angells , if you take this imployment from them , you will say bodily administrations , and what will you take away that from christ , whose care reacheth to our bodies aswell as to our spirits , and to a haire of our heads . therefore you have no such division of worke to make as to give to the angells a care of the bodie to preserve from dangers , and to christ the charge of the inner man , if it be no prejudice to christ that the angells take care of our bodies , which is also his care , what prejudice will it be that the angells should also have a care of our spirits , unlesse you thinke it be a worke to high for them , and such as they cannot reach , but the contrary to that hath bene showne already , and wee finde by woefull experience , that the divells , whose power is lower then theirs , reach our spirits in their dayly temptations . but secondly i leave to christ and the spirit the all in all , that is , the inspiration , the efficacy , and the blessing , for the angells are but ministring spirits not fountaines , or heads of water , but cisternes and channells , it is christ and the spirit that imploy the angells , they give the blessing , and make effectuall what they doe : but you will aske what needs this administration , for christ can doe this worke without them ? i aske aswell what needs ministers , preaching , sacraments , but because these are gods wayes of administration , his ordinances of which wee can give no account , hee useth this chaine , and sub-ordination of which one linke toucheth another , t' is gods good pleasure to communicate himself to us , by meanes , and ordinances , of which the angells are a great part , being a great ordinance of god to us , as effectuall but more inward , and the reasons why god useth the angells towards us , i have largely given you . now if one should be so curious to consider what is by the immediate inspiration of god , to wit , what is done by god immediately , & what may the mediation of angells and other ordinances ; were a search more vice then safe , as it would be also to distinguish what the divell produceth upon us , by the mediation of our corruptions , or without them , though this latter may be more easily perhaps guessed at then the other , but there is no great use of it , and therefore wee will not amuse our selves , in giving an account of it ; but this remaines a sure truth , that they are of mighty use to us , and that the things communicated to our inward man , is ordinarily the administration of angells . then fight manfully the lords battailes , you see not onely the fountain of your strength , and the finisher of your faith , god and christ , but all the intervening mediums , the saints , the ordinances , and another great ordinance in this kinde , we have not so much considered , the good angells , the chariots and horses should relieve us , as they did elisha , and consider this in relation to your religious walking , and to your inward man , though you should want other ordinances , yet yee have the angells , an ordinance to walke up and downe with you ; in other things wee judge it a great matter to see the meanes , to have besides the promise the staffe of bread , and to other ordinances also they are an addition , and improvement , consider it also under this motion , that you may not be amased by beholding the divell and our owne lusts , you have not onely god , and christ , the authour and finisher of your faith , but you have this meanes also , a spirituall substance proportionable to the other , and to contend wih him in standing on their side . secondly walke reverently in respect of the angells even in your bedchambers , the presence of the angells should hinder us from doeing that which it were a shame and dishonour , to be found doeing by men , and should restraine us even to our thoughts and fancies , which they have a great ability to discerne and finde out . thirdly use meanes notwithstanding this ayde , the angells will helpe you in all your wayes , christ would put them to no more , and when you have used other meanes , then is their helpe most seasonable ; so they came and ministred to christ after his conflict , after hee had resisted the divell , that is , then they comforted him , and applied spirituall consolations , and if to christ , then much more to us , their administration will be but in and with the use of meanes . so as wee see the consideration of those blessed spirits , is of a practicall influence , and is not onely for speculation , for what can be more availeable to us then to know all the channells and conduits through with god conveyes himself to us : therefore every ordinance is so pretious , because it is a veyne or artery to convey blood , or spirits from god , therefore wee should love them and reverence them , therefore wee converse with them , and study to know them , and finde them out , even the least peeces & circumstances of them , because they convey some thing of god , they are the pearles for which wee sell all wee have , to buy the field where they are to be found , they are our mines , our elixurs , and our philosophers stone , turning all they touch into gold ; therefore let us value the knowledge of them as things necessary for us , and which have a great influence upon our holy walking . and secondly let us apply our selves to them , as to the ordinances , and ministers of god , using them reverently , sucking good from them , considering how wee may receive , what ever they administer , and because these are rationall , and living instruments , let us converse with them , as such , knowing how to speake with them , knowing how to gaine them , and winne upon them , which is by living their lives , that is , according to reason and the spirit , answering them in their motions , conversing with them after a spirituall way , assenting to what they say , making up holy conclusions with them and replyes , which they will finde wayes to understand , aswell as the divell , as wee shall heare afterward . and using things of sence as they did for ones , rather then their particular and personall satisfaction . thirdly let us heere see , how all the whole creation is serviceable to man , and reduceable to his good ; the beasts and plants feede and cloth him ; the sun and starres contribute to his being , food , and preservation , they gouverne the yeare for the fruit , which hee gathers , and they have influence upon the humours , and constitution of his body , the highest heavens is a house prepared for him , to rest him in for ever , after a short labour ; one would have thought that if any peece of the creation should have escaped this ministery , it would have bene the mighty and blessed angells , fitted and destin'd for the ministery of the almighty god , but behold them as farre engaged as any of the rest : what is man that thou art mindefull of him , or the son of man that thou visitest him ? that is , with all thy mercyes and blessings ; now then this man that is thus waited on , by the whole creation and by these mighty angells , must either put himself into the throne of god , and thinke that hee it is , to whom all these things doe homage , as to their naturall and soveraigne lord , as to their utmost and highest end , and this by nature wee would faine doe : or els hee must looke upon himself as a well paid servant , as a well fitted instrument for some excellent and well raised worke , and that what ever comings in hee hath , hee must consider them in order to his layings out and his receipts to his disbursments ; hee must consider the tract of obedience and the way of working to which all this chaine , and charge of benefite drive him , and must know that hee is the great accountant of the world , both for talents the meanes of working , and for wages the reward of working , and should be fitted from every administration about him to an answerable ministery in himself , with which hee is charged , both in a way of love and debt ; and for instance when hee knowes in this particular , that the angells continually administer good things to him , instru●ting , teaching , admonishing him , inspiring him with good , comforting , strengthening him against the divell , and his lusts , hee is taught not onely to receive willingly that which is so freely and advantageously administred , and to love that god be bove all , and then those spirits , that are at this paines , but hee is taught also to be good , to be holy , to be strong , to let them have their efficacy upon him , to be obedient , to make right pathes and steppes . the sun and the starres produce their effects upon the earth , why should not the blessed angells and the blessed spirits have their effects upon thy heart ? lastly since every ability and strength is for service , why should not wee aspire after angelicall worke , wee have angell guardians , why should not wee be guardians of one another , they teach us , why should not wee instruct the ignorant , that are below us either in knowledge or grace ; they comfort and strengthen us , why should not wee doe the like ; the way to have angells reward , to see the face of god , is to doe the worke of angells , those inspired by the spirit , are capable of angells worke , aswell as of their wages . so you will improove this piece of creation to your use aswell as all the rest . wee come now to the second part of this treaty that of the divell , and the evill angells , where in wee shall handle some things very briefly , and especially insist upon those things , which are in relation to their dealings with us . and wee will consider them not as they were , for so their nature is common to them with the good angells , but as they are . if you aske , how they came into this woefull condition ! certainely by sin , for they were not so formed by god ; that they might sin , there is reason enough , in this that they were creatures , for what is it to sin , but to depart from that rectitude , which every thing ought to have , to passe your bounds to decline and erre from the scope appointed you , for gods prerogative alone is to be immutable . that they did sin , the scripture is cleere , for they left their first estate , iude . and they aboade not in the truth . and . pet. . . god spared not the angells that sinned , but cast them into hell . if you aske what sin this was that brought those blessed creatures into the depth of misery ? the scripture is not so cleare in that , some thinke it was pride , and rebellion against god , others thinke envy at man , the most probable guesse mee thinkes is , that it was their opposition to the great mistery of godlinesse in the gospell of christ , who being to be made man , and the head of all the creation , that all standing , all restauration was to be by god man , in which the angelicall nature was left out , this being in a great measure revealed as it is called rev. . . the everlasting gospell , decreed from eternity , though manifested but by degrees ; those high spirits could not beare such a subjection , so christ saith , they abode not in the truth , ioh. . . especially of the gospell , which is the greatest truth in respect of which christ calls himselfe the truth , and is called the wisedome of god , so saith hee , i came into this world , that i might beare witnesse of the truth ; that is , this truth , which christ sealed with his blood , now sayes hee , hee abode not in this truth , but was a lyar ; now what is that lye that sathan sets up in the world , which hee alwayes speakes , which hee studies to persuade others to , it is this to debase the gospell , and the saving of the world by god man , and therefore its worth observing that the summe of al heresies , are either against the divinity of christ , or the humanity of christ , or his office , to wit , that hee can contribute all things necessary to salvation , that his merits , his works alone , are enough : and in this respect christ accused the iewes , you are the sonnes of your father the divell , which stood not in the truth , no more will you , sayes hee , but you lye as hee did : now what was their lye , the very same , that christ was not the sonne of god , the saviour of the world , and so the truth in which they would not rest , was the truth of the gospell , which their father the divell abode not in , and this is that truth which ever since hath beene the ground of the conflict betweene the good and evill angells , and betweene the divells , and the saints of god. see and tremble at the quicke worke that god made , . peter . . god spared not the angells that sinned , but cast them into hell ; hee might have dealt so with us , the wages of sin is death ; how come wee then to live , how comes it that wee are on this side hell , whither sin would presently have hurryed us , thanke god and christ for it . secondly , honour , love and beleeve the gospell , that is , the truth , the great truth , let up god and christ greatly in it , beleeve strongly , trust not to your righteousnes : let not your sinnes stand in your way , this cost the divells eternall condemnation ; this is the truth they stood not in , this is the thing they most of all oppose . therefore worke what you will , so you beleeve not , they care not , unbeliefe is virtually all ill , therefore fight especially against that . thirdly , feare sins against great and strong light , the divells abode not in the truth , that truth they forsooke was exceeding great , it was truth with a witnesse , exceeding evident , and apparent , therefore it carried them into the lowest sinke of sin , which is a deadly hatred of god , and all goodnes , and all his creatures , which ariseth much from the light they fell from , like to this fall of theirs , is the sin against the holy ghost . having seene their sin , wee come to their punishment , which in many respects is necessary for us to know in order to this subject as wee shall see . the place of their punishment , seemes to admit of a double consideration , either that of their ultimate punishment , after the day of judgment , or that for the present . this distinction is gathered out of severall places , especially that of iude ; that everlasting fire , which christ speakes of math. . . the common residence of the damned and divells , seemes rather to be prepared for them , then possessed already by the divell and his angells : the same may be understood of that utter darknes where shal be weeping & wayling and gnashing of teeth , math. . . this seemes to be the most abject , vildest and remote of all the rest ; there is the same reason of opposites , the saints shall shine as the sun in the glory of their father ; and as the favour of god is called the light of his countenance , and the saints are said to be in light , so the wicked and divells to be cast into utter darknesse . againe as the holy angells and saints are in the highst heavens , with god and christ , so the divell and reprobates , shal be in the most remote place from all these furthest from god and all good , and light , and comfort . between you and us there is a great gulfe , luk. . . this place may be either neere the center of the earth , or in the depths of the great waters , that is , most remote from the highst heavens , and this appeares by that place luk. . . where the di●ells besought christ , that hee would not command them to goe into the depths , as apprehending that eternall judgement to which they were destin'd , and having it ever in their eye to astonish them , and dread them , therefore they were affraid of christ , and besought him not to torment them before their time ; but for the present according to that in peter , . pet. . . the angells that sinned are cast downe into hell , as wee translate it , not intending by that the place of their ultimate punishment , for hee saies , they are reserved in chaines till the judgement of the last day , as malefactours that indure a good piece of their punishment , by the hardnes of their prisons ; but the place of their present abode is either in the aire , waters , or under the earth , as eph. . . they are called the prince of the power of the aire , and in that place of math. they besought christ they might possesse the swine : and they carried them into the waters , the place of their abode : some also live on the earth and under the earth , from whence they make their dreadfull apparitions , as hee that came up in the likenesse of samuel . next wee come to consider that place of iude . i will not comment upon it , because i bring it but as a proofe : the apostle saith heere , the angells are reserved in everlasting chaines under darknes , untill the judgement of the great day : by these chaines divines understand , ( besides their guilt which bindes them over to punishment , ) the divine power bridling and determining the angelicall strength , either intelectuall , or operative , so as they are not masters of their abilityes , but are bound up and restrained , they have not liberty of acting , which the good angells have , though god permit them to do much , and they are called everlasting chaines , because though by them they shal be reserved to judgement , yet these chaines shall shackle and binde them for ever ; by these words under darknes , is meant as before , the absence of the light of gods countenance , and also in darke obscure places . this distinction of a double condition of the evill angells till judgement , and after judgement , is necessary to be knowne , ( in respect of the subject in hand ) because if they were in their tearme already , and utmost place , they would have nothing to doe with men , in regard of tempting , not with men of this world , because they would be secluded hence , nor with the damned , because they in respect of their condition , are already obstinated in ill , nor in all reason do they punish them in hell , for wee finde no peculier ministery , which the divell hath over them in hell , but they goe thither to be tormented with the divell and his angells , rather then by them , as wee finde nothing of the ministery of the good angells in heaven to us ; therefore the knowledge of this is necessary to us , that wee may know they are heere with us , not in their place and tearme , and that the minister about us , and are very active concerning us , which in utter darknes and everlasting fire they will have little leasure to doe . let us consider this a little , that the whole universe of rationall creatures are under chaines and bonds in order to an eternall state , this will have an influence into our practice : of the angells wee have spoke already , you see how and where they are bound : men also are in the same condition , some are under the bonds of election , others under the bonds of reprobation , reserved both of them , by the chaines of gods decree , to eternall glory or wrath , which is to follow ; this in the decree hath been for ever , but since the fall the bonds have seazed upon men , an attatcht them assoone as they have had a being , so as they have lyen under the arrest clogged with shackles , and chaines , which of themselves they could never put of : they have had a wound in their wills , and a blindenesse in their understandings , the spirit of bondage , through conscience of sin , and feare of wrath to come , have fallen upon all men , who have not gone sleeping to hell . now then see the use of christ , luk. . . hee was sent to heale the broken hearted , to preach deliverance to the captives , recovering of sight to the blinde , and to set at liberty them that are bruised . heere is one that can knocke of your shackles , can breake those bonds ; indeed hee layes another yoake upon you , another chaine , by it you are reserved also , but it is to everlasting joyes , it is to a crowne that fades not away , and it is a yoake , but it is a light one , not which shackles and fetters , but advanceth your motion , and is a comely ornament to your necke , they are the bonds of a friend , it is such an imprisonment as excludes bondage , as gives liberty : let those therefore that are invironed with those chaines , that are honoured with this yoake , glory in their bonds and walke as freemen , these are markes of their libertie , and badges to distinguish them from slaves ; let them walke livelily and cheerefully , not as men bound up by a spirit of bondage , and reserved under darknesse , but as men set at liberty and in a joyfull light , with singing in their mouths , and laughter in their faces , and joy in their hearts , that they may be knowne by their lookes to be the sonnes of the most high , and heires of a free kingdome , and let your actions and steps speake libertie , every one freedome from sin , from lusts , from corruptions , that there may be a glory in every motion , and an impression of sealing to eternall life . secondly for those that are yet under those ill yoakes , let them consider to get loose , or they will finde a worse state behinde , they will finde themselves , but reserved to judgement , though one would thinke , the yoake they beare , the yoake of lusts bad enough , to be servants of sin , and corruption , of lust and pride , yet they are reserved to worse : change your bonds therefore , rest not till you finde your selves bound by other cords , bonds reserving you to everlasting joy and happines . wee have considered the divells already , under two heads , one of their sin , another of their punishment ; that of their sin wee have dispatch't with the corollaries drawne from it . in respect of their punishment wee considered them under a double consideration , either that present , or that which remaines them heareafter , and founde it usefull for our purpose . wee will consider now of their spirituall punishment : first for their will , they are so obstinated in ill and in hatred against god , and christ , that they cannot will to repent , and be saved ; they are that wicked one by way of eminency : what death is to us , that the fall was to the angells put them into a pertinatious , and constant state of ill , but the reason of this was the judgement of god upon their sin , which was against the holy ghost , because willingly , and knowingly they opposed the truth and gospell of god , therefore sayes iohn , hee that committeth sin is of the divell , for the divell sinneth from the beginning , . ioh. . . not hee hath sinned , but doth sin , that is pernitiously , and constantly , as a fruit of that great first sin . for their knowledge that it is exceeding great in it selfe , is without all question , they being of the same substance with the other angells , indued with a most excellent knowledge of things , and a most tenacious memory . it appeares also , secondly from their experience of things from the creation of the world to this time . thirdly from their office , which is to delude and deceive the reprobates , and to try the saintes which require great ability of knowledge . fourthly from this that they are the great masters of all the impostures that have bene in the world , of all sorcerers , witches , and southsayers , who for title call the divell their master ; yet notwithstanding , their sin , hath given their knowledge a mighty wound . for first their naturall knowledge is maymed exceedingly , there is darknes mixed with it , they lost what man lost and more ; adam could call things by their names according to their natures , but who can do it now , and proportionably to their more eminent nature and sin , was the greatnes and eminency of their losse . secondly in their knowledge of things divine , and revealed , in many things they fall short , they beleeve enough to make them tremble , but many the best and most things were lost to them , what they see , they see but by halfe lights , and therefore though the divells understood more of christ then men not enlightened by god , and they could tell that paul and his companions were the servants of the most high god , also iesus they knew , and paul they knew , acts . . they have whereof to beleeve and tremble , iam. . . they raise from the effects some darke and obscure knowledge : yet in things of this kinde the divells beleeve not very many things , which they should have beleeved , if they had stood , and therefore are called darknesse , and the power of darknesse , because they are exceeding darke in themselves , in respect of the good angells , and of what they might have beene . but now then thirdly to see things , as the good angells and holy people doe , ( to wit ) the beauty of holinesse , the evill of sin , the lovelinesse of god in christ , the glory of god , as father to his elect , such sights as might gaine and winne them to god , they are perfectly blinde in , and understand nothing of , ( and as i have told you before , they never saw god as the elect angells did , they never beheld the face of god ; ) so nor now can they see him , as the elect , both angells and men doe , but heere lies the greatest darknesse , which they can never overcome . their spirituall punishment will appeare also , by those names , and titles , attributed to them in the scripture , they are called perverse spirits , and uncleane spirits , from their quality and office , they are the authours of uncleane thoughts , and actions , they are called , the evill one , the enemy , viz. to god and man , the father of the wicked , iohn . . also the divell , the calumniator , the tempter , one whose worke lyes in deluding and depraving man. also the god of this world , hee would be worshipped as god , as hee hath also a power over men , . cor. . . so hee would have worship from them , as they have also formally , and explicitely from such as personally give themselves over to their service . they are stiled also the governours of this world , or rulers , . eph. . which governe wicked men , in and to their lusts ; also roaring lyons , . pet. . . from their fiercenesse and malice : a murderer , authour of our death and all murthers : also beliall , . cor. . . what agreement hath christ with beliall ? this signifies irregular , without yoake and discipline , such hee is himself , will submit to no law , but what the power of god layes necessarily upon him , and such hee renders his . the use that i shall make of all this to our selves , is , that wee dread the spirituall punishments of sin : sin drawes along a dreadfull chaine after it , the little sweet that was in your mouth , that your rolled under your tongue , which you judged so good , the tast of that is presently gone , but there is a long bitter followes , the pleasure is but skin deepe , reacheth but to your sence , but the effects of it are felt upon your conscience and minde , your most noble parts ; the pleasure gives you the enjoyment of a minute , such a one as it is , but the paine is of your life , perhaps of all eternity ; but how miserable is it to drawe on a trayne of spirituall punishments , that is , that sin shall be punished with sinne , the truth is , every first sin , carries punishment with it , for it is a punishment to sin in the first act , though wee consider it not , as all holy acts carry reward with them , even in their mouth ; but heere is not all , this sin shall make you sin againe , pharoah was punished by frogs , by haile , by many things , but the hardenings of his heart , as it was the greatest punishment , so it was virtually all the rest : that place rom. . . is dreadfull , because they delighted not to reteyne god in their knowlegde , god gave them over to a reprobate minde , and then they were filled with all unrighteousnes : if wee will not delight in god , god wil give us up to delight in the basest things in the world ; thou little thinkest , that thy proud or uncleane thought , shal be waited on with such a trayne , not onely of punishment , but sin . and this is true to all in it's proportion , to the saints , for sin doth not naturally dispose for further degrees of sinning of the same kinde , for so every act strengthens the habit , but the spirit of god being grieved withdrawes , and when yee are in the darke , the spirit of darknesse is bold with you , and you want light to repell him , and god can when hee pleaseth in consideration of a sin past , let either a sin fall upon your spirit , or an affliction or sicknes upon your body . but oh feare such punishments , they are not onely of the worst kinde , but they are multiplying of evill infinitely , if god prevent not . beware therefore of sin , least you sin , and least you be given over to a spirit of sinning , which is the greatest and worst of punishments , thinke that you know not what sins are in the wombe of this sin , which you are now about ; if to grieve the spirit , to please the divell , to offend god , be dreadfull to you , feare sin above all , not onely for that present act , but for those other sins which may be contained in the wombe of that , and may in time be most cursed births of it . and as austin said of hell , lord saith hee , burne heere , cut heere , punish heere ; that is , in this life : so of sin , o wish rather the animadversion , to fall upon your bodies and estates , your outward man heere cut lord , spare my soule , my inner man , let sinne rather cause death then sin , which is the worst dying . in the next place wee come to shew , what is the principall ministery of the evill angells , for god knowes how to improove every creature , and not onely the power , but the evill of the evill angells , and hee made nothing in vaine , the wicked are for the day of wrath , muchlesse such mighty instruments and engines , as those spirits are , which though they have received a wound and lye under chaines , yet are of mighty ability when god gives them leave to act it . that they are at liberty for a ministery i told you before , when i spake of their punishment , for they are not in termino , they are not yet in the great deepe nor under the sentence of their punishment , they are not in the place prepared for the divell and his angells , but they are in the ayre and the world , where also they are princes , they have the advantage of the place , and powers is also theirs ; now for their ministery which still will come neerer our purpose , the principall and proper ministery of the evill angells is to tempt , and induce men to sinne , they improove all the power and opportunity they have , chiefly to this , this is manifest by scripture , assoone as the world began , hee began this worke with our parents in innocency , in the shape of a serpent , gen. . . therefore christ calls him a murtherer from the beginning , ioh. . . for assoone as the world was , hee gave the greatest blow , that ever was given mankind , hee murthered our first parents , and in them all our posterity , and this was done in a way of tempting and alluring , so paul . cor. . . i feare least as the serpent seduced eve ; shewing that that temptation was the beginning , the first of that kinde that was in the world , the first prancke hee playd , the first execution of his ministery , and as it were the coppy of the rest , therefore also math. . . hee is called the tempter , as being the title of his office , other names hee hath which shew his power , and ability , his nature and his malice , but none declare his ministery so properly as this ; therefore . thess. . . least by some meanes , the tempter have tempted you , and very frequently our temptations are said to be from the divell , so ioh. . . the divell put into the heart of iudas to betray christ , iudas had the corruption in his heart before , which was fit matter to worke on , but it was a fruit of the divells ministery , to suggest that temptation and put it into his heart , so christ told peter , that sathan had desired to winnow him ; wee should have said hee was affraid to die , and being surpriz'd secured himself by a lye , and so should have imputed it to little more then the act of a timerous spirit , but christ said , the divell was in it , and . pet. . . it is said , hee goes about like a roaring lyon , seeking whom hee may devour , that is , by his temptations , and allurements , otherwise hee doth not rampe upon our bodyes , and rev. . . it is said , that the great dragon was cast out , that old serpent , called the divell and sathan , who deceiveth the whole world ; this is his worke , hee sayes , they were cast out , and his angells were cast out with him , which are his under-ministers in deceiving the world , as christ math. . . calls them the divell and his angells . ( of the order of the angells wee speake not now , but that there is a subordination in their state and imployment appeares evidently : ) but heere you see the ministery of the divell , in the most eminent branch of it , which is to tempt , to draw men into snares , and to leade them to misery : if you aske whence hee had his power , for all ministery implyes a power from whence it is derived ? i answer from god , for there is no power but of god , rom. . . which is generally true of angelicall power , aswell as humane , thou couldst have no power at all except it were given thee from above , saith christ to pilate : therefore this power , this considerable ministery to us , is from god , it must needs be so , because els you would set up another chiefe , another supreame , from whence they must derive it , and so another god , every kingdome is under a greater kingdome , and what ever power there be , it falls under a greater , till you come to that which is the greatest and highest , therefore the same reasons that make the divells creatures , make them also subject , and if they be subject , then the power and the mannaging of it is from god. now wee come to consider some reasons , why god gives this ministery to the divells , why it is invested in them by god. first that the excellency and power of his grace might appeare , and be illustrated , and what can doe it more then to see the effect and efficacy of it in weake man , which yet through god is begirt with might , and made able to grapple with this mighty adversary ; so paul when hee grappled with sathan , and doubted of his strength , and therefore would faine have bene quit of such an adversary , and sought god earnestly in the matter , had this answer , be content , my grace is sufficient for thee , my strength is made perfect in weaknesse , . cor. . . which when paul understood , hee gloried in his infirmities and distresses , that the power of christ might rest upon him . they say of some fields that they are good for nothing , but to be the field of a battell ; paul had rather have his soule be the field of that battell , where christ should overcome , then be in the greatest rest , or beare any other fruit . but if you object that the inefficatiousnesse of grace is aswell discovered by this , because even the saints are sometimes overcome ? first by that the divell is no gainer , that little ground hee gets , tends but to his greater confusion , when hee is not able to make it good , but is beat from his strong holds , and forced to quit the field after a victory : as the amalekites that robbed david at ziglag , got nothing , for david recovered his spoyle , and besides that , the other heards that they drove before these other cattle , and which hee called davids spoyle , . sam. . . a man may be a victor in the battell and not in the warre . the saints at last spoyle the divell , unthrone him , degrede him , as fruits of their revenge upon him . secondly for god , his grace is magnified in some sort by our falls , that is , it is shewen that it is grace , that it is freely given , and therefore when his assistance withdrawes , ( as it runs not alwayes in an equall tenour ) wee fall before every touch , not onely of the divell , but of the meanest of his instruments . thirdly it is gods way , and it illustrates exceedingly his goodnes , and bounty , rather to bring greater goods out of evill , then to permit no evill at all , els no evill would befall his neither sinne , nor affliction ; so as gods glory is still illustrated , either by enabling us to stand , or at least to gaine afterward , to the confusion of sathan , and his owne greater glory in the issue , so as the reason on gods part stands good . but there is secondly a reason also of this ministery in respect of men , first for wicked men , and reprobates , god will have them hardened , hee will have them deceived , there is a worke to be done upon them that they may be surely damned ; if you aske the reason of this , i will aske what art thou ô man that disputest against god ; and if god will give men up to beleeve lyes and send them strong delusions , as in . thess. . . who is so fit to be the messenger as the father of lyes , who will doe it most hartily , and most efficaciously ; and therefore . kings . . one of those spirits , presented himself for that worke : i will be a lying spirit ( sayes hee ) in the mouth of all his prophets . so when god will have men filled with all unrighteousnes , fornication , wickednes , as rom. . . who is so fit to blowe those bellowes , as the uncleane spirit , and since god ordinarily converseth with men , not immediately but by mediums and instruments , by men and angells , by ministers , and ordinances , who is so fit for this base imployment , as the worst of creatures , the divell . but secondly there is great reason also for it , in regard of the saints , of the glory and crowne which they shall gaine by victory , a man is not crowned except hee strive lawfully , . tim. . . now how shall hee strive if hee have not an adversary , and if for a crowne , hee must have a great adversary in some sort proportionable to the prize ; every saint is a souldier , as in the same chapter of tim. ver . . god hath put us into the lists , he hath armed us , and given us mighty aydes , wee have a glorious king and captaine iesus christ , fellow souldiers , the whole host of angells and saints , and for prize a crowne of righteousnes , a crowne of glory , therefore wee have a mighty enemy , whose worke and ministry , is to oppose , assayle , and tempt , one fitted at all points for a combate , that knowes all the wiles in warre , and is mighty in strength , and the end is that great victories might have great glory through iesus christ ; but besides this , there are other reasons , as that this great enemy , this adversary might drive us to god , and cause us to sticke close to him ; god would have us alwayes heere with him in a spirituall converse , as heareafter wee shall be in a personall ; nothing will make us keepe our strength , as the assurance of a mighty enemye if you depart from god but a little , you are sure to be overcome . now god that loves our company , hath formed this meanes , to drive us to him , and there to keepe us on such tearmes as wee may not dare to depart from him . and thirdly that wee might be kept in an humble watching , praying , that is in a holy frame ; what afflictions doe , that should temptations doe also , because they are of an higher nature , and more considerable to us . first , that if there be such a ministery as tempting to sin and departing from god , let the saintes blesse god for their ministery which is so much otherwise , that is , both the ministery they are for , which is to serve god , to doe good , to drawe men to god , to incite to holinesse ( which is angells worke , ) and also the ministery they are under , for they are not under this evill ministery , as they are under god , and the good angells , the wicked are so , they are in some sort subjected to it , for their good and advantage , but the ministery they properly fall under as their owne , is of another kinde , as wee have formerly shewne . secondly , then wonder not that evill men are so wicked , there is a ministery upon them for that purpose , an evill spirit from the lord is upon them , and god hath forsaken them ; be not scandalized at the evill of any that is not under the ministery of god , and the holy angells , for they are prest and ridden by another spirit , and they cannot but goe when they are so driven . thirdly , take heed yee be no occasion or temptation to sin , it is the divells worke , doe not that vilde worke , it belongs to the divell and his angells ; you may commit this sin amongst others , to be an occasion of others sins , though not of purpose , but through want of care and watchfulnes , but take heed of this , though it be but by accident . fourthly when yee see men rise to a height in wickednes , doe not thinke they shall presently be destroyed , and sent to their place , they are cast perhaps under sure bonds , for destruction , but as the divells , they are at liberty for service and ministry . god will use them as hee doth the divells , for base and filthy worke , before hee will cast them into the great deeps . fifthly labour for holinesse and wisedome , that yee may be fit for a ministry ; the evill angells are indued with great strength , because they have a mighty worke to doe , you have a ministry also , to serve god and man , to doe great workes , but where is your ability , labour also for holinesse , that you may be mighty to worke . sixthly , if so good an account may be given of the divells and their ministery , which is the worst thing in the world , doubt not but god will justify well enough all his actions to the world one daye . seaventhly , dread not your adversary , hee shall prove your crowne . eightly , since there is such a ministery to tempt and deceive , keepe close to your strength , depart not from your coulours , the divell is to hard for you , if hee take you alone , ye cannot fight with him in single combate , if you take your selves from gods ordinances and wayes , you will be as an excommunicate person which is delivered up to sathan , so you may deliver up your selves . ninthly , be secure on gods side , this is but a ministery , hee will have the victory , and the glory , hee overcomes for the present often the infirme and weake will of man , but the power and grace of god never : consider that his power is from god , and his ministery is for him , in those that perish hee is the mighty minister of god , for their destruction ; the skirmishes hee obtaines of the saintes , hee shall have little cause to boast of at last , when hee shall see those saints , filling the seats of the wicked , and falne angells , so as for gods manifestative glory hee shall serve to advance it , aswell as all the other peece of the creation , for his essenciall it is above his reach , or that of any creature . you have seene the ministery of the evill angells , it will not be amisse in pursuite of it , to consider , how farre they mingle themselves with temptations , and whether they be the cause and authour of all , or of all sinne . it seemes temptations goes before sin , as the cause before the effect , iam. . . . every one when hee is tempted is drawne away of his owne lusts , and lust when it hath conceived bringeth forth sinne . therefore : first to state aright the case of sinne , and then consider how farre hee tempts . how ever immediately or properly the divell may concurre in the point of temptation , yet hee ever concurres remotely , in respect of the sin committed , for betweene the temptation of the divell , and sin , there ever mediates or goes betweene , cogitation or thought , in which the temptation properly and formally lyes , so as hee may be an effectuall cause of temptation but not of sin , for hee may necessitate a man to feele a temptation , but not to consent to it . the divell may represent such an object to us , but hee cannot constraine us to be taken with it , to close with it : the divell when hee temps us , hee doth not binde us , or altogether hinder the use of reason , for though hee may have an ability naturally to do it , it is not ordinarily permitted him , or if it be permitted him , then properly and formally , hee doth not tempt to sinne , but inflicts by gods permission , some evill of punishment upon us , by which our power of sinning , for the present is taken away , which cannot be without an ability of reasoning or working freely : to which wee may adde , that as the divell cannot worke in our wills , the consent of sin , as being the next totall and efficient cause , ( for that were to destroy the liberty , and life of the will , which is to be free and to moove freely , ) as hee cannot do this wholy , so neither as a partiall or halfe cause to operating immediately with our will , bending and mooving of it , for even this is a branch of gods prerogative , and exceeds the spheare of all created capacity ; the will is independent upon all created power , both in its operation and in its being , and is out of the naturall power of all the angells , onely god the first cause of all things , can concurre with the free acts of the will , and neverthelesse preserve its liberty , hee can bend it , and frame it , and reatch it , as free and as immateriall as it is . then first thy perdition is of thy self , oh israell , it is thy cursed will that strikes the stroake for sinne , which all the divells in hell could not doe ; men will be impure , they will be covetous , they chuse to doe evill , that is it which strikes the stroake , lay no more upon the divell then is his due , hee cannot force your will , and it is will wherein your sinne lyes , the lesse voluntary any thing is , the lesse sin , nay hee cannot cooperate immediately with your will , hee cannot bend nor moove it to assent to the understanding , the will and the deed is not from him : let every sin then humble us for the will that is in it , and know that the strength of sin lyes in the will , as that is gained , as that assents , more or lesse . secondly , blesse god that hath preserved you this liberty , and hath left to himself onely , that power over you make good your liberty against the divell , and call in god to your aide , beseech him that can , to bend and moove you , and since hee hath not subjected you necessarily , do not you subject your selves voluntarily . glory over the divell in this behalfe , and make good your ground , which all the power and art hee hath , can never gaine , unlesse you will. for the second point , whether the divell can concurre to the temptation of all sin , some have thought , that there would have bene no sin , without the temptation of the divell , and that there can be none ; but to make the divell so necessarie to all temptations , as that they cannot be without him , i see no reason for though there were no temptation , from without , originall corruption were sufficient to raise temptations to provoke to ill , every one is tempted when hee is drawne aside of his owne concupiscence or lust , and intised , iam. . . so math. . . out of the heart proceede evill thoughts , adulteries , that is , it is a bubling spring , a fountaine for the worst streames : also , considering how ready wee are to kindle and to receive fire from every sparke , without the divell or any rationall tempter , sencible objects may betray us , the lusts of the flesh the lusts of the eye , and the pride of life , something of this nature is that which drownes worldly men in perdition , and destruction , and creats that conflict betweene the flesh and the spirit in the saints , gal. . . the flesh lusteth against the spirit , and the spirit lusteth against the flesh , so that wee cannot doe the things that wee would ; by reason of this opposite streame , of this contrary power , wee are interrupted in our working ; and besides , sencible objects which worke upon corruptions within us , which are apt to receive flame and burne , there are the ill counsells of wicked men , and wee may adde over and above , that without the foment of originall lust and without an extrinsecall tempter , man might have sinned even in the state of pure nature , why not aswell as the angells , which had no tempter , nor divell to fall upon them , which were in their pure naturalls . and they which received so easily a temptation from without , as our first parents , might perhaps have sinned without it ; therefore without all question , if wee speake of the possible of what may be , men may sin without the temptation of the divell : but now de facto , the divell usually , hath a part in all temptations , hee findes matter in us , and hee workes upon it , therefore there are not many temptations , in which the divell is alone , without us , and i should thinke there are fewer , in which wee are without the divell . and therefore the fathers were used to say , when you thinke or doe any evill thing , it is without all question , that yee have a malignant angell exhorting you to it ; also when you speak idlely or doe any evill thing , it is the divells counsell , but doe wee not finde the scripture frequent in this ? the divell put it into the heart of iudas to betray christ , ioh. . . so acts . . why hath sathan put it into thy heart to lye . so ioh. . . christ blames them for being enemies to the truth , and for being lyars , but hee wonders not at it , for hee tells them the divell is powerfull with them , and there is a confirmed relation betweene him and them , yee are of your father the divell , and the lusts of your father you will doe , which may be said of other sinnes , aswell as of lying ; so christ said to peter , get thee behinde mee sathan : hee knew sathan was in that carnall peece of policy , and so paul speaking to married people , bids them not be long asunder , but come together againe least sathan tempt them for their incontinency . what ? was there not flesh and blood in them , and corrupt affections enough , to make them incontinent ? yes . but they wrestle not onely against flesh and blood , as in the text , but against principalities and powers , against the divell in all his strength and power , even in these things , wherein flesh and blood , assaile us also . so sathan provoked david to number the people , . chron. . . which wee would have thought to have proceeded from nothing more , then from the pride of life , and to have bene a branch of it , yet the scripture layes it to the charge of sathan ; now besides these scripture expressions this mingling and joyning in all temptations , may be supposed easily , in reason , by them which shall cōsider the innumerable numbers of the divells , which are ministring spirits for that purpose , ( as i told you before , ) when yee shall also consider the infinite hatred they beare to god and man , which invites them with all diligence , and endeavour to fulfill this ministery , so as they have no intermission , no vacant time from this worke , the divells emissaries , ( wicked men ) how busye are they ? they can not sleepe except they cause some to sin , they turne every stone , and leave no meanes unattempted , but the divell himself needs no sleepe , nor rest , hee is not clog'd with a body , to weary him , hee hath no other imployment to distract him , no food or rayment to provide , to interrupt him , so as hee may minde his proper worke , and indulge to his proper lusts , which is to dishonour god , by abusing man , and therefore hee is ever at leasure either to offer temptations , and begin them which hee doth very often , or when any bubling is of our owne corruptions , or occasion off'red from without , hee is at hand and at leasure , hee hath heart and hand ready to joyne , to sharpen the temptation , and to give it those points it wants , to make it most taking ; so as though possibly man may sin , without the immediate temptation of the divell , as hath bene shewed , yet it is not improbable , that the divell , out of the abundance of his malice , & solicitousnes to hurt , doth concurre actually , ordinarily , to all temptations , and so to all the sins of men , and makes good the words of peter , who sayes , that our adversary the divell goes about like a roaring lyon , seeking whom hee may devour : all this is that ye may know which are the divells parts , and which ours , and how far hee can goe , and when hee stoppes , which is a proper part of this discours . but if you aske and inquire now of the method , and whether usually have the start in raising and beginning those temptations , our owne corruptions or the divell ? there is nothing certaine , or assured in this , but there is ordinarily a variation , with evah it was apparant the divell began , with christ , it was necessary hee should begin , and end , for there was nothing in him , to fasten temptations upon ; with iudas also it is cleare hee began , the divell put it into his heart , and very ordinarily , according as hee is wise and diligent hee begins with us , not onely in those temptations which men say to be properly from the divell , namely in things suddaine , independent , and unnaturall , ( which yet for ought i know , may often have their birth in originall corruption ) but also hee begins in our most ordinary and naturall lustings , and that either mediately , by presenting the objects of lust , or passion , or by stirring and mooving the humours of the body , that the body may be more fittly disposed , to be mooved by the object , or els immediately , joyneing some internall persuations , and reasonings to the motion of the object , which may more easily leade and facilitate us , to the consenting to such a lust or inordinary . it may also be on the other side , that corruption mooving freely , and of it self , the divell may adjoyne himself , as hee will neglect no probable occasion , to promote his worke , and it is possible that some motions , may escape him without his concurrence . for though hee be wise and watchfull , yet neither doth hee foresee all future things , nor perhaps doth hee consider all present things , instantly , and assoone as ever they are in act , especially such as give the least impression upon the fancy or some of the fences , which may be supposed rather of more transcient acts , of thought , of suddaine and passing things , then of any thing of greater moment which lyes longer in thy minde , and are premeditated , it is most probable the divell is never wanting to them . thus you see how hee stirres in sin , and how hee mingles himself with temptations , which is according to scripture , and the sence and experience of our owne heart . from that therefore which hath bene said in the first part of the second point ( viz. ) that our owne corruptions can furnish us with temptations , though there were no divell ; let us be sencible of the miserable condition wee are in , and cry out of the body of death , wee carry about us as paul did , and learne to keepe the avenues against all lusts , which may finde away to us by our sences , by the example of others and by ill company aswell as the divell ; watch our hearts , out of the heart proceed evill thoughts , &c. the divell could hurt us no more then hee did christ , if hee had no more matter in us , subdue corruptions , mortifie lusts , and the divell wants so much footing , the fire is ours alwayes though the flame be his , quench the fire ▪ take away the subject matter , and then yee defeate and vexe him , as hee doth you with his wiles . but then secondly see the need of watching , yee fight not against flesh and blood , yee have a nature that you cannot stand before without a speciall assistance , that yeeldes without a blow , or with an easy touch , and wee have a divell able to adde strength to the bluntest weapon , to stir up corruption , where they are , most mortified , who is sufficient for these things for this combate . fly to christ to the lyon of the tribe of iudah , to resist for you this roaring lyon. thirdly in our watching thinke much of the divell , have him evermore in our eye , and by knowing his nature , wiles , and methods , and his ministery what hee doth in the world , hee instructed for him , as for an enemy , set him up as a but to shoote against ; but in our confessions , charge onely our selves , acts . . peter said to annanias , why hath sathan filled thy heart , hee chargeth him , reasons it out with him , not with the divell , it was an evasion in evah to excuse herself by the temptation of the divell , and in adam by evah , therefore the charge of sin is ours , not the divells . wee have last insisted upon these two heads , what influence the divell had upon sin , and then secondly , what influence hee had upon temptations , and how hee usually concurred in tempting , whether no temptations were without him , and how hee either begins , or joynes with us in them for the severall manner or wayes of conveying his temptations to us , either by presenting sencible objects , or by speaking to us , from without as the divell did to evah , and doth to many in apparitions , or by applying himself to our fancies , by an inward commotion of our humours , and stirring of the phantasmes , these with the like it will not be needfull to repeate againe , but referre you to what i delivered , concerning the good angells in the former part of this discource . but before wee finish this head of their ministery , there is one thing more which would be touch't : how those ministeries are distributed , and whether there be divells appropriated to such vices or to such persons : some have thought that some rankes or kindes of divells , have bene to tempt , to pride , others to lust , others to covetousnes , &c , as being called in some places a lying spirit , in other a seducing spirit , in others a spirit of fornication , &c. but it seemes not necessary that these spirits should be ever divers , but that the same may doe severall things , in divers times , and may from the effects on the world gaine those names ; nor is there any such distinction in the good angells , but the angell keepers , as you have heard before , promote to all good , oppose all evill ; so the same divell tempted christ to many severall things , to distrust in god , and to worship him ; so iobs divell had power , not onely over his cattle , and children , but his body also ; and besides , all the evill angells , have knowledge , power , and will enough , to tempt to all vices , and as much , as in them is , they will loose no opportunity , to vent their malice and hurt us , therefore others distinguish their ministery according to the object of it , persons , and states , and societies , and therefore quote those places of dan. . . . where mention is made of the kings of persia and greecia , which opposed michael their prince , and understand also that place so , of . cor. . . there was given unto mee the messenger of sathan to buffet mee , and that curse , psal. . . let sathan stand at his right hand ; and the liberty the divell obtained upon iob , which are still supposed to be certaine peculiar divells , set out by sathan their prince for that particular ministry , to such a person or state , though they must beg leave of god for the execution ; this is not improbable , for sathan hath ever bene the ape of god , and there is no doubt of his will for this method , ( which hee sees so advantagious for the saints in the other ministery , of which wee have spoken , ) if his power faile him not ; now if hee have instruments enough and god permit it , there is no doubt of his power , and where god permits him to tempt , hee will sure permit him to use the best methods , and of the other , ( to wit , ) that hee wants not instruments , there is as litle doubt ; the host of heaven was great , and there were angells enough that fell , to conflict with all men , sathan could spare a legion for one man , to doe a great worke . consider the difference betweene the saints , and the wicked , in the point of temptation , i shewed you before that the saints , and onely they , have good angells for their guardians , heb. . . the divell doth not faile to allot them evill angells also ; but what becomes of the wicked ? an evill spirit is upon them , and god is not with them ; this shewes first the excellent condition of the saints , and the difference betweene them and the reprobates ; the saints ly bound under the decree of god , under the ministery of angells ; the wicked are exposed as a prey to the divell already . but secondly let this difference in our state cause a difference in our working , and resisting , it should be a shame for the saints to fall , and faile as doe the wicked , alas they have not those aides , those sights and visions , those contrary whisperings ; where is the good angells that should conflict with the other , they want the contrary principle , they want the externall helpes , they have some darke sights of god , some whisperings of conscience , though in great sins a louder speaking , but they want the spirit , the good angells a new nature , therefore in these respects , the sins of holy men , are capable of greater aggravations then the wickeds are , and god is more displeased with them , they are not left to the wide world , they have custodes , and testes morum , those which are witnesses of their manners and keepers , also , god is at the charge of giving them , tutors , and governours , great and holy guards , they must breake many cords , many bonds , before they can reatch a sin ; let this consideration strengthen us , and begirt us to holines , and incite us to pitty , and helpe wicked men , which that wee may doe the more , and may more fully fall under our governours , and tutors given us by god , and may see reason why wee should not sin as do others : let us consider a little out of the scripture how exceedingly the wicked fall under the divell beyond what the saints doe , by the decree and permission of god , eph. . . in them hee workes ( sayes hee ) that is efficatiously , hee workes his will in all the pieces of disobedience . also . cor. . . . our gospell is hid to them that are lost , whose mindes the god of this world hath blinded . so . tim. . . they are said to be taken captive by him at his will ; hee hath them in a string , hee can drive them to any madnesse , or folly to oppose the truth , as in the preceding verse , though it be clearer then the day , or any other thing . therefore els where sathan is called the god of this world , and the wicked , the children of the divell , who fall under his lawes , easily and naturally as children doe , now none of these things is spoken of the saints . why ? because they are under another god , another tutor , other guardians , hee hath neither that power nor those meanes of deriving it , if sathan stand at our right hand , our good angell stands there also ; if the divell use all his arts , god hath his methods also ; therefore let it be no matter of our glory , that wee are not as the wicked are , but of our shame , that wee come neere them in any measure , and of our glorying and prayse to god , who hath put us in the other predicament , where though you have the divell who assaults us with all violence , yet hee prevailes not , because you have god and the good angells to oppose him . in the next place under this head of the divells ministery for temptation , wee may consider which way hee layes himself out towards mankinde ( that is ) toward the saints , and others , for though his power be limitted towards some more then others the temptations in respect of the subject matter of them , the things to which hee tempts are the very same . hee will venture upon the saints , even the greatest things , though perhaps in some difference of method , that wee may see by his temptations to christ , and the reason is , because hee is not ever assured , who is a saint , and who is not , they may be of his owne ; and because a little ground gained of them , is a great victory , and because if as sometimes hee doth hee can bring them very low , hee makes trophyes , and glories in their blood and shame very much . to handle this at large were to make a treaty of temptations , ( which i at all intend not in this subject ) for as i told you , there is scarce any temptation , with which the divell mingles not , but to point at some heads onely which the scripture mentions , or experience . and first , as greatest haters of god , and his glory the divells oppose with all their might the worship of the great god , and in order to this , they would hinder the knowledge of him , they would ecclipse the light , with the greatest and thickest darknesse , how much they are in this , appeares in that bold tempting of christ , when the divell durst venture upon a motion of worshipping him , in plaine tearmes , and offered all for it : this all auntient and moderne stories witnesse , the first thing the divell makes out for amongst his , is an alienation from god , and a shaped and formed worship to himself , for which purpose hee hath his assemblings , where hee appeares personally , as appeares by the confession of many hundreds : and therefore antichrist his eldest sonne , whose coming is after the working of sathan , . thess. . . ( that is , who workes even as sathan workes hee doth the like ) ver . . hee opposeth and exalteth himself above god , so that hee as god , sitteth in the temple of god , shewing himself that hee is god : so as now to be of his party , is to be of sathans party , to obey him , is to obey the divell ; let them consider this who are bold to vary in doctrine or worship , from the word of god , they fall under a mighty temptation of the divell , it is his most naturall temptation , they strike at the root of all obedience , that strike at the rule , which is the head of worship , this is to draw men cleerly and immediately from god , let us advance the glory of god ; and the worship of god , so yee shall be fighters against sathan , as the others are fighters against god , thinke the promoting of the knowledge of god ; and the worship of god , to be the greatest service you can do to god , and the greatest head you can make against the divell . secondly as i told you formerly , they are the greatest enemies of christ and the gospell , which was in all likelihood the occasions of their fall , hee shall bruise thy heele , was prophesied of him of old , that is , hee can goe no higher , but what ever hee can , hee shall doe . before christ came hee opposed the beleeving of the messiah , laboured in his instrument to destroy the whole nation of the iewes , by antiochus ; when hee was borne would have destroyed him by herod , math. . fell fiercely upon him in the wildernesse , tooke him at an advantage , carries himself , so in every respect that christ calls him the enemy : the enemy came and sowed tares , math. . . and as at other times more grossely , so amongst the saints more refinedly , hee opposeth gospell-worship , gospell-preaching , would mingle some things of worke and merit , with the free doctrine of justification , some thing of doubt , and slavish feare , with the free glorying in our portion , with joy unspeakeable and glorious , some thing of pompe or slavery with the free , and simple governement , and administration of the worship , and discipline of christ , so as pure and naked gospell is little knowne , or preached by the ministers and professours of it . therefore what the divell abaseth , let us exalt , let us desire to know nothing but iesus christ and him crucified ; let christ in the kingdome of christ be all in all ; let us beleeve , though wee be nothing , let us rejoyce , though wee be worse then nothing in our selves , that is , to make good the gospell , that is , to resist the divell , let worship be administred according to the rule , though it want pompe and applause , and let the power of the gospell appeare in changing our natures , in healing our lusts , grace came by christ ; let the notion of gratefulnesse worke in us , as effectually as that of merit , let the love of god in christ be strong as death , let his dyeing love constraine us to live to him , who dyed for us , this is to magnifye the gospell , which the divell would depresse ; if you beleeve strongly , if you rejoyce strongly , if you worke strongly , from gospell principles and notions , then ye destroy the divell , then you oppose christs enemy ; i beseech you , let us doe it under this head : doe i not hate them that hate thee , ( saith david ; ) christ hath many enemies , which should be all hatefull to us , but hee hath none like the divell ( as i have shewed you ) therefore hee came to destroy him : the fairest ground of contention that you will ever have with the divell will be this , that hee is the mortall or rather the immortall enemy of iesus christ , if you oppose him under this notion , you will draw christ neerest you for assistance , and fight a battell in the strength of love , and whilst you have your head , you will secure the body and every member , this is to put another notion in to the conflict , not onely to secure our selves from lusts , but to save christ , therefore live according to pure gospell , because the divell opposeth it , wee have thought that to be assured or to rejoyce with joy unspeakeable and glorious , were onely to doe good to our selves , that is the least in it , to a minde well-formed , the returnes are christs , the glory is christs , and the divell ( feeles every blowe ) who is christs enemy , and the enemy , god hath set you up , with whom you ought to make good a warre and to contend for ever , as wee shall see heareafter . thirdly , next to christ , and the naturall and genuine doctrine of the gospell , the divell excerciseth this ministery especially against the churches of christ , and the ministers and teachers of them , ( who are the guides , and lights , ) and members also , either by persecution or dissention ; how hath the churches bene harrowed not onely of old by the assirians , caldeans , &c. but in the primitive times , by the romaines , in all their persecutions , and the turkes ; now this the scripture calls the divells casting men into prison , rev. . . all persecutions , burnings , imprisonment , the divells have done it , kings and princes hath but lent their hands ; that which the divell did to ioshua , zach. . . stood at his right hand to resist him , that the divell doth generally to all those that would serve god in the ministry of the gospell : so paul : wee would have come unto you , ( saith hee ) but sathan hindred , this their acts and epistles shew how hee would have destroyed their ministry ; then hee corrupts teachers , sathan himself is transformed into an angell of light , . cor. . . . . by whose meanes men give heed to the doctrine of divells , . tim. . . hee falls upon the membres also , pursues them like a roaring lyon , . pet. . . accusing them before god day and night , rev. . . first drawes them into sin the cause of gods hatred , and then labours to fasten upon them the effects ; this hee doth amongst men over whom hee raignes drawes them into murthers & witcheryes , and then discovers them , but his usuall care in the church is , to divide and scatter , that hee may raigne alone , by difference of judgements , distracting affections : god is love , and love is the onely cement of communion ; the divell therefore , which is the enemy , with all his might breaks those walls , loosens this cement , that there may not one stonely upon another till all be destroyed . let us therefore treade the contrary paths , learne the rule from the obliquity , aswell as the obliquity from the rule ; it is warrant enough for us to resist what sathan promotes . in pursuite of that great peece of the divells ministery which lyes in temptation , having shewed formerly what influence hee had upon sin , and what influence upon , and concurrence with temptations , wee came in the last place to shew , how those ministeryes were distributed according to vices , or persons , which when wee had made use of , wee came to discover to you some of the divells marches , in his most ordinary and high wayes , that is , the great and generall snares hee leads men into such as sease upon most men eminently , and to their assured ruine , and with which the saints are so clogged as they are rendred unweildy , lesse expedite , and fit for service , they drive slowly , and oftentimes fall scandalously , though they rise againe : wee will pursue two or three of those points more , and so conclude this head , in which i purpose not to be large . another effectuall head of temptation , by which the divell labours to drowne men in perdition , is the lusts of the flesh . peter admonisheth to abstaine from fleshly lusts , because they warre against the soule ; the divell knowes it well , and therefore fights against that parte , by those weapons , our bodies are the lords , and therefore wee should serve him in body as in spirit ; but fleshly lusts though they seems to be especially in the body , yet in truth they moove circularly , from the soule to the soule , out of the heart comes fornications , &c. and when they have past the body and come to the heart againe , the soule is rendred monstrously adulterous and uncleane , so that as the soule is pander to the body , so on the other side the body is vexed and harrowed , beyond its naturall desires , beyond what it would have to satisfy an uncleane and filthy minde , which appeares plainely in this , that the debordments and excesses of no beasts , are so great as those of mankind , in bodily things , because neither the reason of bodily pleasures , or any other consideration , calls for so much excesse , as the satisfaction of a soule , made uncleane , and unpure doth , and therefore where such lusts raigne , and are in their excesses , a thousand bodies would not be sufficient for the drudgery that a lustfull minde would put them to , such lusts have no meane , but not to be , such mindes besides other incōveniences labour extreamely under this unhappinesse , that they conflict continually with impossibilities , because their desires run still higher , and their lusts have enlarged them to a spheare , and capacity that no bodie nor bodily thing can reach or fill ; how contrary this is to god and his holy spirit , besides other things , two things shew , one is that hee pretends to be our spouse , and hath married us to himself in holines and righteousnes , sutable to which bond , and excellent alliance , there is a series of spirituall lustings ; proportionable to the soule , the subject of them , and to god the object of them , which should leade both body and soule captive to an holy and intimate converse with so great and excellent a husband , whose comelynesse should alwayes be in our eye , and whose beauties should ever inflame our hearts , to whom wee should be holy , that is , separate , both in body and spirit , . cor. . . whose loves draw out our affections strongly , but orderly , whose converse fills our minde and enlargeth it altogether , which is health to our navell , and marrow to our bones , quite contrary to the effects of other lustings , which give men occasion to mourne at last , when their flesh and their body are consumed , prov. . . now for this excellent spirit to be out-bid , by so base and harlotry love , that can make no satisfying returnes to have a spirit stollen from him , and layde under chaines , for these lustings are deepe pits , out of which onely an almighty spirit can rescue , to be cast of , as not faire or not worthy , cannot but be deepe in gods heart . — manet altâ repostum judicium paridis spraetaeque injuria forma . in a word to espouse the divell his enemy by the mediation of filthy and base lustings , it is no wonder that men are abhorred of the lord , when they thus fall , prov. . . another thing that shewes how hatefull these lustings are to god , is that these fleshly lusts , in that branch properly called uncleannes , are made the greatest punishment of the greatest sinnes , rom. . from ver . . to . if you aske mee how i intitle the divell to this , besides what was said in the beginning of this head , ( that the divell who shoots at the soule , knowes those lusts ruine it , and therefore useth this great engine against it , ) first how can you make a more proper match then betweene the uncleane spirit , and those lusts , which are properly stiled by god himself uncleaunesse in the abstract , as being of all others most eminently uncleane and impure ; besides looke upon men the divell acts and possesseth most fully and immediately , their god is their belly , they fulfill the desires of the flesh and of the minde , which is ingaged as deepe as the body is in these lustings , and evill affections , . eph. . . and not to prosecute this further , it is extreamely observable that where the divell keeps open court , reignes personally , and absolutely , as hee doth amongst infinite numbers in this world , though wee are not acquainted with such assemblings , therein all beastly shapes and manners , hee doth subject them to the actuall commission , of what ever wee call uncleannes , although oftentimes greatly contrary to their wills and desires , that suffer such things from him , but the bond of their obedience is strickt , and they can refuse nothing , who have subjected their necks to that yoake , this , innumerable and joint confessions of witches and sorcerers , accord upon , of which i could give you account enough upon as good record as story can give us of any thing , although , which also wee may consider , the divells are altogether uncapable of any pleasure , from such fleshly acts , who as being spirits , have neither flesh nor bones nor blood , they do it onely to debase mankinde , and by the most sensuall lusts which fight against the soule , to keepe them at the greatest distance , from spirituall , and heavenly employments , by which onely the humaine nature is perfected and improoved . to conclude this besides what hath bene said already , the scripture saith expresly , that not onely in generall amongst mankinde , but even in the church , and therefore considerable to us all ; it is sathan which tempts men for their incontinency , . cor. . . and it is from him that the younger women waxe wanton against christ , and turne after sathan , . tim. . . . so as there is cause enough to entitle sathan to this high way of perdition , to these lusts of the flesh that fight against the soule , and therefore cause enough for us to watch , him and our selves in this high way of perdition , in which every step wee take is a departing from christ our spouse , to follow sathan , for the scripture calls it a turning after sathan ; men are apt to thinke that it is but a turning after their loves , a turning after pleasures , but besides which you leave which is christ your husband , you follow indeed sathan in that disguise which should keepe us at the greatest distance , in every degree or steppe that way . a fifth beaten path of the divell is pride , the pride of life you may know that to be the divells way , from which god calls you of so earnestly and so effectually : first by his denouncements against the proud and pride , pride goeth before destruction , prov. . . as the herbenger or usher that makes way , a man acted and filled with pride , is upon the very brincke of the precipice of ruine , hee is dropping into destruction , god delights to debase every one that is proud , hee doth but stay , till they are proud enough , that they may be more capable of ruine , and destruction , that they may fall deeper . therefore when pride cometh , then cometh shame , prov. . . and they come both together , pride onely hath the upperhaud ; will you see how god sets himself against this evill , iob . . by his understanding hee smiteth through the proud : hee divideth the sea with his power , as it is said before , but imployes his wisedome and understanding to smite through proud men , that is , to do it most assuredly , to doe it most seasonably for their ruine ; so prov. ▪ . every one that is proud in heart is an abomination to the lord. nothing proud men , looke after more then to be had in esteeme , and in honour , to be admired , and to be to others the objects of their envies , and the measure of their wishes , the rule and modell of their actions , but saith hee , hee is an abomination to the lord , that men are which they are to god , and that they shal be within a while , to all the world , that is , they shal be a loathing and an abhorring , and therefore the things which they would establist shal be scattered , & the houses they would build shal be pulled downe , for so sayes mary ; hee hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts , luk. . . that is , there is a concentration of thoughts , castles that men build for themselves , the imaginations , the thoughts of mens hearts drive to some height , to some high marke , or but , sutable to the fountaine from whence they flow , a proud heart , and when they have wrought them up to a due height and proportion , and looke for the product or result of all , then god comes as with a whirlewinde , and scatters them , and shewes how ill compacted every building is , how loosely it is layde , which is formed without him , so for the other place which i hinted , the lord will destroy the house of the proud , as it is prov. . . that is , not onely their workes in designe as before , but their workes in issue and effect ; god may permit some designes to come to issue , they may build houses and get possessions , but they shal be destroyed , it is a thing of no assurance like a building on the sand , either their foundations shall faile them , or from heaven the lord shall thunder upon them , as hanna sayes in her song , . sam. . . which is a proper way of destroying , and pulling downe proud men , and things , which lift up their head to heaven , but saith hee in the same vers . hee will establish the border of the widdow , that is , a widdow which being desolate and afflicted trusts in god ; as it is elsewhere , widdowes who of all other lye exposed enough to injury , that have no great projects of their owne , no limits , or borders , but of gods making , and little power to defend themselves and theirs from assaults and ruine , god will establish them , sayes hee , the lord will be their keeper , and then they need not feare , there is no fence so good , as what is of gods making , hee hath bounded the sea by an invisible bound , his word , but no bounds are like it , so if hee make a hedge about any , about his house and his wayes , nothing shal be able to touch him , and this leades mee to the other part , that blessed part , which of all other graces is the foundation , the corner stone to happines , and blessednes , and that is humility , when god would bring his sonne into the world , he brought him in the most himble posture ; his condition , his spirit , and his worke , were all of a lowe and humble edition , and whereas it may be said , that this was for our sakes and part of his sufferings for sin , not so onely , but especially and particularly , that , as of all other things , so of this grace also hee might be to us the great instance and patterne , and therefore himself sayes , learne of mee for i am meeke and lowly of heart , and yee shall finde rest , that which all the world seekes after but none finde , but such as are in that condition ; so phil. . . . let this minde be in you , which was also in christ iesus , who being in the forme of god , thought it not robbery to be equall with god , but made himself of no reputation , and tooke upon him the forme of a servant . that is , whither ever his worke or condition leade him , into what ever abasement , into what ever lownesse , thither his minde easily carried him , therefore saith hee , let this minde be in you ; it may be you shall not be lead into such extremities , into such lownes , ( for hee dranke deepe , yet the saints are laid low often , ) how ever let the minde be in you , have a ready minde , a minde prepared , there is nothing fits so for all kinds of worke and communion for doing and suffering , as such a minde , for want of which , either wee are not lead into opportunities of glorifying god , or wee loose them , and soyle them , and make nothing of them : besides this ( then which wee cannot frame a greater argument , ) how is this frame commended to us by god , who best knowes what is best for us , and what best pleaseth him ; hee tells you that hee giveth grace to the humble , iam. . . that hee will dwell with the humble even as in heaven , isa. . . where hee will display his beames for comfort and joy , that hee may revive their spirit and make them live , the truth is , men are seldome empty enough for gods filling , nor humble enough for his revivings , which is the reason why wee have no more of this heavenly influence , but are faine to spin our joyes out of our owne bowells , as the spider doth her webbe , and with contracted and bowed shoulders , to beare our burthens , which a little influence from god would make exceeding light , hee tells you all the ill hee sends , is but to humble you , and hee is forced to do it , that hee may doe you good , deut. . . hee tells you that if you will be pleased with any of his workes , with newes from heaven , you must be humble . the humble shall see this and be glad , psal. . . that is , what god workes in the earth , if you be not humble , you shall not live , to see it , or have eyes to see it , and the humble shall heare thereof and be glad , psal. . . great things are done and no notice taken of them , because men are not humble . the way to take in the comforts and the joyes from the workes god doth , or the saints doe in the world , is to be humble , for proud men minde themselves to much , to consider god or others , not to multiply more places , would you be great in any respect , prov. . . before honour is humility , and prov. . . by humility and the feare of the lord , is riches and honour , and life : if god have destin'd you for these things , that is the gate you must enter at , would you be great in the kingdome of heaven , take it in what capacity you will , math. . . whosover shall humble himself as a little childe , the same is greatest in the kingdome of heaven ; but you will say how comes the divell into this charge , first as hee comes into all sinnes especially such as are great and crying , what ever drawes much from god , or what ever god drawes from much , that is , of the divell , but so is pride , as you have heard . another way by which wee shall intitle the divell to this march of pride , is contention , prov. . . onely by pride cometh contention , the meaning is , by pride alone , that is , pride alone is sufficient of it self without any other reason , to cause the greatest contentions ; for instance , men are not apt to fall into quarrells and contentions , unlesse distempered by drinke , or that they have their passions stirred up by injury , or are distempered , or provoked , some way or other , but pride alone makes men quarrelsome , and contentious to the utmost , and therefore psal. . . the wicked in his pride doth persecute the poore ; the poore middles not with him , hurts him not , but hee is proud , that is enough , and having advantage over him , being on the higher ground , hee pursuis it . so what mighty reproaches and revilings moab , and the children of ammon layd upon the people of god , by which meanes they contended with them , appeares zeph. . . now this , god gives meerly to their pride , and therefore when in the . verse , hee threatens the cruellest desolations to them , he ads ver . . this shall they have for their pride , their pride was enough to intitle them to all , that injury , and to all that punishment . it was pride that caused contention amongst the apostles , their disputations and their strife , who should be the greatest , marc. . . that pride was the disease , appeares because humility was the remedy , ver . . . also math. . . . . where christ tells them that except they be humble as little children , they shall neither be first nor second , they shall not goe to heaven at all , ver . . except yee become as litle children , yee shall not enter into the kingdome of heaven ; and if there be any preeminency , pride obstructs the way to it ; it is humility that opens the doore , ver . . whoso ever shall humble himself , as a little childe , the same is the greatest in the kingdome of god ; it is not hee that puts for place shall have it , but hee that stayes till hee be called : but it were well , if our contentions ended with others , if that were the bounds of them , doe wee not contend with our selves , our conditions , and with god every day ; let a mans condition be never so good , never so incompassed with mercies , pride alone raiseth a contention , picks a quarrell , that is , that alone is sufficient to do it , if there were nothing els . why are wee not contented , why are wee not well , when wee have enough , or to much , do you know what makes the contention , it is pride , yee have food and rayment , yee have not the least part of mercies , yee have not the greatest part of afflictions ; what is the matter why doe yee contend , why doe you walke heavily and dejectedly , it is pride , pride onely , or pride alone can do it , can set you as fiercely upon your condition and upon god , as upon your brother , or your neighbour , yea when there is no cause at all ; it s a glasse that extenuates goods , and multiplyes ills , and which is more then any glasse can do , findes them where they are not at all , this as i told you of lust is a most boundlesse thing , and will send you to impossibilities for satisfaction ; for let no man thinke , it lyes in the power of his condition to make him happy , pride will outrunne it faster then it can possibly flow in upon him , and which is more , pride multiplyes with the flowing in , as fire increaseth by fewell ; consider therefore when you contend with your condition , when you are not satisfied with your estate , it might possibly have bene greater or larger , or fairer , or in a word otherwise , nay when you doe not walke cheerfully and thankfully and contentedly in what you have , ( for that failing is of the same roote , and spring ) then you contend with god , you murmure against god , and this a love from pride , properly and onely from pride , for the judge of all the world cannot but doe justly ; god cannot hurt you , cannot injure , or provoke you , as another may , all your contentions with your conditions and so with god , are onely from pride ; now i beseech you who is the great authour and fomenter of contention , but the divell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the calumniatour , one that breeds ill blood , that doth calumniate and accuse night and day ; hee doth not onely accuse us to god , but god to us , hee accused god to evah , hee told her they should be as gods , knowing good and evill , this temptation tooke , now hee intimated that god made that restraint out of envy , because hee would have none so great and so happy as himself , and therefore there was not so much love in giving you liberty to eate of the other trees , as there was envy and ill will in restrayning you from this , for god knoweth , &c. and hee accused iob to god , doth iob serve god for nought ? a great part of his traynes are spent , in sowing dissentions , in making breaches , in multiplying wrath where it is conceived , in boyling it up to revenge , and then effecting it , and therefore there is nothing , hee traines up his more in , then in contentions , and wayes of revenging themselves , to the utmost , the power of effecting which is ordinarily the reward , his sworne vassalls get for the slaving , and alienation of their soules and bodies ; to conclude , hee is the true king over all the children of pride , iob . . to whom it may be said as to pilate concerning christ , behold your king : for pride was properly the divells sin , . tim. . . it is called the condemnation of the divell , that is , that for which the divell is condemned ; not a novice , least being lifted up with pride , hee fall into the condemnation of the divell . this therefore was his sin , and this he multiplyed and derived presently hee fastened it upon adam , to wish to be as god , knowing good and evill , and although some other sinnes in respect of the constitution , and temper , may beare the title of the master sin , that doth not hinder , but that in a true sence it may be saide that pride is the master sin in all , it is the utmost roote in originall sin , that which lieth deepest in the ground , and can must hardly be reached ; what are afflictions generally for , but to hide pride from man , nay , temptations are let out upon us , and sometimes corruptions , that wee may not be lifted up , so it was to paul , what ever his temptations were , the end of all was that hee might not be proud and lifted up with his revelations ; this therefore is the proper sin of the divell , and hath so great a root in us , of his laying in , at first , and of his fostering ever since , wee should watch him especially in , as that which hath all the evills in it , wee have formerly named , and is of all other things most opposite , and contrary to our peace and comfort . another martch of the divells eminent in it self , and most dangerous and ensnaring to others , is that wee call worldlines , wee know the divel is called the god of this world , and , they that will be rich , that is , they that set their hearts upon it , that propose this to themselves , they will be rich , they will abound , they will , that is , what ever it cost them , though they breake never so many hedges for it , though they tread never so many unjust or weary steps , they fall into temptation and a snare : the divell hath them in his snares , and leades them whither hee will , whither hee hath a minde to leade them , . tim. . . other sins have their aggravations , but this is the most earthly of all other , and in some respects , the most unworthy a man ; and therefore the seate of this lust is ordinarily the basest spirits , there it hath its rise , and growth , and in order to effects , it is the root of all evill , that is , aswell as other vices , it is extreamely fertill of ill , whether you consider the evill of sin , or the evill of punishment for sin , this love of riches , what will it not constraine men to , they will breake all the commandements in a round for the satisfying of those lusts , what frauds , deceits , perjuryes , cruelties , murthers , hatreds have bene exercised for the nourishing of this lust , nay what other sins of lust and uncleannesse , of the lowest and basest kinde ? people often subject their bodies and soules to the satisfying of this affection ; and for the evill of punishment , the apostle saith heere , that they pierce themselves thorough with many sorrowes , that is , they have a carefull and sorrowfull life of it , ( contrary to that good solomon speakes of , of rejoycing in their portion , and enjoying it with thanksgiving ) they are full of cares , and their injoying time comes never , for they grow poore by their riches , they extenuate that in their affection , which to their sence they abound in , when they have more then their chests or their barnes can hold , their hearts tell them this is nothing : besides they expose themselves to the greatest labours , to the greatest wearinesse that is imaginable , they toyle by day , and they cannot rest by night , the feare of loosing pierceth as much as the paine of getting , and there is no end of their travaile ; but there be other sorrowes also , terrors of conscience , and flashings of hell , which ordinarily accompany those lustings , and are the reward and salary of their actions , besides the great evill which i have not named , that they erre from the faith , for having changed their god , and set up covetousnes , which is idolatry , it s no wonder if they fall from the faith , and if not in profession , in deede , become apostates ; i have wondred why this should be said of covetousnes , rather then of any other vice , that is idolatrous , nor a covetous person , which is an idolater , eph. . . it is certain ambition , and pride and self love is idolatrous also , it is true that covetous persons worship the same things that idolaters doe , silver and gold , the idole of the gentile are silver and gold , the worke of mens hands ; materially they worship the same , therefore saith christ , yee cannot serve god and mammon , math . . ye cannot put your trust in the lord and in riches , the lord and riches cannot be your strong tower together , perhaps it may be this , that though in respect of our devotion and addresses other things may be our god , that is , wee may serve them , worke to them , labour to please them , so the apostle sayes , their belly is their god , yet in respect of trust and confidence ( which is much of the worship god hath from us ) riches especially carry it away there , for the world hath got an opinion ( though a very false one ) that riches can doe all things , therefore they vale and bow to it , and trust in it , besides because this is generally received , and men are called wise , when they doe well to themselves ; therefore the apostle brands this especially with that , which is a truth also of other lustings , that in a more intense and earnest pursuite of them , idolatry is committed ; now in this the divell as in other things juggles with us extreamely , one of the baites and snares , with which hee holds those personally and professedly subjected to him , is some money they shall get , some hidden treasure , these poore captives hee abuseth infinitely , and after severall yeares expectations of some great riches , and many diggings and minings , wherein by breaking some method , or other they faile a thousand times , they meet at last with winde in steed of gold , with that which lookes like it , but prooves leaves or dust when they use it . remigius reports that of all the moneys , that the witches that fell under his examination , acknowledge to have received from the divell , there were but three stivers prooved currant , the rest were leaves , or sand , when it came to use ; hee doth the same in effect with all earthly men , either hee deludes their hopes , they get not what they expected , hee makes them labour for that hee knowes they shall not obtaine , or deceives them in their enjoyments , they make nothing of what they possesse , and it is all one , not to have and not to enjoye , in truth , that is out of his power : the comfort of things , the good of things hee cannot give if hee would , and hee would not if hee could , the divell incourageth us to cracke the nut , but god takes away the kirnell , gives it to them that are good , before him ; comfort and enjoyment and delight are the portion of his people , a mans life stands not in the abundance of the things that hee possesseth , that is , the good and happinesse of life , and therefore , a litle that a righteous man hath , is better then the revenues of many wicked , eccles. . . god giveth to a man good in his sight , wisedome and knowledge and joye , that is , wisedome to pursue right things , and to goe right wayes to attaine the end hee desires , knowledge how to improove them , and joy , that is , the good and comfort of things , and life ; but to the sinner hee giveth travell , hee giveth to gather and to heape up that hee may give it to him that is good before him ; they dig the mines , they plough the ground , but the saints enjoy , they reape and gather . therefore particularly to this , let the rich man rejoyce in that hee is made low , and the brother of low degree , that hee is exalted ; that is , shew them god , and heaven , convert them , and they are eaven presently , both are alike neere god , and so comfort and happinesse , that which the world pretends to , but cannot give ; godlinesse with contentment is great gaine , that is , which gives contentment , there is the gaine you looke after , there is the happinesse that wealth promiseth , but it is god that gives it ; now a rich and a poore brother are neere god alike , if the rich at least be made low , if hee have learned not to trust in uncertaine riches , if his pride that riches causeth be abated , and the poore brother be exalted , that is , that hee sees not such a difference in respect of solid comfort , and happinesse , hee sees himself in as good a posture as rich men . indeed that men are , that they are to god , and their true vallue is according to the proportion of their neernesse to him , not to what they are to riches , to princes , or to the great things of this world . so yee see these six heads wherein the divells great temptation lyes , from whence wee have deducted some corollaries , wee proceed to one or two more drawne in generall from that which hath bene said . and first yee see hence the drudgery of the divell , gods worke and the divells , carries wages in their mouth in those pathes wee have runne over , there is nothing but deceit and falshood , a man is cozened , his nature is debased , and to judge a right , the reward of sinning is not onely in another life , and in this life by afflictions , but the very sinning is misery enough , to be defiled and made filthy by lust , to be puft up and swollen by pride , to be made earthly and base by worldly mindednesse , to follow the divell in all , how miserable how vilde is it , how debasing to mans nature ? let the children of the divell , the peoples , the disciples of the divell glory in their portion , wee know it is their shame , they boast in their liberty , they have no tyes or bonds , but wee know that to whom men obey , of the same they are brought in bondage ; now they obey the divell , for they doe his workes , they fulfill his lusts ; on the other side , let not us faile to glory in our condition , and to improove it , how sweet is our portion , the traines the wayes of god are pleasant , all his wayes are pleasant , and all his pathes prosperity , to have naturall desires , which exceed not their bound and liberty to satisfy them , without the fire , the scald , the itch of lusts , to have a spirit so great by meeknes , and humility , as it is above those ills , it seemes most to fall under , to be be-lowe envye , for the world sees not your riches , nor your greatnes , and above misery and shame , to have a spirit so meekned as it cannot breake , againe to be above your condition what ever it is , and to use it , to possesse your estate , and not to be possest by it , to looke on money as a servant of the lowest forme , to pitty them that idolyze it , and to improove more your litle by enjoyment , then they doe their riches by looking on it and idolizing of it . againe to goe further into the consideration of what wee said before , and see how you outstrippe them for another life , in knowing and loving that which they ignorantly persecute , in having your assurance in god , whereas they have none at all , nor in any thing ; i could be large heere in the comparison of our service and our way , which should be the object of our joy and rejoycing , when ever wee thinke of it , and thinke of it wee should often , for that purpose : for since god hath made the miserable condition of the wicked , a foyle to the love of his elect , wee should do so also , and run over by way of comparison , the heads and grounds of our comfort , but i shall rather in the second place intreat you to improove these things , if you know these things , happy are yee if yee doe them ; if you know the differences of your conditions , if you know the wayes of sathan , from your owne , and where they part , happy are you , if you tread those wayes and those paths , and for those broade high wayes , those common roades , these beaten pathes of hell , which wee have described , our wisedome and our glory will be to keepe a loofe of , to keepe farre from them , it will be lesse shame for us to be shamed by other things , to be caught by other traines , then the common snares : although it be true that in the pursuite of those things , sathan useth his greatest wiles , and his finest peeces of subtilty , however let us keepe a loofe of , let us carry a watchfull eye to those great and common snares , the divell may alter his method , but his but , and end , is the same , hee findes these things sutable to corrupt nature , and hee improoves all that is within us , to worke vilde and base impressions those wayes , therefore let us watch him , where hee watcheth us , and let us not thinke that because wee have escaped the pollution of the world , that therefore wee shall escape him , hee spinnes his web the finer for you : which is the reason why i have spent sometime in these particulars of his most usuall martches , that yee might see the way in some of its foulnesse , together with the guide , that yee might see the hooke under the bayte , and be undeceived in things so greatly concerning you . now therefore having your adversary so fully and largely described to you , in his nature , in his power , in his ministry , as hath bene shewed at large in this tract of angells , ( for some peece of the divells power , you must fetch from what hath bene said of the good angells , that wee might not be obliged to repeate things twise ) it remaines that wee should fight , that is , that wee should addresse our selves to the combate , for there is in this adversary what ever might prepare you , and stirre you up to a most formed and exact warre . for first hee is as hath bene shewed a most inveterate and sworne enemy , hee ceaseth not to accuse day and night , hee knowes all our good , lyes in maintaining good tearmes with god ; therefore his care is to beget ill blood between us , hee inticeth us to offend him , and when hee hath done , hee aggravates this offence to the utmost capacitie of it , hee goes about like a roaring lyon , hee goes about ; therefore hee is not idle , hee workes continually , and it is like a roaring lyon , hee hath not onely a lyonish nature in him apt to devour , and to fall upon the prey , but hee is ever roaring , that disposition is alwayes wound up to the height , and intended in him , other enemies not so , so that heere is the worst disposition that can be imagined ever acted and mannaged , with the greatest intensenesse . but then secondly if his evill nature had not much power joyned to it , hee were lesse considerable , lesse formidable , though wee say there is none so weake , but hee hath power to doe hurt ; but i beseech you consider , his power is fitted to his nature , if hee meane ill , hee is able to doe also much ill , there is no part or faculty of your soule or body , that hee cannot reach , and that at all times , in all conditions , in all postures , alone , or in company , idle , or imployed , sleeping , or waking , when you are fit for nothing els , you are fit to receive his impressions ; nor is hee an enemy of the weaker sort , and so lesse considerable , an arme of flesh , against poore fleshly creatures is great , but hee is a spirit ; our originall sin , our fleshly corruptions wee finde evill enough , enemies bad enough , even to the making us cry out with paul of the body of death . but we wrestle not against flesh & blood ; this text tells you you have another kinde of combatant , for the description of whose power to finde fit names , the highest comparisons will faile us , principalityes , powers , rulers , spirituall wickednesses above : they are not called princes , but principalityes , not potentes , but potestates , not mighty , but powers , lord not of a part , but of the whole world , of the darknesse of the world , all the wicked of the world , which are darknesse are of their side , fight under them against us , and all the darknes in our owne harts is with them also , all those fumes and foggs of lusts , all those mists of ignorance , and unbeliefe are part of his armie ; againe , instead of wicked spirits they are called spirituall wickednesses , and that above , both in high things and in high places , they are above us , they hang over our heads continually : you know what a disadvantage it is to have your enemy get the hill , the upperground , this they have naturally and alwayes . againe there are enough of them , they can immediately beleaguer a man , cōpassing him round , possesse every part of him : seaven divells can enter at once into one man , or if need be a whole legion ; doe wee beleeve these things , and are wee not stirred , are wee not affraid , if we apprehend the approach of an enemy , and the towne wherein wee are be in danger , what wringing of hands is there , what praying , what provision , and yet perhaps hee may be diverted , hee may accord ; but there is no truce in this warre , a perpetuall combate , that time you are not upon your watch you will be taken , for your enemy knowes it , if an enemy in warre knew certainely when the watch were neglected , hee would take that time , now hee knowes when you neglect your watch , when your faith and affections sleepe , which of other enemies cannot be said . but then thirdly , if the contentions were for things of litle moment , the matter were lesse , but if there be any thing great in heaven , or earth , that is the prize of this warre , whether it be the happinesse of your life , the peace of your conscience , the eternall condition of your soule , and body , or which is more , the glory of god , for all these are strucke at continually . captaines when they make orations to their souldiers , they tell them they fight for their country , for their possessions , for their wives and children , for their liberties , but what is all this to our warre ? to our prize ? wee fight for peace of conscience which passeth all understanding , we fight for eternall life , wee fight for god and christ , whose glory in us lyes at the stake every day , and suffers , or is relieved by our fighting : i beseech you are not these things worth contending for ? will not so goodly a prize put spirits into you ? some have done wonders while their lovers have lookt upon them , others while they have fought for their loves ; what doe you fight , for nothing ? yes , it is a love you fight for too , & one that fought for you even to death , you doe but requite him , hee is before hand with you ; and doth not your love looke upon you also ? yes . if you can see him , i assure you hee sees you , and there is not a watch you make , there is not a stroake you strike , but it pleaseth him , and it refresheth him , as on the other side there is not a negligence , or a faile , but it wounds him , and afflicts him ; what say you will all this that hath bene said put courage into you , and make you fight , it is brought for that purpose , i beseech you let it put on strong resolutions to please the lord , to resist this cursed enemy , this damned enemy , for so hee is , he carries his condemnation about him ; and yet this enemy which is left so mighty , and powerfull , for our tryall , for our reward , if wee fight manfully , if wee fight the battailes of the lord , ( if wee be wise , if wee will ) all tend to the glory of our victory , to the honour of our god ; onely let us resist the divell , being strong in the faith , to which purpose i will endeavour to search a little into , and to speake something of this heavenly armour which god hath given us for that purpose . wherefore take unto you the whole armour of god , that yee may be able to withstand in the evill day , and having done all to stand , eph. . . in this . ver . wee are bid to take unto us the whole armour of god , as in the . verse wee are bid to put it on , with the reason added , that wee may be able to withstand in the evill day , and having done all to stand . from the first words observe this , that no weapons will serve to fight with the divell but gods , nothing will make you shot-free , but the armour of god , for so sayes the apostle , the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , but mighty through god , . cor. . . so as heere you see the reason , because carnall weapons are weake ones , to be carnall and to be weake are convertible termes , as to be spirituall , and to be mighty , are also ; now you have to doe with a mighty enemy , as you have seene already , therefore you must have mighty weapons , you must have a wedge fit for the knot ; david had never overcome goliah , if hee had not come with spirituall weapons , . sam. . . thou comest to mee with a sword , with a speare and with a shield , but i am come to thee in the name of the lord of hosts , the god of the armies of israell , whom thou hast defyed : it was not the sling nor the stone that did the feate , but it was this mighty lord of hostes , in whose name hee came ; to goe armed therefore against the divell in the strength of your owne resolutions , or your temper , or constitution , or your habits , and education , is to fight against goliah with a stone and a sling , without the name of god ; nay your experiences , your contrary reasonings , they may have influence into your sin , but they will never into the victory , unlesse this stone and sling , these underweapons be mannaged by the name of god. for your resolutions this cunning tempter knowes that there is nothing so naturall , so proper to a man as man , as changeablenesse , as on the contrary , it is the high and incommunicable charracter of god to be without variation , or shaddow of changing , all the matter is but to finde a plausible reason for the saving of his credit . for our temper and constitution , hee hath lusts peculiar for every temper . besides hee can easily perswade lusts to give place to one another for a time , as pride to uncleannesse , &c. and his power is much upon the body , and the humours and constitutions of it , to stirre and worke upon those humours , that by the helpe and mediation of the fancy shall worke to his end , and gaine the will and understanding : as for your education and habits , experience showes that many things that looke like morall virtues , are nothing but the ignorance of ill , or the law of a constraint : besides hee hath his methods , and by a few degrees will leade you to that , and by steppes that would have utterly deferred you , had it bene represented to you , all at once , and for your reasonings , and experiences you will finde that to be the proper weapon , hee is elder then adam , hee is wiser then salomon , set holinesse aside , hee hath beene trayned up to sophistry and deceit , and therefore verse the . the armour of god is applyed to the wiles of the divell , so as you have no reliefe , but what was davids , psal. . . all nations compassed mee about , but in the name of the lord will i destroy them , they compassed mee about , yea they compassed mee about , there was a perfect paristhesis of ill , and enemies a perfect beleaguering , so ver . . they compassed mee about like bees ; you shall see how bees in swarming time , will compasse a bush , so will divells and their effects multitudes of divelish thoughts , and temptations ; a man shall not see his way out , they are behinde him and before him , and as in the words following , they are kindled as the fire of thornes , so the greeke and chaldea reade it , they fall quickly into a great blaze , or the word is also quencht ( as hebrew words signify often contraries , ) they kindle quickly and like thornes , but they quench also as soone , for in the name of the lord will i destroy them , this is all your reliefe to deale with your enemies , as david did , your faith is your victory , whereby you overcome the world , . iohn . . that is , in christ , it is the power of his might that makes us strong ; christ hath a might , a mighty abilitie , hee is endowed with power from above , which being put forth in us , gives us a power to be strong , and to stand our ground , as ver . . for in those words the habit seemes to be distinguish't from the energy and operation , when a man is acted by the divell , either by an immediate possession , or some eminent strong way of lusting , that hee is strong in the divell and in the power of his might , that is , you shall finde a power full operation of the might of the divell upon him , so as did wee not see a humane shape , wee should thinke it were the divell indeed , so greatly is his might acted upon men , with power ; now after this manner should wee be strong in the lord , by the influence of his spirit , by the strength of his armour , other strengths will proove but weaknesse , so much for that point . secondly it is not without its observation that it is called heere and before the whole armour of god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is no man pretends so little to religion , but hee will doe a little , hee will pretend to some graces , hee will make some sallyes , as if hee would fight , but the difficulty , and the wisedome , and the strength lyes in the universality , there is a chaine in graces , you loose all if you loose one , as iames saith , hee that breakes one command is guilty of all ; and god that gives you armes not to clog you , but to defend you , hath given you nothing to much , it is not the beauty , but the use of an armed man which hee considers : that place which is open , to be sure the divell will strike in ; for hee knowes the bare places , and one open place will serve to kill you aswell as an hundred , therefore god hath made a defence for all , therefore the scripture calls for a growing up in all grace , or in all things , eph. . . . pet. . . therefore peter calls for an addition of one grace to another till you be compleate . adde ( saith hee ) to your faith vertue , &c. for if these things be in you , and abound , that is , if you have all those parts , and that in a way of height and eminency , if they be not scanty and narrow , then you will abound also , that is , you will neither be barren , nor unfruitfull : i beseech you consider this , it is the universality , it is the whole armour of god , that will alone serve our turnes , and which alone wee sticke at ; all difficulty lyes in exactnesse , in bringing things to their end , and their perfection , every one is a beginner and a pretender to learning , to knowledge , to arts , to religion it self , but the exactnes , the universality is the portion but of a few , let us doe otherwise . how good is god , who hath given us a whole armour , let us not shew our selves at once enemyes to our selves , and unthankfull to him , unlesse wee feare neither god nor the divell , on the other side let this comfort us , that there is a whole armour , there is a whole divell , that nature is improoved to the utmost capacity of a rationall nature for ill , for hurt , if there were not a whole armour , wee were undone . thirdly , wee are commanded to take unto us this whole armour of god , and ver . . to put it on , god makes it , god gives it , hee makes it efficacious , but there are our parts also , wee must take it to us , and put it on , there is a sluggishnesse in mens natures , if god would doe all , and men might sleepe the whilest , perhaps they would lye still , and let him trusse on their armour , but this is not the law wee live by , this is not the tearmes wee stand in with god , what wee cannot doe , god will doe for us , but what wee can doe , that wee must doe ; hee doth not worke with us , as wee worke with a hatchet , or a dead instrument , but as the soule workes with the body , that is , in it , and by it , so as the body doth its part , and feeles the labour , the soule at first gives life to our body , so doth god to our soules , when they are dead in sins and trespasses hee quickens them ; also the soule gives guidance to the body and direction , and assistance , so doth god , hee never failes us , hee is still by us , at our right hands , but wee have our parts , our reason , and understandings , our will and our affections , they come into play every day , and if god can do nothing by them , hee will do nothing without them ; this , when men beleeve so much in other things , as they will scarce trust god with any thing , they will see a reason , and a meanes sufficient to produce every event , they will be at every end of every businesse , why doe they devolue all upon him in religion , without stirring at all ? because they minde it lesse , which is the meanes to make god minde it not at all ; therefore i beseech you , let us do our parts , fetch assistance from god , and worke under him , receive influence and spirit from him , and use them , intend mightily what wee doe , for it is to god , and for him ; those that worke under any agent , though never so mighty , do so , and this know , that the more mighty any supreane agent is , the more it intends , imployes , and fills the instrument , as hee that serves a wise man , though hee do nothing but by the direction and appoyntment of his master , yet hee shall finde his understanding intended and imployed , for a wise directer doth more intend , and fill the subordinate instruments , and agents not contra . now hee comes to the end and use of the armour , that they might be able to stand in the evill day , and having done all to stand , the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to resist , to stand against ; you see heere is a reall combate , as your enemies are great which you have heard of before , so is the combate , it will cost you resisting , and fighting , and there is a day appointed for it , an evill day , that is , a day of battaile , our whole life is so many evill dayes , therefore sayes the apostle , redeeme your time because the dayes are evill , eph. . . that is , troublesome and full of temptations , if you would make any thing of your lives , of the opportunities you meet with all , of the occasions that fall out , you must redeeme them , a little time and opportunity is worth much , it will be lost to you if you redeeme it not ; so all our dayes are evill , as iacob said , but some more especially may be called by way of eminency the evill day . all the dayes of iob were in a manner evill , because none were without some molestation , and trouble , i had no rest ( sayes hee ) neither was i in quiet yet trouble came , iob . . but the great evill day was , when sathan was let out upon him ; the great evill day to the disciples was when christ was crucifyed , and they were winnowed by sathan ; so there are more especiall times and parts of our life , when god will try us by letting out sathan upon us , but those times and seasons know no man , no more then the day of judgement , and therefore wee must be ever ready for them , upon our feet , and with our armour about us ; standing is a warlike posture , a posture of watch , a posture of fight , it is not a standing still , but it is a fighting , a resisting , yee have not resisted unto blood striving against sin ; god expects that wee should fight a good fight , that wee should quit our selves like men , and wee had need doe so , unlesse wee would be undone , and foyled , and therefore hee addes and having done all to stand , that is , doe what you can , you will but stand , it will be little enough to doe the worke , the enemies are so mighty and great , the warre is so sharpe : god hath an purpose for many holy ends so ordered it , that you shall have worke enough of it ; some carry it thus , omnibus confectis stare , that is , all the afore said fell , and cruell enemies being overcome , having done all , having defeated them all , vanguished them all , you may stand as conquerour ; what a glorious thing will this bee , that as christ your captaine , shall stand last upon the earth , so you shall stand with him , glorying and tryumphing to see your enemies dead before you , when as others that were fainte and delicate , that would not stand and fight and arme : as they were heere led captives by sathan , at his pleasure , so shall be led into tryumph by him at last : thinke of this that by doing your duty , by standing your ground , by arming , and fighting in the power of christ , in the armour of god , this mighty hoast shall lye dead before you , and those which you have seene to day , in this evill day yee shall see them againe no more for ever , you have therefore two things to incourage you : first , the necessity of your fight . secondly , the glory and pleasure of the victory ; necessity will make cowards fight : and therefore commanders provide dilligently , that their enemies may have a backe-doore to runne away , because necessity , and dispaire will produce wonders : i beseech you doe but see , and heere is an absolute necessitie , unlesse you take all this armour , stand , and withstand yee will not stand at last , this is little enough , you must doe all this that having done all , you may stand , but then having done all , you shall stand , that is , stand as conquerour , stand as christ stands , with your enemies slaine about you : you shall have the pleasure of revenge , which heere you may take in by faith , and of victory , the shouting of a conquerour ; cowards have but the pleasure of idlenesse , and the shame and misery of slavery , they have their good times heere , what is their good times ? to sleepe , to be idle , to be abused , and deceived , thy labours are better then his pleasures , then his enjoyments ; what then is thy good times ? thou art comforted , and hee is tormented , thy captaine tells thee thou hast done well , well done good and faithfull servant ; thy conscience tells thee thou hast fought a good fight , but praise is not enough in thy captaines mouth , enter thou ( sayes hee ) into the joy of thy lord , hee shewes thee a crowne of righteousnes , which hee hath kept by him all the while , and which thou mayest thinke on every day , till thou hast it , but then hee gives it thee , hee puts it on : where is now your ambition , where is your spirit , and your courage , thinke not on meane things , but on crownes , and victories , and glories , and if you enter the list , if you fight , do it to purpose , labour so to withstand , that at last you may stand ; so runne ( saith the apostle ) that yee may obstaine , . cor. . . every one is a pretender , and a runner , but few carry the prize , they finde hot worke , they grow weary , and quit the list , thou therefore ( sayes paul to timothy ) indure hardnes as a good souldier , of iesus christ , . tim. . . that is , though thy armes presse thee , and thy worke pinch thee , yet indure , it is worth the while , that thou mayest shew thy self a good souldier of christ , and mayest please him that hath chosen thee , thou must not please thy self in his worke , for hee pleased not himself in thine . christ pleased not himself , this is written , god tooke notice of it , the time will come when hee will please thee , and then it followes ver . . if any man fight , hee is not crowned , except hee strive lawfully or duely , that is , it is not enough to enter the list , and fight , but there is the law of combate , and the law of fight , if you do not fight as yee ought according to the law of combate , the law of armes , if you give over to soone , and stay not till the victory be gotten , till your enemy be profligated , and abased , hee had as good have done nothing , this hee amplifies ver . . by the similitude of a labourer , the husband man that laboureth first , must be partaker of the fruit , for so first hath reference to labouring , not to fruit , fruit and crownes , reaping and glory are the effects of labour , and due fighting ; thinke not to goe to heaven with your armes acrosse , or your head upon your elbow , or with good beginnings , and faint offers , t' is lawfull fighting , t' is hard labour , leades you to glory , and ver . . sayes hee : consider what i say , what were the matters so hard , or the similitudes so deepe ? no , but the meaning is , turne it in your minde , often thinke of it , almost continually , do not thinke to goe to heaven with ease , you can never thinke to much that you must fight hard , and contend lawfully , and labour mightily , and indure all things , as soldiers that would please their captaine , before ever yee shall be crowned and reape , and then hee concludes with , the lord give thee understanding in all things , which shewes how hard it is , for us to apprehend these things aright , so as to have them worke upon us , and to be affected with them to purpose , so as not to have sleight thoughts of them , though they be things not hard to be understood . to conclude , all good things are of god , though wee be taught , hee must open our understandings , as when wee are commanded , hee must worke in us to doe , and especially in the things whereof wee speake . it will not be improper heere by way of incouragement , to consider as what power and might sathan hath , so what bonds and restraints also ? first , all the divells can doe nothing without aformed commission from god , this the example of iob makes most cleare , the divell ruin'd his estate , by the sabeans , but not till god had given him power , hee infected his body with miserable diseases , but hee was faine to aske new leave for it , so . kings . an evill spirit offered his service to deceive ahab , so an evill spirit from the lord came upon saul , but both by commission : so the sorcerers of egypt , they acknowledged the hand of god , when themselves were stopped , it was no more impossible for them to make lice then other things , but god let them goe on a while , that his power might appeare the greater in giving the stoppe ; so zach. . the lord rebuke thee ô sathan , god can doe it though no other can , so christ sayes , the prince of this world is cast out , ioh. . . the prince of this world is judged , ioh. . . hee is not onely under god , but under christ god-man , hee is subjected to our friend and husband , and that in little things . they could doe nothing on swine without leave , luk. . . much lesse can the divell touch us in any thing , without a commission ; besides , what wee have told you of their chaines which peter and iude mentions , shewes the power god hath over them ; and generally wee have this assurance , that a haire from our head shall not perish without the will of our father . so as our greatest enemy is subject to our best friend , and mannaged to our advantage , which should incourage us to fight and secure us of the issue , for the god of peace will tread sathan under our feet , at last , rom. . . the divell and wee are in earnest , but god , as those two captaines lets the young men play before him , and can stoppe them when hee will , hee is in no paine in respect of the combate or issue , but hee hath the pleasure to see weake saints overcome gyants , by hanging on him by the string of faith . god is on our side , and the divell is so subject to him , as there is no greater subjection , let hope then aswell as necessity incourage us to fight , wee have both those arguments in their height ; god will mannage his graces in us , to our advantage , but let us doe our parts . wee come now to the particular peeces of armour , whereof the first is , the girdle of truth , having your loynes girt about with truth , in the loynes is strength , as is sayd of behemoth , his strength is in his loynes , iob . . in them also is the power of generation , for so god sayes to iacob , kings shall come out of thy loynes , gen. . . this metaphor therefore applied to the minde devotes strength , steddinesse and constancy ; on the contrary men that are delicate , effeminate , and unstable , the latine calls them , clumbs without loynes , now that which fits this part , in some thing that begirts it , that the part wherein strength lyes may feele strength from without , and that is properly a girdle , therefore peter sayes , gird up the loynes of your minde , . pet. . . and christ bids us , let your loynes be girded , luk. . . this whether men travell , or whether they fight , or both together , which is our condition , is necessary : for when they travailed , they used to gird themselves , and the belt or girdle , hath bene alwayes a peece of soldiers armour when they fought : you see now a reason why the loynes should be girt to this warre : wee need not goe farre for a girdle , the holy ghost tells us , it is truth , if you aske mee what is truth , i answere in a word , right sights and judgements of things , and sincerity , this is that which girds up the loynes of your minde , and therefore christ addes , let your loynes be girded , and your lights burning , as before luk. . certainely cleare and right sights of things with sincerity , are the most begirting things in the world , this you may know , especially by considering what is the cause of loosenes , and laxenesse , and unsteddines in our course , and yow will finde it , because men are either insincere and unfaithfull , or misapprehensive , and darke ; a double minded man is unstable in all his wayes , because there is a mixture in the principles of his motion , hee hath two objects in his eye , two ends in his heart , and is carried up and downe diversly , according to the predominant humour , and quality , so as yee never know where to finde him , nor can ever hold him , because hee is yours but in part , for an end , such a one was saul and iehu , and so are all hypocrites , the contrarye to which was nathaniel , who had this honour from christs mouth , that hee was a true israelite in whom was no guile , ioh. . . that is , hee was a man round simple , candid , and plaine , which came to christ honestly , not for ends , for lounes , or to intrappe him , as others did : christ himself disdaines not this commendation of whom it was said , . pet. . . that there was no guile found in his mouth , and david sayes , hee is a blessed man in whose spirit there is no guile , psal. . . that is , who is sincere in every thing , having his ends what they should be , and his actions and expressions sutable , that you may reade his heart in his professions and actions ; such a disposition carries you right on , makes you steddy in your motion , without turning to the right hand or to the left , girds you up , and strengthens your minde to motions , to fightings , makes you intend what you doe strongly , because you doe but one thing , that which put martha , into such a distemper was , because shee was troubled about many things , you see then , now how sincerity begirts , & how in sincerity & double mindednesse loosens your loynes , & nerves , but doth not misjudging and darknes doe the same , loosen your loynes , making you unsteddy , and weake , contrary to this begirting ? you will finde it doth : men are what they see , and what they judge , and no other , and though some men doe not fill up their light , yet none goe beyond it , a man wants courage that wants light , and hee that walkes in darknesse knowes not whither hee goes , and that is contrary to this begirting , and hee must needs make many false paces , for hee knowes not whither hee goes , if a man walke in the night hee stumbleth , because there is no light in him , ioh. . . in him - hee hath the instrument of seeing , the eye , but there is no light shining upon that eye , though a man should be sincere , if hee want right lights and sights of things hee will be rendered the weaker and more unsteddy , hee will stumble often , with a good intention about him , nothing gives more courage then knowledge , nothing intimidates more then ignorance ; againe , comfort and joy renders strong and steddy , now light is the embleme of joy , and therefore when the angell came to poore peter , fettred in chaines , as hee was , a light shined in the prison , acts . . so sayes david , the lord is my light and my salvation , whom shall i feare , ps. . . and when in a low condition hee expected comfort from god , thou wilt save the afflicted people , sayes hee , but wilt bring downe high lookes ; for thou wilt light my candle ( sayes hee ) the lord will en lighten my darknesse , psal. . . . now comfort begirts , & comfort you see comes in by light : againe . glory , the apprehension of it , the notion of it , begirts , & renders strong exceedingly , christ , for the glory set before him , &c. did wonders , but light and glory runne together , and the notion of glory comes in by light , isa. . . . arise , shine , for thy light is come , and the glory of the lord is risen upon thee , so it is called , the light of the glorious gospell , . cor. . . there would have bene no glory seene if there had bene no light , and there is a glory also in light , acts . . paul said , hee could not see , for the glory of the light , therefore light is glorious , now this dazelled his bodily eyes , but our spirits see better and more strongly for glorious lights , which gives assurance , and courage , and so strength also ; in a word , our whole armour is called the armour of light , rom. . . so great a thing is light to armour and to strength , according to the more or lesse , of which men are weake or strong to any course to which they pretend , but above all to religion : now for the divell against whom wee arme , doth not hee play in the darke almost altogether , when hee would deceive our sence , hee casts sand in our eyes , mists before us , to deceive and blinde us , and then wee judge of things not as they are , but according to the medium wee see through : so for our comfort how doth hee enervate us , and loosen our loynes , by leading us into darke thoughts of god , and of our condition , how doth hee unsteddy our steps , and intimidate us , by putting scruples in our wayes , and hiding from us those truths , wherein our strength would consist ; if hee can make us insincere , hee hath enough , wee shall then seeke darknes , and chuse it rather then light , of such christ sayes , that they loved darknes rather then light , because their deeds were evill , ioh. . . but be sincere , the right eyeing , the right seeing , the right apprehension of things is that truth which begirts us , and together with sincerity renders us strong and mighty to fight with him , to contest with his wiles , with his lyes , with his impostures , for his dealings with us is nothing els : but be wee but sincere , that is , honest to your selves and to god , and discover him , and hee is gone ; this therefore is a neate cleane peece of armour , fitted for the part , and for the enemy wee contest with all . if you aske what you shall doe for it , i would advise you by way of corrolary to two things , first , converse much with the father of lights , in his light wee shall see light , psal. . . be neere god that hee may shine upon you continually , hee hath no false lights as impostures have to shew their wares by , what ever light hee affords you , is right , and gives you the thing as it is ; hee hath no false glasses , that greaten , or lessen the proportion of things , but such as render them as they are . converse much with the word the booke of lights , all it sayes is true without a reason , though it be all reason , converse with the saints the subjects of lights , they have light that will shine before you , all these lights convey truth to you , the right notion of things ; and that is it which begirts you , renders you strong and steddy , fit to deale with the divell , the father of all impostures and deceits , also think , ruminate much of things according to what true notion you have ever had of them ; in some times and parts of our lives wee have right notions of things , with such sight as carry their owne evidence with them , represent them often to your selves , this will make your light shine to you , your light may be under a bushell in your owne heart , and truth without this , may be to seeke when you should use it , when you should judge and walke by it , you may have many right principles in you , but raked under ashes , but wisedome is to have them at hand and for use , that when the divell comes with his wiles and his mists , shining and blazing , truth may scatter them and melt them , and cause them to waste away assoone as they dare to appeare for example . if hee shall shew the pompe and glittering of titles and honour , and would lead you out of your way , by that foolish shine ; a right judgement of things hath for him , that the outsides of things are for children , that the masks and vizards , either of good or ill are not much considerable , that honour is in truth , that which is lasting , which hath its rise in worth , and is given by god , and wise men , that such honour properly should rather follow , then lead good actions , that the praise of men and the praise of god are seldome consistent , that it is a signe of diffidence of god , to be too anxious to receive honour from men , that there is no reason that should moove you , which the divell can neither give , nor continue to you : i give you but a tast , if hee tempt you to gratify the flesh by lust or idlenesse , by a soft and delicate life , by indulgeing to bodily things , truth will girde your loynes , and make you stand steddy heere in also , by telling him that it is wisedome to till the better part , that nothing stands in so proper an antipathy to the spirit as the flesh , that paul beat downe his body and brought it into subjection , that the body is to be considered onely as an instrument and not to be idolized and indulged to , for it selfe , that belly & meat shall both be destroyed ere long , but the soule dies not , that idlenes is death before your time , with this difference , that it is considerable in your punishment , which death properly is not , for no man is punished for dying ; that iesus christ was a perpetuall motion , that good men have used to finde little rest but in their consciences , and their graves , till they come to heaven , that your condition heere is to be a souldier , to indure hardnes , and fight , for which truth armes you , not to live delicately and take your ease , this might be enlarged in many other particulars , and in these more fully , i onely give an instance , that you may know what i would , and may learne to begirt your selves with right notions , against the wiles of the divell . for the other part , namely sincerity , for the heightening and improoving of that , i shall put upon you but this burthen , love much ; sincerity is immixednesse , and rightnesse of ends , a spirit goeing right forward , drawne right forth , without guile or ends ; love will concentrate all in god , make all lines meet in him , self love makes men insincere to god and others , because it drawes away from the pretensions which are to god , it sucks away the sappe and the juice that should goe into the body of the tree , it is like a cut that draynes the channell , which should runne with full source into the sea ; but love gives all and wishes for more , in no respect so much as to give that also , so as it gathers up the soule and girds up the loynes for god , as bring what subtilties and wiles you will , it measures , all you say by gods interest , so as offer as before , honours , or pleasures , or lusts , it will aske you ; what is this to god , how doth it suite with his ends , how doth it comply with his glory , how is it squared to his liking and good pleasure , since you live if hee be pleased , you are happy if hee be glorifyed , love hath made you so much his , that nothing can be good to you but what is to him , love hath given all in grosse , and therefore can reteyne nothing in retayle , that therefore to mixe your actions or your ends , is to divide you from god , who is your love , and under a coulour of bettering your condition to rob god , and undoe your self together , for love is wise , and will tell you also , that it is good loosing your self in god , and that when by studying for god , you forget your selves , you are then most of all remembred ; i shall adde no more , so much for this first peece , onely remember to act these notions , and sincerity in the vertue and power of him , who is the reall and essentiall truth iesus christ. you have already heard of that peece , which gives the great and generall impresse , that which strengthens the part of strength , that which renders fit and prepared for every good thing , and which is of exceeding great influence into this battaile , the girdle of truth , that is such sights , and such a disposition of spirit as begirts and strengthens to what wee should doe . wee come now to arme the breast which lyes as much exposed , and is as considerable as any part ; for the breast containes the noble and vitall parts , the heart , the lungs , the liver , and for this there is a plate , a breast-plate , and that is righteousnesse , this christ our captaine put on before us , is. . . hee put on righteousnes as a breast-plate , and wee , according to the duty of a souldier that takes his example from the captaine , for so say your brave commanders ( whether in order to fighting or armeing ) what you see mee doe , doe yee likewise , and according to the charracter and impression which wee receive from his fulnesse , wee take on righteousnes also as a breast-plate ; if you aske mee what this peece is , for it must be something spirituall , by which you deale with the divell , i answere that it is holynesse , and innocency of life ; the first peece was sincerity or integrety ( as it lay in the will ) respecting the end and ayme of all our actions , which having a continuall and direct influence upon the end begirts exceedingly ; this is the walke of a christian in order to that end , that righteous and holy frame of spirit by which hee walkes and mooves , justly and holily in all his actions , this is that wherein paul excercised himself so much , to have a conscience voyd of offence , towards god and man , acts . . that is , so to walke as neither to offend the conscience of another , by any scandall or stumbling blocke , nor to offend or wound his owne ; this if you take it generally , one may call perhaps sanctification , not taking sanctification as it is , some times for consecration or seperation , as the vessells or dayes were consecrated , or set a part , but for sanctity , that is , inherent righteousnes , or holynes , or more particularly considering it in the walks and motions of it , it may be distinguish't into piety or godlinesse , and iustice or righteousnes , the one respecting god more immediately , the other men ; such a distinction you have , rom. . . the wrath of god is revealed from heaven , against all ungodlinesse and unrighteousnes of men , so titus . . wee are to live soberly , righteously and godly , there is the distinction of righteousnes and godlinesse , to which sobriety or temperance is added , as a meanes of doing it , and living so , because by it wee deny our selves in wordly lusts , as the words before are , denying ungodlinesse and worldly lusts , upon these two feete therefore , this sanctity or righteousnes mooves vizt . religion towards god , and iustice towards men : to pursue these tracts , were to give you the whole walke of religion , which is not my intent , for i give you now , but an exposition in order to our combate , onely a few things : in this righteousnes there is an order , they gave themselves first to the lord , and after to us , by the will of god , . cor. . . god must be first considered , and secondly , what ever you doe to men , it must be for god , and as to the lord , and not to men , that is , not making them the alpha or omega the rise , or the ultimate end of any of our motions , so as motions to wards god , are first and especially to be considered , first seeke the kingdome of god , & david sayes often , early in the morning will i seeke thee , still god is especially to be considered , hee that loves father or mother more then mee , is not worthy of mee , mat. . . and therefore in respect of intencenesse , you must love god with all your hart , and soule , and minde , & though wee are to doe acts of righteousnes to wards our brethren , with all our strength , yet that intencenesse is required especially in respect of god , and by the vertue of religion ; as for righteousnesse towards man , it is that by which wee are inclined , to give every one that duty and observance which is their due , and under this consideration , falls all men , with whom wee have to doe , and angells also , for since god onely is the object of religious worship , they must fall under the notion and consideration of our brethren or neighbours , for in refusing worship , they say , they are our fellow-servants , & of our brethren the prophets , and of them which keepe the sayings of the booke of god ; so as they refuse not their due , but gods due , which is religious worship , rev. . . and of that moment is this righteousnes , towards our brother ; that the truth of religion towards god , cannot consist with the neglect of this , if a man say hee loves god , and hates his brother , hee is a lyar , . ioh. . . and this commandement have wee of god , that hee that loves god should love his brother also : this in the negative is a sure argument , that there is no religion towards god , where there is not righteousnes towards men , gall. . . the workes of the flesh are manifest ( saith paul , ) unrighteous , unworthy actions , clearily manifest a wicked man , if hee be unrighteous and unjust towards men , hee is irreligious towards god. this righteousnes hath for its measure , or rule , the love wee beare our selves , for god being loved by us , with the love of union , wee must needs love our selves next and immediately , which is that thing wee desire to close and joyne with god ; but others secondarily , as those wee would have also participate of the same good , and from this love , ( the rule and measure of our righteousnes , ) none are to be excluded , that are capable of god , and happinesse , because the roote of love aswell to others as our selves , is god , the measure of which is love to our selves , and therefore no particular enmity should interupt , therefore wee should love our enemies ; you see how wee have stated , and whither wee have ledde this notion of righteousnes , wee cannot leave it in a better place , and it was fit to say some what of that of which the word sayes so much , and which armes so faire and noble a part . but how doth this peece arme the breast , or how is it fitted thereunto ? the breast containes i told you the vitall parts , wherein properly as in the subject , is the feate of life , that holines therefore , that righteousnesse , that image of god is wounded by unrighteousnesse ; by sinne , the divell that wicked one shoots at the fairest marke , and by unrighteousnes wounds , that is it which drawes downe gods wrath , puts a sting into every condition , into death it self , that weakens the heart , makes timerous and fearefull ; the breast-plate in greeke is thorax , and they say it is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , subsilite , to leape or shake , propter cordis palpitationem , for the heart ever mooves , but unrighteousnes and an evell conscience , makes it shake inordinately , renders men timerous , and fearefull ; now this peece of armour , this breast-plate of righteousnesse secures you of this , those shaking , those darting wounds , and ads courage and assurance , so prov. . . the wicked flyes when none pursues , but the righteous are bold as a lyon , now the use of armour is to render you , not onely safe , but bold and secure ; contrary to which are those feares , that make wicked men affraid of their owne shaddowe , they goe without being driven , saving by their owne conscience , which is also excelently exprest . lev. . . . and upon them that are left alive of you , i will send a faintnesse into their hearts in the lands of their enemyes , and the sound of a shaking leafe shall chase them , and they shall flee , as fleeing from a sword , and they shall fall when none pursueth . and they shall fall one upon another , as it were before a sword , when none pursueth , and yee shall have no power to stand before your enemies . heere is a disposition , quite contrary to such strength and courage , as this peece , the breast-plate of righteousnes gives , doe you not see now need of an armour , when wickednesse and unrighteousnes brings you into that miserable condition ; unrighteousnes is opposite to the being of a holy man , the renewed state of a man which consists in righteousnes and true holinesse , and to the comfort and welbeing of a saynt , which stands as you have it , rom. . . in righteousnes , peace , and joy in the holy ghost ; marke the order , first righteousnes , which is as i may say , the materiality of peace , and then joy in the holy ghost . but may not the righteousnes of christ , imputed by faith more properly be called , this peece of armour , then our owne inherent righteousnesse or holinesse ? answ. without all question , that is , the roote and source of all our righteousnesse , rom. . . . that the righteousnesse of the law might be fulfilled in us , who walke not after the flesh , but after the spirit . that is , wee are reputed in christ to have fulfilled the whole law , for saies hee , the righteousnes of the law is fulfilled in us ; there were two things the law required , a just suffering for what wee were in arreare , a due expiation for sinne , and a perfect obedience , now in christ wee are reputed to have done all this , for christ is the end of the law for righteousnesse , to every one that beleeveth , rom. . . this was the first intention , and scope of the law videlizet , that christ might justifie and bring men to life , by his observation and keeping of it , and therefore the apostle blames them vers ▪ . that being ignorant of gods righteousnesse , they would establish their owne righteousnesse , by which meanes they submitted not to gods righteousnes , that is , to that way that hee had set and ordained . but secondly , having made them righteous , and acquitted by imputation , and standing right before god ; god leaves us not thus , but the love of god producing in us , and upon us , some lovely effect , makes sutable impressions and charracters , to the relation wee hold to him , you have the print and charracter of a sonne upon you , aswell as the relation of a sonne , which is nothing els but a certaine image and likenesse of his holinesse , and therefore if you bee in christ , you are a new creature , . cor. . . now how can any be a new creature , without the infusion of new qualities , new guists , without an essentiall change , for it is a new creation , therefore the scriptures describes all the parts of this infused holinesse , yee were darknesse , but now yee are light in the lord , eph. . . also : you have put on the new man , which is renewed in knowledge , after the image of him that created him , coll. . . there is for your light , for your apprehensions , you have another sight of things then ever you have had , other lights , other notions . also , you have a new heart , a new disposition of spirit , another bent and frame , and propension , then you have had , so that of ezek. . . i will give you a new heart and a new spirit , and you are to put on the new man , which after god is created in righteousnes and true holinesse , eph. . . christ therefore that doth all for us doth much in us , hee is a head of influence , wee have him all among us , and every one hath him all in their measure ; and according to those influences , and infusions , wee have our denominations , so abell was called righteous , so noah , iob , also zacharij & elizabeth , luk. . . were both righteous before god , walking in all the ordinances and commandements of the lord blamelesse . in this sence a man may be called righteous ; that is , regenerate , that is , renewed , although corruption remaines , as you call a house white aswell as a swan , though there be many spots on it , and such a one may be said not to sin , joh. . . because hee is not given up to sin , but hath his heart armed and fenced with a holy frame , and a pursuite of righteousnesse . now having thus distinguished , and explained things , this scripture in all the parts and peeces of the armour , seemes rather to speake of the working and motion of the graces of god in us , then the imputation of christs to us , which is that which indeed gives the forme , enargy , and operation to every peece ; but because according to what christ is to us , so in a proportion , and according to our measure hee is in us , by his influence , by his infusions , therefore wee are to till and improve him in us , and as the divell could do nothing against us , but by virtue of our corruptions ; so christ makes use of his owne infusions , of his owne graces , of his workes in us , with which through him , wee fight against the divell , so as by the righteousnes of iesus christ infused into us , and derived by his spirit , our vitall parts are armed , and secure against the divell , who by unholines , and unrighteousnes would destroy that building of gods owne rearing . i have bene some thing large in this , both in shewing you what righteousnes is , as it respects god and man , and in distinguishing it from the imputed righteousnes of christ , which is the temire wee hold by , and by which wee stand accepted before god ; and in shewing you , how it secures you against sin , which is the divells weapon to wounde us withall ; if ye aske mee how you shall put it on , in a word , be renewed in the spirit of your minde , things are maintained , as they were gotten , be converted often , one conversion is not enough , the worke of repentance , that is , of a change of heart , is of a continuall dayly use ; you must be changed from glory to glory , as by the spirit of the lord righteousnes in you , acted , and enlarged by the spirit of god , must worke out unrighteousnes in you , acted and fomented by the divell , and you must do your part to righteousnes , as you have done to sin , and as ye have yeilded your members servants to uncleannesse , and to iniquity unto iniquity . so now yeild your members servants to righteousnes and to holinesse , rom. . . your members , that is , your whole soule , the faculties of it , the endowments of it must be yeilded in service to god , as they have bene to sin and the divell , they must be now weapons in gods hand , under the command of his spirit , for so saies hee ver . . neither yeild your members as weapons or armes of unrighteousnes , for so signifies the word , which wee translate instruments : wicked men , unrighteous men furnish the divell with weapons to kill and destroy themselves , their owne weapons slayes them , the divell doth but helpe to point them and sharpen ; but wee must yeild our selves to god , and our members , weapons of righteousnes to god , and by doing this , sin shall not have dominion over you , for saies hee , yee are under grace , not under the law , that is , the grace of god in christ , and the assistance of his spirit will enable you to overcome sin , and the divell , which the law would never have done : nothing hinders more then discouragement , but feare not , imploy your members as weapons for god , and you will prevaile , the rigour of the law , christ hath satisfied , and those parts which remaines you , which are left for you , grace will work in you , and by you , so as let the divell be what hee will be ; sin or unrighteousnesse shall not have dominion over you , and consequently not the divell , against whome ye fight , for hee moves in the strength of unrighteousnesse . wee are come now to the third peece of armour , which is for the feet and leggs , for the breast-plate reached downe to the knees , and this covered the rest ; by the feete are commonly denoted the affections , by which we martch or move to good , or ill , they are the movings and outgoings of the soule , and the feet and legs are a part , which needs asmuch armeing as any other thing , for in their motion to fight , they conflict with the difficulties of the place , and in their fightings are exposed to wounds and danger ; other parts are freed from that more , they are not so much offended with the ground on which they are , but these are aswell exposed to the difficulties of the place , as to the wounds of the combate . the armour therefore for this part , is the preparation of the gospell of peace , that is , an ability and readines with chearfulnesse , to preach and confesse the gospell . first , that this is a great duty to confesse , or manifest upon all occations , your beleefe of the gospell appeares by that place , rom. . . with the mouth confession is made to salvation ; that is , it is a part of the duty which you owe to god , in order to your eternall salvation , to confesse and promulge the glorious gospell , which in your hearts you beleeve , for the faith of the gospell should so fire your heart , with the glory of god , that the flame should breake out ; on the contrary it is an absurd and foolish thing , to talke of fire where no flame or heate appeares , to speake of beleeving to righteousnesse , where there is not at all occations , a readinesse to confesse with the mouth . this being laid for a foundation , you shall see how two other places will helpe to interprete this . those shooes , the feet armour , i take to be a fitnesse and readinesse to preach , or declare the gospell of peace ; this semes to be extremely parrallelled , with rom. . . taken out of isa. . . how beautifull are the feete of them that preach the gospell of peace , heere you have the gospell of peace , the same thing named in this place , and the bringing or communicating of it expressed by feet . as heere by the armour of the feet , but if any shall say this is onely applicable to ministers , because in the beginning of this . ver . it is said , how should they preach except they be sent , that is utterly a mistake , for by sending there is not meant , the particular and lawfull call of ministers , which the apostle heere treats not of , but imports onely , that it is a speciall signe of the love of god , when the gospell is brought any whither , for hee sends it , it drops not out of the clouds , by chance or hazzard , but it comes whither god sends it , whither hee addresseth it , and therefore should be received accordingly ; the other place is , . pet. . . be ready alwaies to give an answere to every one of the hope that is in you . the word ready is the same word , that is heere prepared , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and heere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a readines , or preparation , having your feet shod with a readinesse of the gospell of peace ; that is , as heere with a readinesse , to give an account of it , or preach it , or confesse it , as in the former places , as you have occation , either by offering and declaring it , or by answering and giving account of the hope that is in you , of the gospell the ground of that hope , or of your actions according to that rule and word ; you see how this exposition suits with a generall duty in other places commanded , and runnes paralell with the very phrases , and expressions of them , so as the exposition falls naturally and without constraint . if you aske mee now how this readines and preparation of preaching , and confessing the gospell upon all occations , armes the legs , and feet , which denotes our martches , and motions in this warre against the divell . answere first , because it imployes a great boldnes in the faith of christ , which fits for motion and going forwards ; hee that is ready , and prepared to be a preacher , or confesser , to give an account of his faith , hath as it is said of the deacon , attained a good degree , and great boldnesse , and as christ saith , hee that casts out divells in my name , will not lightly speake evill of mee ; so hee that is ready and prepared to confesse and publish as hee hath occation , the gospell of god is prepared for advanceing , for martching , for goeing forward ; this therefore it implyes , to wit , a boldnes of minde , and a courage . secondly , the objections that the divell and wicked men frame against our actions , and motions are extreamely hindering , make us heavy and timerous ; but if you be able and ready to be a confessour , if yee can preach or give account of it , and you be prepared to it , you are safe enough , you will take any stepps , and walke boldly , so as it is not onely a signe of courage as before , but it doth actually and really inable you . thirdly , to this you must adde what the apostle addes considerately , that it is the gospell of peace , about which , and for which you moove ; this agrees extreamely well to this motion , for being to goe through many uneaven waies , and to breake through the thickest ranckes of enemies ; you are helped by this , that you are at peace with god all the while , what ever enemies you meet with in the way , so as this gospell of peace fits you for motion , and by confessing , and promulgeing your faith , to conflict with others . so i state this armour which the holy spirit appropriates to the legs and feet , i alter not the words of the text , i shew you how it fits for motion : the help is therefore to this peece of armour , is , first to be filled with right knowledge , how can yee beleeve on him of whome yee have not heard , how can you preach him , how can you confesse him , of whome ye are not well instructed , concerning whome you are not taught ; an implicite faith heere to beleeve as others doe , as your teachers doe , will not helpe you . secondly , you must be zealous , that will render you ready and prepared ; a zealous man wil be communicating what hee hath , will have his confessions and answeres at hand , when his brothers darknes or scandall shall call for it , hee will put on for converting for enlightening of men , it will grieve him to see the world , and the divell gaine from god. thirdly , you must be possest with the peace i spoke of , the gospel of peace , will never come of from you , if your hearts be not filled with peace ; this is that christ left his disciples to worke with , and by . peace i leave with you , my peace , ( that is , the peace of the gospell ) i give unto you , so john. . . these things have i spoken unto you , that in mee ye might have peace . in the world yee shall have tribulation , that is , you are to martch to heaven through a troublesome world , the profession and preaching of the gospell will cost you much , but in christ , and in the gospell you shall have peace ; the other is but outward , that is the most intimate peace , a peace that passeth all understanding , a peace that will enable you to goe to warre , and deny your selves of outward peace . how did this peace that made paul and sylas sing in the prison , inable them to preach christ abroade . what bold confessions could stephen make in the midst of all his enemies , upon the very point of martirdome , when hee was at peace with god , and sawe christ the king of peace at the right hand of god ; it is not the enemye so much as the strength or weaknesse to resist , and fight , that is considerable if there be more with you then against you ; it is no matter what is against you , if you have a deepe and quiet peace within , it is no matter what noyses you heare abroade . the martirs that were filled with that peace in their sharpe warfares , could say non patimur sed pati videmur , we rather seme to suffer , then suffer indeed ; this will make you strong in every motion towards fight , and this will ayde you to this profession , and confession of christ , which will both assure all your owne motions , and by which as with spirituall feet , you doe move mightily against the divell . for the use of this in particular , wee may consider how happy our conditions are , that wee are preachers and publishers of peace , blessed are the peace makers , and how beautifull are their feet ; this wee are if wee be filled with peace , a peace that passeth all understanding , will passe its own bounds and fill others also . but then secondly , in a sence wee are all preachers , all confessors , they that teach , must doe , and they that doe , must teach , that is by that doing , by the light of their actions which shines ; but in truth , wee should not onely be contented to walke holily our selves , but wee should be ready and prepared to communicate what ever wee have of the gospell to others , as occation shall offer it selfe and draw it forth , which is both a great motion and walke against the divell ; and as it is heer exprest , it armes our feet , and secures our motion exceedingly in this warre , so as wee are not subject to the shaking of objections , and disgraces which the divell would represent to us , and cast in our way continually . thirdly , in this preaching and confessing the gospell upon all occations , doe it as the gospell of peace , bring it as the angells did , who knew well the minde of god , glory to god on high , on earth peace , good will towards men , luk. . . also feare not , for behold , i bring you good tydings of great joy , which shal be to all people , ver . . offer the gospell like the gospell , that is , like good newes , the good newes of peace , let the world knowe that it is brought and offred to all men , that it is good tydings of great joy to all people : christ is an universall good , and as the heires of great kingdomes , are the common possessions of all the subjects ; so the son of the god of the whole earth , is good newes to all mankinde , and it is pitty but that they should knowe it , and that it should be offred to them , as it might be their owne fault if they intertaine it not . and as christ said to his disciples , when ye come into any house , say peace be to it . it is time enough for your peace to returne to you , when they refuse to receive you . this if any thing will take with the guilty world , who from the sence of their owne ill are a thousand times apter to dispaire , then beleeve , or at least to be hardened in a negligent desperate way : this will also make good the ends of the gospell , which are the glory of christ , and the alluring , and gaining of the elect ; and a soule gained by the freest way of grace , will vent its obedience by love , and this will put honour upon your selves , render your feete beautifull , render you acceptable and desireable , where ever you come in the world , when you shal be shod with the shooes of the preparation of the gospell of peace . fourthly , as ye are to make after much knowledge , for a cleare rule of all your actions , and stepps , even to a readinesse to confesse it , and preach it ; for that is the preparation heere meant , that yee may bee in a readinesse , so when you are in such a preparation , walke boldly , let the world see by your walking and your motion , and steddines that jou are armed , when you can passe through foule waies , good report and ill report , when ye walke among thornes , tread upon serpents and adders , and they shall not hurt you . paul sure had his hand well armed , when the viper dropt from it without hurting him , so it is a signe you are well armed , when yee feare no wayes into which providence shall leade you , and when you come of without hurt , though there be pikes and stakes in the way , ye are not pierced ; this walking by example , and as occation is by voyce , by confession , or preaching , will make many followers , you will become leaders your selves , and that will be a glorious walkeing , when yee shall not onely treade hard pathes , but lead up troopes , wee see even bruit beasts in motion are put on by the voyce as well as by example , or any other way : let the world know that warre is but the vizard , but there is peace within , underneath : let them know that there are sweets and roses , though they see nothing outwardly but thornes , and bryars , your walking steddily will shew that your selves are armed , and your example and voyce together , will have a great influence upon others , to be sure a readinesse and preparednesse to confesse the gospell of peace , will arme you for all the hard martches , and what ever the divell shall object in your way . wee are come to the fourth peece of armes , which is a shield fitted not so much to any one part , ( as the other peeces ) as to the whole , for it is moveable , and propper to keepe of at a distance , & this is faith : now this above all things is to be taken up , that is , especially , this is the most considerable peece of armour you have ; some reade it in all things , that is , with every peece of armour , yee must mingle faith , with truth , with righteousnesse , with the preparation of the gospel of peace : or referre it to temptations , that is , you must oppose faith to every temptation , which is true ; but i rather thinke it is meant heere , especially , that is , to say above all things in a more especiall manner , take unto you the shield of faith , like that place coll. . . where the same word is used , and above all things but on charity , so as though every peece of armour be very considerable , yet none like the shield of faith , and hee gives you the reason , because by it you shall be able to quench the fiery darts of the divell , who for his superabundant malice and wickednes hee calls the wicked one , that is , who with the greatest and most intense height of wickednesse pursues god and man , but especially , good men the saints ; and yee shall not quench , some of his darts onely , but all his darts , hee hath enough of them , hee hath of all kindes , this shield will receive them , and repell them all ; hee tells you also , of what kinde they are , they are fieri darts , his arrowes are poysoned arrowes , they do not onely wound as iron and steele doth , but there is a poyson , a burning in them , of an ill quality , hard to cure , hard to be quenched ; but now the holy ghost prescribes you a remedy , an armes fitted on purpose as they are darts , faith as a shield shall repell them , as they are poysoned and fiery ; faith as water , or balsome , or oyle , shall quench , by faith ye shall be enabled to quench them : faith properly as a shield doth not quench but repell , but faith enables you ; that is , there is a mighty power and operation in faith , doeing that which nothing els can doe , that as yee have salves , properly to draw out stings , or thornes , and as yee have balsomes , to take out fire and poyson , to quench and destroy the malignity of a poysoned dart , so you have faith fitted and proportioned to quench the fiery darts of the wicked , your greatest enemy , and who shoots continually , and therefore are they called all his fiery darts ; hee wants not ammunition , hee need not feare for want of powder , hee hath great and cursed abilities , and a spirit fitted to act them alwayes ; but faith can deale with him , and render all his dartings vaine , and of no effect . you see now the full meaning of these words , and of how great a consideration faith is , to this warre , so as from the reason of the thing which the apostle gives , it deserves an emphesis , an above all ; that is , especially want not this , as sallomon saies of wisedome , above all gettings get understanding , and keepe thy heart with all dilligence , so above all things take the shield of faith . before wee consider more particularly , of this so much commended faith , wee will thinke a little what those fiery darts are , which are to be received , and quenched by faith ; by fiery darts heere , i understand not so much temptations to all kindes of him , though faith serves for all meets with them also , but the breast-plate of righteousnesse semes propper also for them , but some fiery envenomed impoysened darts , to which nothing but the shield of faith can be opposed ; faith will secure you in all things aswell as other peeces of armour , but especially faith is of use heere ; and these darts seme to be either some burning vyolent temptations to lusts , or after them to dispaire : for the first , our natures since the first defilement by orriginall corruption , were never perfectly coole , it is by some principle within us , that sathan workes upon us , our natures are stuble and tinder ; there is a great deale of combustible matter within us , which the wicked one knowes well enough , and therefore shoots his granadoes , his fire-workes , his fiery darts , if wee were ice and snow , if we were perfectly coole and cold , to lusts , the divell would not loose his paynes nor his darts , but being fiery our selves , apt to burne , hee flings in fire , fiery darts , and wee are instantly and presently , in a flame , like charcoale burnt already , or stuble prepared already for burning by the sunne ; so hee did to david in the case of bathsheba , though hee were a good man , tooke him at an advantage , when his corruptions were most fiery , neerest burning , when idlenesse , security and peace , had dryed and heated him to lusts , and vanity , then hee flung in a fiery dart , and the flame was unquenchable . the like hee did with amnon , who having received the fiery dart , was so vexed that hee fell sicke for his sister tamar , . sam. . . and was so destroyed with that flame , as hee never ceased till hee counted folly in israel : in wayes most barbarous and wicked , both in the prosecution of his love , and in his abusing and rejecting of her afterwards , and the one was as fiery as the other , hee hated her now more then hee had loved her , ver . . the love was without measure , so was the hatred ; so are men stung with the fiery darts of the divell , there is nothing but extreames , no mediocrity , all is without measure , and then for a little of that they call pleasure , they have a world of paine , and gall , and bitternesse ; which is the other fiery darts , made way for by lusts , and that is dispaire ; for i should thinke that in this instance , the inhumanity and barbarousnesse of amnon afterwards to his sister , came from the terrour and confusion of his conscience , what fruit had you of those things whereof you are now ashamed , rom. . . after the sin is committed , shame and horrour ceazeth presently , which hurryes the minde ordinarily as fast to dispaire as it did before , to the countinent of the lust ; therefore lusts should be lookt upon , as they are goeing not as they are comeing , or as they are promising , peracto scelere magnitudo ejus conspicitur , as tacitus inferres of nero , after hee had killed his mother , therefore wee should looke on sin with that eye , which within a few howers wee shall see them ; and this is the second head of the fiery darts i told you of , namely inections to dispaire , how many after the commissions of murthers , adulteryes , treatheryes , have bene consumed and likt up , by these fiery darts , and brought to miserable ends , under the notion of dispaire : what thinke you of spira , who for a little shrincking and retracting his confession , the profession of the gospell i told you of , esteemed the flames of hell lesse then those hee felt , and wisht himselfe often there that hee might knowe the difference ; what thinke you before him of iudas , who found no rest , no quiet of spirit , but in the gallowes , hee was utterly druncke up by dispaire , and went downe quicke to his owne place . but the saints feele these fiery darts , as david did for lusting , so himselfe also and divers others for dispairing , therefore hee saies , hee roared all the day , and his soule , and his bones were sore vexed , and his eye , his soule & his belly were consumed , and the divell heerein takes the advantage of some outward lowenesse and depression of condition , either in body , or estate , or reputation , or some melancholy of body , or constitution , which is a temper easily fired to extremities ; and that the saints have their fyering to lustings , or dispaire aswell as others , whether they be of things bulky in themselves or little . but , what kinde of faith is it that you must oppose to these burnings , to these fiery darts , and how doth faith relieve you ? certainely it is no other then that by which you beleeve god , to be yours in christ. the shield here spoken of is taken from the similitude of a doore , such as were the largest shields , it must be large enough to shield the whole body : and secondly , as a shield it must receive the darts and repell them , and quench the fire before it reach the body , before it incorporate it selfe with the minde , and enter as it were into the substance of the spirit , for then there will be more tearing and difficulty to get it out . but how doth faith doe this ? first and especially as it calls god , god in christ to our ayde . when the divell shoots his fiery darts , either for lusting , or dispairing , it is not for flesh and blood to oppose it selfe , your mortalities , your resolutions , your reasonings will prove combistible matter , and be burnt up , be burnt away , and your spirit will be left fiered , and empoysoned by those darts . the dart will sticke , & it will be worke to get it out ; now in this case faith leads you directly to god , & sets god against the divell , so as the combate by the wisdome of faith , is changed , and made now rather betweene god and the divell , then betweene you and the divell , & the divell which could have subdued you easily , fals under god presently , this is that stronger then hee that bindes the strong man and casts him out . this was davids way , from the ends of the earth will i cry to thee , when my heart is overwhelmed , leade mee to the rocke that is higher then i , psal. . . that is where ever i am , or where ever thou art , as thy spirit can finde mee out , so i will finde thee out , when i am overwhelmed , when i am greatly in distresse , i will cry to thee , as a child doth to his father , that is set upon by one stronger then himselfe , cries out to his father and trusts to his strength ; set mee upon a rocke , or thou wilt set mee upon a rocke , that is , it is so high , as i cannot reach it without thou set mee upon it , or higher then i , that is , above my owne strength , or my owne abilities , even upon thy selfe and thy sonne , where i may be safe , for in case of overwhelmings , in case of fiery darts ; there is no other way but to set god , as yours , as one in covenant with you , your all , and friends against the divell , to stand still and see the salvation of god , when the red sea was before , and the egyptians behinde , what could the israelites doe , ( in that case there was no way for wisedome or strength to make through ) . but stand still and see the salvation of god , casting all upon god , and disparing in themselves altogether . but secondly , this shield of faith can relieve you in this extremity by outbidding sights ( as in a second and under way ) against all lustings it can oppose presently the recompence of the reward , and ye have a lust for that also : so moses was not without the lustings of ambition and vaine glory , to be called the son of pharoahs daughter , but the eye which hee had , to the recompence of reward , outbids them infinitely , and therefore hee chose rather afflictions which no man would simply chuse : so christ for the glory set before him , indured and suffered any thing , a lively faith realizeth things , and makes them present ; faith will tell you presently when a fiery lust assaults you , yeild not , and in stead of pleasing your flesh , or your humour , which is passing , you will please christ , you will please your conscience , and that pleasure is sweet indeed , that remaines ; nay you shall heare of this againe , this fighting , this quenching , shall come into your reward , in such times and in such things , wherein you would be most of all considered . and against the burnings of dispaire as in a second way , also faith will shewe the riches of mercy , the merrits of the blood of christ , and will tell you that it is dishonourable to god to judge his goodnes , lesse then your wickednesse , or that the merrits of christ cannot hold ballance with your sinning , will shewe you as great disproportion betweene grace and sin , as betweene god and you , will make ( in a word ) dispaire wicked in nothing as in the unreasonablenesse of it . but then thirdly , as an effect of both these , faith suckes and drawes downe the dew of the spirit , the cooling waters , the refreshing streames , if need be balsome , and oyle , to quench the fire before it kindle , or to fetch it out ; when your concupiscents are cooled , by the holy ghost , and your spirit is in temper , fiery darts will do no hurt , as a grannado that falls into a pit of water , there is fire in it , but before the blowe gives it is quencht : o those sweet & cooling influences of the spirit , how refreshing are they , as dewe to thirsty grounds ; when dives burned , what would hee have given for some water , to coole his tongue . when wicked men are fiered by the divells darts , to dispaire or lust , or persecution , their owne spirits are inflamed , burnt up , and they burne what ever they come neere , and so they must till they be utterly consumed , for there is no heavenly dewe , no water , no rayne , no balsome , no droppings of the spirit : but to us there is a river , the streames whereof shall make glad the city of god , psal. . . shall refresh us , shall keepe us from burning , and fyering , and chapping , and hee gives an account of it , ver . . god is in the midst of her , shee shall not be greatly mooved ; there is the head of that fountaine , hee will not suffer the divell to gaine upon you , to waste you , to drinke you up , very much to fire you , but the streames shall continually refresh you , and make you glad , when others shal be like the parched heath in the wildernesse easily inflamed , a curse to themselves and others . therefore with all gettings gett faith , above all take the shield of faith , and take it as i have told you , take it on like a large shield , that it may be fitt to cover you , beleeve not scantily , beleeve not a little , have not your faith to fetch , and prove , and spell , when the fiery darts are shooteing , how will you make this use of it els , that i have told you ; is there any thing the divell would rob you of so much as lively faith , effectuall faith , bold and hardy faith , hee knowes why well enough , it will repell his fiery darts , it will quench them , yeild him not that peece of armour in any proportion , that is so dammageable to him , and so necessary for you ; faith is usefull in every thing , but in these cases , faith doth not all ( as i have told you ) and while you are doing this , the obedience of faith , the use of faith is as pleasing to god , as resisting the fiery dart is necessary for you ; as therefore ye would be relieved when you most need it , when your soules are fyered with lust or dispaire , when those flames drinke up your spirits , and undoe you , beleeve boldly , beleeve strongly , without if's and and 's , have god tyed and made one with you , by faith according to the right notion of it , and then dread nothing , heere is good newes for you , you will be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked ; there now remaines nothing but some helpes to take this shield of faith . first , consider it under the notion of obedience in it , the worke of god and the will of god is ingaged , you may be bold with your selves , ( and yet yee cannot because ye are creatures , ye are not your owne ) but will you be bold with the will of god : this to those that have but a little faith , and love already will be a great argument . god bids you sanctify his name , bids you honour your father , &c. you will do it , why ? because it is a thing not left to your choice ; god bids you sanctify him by beleeving , honour him by beleeving , and this is first to god , to god immediately : i beseech you , looke not on faith in this notion , as a priviledge left to the arbitration of your owne wills , whether you will be so good to your selves or no , but as an indispensible duty : some duties may be dispensed with for ends , as the worship of god in some of his ordinance , but this dutie lies so hard upon you , as it is not to be dispensed with all for a moment , not for the greatest good , not for the salvation of all men ; if god be great to you , therefore obey him in beleeving , or upon the same reason , cast of all religion and disobey him in every other thing , but if you feare to doe that , then knowe that the same god , that bidds you doe any other thing , bids you also beleeve , and know that this commandement is the least arbitrary of all the rest . secondly , consider what obstructs faith , if negligence , and want of consideration , as that doth much , and often , i beseech you let mee set you on considering : consider that you will goe to hell without it , if you will not beleeve god for the pardon of your sinnes , and that hee is yours in christ , beleeve him for this , that without this you wil be condemned for ever , god may seme to put it to your choice , whether you will beleeve or no ; but hee doth by no meanes put it to your choice , whether you will goe to hell or no , if you beleeve not , for that is determined with him , that the fearefull and unbeleevers shal be cast into hell , and indeed thither are all men goeing a pace , onely belief turnes the motion , and makes the earth assend upwards . but if you say you see , you see your misery enough in unbelief , but ye want boldnes to beleeve , that you thinke that there is no proportion betweene sin and such a nothing as faith is , there is a proportion betweene sin and damnation , but not betweene sin and faith : right now i have you where i would , but then consider that the things wherin god useth man in the way to salvation , are indeed nothing , or as nothing , by the foolishnesse , that is , by the nothingnesse of preaching hee saves them that beleeve ; the vessells in which his word comes , are earthen , as good as nothing , our righteousnes reacheth not to him , and though our reward be heaven , yet our merrit is nothing , just nothing : and therefore if faith in respect of its owne internall vallew , or as a grace in this case , were any thing , wee should never be saved by it , but now our comfort and assurance is that it is nothing . but on the contrary , though there be no proportion betweene sin and faith , yet there is a proportion betweene sin and christ , or if you will have mee speake the truth , there is no proportion in this regard ; christs dyeing , christs suffering , makes sin nothing , so that that which held the greatest proportion , before god , before , and was heavyer then the sand of the sea , deeper then hell , is now nothing : what will you thinke your debts greater then god can pay , will you ballance your wickednes and his love , your unkindnes may be aggranated , and made greater by his love , but it cannot be made even with his love , for hee is god ; in a word , wee cannot out-sin his pardon , or grace , by any thing but unbeliefe , so as this littlenesse , this nothingnes of faith , is your advantage , because in this great businesse of our salvation god will be all in all , and you shall thanke your selves for nothing : did it hinder naaman the assirian , that to wash in jordan was nothing , or did it relieve jericho , that the bloweing of rams-hornes was nothing , if it had bene any thing , it had not done it , for god is resolved to destroy jericho by nothing , that is , by himselfe alone ; and therefore he will have you by nothing , or by that which is as good as nothing , in respect of what you doe : but on the other side , hee findes enough in the ballance , to make your sins nothing , even his owne eternall love , and the suffering and merrits of his owne son . thirdly , gods heart is in this matter of faith , never any thing was so fenced with mottinesse , with threats , and commands , with intreatings and invitings , with words and oathes , with signes and seales , with rewards and punishments . the gospell is nothing but the message of faith , christ himself and all his ministers , but the preachers of faith . the great businesse is to make the match , to tye the knott betweene god and our soules , the rest , other things , flow on naturally : love followes faith , works flowe from love . but without faith , its impossible to please god , without faith wee are strangers and a farre of . now that which is so neere gods heart , and so advantagious to our selves , wee should doe , wee should be much in what ever the divell say , to the contrary , god neverhedged any thing about like this , never any thing came so freely off , the making of this cost him his ministers ordinances and seales , and without it all is nothing . fourthly , to fetch arguments , not onely from necessity and duty , & reason , but ingenuity , the onely salve you can apply to the wounds of christ , is beleeving , your sins made them your faith heales them , hee shall see of the travaile of his soule , and be satisfied , isa. . . that is , hee hath beene at a great deale of paines and cost ; now what are his in-comes , what will make up this poore people for whome hee did , and suffered , all this will trust him and beleeve in him , for so it followes , by his knowledge , shall my righteous servant justify many , that is , by the knowledge and beliefe of him , they shal be justified , this satisfies him , this payes him , this is the onely way you have to make him amends ; now his stripes hath healed you , heale him by your faith , do a little nobly , and freely for him , that hath done so much for you , sticke not with him to beleeve him , that stuck not to dye for you . but then lastly , did the divell never let loose any fiery darts upon you , or may hee not doe it , if hee have not , yee can judge the lesse what it is to want this shield , but aske judas , and hee will tell you , aske david hee will tell you , aske paul when sathan buffetted him , and hee had nothing but god to relie upon ; if hee have , i hope experience will make us wise to have our shield ready , if hee have not knowe that hee may doe , looke that hee will doe , and will doe it , when you are weakest , when you are lowest , provide for that evill day , get up your shield ; this of faith in god through christ , as yours , and then when hee comes , what have you to doe , ye can turne god loose to him , yee can fetch downe liquor and vertue of that temper and coolenesse , as shall dead and quench and extinguish his darts , and in the thing wherein hee is proud and mighty , you will be above him , and to hard for him . we are come in the fifth place to another peece of the great and sure armour , with which the spirit of god armes us against the divell , a peece for our head , the helmet of salvation , as that before was more generall applicable to the whole body . that by this helmet is meant hope , the apostle who is his owne best interpreter tells you . thessa. . . and for an helmet the hope of salvation : this peece of armour is of excellent use , and proper to that part it defends ; the worth of it appears as by many things : so by the deplorable condition of those that want it , they have no hope ( saies hee ) and they are without god in the world , eph. . . they wanted that ligament , that tye to fasten them to god , and so were left most miserable . wee must consider a little , what hope is , and then , why it is called of salvation , and then how it fits that part , to which it is destined , and doth the worke of an helmet . it is a receiv'd maxime , that all affections are rooted in love , and as they are rooted in love , so they are acted by love , even hatred and malice it selfe , hath its rise in some thing loved , for therefore i hate such a thing , because i love the contrary : againe as affections are rooted in love , and acted by love , so love is felt , and appeares according to the affection it acts by , and is seene through that , as the sunne which is alwayes the same in it selfe , yet workes upon us according to the constellations it possesseth , and the light coulours it self , according to the body through which it shines , so loves workes and appeares much according to the affection it possesseth , and through which it renders it self visible , for example : love appeares very darke in sorrow , violent in choller , tranquill and peaceable in joy , dejected in dispaire , but in hope love is in its throne , there it appeares in most pompe , there it workes with most efficacy , and is altogether lovely . this affection of all others semes to be destined to great affaires , and hath a mighty influence either upon our doeing , or suffering . it was all that alexander had to inable him to the conquest of the world , distributing all his other goods that hee had received from his father ; againe what is it but this that makes men every day crosse the seas , labour the ground , seeke after mines in the bowells of the earth , fight , and pursue victories , nay it is that which accompanyes men to the scaffold , and to their death bedds . but to follow our methods , wee consider not hope heere , in that loose sence , in which it is commonly taken , namely for a certaine fault , and lowe attendancy , or lookeing after some good thing desired , and so to be before faith , and without it , as when wee are apt to say , i cannot beleeve such a thing , but i hope it well ; but on the contrary we take it for a firme expectation of some future good , which wee doe already beleeve , and are assured of , so faith the scripture heb. . . faith is the substance of things hoped for . gal. . . wee waite for the hope of righteousnesse by faith , that is , faith gives you the ground of waiteing , which is by hope , so if wee hope wee waite , rom. . . so as this hope which must be our helmet is a superadded grace to faith , a birth and effect of it . it is called , the helmet of salvation , for salvation is the great thing about which faith and hope is conversant , so saith paul , receiving the end of your faith , the salvation of your soules , so the hope of salvation , because , that , as the greatest , conteynes all other inferiour goods , and in the eyeing and prosecution of which by faith and hope wee secure our selves the most abundantly . but how doth this armour fit the part , it is destined for , and doe the worke of an helmet . the head is as it were the principle of action , and of our intentions , as the head governes and directs the members , so our end and intention , which is our simbolicall head , being the principall and rise of all our actions , that which gives vigour and activity to them , had need of some peece of armour for its defence , which the apostle heere makes to be the hope of salvation . now this helmet doth its worke thus , the world and sathan that they might poyson the fountaine , corrupt our ends , and our intentions , would bribe us with something outward , and sensuall , and therefore holds over our heads many things to tempt and allure us , sutable to our sences , and corrupted nature , offers us crownes of applause , allures us with pates of pleasure ( falsely so called ) and to makes these rellish , to take the better , terrifies us with thorny paths , and ill conditions , in holy wayes , with persecutions , and scornes , gives you the choice of crownes of thornes , and gold , but both fleshly and carnall ; the holy ghost now gives you for an helmet the hope of salvation , holds that over your head toward of these blowes , and those assaults , and what is that ? the assured expectation and waiting for of eternall glory , for so it is called in other places , the hope of eternall life , the hope of glory , rom. . ▪ and tit. . . first , hope in its nature and definition is the waiting for , and expectation of a good thing , which makes it a pleasant , and releeving affection , because the object of it is good , not as griefe , nor as feare , which hath for its object an ill thing ; but our hope which is our helmet , wards and guards our heade , it is made up of the best and most sutable good , it is a good comprehending all other goods , and therefore called salvation in the abstract , it is a glorious good , for it is the hope of glory , and for duration it is not earthly , sensuall , and passing , but it is eternall life an eternall weight of glory . secondly , hope is of good things to come , and therefore it is an expectation , for hope that is seene is not hope , for what a man sees , why doth hee yet hope for ? rom. . . so as it is a pleasant passing your time , in the expectation of a desired good ; but now the difference will lie not onely in the degree of good , for ours is of things eternall , but in the degree of expectation , wordly hopes are founded upon such sleight bottomes , as they contribute not much to comfort , in regard of which some have called hope a dreame , which presents it selfe to wakeing men , and from thence it is said , that the hipocrites hope perisheth ; but our hope is of another constitution , for it is grafted upon faith which gives a certainty , and reality to the thing , so as no feare of faileing shall weaken or impaire your hope , but hope shall stand upon a sure bottome , and pleasantly , and joyfully expect what already by faith is made most sure to us . to speake a little more , a little more particularly of this affection , it is of a good thing , absent , difficult and possible , i have shewed you how our hope is conversant about the best and highest good , the abuse of this affection ( for that will helpe to shew the use of it ) lies in pitching it upon things that are not good ; in truth all other things , but spirituall , god , heaven , and eternity , have no other vallue , but what ignorance and a lye puts upon them , opinion indeed gives them a name , honours them with a title which they deserve not , and yet how much doe outward things ingage this affection : honour which depends upon the opinion of others , which is extreamely passing , and perishing , which is the reward oftentimes of crimes , which are succesfull , and glitter , and pleasures which are accompanied with regret , and shame , and followed with grief ; and riches ordinarily , the object of the basest mindes , and men ; all these things , and what ever more is outward , are but the shadowes and pictures of good ; as in a picture you thinke you see the birds flye , men standing of from the cloath , but when you come neere it , there is nothing but the lynes of a pensil , nothing but markes upon a cloath or table , and so are these things , nothing but shadowes , pictures , dreames , they must have a light proper to shew them by , false lights , yet these are the objects of the hopes of the greatest part of men . againe , these things as they are not good enough , so they are not absent enough for hope , for though things of sence are not ever in the possession of them which most make after them , yet they are amongst us , they are in the world , but this hope carries us properly beyond every thing . the eye sees , and the eare heares , and what enters into the heart of man. againe , things that are the object of hope are difficult , but difficult and worthy , or great in a right sence , are of an equall extent , to labour in the smoake and mudd , for smoak and mudd it may be difficult , but it is a difficultie without worth , it is base and meane , and so hath nothing in it of great , or worthy , in which respect onely difficult things should be undertaken . then , how often doth hope mis-applyed ingage in impossibilities , and so becomes a meere imposture to us . how often are men befooled heere , and in their desires , and hopes ( which actuate those desires ) pursue impossible things . men foolishly thinke that miracles should be wrought in their favour , and the whole order of the universe changed for their sakes , men that merit the gallowes hope for a pardon , not because they have any assurance of the judges favour , or because their faults are pardonable , but because they would live : and which is ridiculous , old men that are so in extremity , hope for an old age yet to come . i have shewed you already that our hope which is our helmet , is of good things , a good that wants a name , good enough to expresse it , and therefore is called salvation , a name abstract , and comprehensive to the ut most . againe , i have shewed , that it is of good things to come , and heerein it differs from faith , for faith sees them as it were present , and therefore it is the substance of things hoped for , but hope lookes upon them , ( as indeed they are ) at a distance ; in a word , faith gives you the assurance , hope the expectation . againe difficult they are , and great and difficult , worthie and difficult , accordingly , they cost christ much , and they cost us much , so difficult , as for the attaining of them , god must come out of heaven , christ must die and suffer : god must set all his wisedome on worke , that wee may have a ground to pitch our hopes upon , and for our part , hope is mannaged and conversant about difficult things , as ye shall heare . but then last of all , our hope is wise , the things are possible about which it is conversant , so possible , as they are assured , and therefore it s called the full assurance of hope , heb. . . let us knowe then where wee are , and what use wee have of this affection ; the truth is christian religion , is altogether founded upon hope , the things of this life are not our portion , wee breath after what is to come , let us therefore live as men , untyed from this world , and fasten to another by hope , let the pleasures and honours , and profits of this world be dead things to us , because wee have no hope to animate them ; hope acts and animates above any thing , but wee want this engine , because we have not that object . for instance , to appeare something , to be great , wise , and honourable , is the great contention , and pursuite of this world : when christ who is our life shall appeare , then shall wee appeare , &c. heavenly hope puts you off thither , and disputes not the thing , but the time , ye shall have enough of appearing , but it shal be in a peculiar and advantageous time , when christ shall appeare to fill up his triumph , to adorne that pompe , respite your desire of appearing till then ; god doth but time it for us , so for pleasures to enjoy your selves , to be satisfied , to be at ease , to gratify and content every part of you , these are mens hopes , one time or other you shall get it ; there is a place of pleasures , the presence of god , and there is a fullnesse and compleatnesse of pleasure , but it is in that place and in other , and there are plasures for evermore , pleasures that are as long as they are great , but it is at the right hand of god ; the pleasures sathan would give you are of a base alloey , their durance is but of that minute in which they are enjoyed ; their fullnesse is worse then their emptinesse , for they are not onely vaine , falling short of that good they promised , but vexing also , and deceiving , the truth is , this is not a life for pleasures , but for paines , especially to christians , and so saies the apostle , if in this life onely wee have hope , wee are of all men most miserable . if our hopes ( as other mens ) were heere , wee were in a worse condition then they , that cannot eate their meates , and enjoy their comforts , tast of their daintyes , partly , because there is a greater disproportion betweene us and them , then betweene they and them , and partly , because our light and our conscience is to much raised , & of too great a tendernesse to digest their morsells ; what then have wee nothing to ballance their contentments ? not to speake of other things , what ever returnes faith and hope can make wee have , they are without hope , wish them joy of what they have , but hope they have none ; and this let mee tell you , improve this well , and it shall pay all the charges of their gaines , you have the hope of eternall life , the hope of glory , of what ever your hearts can wish and desire : faith gives things a footing and a subsistance , & hope is grafted upon it , and is ready by the expectation of better things , to outbidd the world , and by virtue of a pleasure taken in things to come , to carry you above the false pretensions of pleasure which the world makes ofter , therefore content your selves with your portion , and use your helmet to ward of the assaults of semeing goods or ills , as sathan shall present them . but more particularly , use hope for joy , for patience for workeing , live in the joy of hope , let one spirituall affection in prove and provoke another , that there is a joy of hope , appeares in this , which wee usually say of worldly hopes , that things are usually better in the hopes , then in the enjoyment , and wee see men will sell any thing rather then their hopes : now those hopes in comparison with ours , have two or three notable defects . first they are built upon uncertainties and contingenties , they have no firme bottome , and ground work , and so cannot be intire , cannot be without the mixture of feare , feare of issue , feare of successe , and this let mee adde , that the more they hope , the more they will feare , out of a loathnesse to want the good things they desire , and so it is a mixt affection , that prickes , and pinches aswell as relieves , and comforts . worldly men enjoy litle their hopes , or their possessions , not their possessions , for they are ballanced with uncertainties , and emptinesse , so as they are faine to relieve themselves , by their hopes , by their reachings after more , nor their hopes , doe they enjoye purely and sincerely , for they are mixt with feare , which oftentimes is the weightiest ingredient , and beares the greatest part of the composition ; but our hopes have not this impediment to joy , but on the contrary carry evidence and subsistance with them , being built upon the evidence and subsistance of faith , so that what faith firmely beleeves , hope joyfully expects , and waites for ; what is the great happines of heaven , but the fixeing & stayeing of joyes by eternity : now the joy of that hope is fixed by faith , which gives it a steddy and untottering foundation , so that what you have , you have ; if joy come in by that doore , it will or ought to do so alwaies , there is no rationall or necessary mixture of feare , because there is no rationall cause of doubting . secondly , there is a vanity of rejoycing in boastings , as james saith , and so an evill , for all such rejoycing is evill : the mixture of feare is a troublesome , but it is a rationall thing in their hopes , the foundation of which is but contingency , but a further evill , and more sinfull , and irrationall , is , that they rejoyce in their boastings , they thinke by the determination of their wills to do that which godly men doe by faith , and when their hopes have once concluded a thing , they thinke it should be established , and thereupon runne away without reckoning with their hoast , as wee use to say , whereas the scripture saith , yee ought to say , if i live , and if the lord will ; now for their foolish conceits to fixe that which onely god can render certaine , is a folly and a sinne , and the hope that riseth from it , is an irrationall presumptuous hope , for that they ought to say , if wee live , and if the lord will , things that are wholy out of their power . now our hopes and the joy of it , is not a rejoycing in boasting , but it is a boasting in truth , wee have already the lords will , his will declared , his will commaunded that wee should have the joy of hope , and should rejoyce in hope , rom. . . and that wee should have the rejoycing of the hope firme unto the end , heb. . . so as here is no rejoycing in boastings , heere is no vaine fancies of our owne , no castles in the aire . but then as their is a vanity in the uncertaintie of their hopes , which mixeth them with feares , and a further and fuller vanity , in fixeing and assureing their hopes , by their owne boastings and presumptions , incerta , certa redendo . so thirdly , there is a mighty vanity in the matter of their hopes , for they are of things low and meane , no better for kinde then what they have already , why doe they not enjoy them ? nay , why doe they despise them ? because they knowe them ; so as they despise what they know , and hope in what they know not , because they know it not ; but the object of our hopes , and of our joy arising from them , are of things so great and reall , as the little , but yet the true taste wee have of them , makes us desire more ; it is our knowledge that makes us vallewe our hopes , and joy in them , and it is our ignorance that causeth us to hope no more , nor rejoyce in the good things , which are the objects of them ; and therefore wee see faith which gives a reall evidence and sight of things , intends above any other thing our hopes , and want of faith , and weaknesse of faith lessens our hopes , and the joy of them . the object of our hopes are things great , thing heavenly , things eternall , and these are the matter , if any other thing bee , of joy ; opposite to which are the dead , beggarly , and sensible things of this world , which are mistaken alwayes in hope , and usually despised in possession , so that not onely simply , but in comparison with other things , wee have all reason for the joy of hope : the warrant of this joy wee have given you already , when wee shewed the reason of our joy in opposition to wicked mens boastings , but the end is not onely for it self ( though that be much , that wee may live comfortably , that wee be in as good a condition as this state is capable of ) but joy as a result and concomitant of hope , is mighty for battaile ; ye are now in the lists , and ye put on armour , the joy of hope , which is the joy of the lord , is our strength : hee that rejoyceth not in the hope of things to come , will rejoyce in vaine hopes , or in sensuall enjoyments : hee that cannot take in the pleasures of salvation by hope , will assuredly joy the joyes of wicked men , for hee wants this armour against pleasures and sensuall joyes , which is a weapon sathan weilds to our dis-advantage , asmuch as any , and therefore , know how to arme your head by hope , and against the pleasures and joyes of this world , by the pleasure and joy of hope , unlesse you would be exposed as a prey to things of sence , and things of this life , against which this hope of salvation is your armour . but now to answere shortly an objection , if hope brings in so great and steddy a returne of joy , what place will you allot for sorrow for sin , for wee are sinners , and a sinfull condition , and that affection suites us very well . answ. certainely wee should not sorrow as those without hope , but as those which are full of hope , yet on the other side , as there is occasion , by renued acts of sinnes , our hope and our joy should intend our sorrow , and rectify it , god would not have an uncomfortable , or a dispairing thought , in all sorrow , it is the sorrow of the world that workes death , that destroyes , and hurts , some inordinacie , some excesse , but sorrow intended , and relieved also by hope , and the joy of it , as it is often necessarie , so it will never hurt you . there is a double use of sorrow , first to worke out the staine of sin , in supplying the want of afflictions : sin is not onely evill for its transcient act , but for the cursed disposition that it leaves behinde , there is ever sin in the wombe of sin , sorrow serves to worke out the staine of sin , and doe the worke of afflictions , which are to humble and bring low , prov. . . the blewnes of a wound cleanseth away evill , so doe stripes the inward parts of the belly , this is applied to correction and cleansing , afflictions worke the wound to such a disposition , as is cleasing and healeing . but then secondly , sorrow for sin serves whereby to expresse our affections to christ in a manner sutable to our condition , and to the posture wee stand in towards him , shall wee grieve the lord , and shall the lord be grieved , and shall wee not grieve ? but hee loves us , and pardons us , therefore should wee grieve . besides , while hee loves us , hee grieves , and hee grieves the more , because hee loves us , and so should wee , if hee did not love us , hee would not grieve , and if wee love him , wee cannot but grieve when wee offend him , jer. . . surely after i was turned , i repented , and after that i was instructed , i smote upon my thigh , i was ashamed , &c. ephraim mournes and grieves , which hee did not till god had mercy on him , then hee smote on his thigh . if you aske how wee should grieve ? never without the reliefe of hope , and joy , let them act and intend your sorrow , but for the degree why should wee not in humbling our selves for sin worke our selves , and our sorrow , as low as afflictions would lay us , if chastisements should take hold on us , or sicknes to death , or any other hand of god chastising for sinne , this will be no interruption in your hope , no prejudice to the joy of it . thus your hope armes you against pleasures by joy , the joy of hope ; but wee have paines also to conflict withall , all the evills and calamities , that dishonour , want , and poverty , or bodily evills can inflict , patiency also in attendancy and expectation , yee have need of patience , that after yee have done the will of god , yee may receive the promise . wee would faine have our rewards in hand , wee are loath to stay , wee would have the reality of the reward , not the vision of faith onely , heb. . . now this is needfull , for the saints through faith and patience inherited the promises , heb. . . if you aske who infests the saints , who puts them to their patience ? the world and wicked men , but especially the divell , that hee might discourage us , and devoure us , might breake and interrupt our course , might make us for want of continuance , doe and suffer so many things in vaine , and therefore armes all his instruments , evill men and our owne corruptions against us , to make us weary of that way , which is so sowed with thornes , which costs us so much paines and trouble ; god also puts us to our patience , by suffering manifold evills , outward and inward , to infest us , that hee might purge present evill , and prevent further evill , and that hee might try us , and use what hee hath laid into us , that hee might say of us another day as hee did of iob , yee have heard of the patience of iob , jam. . . and might boast of us as of those induring saints , heere is the patience of the saints , behold it , reu. . . in all these respects ye have need of patience , yea , and that patience should have its perfect work , as james saith jam. . . that it should possesse our soules , that it should be fitted for every condition , and hold out to the utmost , to the extremitie , as you see those , who are betrusted with forts , and strengths they had need of patience : and yet must hold out to the utmost extremity , by the law of warre , now then you see the need wee have of patience , but it must be the patience of hope , . thess. . . the apostle gives there the effects and their causes , the work of faith , saids hee , the labour of love , and the patience of hope , the effect or great product of hope is patience , patience is a grace which hath no shine or glitter with it , it is sweet but darke , and obscure , and hath nothing in it of violence , and having mighty enemies , it defends it self in suffering , wee gaine the victory often in loosing our lives , it scarce complaines of what it indures , so as it passeth often amongst ignorant men for stupidity , and dulnesse . now this sweet and low grace ( in respect of its condition , and the manner of its operation ) would be opprest a thousand times under the victory of its enemies , if it were not animated by the livelinesse and activity of hope , if the hope of salvation , the hope of glory , ( for so it is called , ) did not continually set before its eyes , the greatnesse of the reward ; yee can never have a better instance , then of our master christ himself while hee was in the conflict of patience , ( and that was his life ) hee was ever in the lists of sufferings , conflicting with sorrowes , and woes , for the joy that was set before him , which was made sure to him by faith , & received and enjoyed by hope , ( for hee came by his comforts even as wee ) this made him to endure the crosse and despise the shame , and wee are commanded to runne with patience the race , that is set before us , looking to him , heb. . , . that is , use our patience as hee did , and relieve our patience as hee did , by the joyfull sights of hope , patience without hope is the deadest thing in the world ; for why doe i deprive my self of good ? why doe i suffer so many things in vaine , if they be in vaine , and therefore the apostle takes it for granted , that the patient continuance in well doeing , hath some thing to relieve it , namely , a lookeing after glory , and honour and immortality , &c. rom. . . without which animation , and enlivening of hope , patience were dead , and deadly , more fit to be the property of a stone , or a blocke , then the grace of a saint ; thus yee see your selves armed by hope , against the great enemies of god and man , against the great troublers of israel , pleasures , and paines , by having your joyes , and your patience , acted by hope , which is your helmet . but hope thirdly is proper for doing , aswell as suffering , having a great influence ( as i told you ) upon our simbolicall head , our intentions , and scopes and end , and this peece , aswell as our shooes , ( the shooes of the preparation of the gospell of peace ) inables us for acting , and the truth is , while wee doe nothing good , wee are not secure against doing ill ; but if hope serve to any thing , it serves to incourage to labour , and worke , wee use to say in a proverbe , take away hope , and take away endeavour , no worke is done or can be done without hope , hee that ploweth should plow in hope , and that hee that thresheth in hope , should be partaker of his hopes , . cor. . . a man would be loath to plow the ground , or thresh the corne without hope , you will not doe actions of the lowest forme without it : againe as you can do nothing without hope , so ye attempt the greatest things by hope , the hopes of victory , the hope of successe , the hope of gaine , whither doth it not ingage men , our strength depends upon our hope , and therefore jeremy complaines , my strength and my hope is perished , lam. . . no more hope , no more strength , they stand and fall together , they are alike in their birth and death : on the other side , when paul was to give an account to agrippa of his actions , acts . , . i am judged ( sayes hee ) for the hope of the promise made unto our fathers , unto which promise our twelve tribes instantly serving god day and night hope to come . doe you wonder why they served god , with that instance , and intensenesse , day and night , why they doe that which none of the world doe besides , they hope to attaine the promise of god , that is , the thing promised , that ingageth them to a continuall and a most intense labour ; so the apostle when hee gives in a very few words all that is to be forborne and done for god , and our good , makes hope to be the rise of all his courage and activity , tit. . . lookeing for that blessed hope , and the glorious appearing of the great god and our saviour iesus christ , compared with the former verses . and . for the grace of god that bringeth salvation , hath appeared unto all men , teaching us , that denying ungodlinesse , and worldly lusts , wee should live soberly , righteously and godly in this present world . and christ when hee bidds us doe any thing hoping for nothing againe , luk. . . lend hoping for nothing againe ; hee doth not meane wee should have nothing , or be without hope , but tells us immediately , that our reward shall be great in heaven , and wee shall be the children of the highest , and presently suggests matter of hope , which hee affixeth to the lending of a penny , or the giving a cup of cold water , yee shall not loose your reward . but to what workes doth hope animate us ? to all for the least shall be considered , shall not loose its reward , and the greatest shall be considered proportionably , hee that overcometh , and hee that followes mee heere , shall sit upon twelve thrones . there is nothing so great , that hope cannot expect , for it is the hope of salvation ; and therefore there is no worke so great , that hope cannot put you upon , for it workes from hope to salvation . captaines when they harrang their souldiers , tell them of the butin of the prey , tell them of honours , and advancements ; and christ when hee incourageth his , speakes crownes as freely as any , but spirituall crownes assured by faith ; and enjoyed for the present by hope ; it is a shame that our hopes should not carry us toward working , as farre as ever any worldly hath done , in all the particulars of worke . i will insist onely upon one , which the scripture particularly annexeth to hope , and is proper for us all ; hee that hath this hope , ( that is , of seeing god , of salvation ) hee purifyeth himself even as hee is pure , . joh. . . the reason of the action about which our hope is conversant , and the proportion lies thus , wee hope , saith hee , ver . . when hee shall appeare to be like him , for wee shall see him as hee is , sayes hee there will be the same reason of your being like to him , heere and hereafter , and therefore if you will be like him in heaven , you must be like him heere , and your hope for the one , must helpe you to the other : now as in heaven hee is glorious , so heere hee was pure , ye are in all estates and conditions to follow and imitate your saviour , for that is your hope to that you were predestinated ; now hee was holy , harmelesse , undefiled , therefore ye must be like in this state also . secondly your hope fixeth upon seeing him in heaven . there shall no uncleane thing enter into the kingdome of heaven , and therefore you must purge and cleanse your selves by the way , and your hope must do it . this purification respcteth both the body , and the minde , and is opposed to all bodily lusts , which lies in the sences , fancie , or sensible things , and to all spirituall lusts , which lie in the understanding , which lusteth against spirituall truths , and the wayes of god , sayes hee , this hope must purifie you from all this . but how high ? how farre must this hope act you , to what degrees ? even as hee is pure , there is your patterne , there is your examplar , study what christ was , and be ye likewise , study what christ did , or would doe , and doe the same ; for instance , wee are apt to be proud and vaine to be supercilious , to overlooke men , and little things , to be every one for himself , gripeing and graspeing . purify your selves in this , even as hee is pure , let the same minde be in you that was in christ iesus , phil. . . who though hee were in the forme of god , debased himself , in a word consider the disposition of christ , and consider the purity of christ , and make that your coppy , and as you would set no bounds to glory , you would see him as he is , and be like him , so set no bounds to purity , purify your selves after that patterne , even as hee is pure , and let hope and the reason of hope doe it , because you have no greater pretensions to glory , then you have to purity , namely to be like christ your head , to whom by faith , and hope you are conformed . thus yee see your helmet , in its glory , securing you from all the evill of all the goods of the world , and securing from all the evill of all the evill of the world , and enabling and inspiring you to work , and service even to all , that you might be perfect and throughly furnished to every good worke ; improove therefore this blessed peece , this hope , and get it more abundantly . you see it is a great matter how wee settle our hopes , because in it lies the strength of our indeavours , wee anchor in things by hope , and fixe in them , and being setled upon an immovable thing , wee can moove steddily and stronglie . archimedes could moove the world , if hee could fasten his engine , now wee cast anchor in heaven , and heavenly things in salvation , for so sayes the apostle , wee have an anchor of the soule both sure and stedfast , and which entreth in to that which is within the vaile , heb. . . our anchor casts deepe in heaven , where there is good earthing , whence it will be impossible to be remooved by any stormes or windes : but this wee must know , that if you would make use of this or any armour which is spirituall , it must be first raised to a pitch , the armes must be fashioned , and formed , and then must be kept bright , and in posture , for service , it must be weilded by a spirituall hand . now to raise this grace , you must improove and raise your faith , for as in all compositions , you have something that gives the body of it , so faith gives the body , and substance to hope , therefore faith is called the substance of things hoped for , and therefore of all other things your hope will never outbid or goe beyond your faith , keep therefore that full and high . yet hope is a further grace and armour , faith gives you things in their coulours with your interests in them , it shewes you that they are , and that they are yours , but however faith gives them a kinde of presence by beleeving , yet they are in themselves future , as to us , hope therefore takes in the pleasure of them beforehand , lives in the joyfull expectation of them , and so abridges the time , which els would be tedious , fancies to it self ( as i may so say ) the pleasures and joyes of eternall life , and lives in a sweet anticipation of what it possesseth but by faith , which as it is most pleasant in it self , so it produceth mighty effects , for joy , for patience , for working , so as our life is comfortably entertained by it in joy , and pleasure , evills and calamities are mastered , and subdued by it , even the greatest , and action and worke , the end of living is promoted . therefore looke upon this peece , which hath influence into so great effects , as a reall , not as a notionall thing , as a thing that many want in the use and exercise of it , but they cannot live without it , they cannot live a vitall life animated with joy , armed with patience and acted , to worke and service . therefore let not so great an engine of the holy ghost , so great and good an armour lye dead by us , but rather let us improove it , and use it , try alwayes of raising it , for it is raised and improoved grace that workes great and considerable effects . — and the sword of the spirit which is the word of god. this is the last peece of armes , and is fitted both for offence , and defence , it is an armes that is great alone , and therefore men arme themselves with this , which use no other , and it is also an appendix to all armes , for no man is armed at all points , like a souldier , which hath not a sword , this is a peece of a very expedite , and continuall use . you need not goe farre to know what this sword is , the apostle describes it first by being the sword of the spirit , that is , a spirituall sword , the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , but mighty through god , . cor. . . the divell will not give way or yeild to a sword made of any other mettall , therefore it is mighty through god : the egyptians are flesh , and not spirit , therefore they are weake . one divell is able to deale with all the fleshly and carnall weapons in the world , it is not charmes , and holy water , nor resolutions , and purposes , and reasonings alone , that are weapons fit for this combate , they must be things truely spirituall . but then secondly , it is that sword , which the spirit useth in us , and by us , the spirit of god , the holy ghost , so as there is a mighty arme , to a mighty weapon , for wee know not how to pray as wee ought , how to doe any thing , but the spirit maketh intercession in us , and it is the spirit that leads us into all truth , and teacheth us how to use , and improove truth , without the spirit of god , the word of god would doe us no good ; the weapon would be too heavy , to unweildy for us to use , therefore saith the apostle , the weapons of our warfare are mighty through god , . cor. . . god must use , and guide the hand , aswell as give the sword , it will be els like the weapons of a mighty man in the hand of a childe , if hee take it up , it will be but to let it fall . but then thirdly , it is the sword of the spirit , the spirit doth not onely use it , but hee formed it , it is therefore fit for use , because hee formed it , that is the mighty worke-man , and engineer for spirituall weapons , and hee must be able to use it well , that made it , for hee made it for use , and there is no ingredient in it , which hath not an influence into the end of it , which is the use of it . now that hee formed , it appeares . pet. . , . prophecy came not in old time ( or at any time ) by the will of man , that is , by the presumptuous will of bold men , proudly , and arrogantly goeing about to determine , that by their will , which by their reasons and unstandings could not reach , but holy men of god spake , as they were mooved by the holy ghost ; god used the underderstandings and the wills of holy men , to derive and conveye his truth to the world , so . tim. . . all scripture is given by inspiration of god , so as the spirit formes it , frames it , suggests it , brings it to the world . thus having knowne the matter of this sword , that it is spirituall , not of a carnall make , or composition , and secondly the mannager and weilder of this sword , that it is the spirit , and then the maker , and former of this sword , that it is the same spirit , wee come now to the appellation it self , which the spirit gives it , which is the word of god. by the word of god is meant , what ever god hath made knowne to be his will , as it is contained in the scripture . this must needs bee the word of god , and no other , but as it is consonant to this , for in a large sense , all truths may be called the word of god , as being subjected to some scripture rule , but strictly that word which is our sword , is some portion of that wee call the scripture , which is particularly characterized , and distinguished by this title the word of god. this must needs be so , because this is that , which must not be added to , or detracted from , it must stand alone deut. . . yee shall not adde unto the word , which i command you , neither shall you diminish ought from it : therefore that is all , and onely the word of god : so deut. . . gal. . . if wee or angell from heaven preach any other gospell unto you , then that which wee have preached to you , let him be accursed . secondly , if god will have the ballance of the sanctuary for waights , and measures , for rules and determinations , it must be visible , and publique : if hee will have us , fight with such weapons , wee must know where to fetch them . thirdly , when wee see this rule in practise by christ or his apostles , wee see this word taken up for this sword , to doe mighty things . wee see christ resisting the divell , and at last confounding and expelling him by this word , by this weapon , math. . . hee followed him so long with it is written , that at last hee drove him quite away , hee resisted him by this sword , till hee fled from him . as hee dealt with the divell in himself , so he dealt with the divell in the scribes and pharises , have yee not read ( saith he ) what david did , and what the priests did , &c. math. . , , . so hee answered them , and confounded them ; the like did stephen , and the apostles , convinced men mightily by the scriptures , that iesus was the christ , and used this sword to destroy unbeliefe with . now this word of god , which is our sword , is not so much the letter of the word , as the sense of it , how unreasonably and foolishly have the papists abused themselves by sticking to the letter , in those words , this is my body , and origen in making himself an eunuch , from that place , math. . . there be eunuchs that have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdome of heavens sake . though it be also true that where the letter is not contrary to the annalogy of faith , that is to be our rule and guide , and upon no other ground are wee to depart from the letter . but if it be objected , how shall men especially unlearned , know the sence of scripture , which seemes sometimes to be subject to contrariety ? answ. this is the great grace of god towards his , that in things necessary to faith and manners , to be knowne , or done , they need not be ignorant , for they walke in the light of the lord , by virtue of which light they are led into all truth ; so as they need not pin , their faith upon the authority of anothers judgment ; this is there due by promise , they shall be all taught of god , isa. . . and christ sayes , his sheepe follow him , because they know his voice , but another they will not follow , because they know not the voice of strangers , joh. . , . to have the word made cleare to you , and this sword fit for your use , is your due aswell as the sword it self . so the secret of the lord is with them that feare him , psal. . . the scriptures though deepe are foordable by those who are holy , and diligent , though they be not so wise and learned : on the other side , the naturall man knoweth not the things that are of the spirit of god , because they are foolishnesse to him : but the spirituall man knoweth all things , . cor. . , . so . john . : it is the spirit that beareth witnesse , because the spirit is truth . and ver . . hee that beleeveth on the son of god , hath the witnesse in himselfe . so math. . . to you it is given to know the misteries of the kingdome of heaven , to others it is not given . there is a sence of scripture that lyes alwayes not so evident and above , but it is given to you as your peculiar , and portion . this honour have all the saints , they have a certaine taste sutable and proportionable to their spirits , and their new natures , by which they can distinguish of food , and by which they can try all things , for as to other lives , and to our bodily , there is a tast for that end , so to this also which is spirituall ; and though men in a dreame can not distinguish betweene sleeping , and waking , yet men that are awake , know they are awake , and know also distinctly what they doe . this notwithstanding , god sells all thing to us by labour , and wee shall not enjoy the benefit of this great priviledge without it ; wee must therefore keepe our selves in a holy frame : if any man will doe his will , he shall know of his doctrine whether it be of god , joh. . . while wee are doeing , wee are in a way to know . if you be carnall and walke as men , you will be also carnall , and judge as men , rom. . . they that are in the flesh cannot please god , ( which may be understood also of a fleshly frame in the saints ) and when wee are in a way altogether unpleasing to god , god will not accommodate himself , will not reveale himself to us , and please us . but this is not enough , wee must search the scriptures , in which wee thinke to have eternall life , and light also for the way thither , wee must consider , and weigh whether those things which our owne reason , or the ministry of others represent to us , be so or no , as those of baerea did , truth lies deepe , errors lyeth levell to all : this search is extreamely pleasing to god , since the subject of it is the knowledge of his will , and the end of it is the doing of his will ; this is done by much meditation in the word , by comparing , by examining it , by taking in all aydes , and helpes of the guists and abilities of others , for god hath ordered that one man should need another , that none might be perfect alone ; nothing also will more advance it then prayer , so paul prayed often for the spirit of revelation , and david that his eyes might be enlightened , to see the wonderfull things of gods law ; nothing cleares the eye-sight more then prayer , for that sets your ends right , and makes you fit for light , and that leads you into the presence of god , into his light , in whose light wee see light . it was necessary to speake some thing of this , because this is the forming and shaping of your weapon , the weapon may be shaped in it self , but not to us ; this gives the mettall to the sword , if a thing looke like the word of god and be not , that will not cut of your lusts , it will proove but a leaden sword , or a deceitfull bow , that will not reach the marke , it will be a carnall weapon , which is weake , whereas the other is mighty through god. to incourage you against spirituall enemies , because ye have spirituall armes , and spirituall weapons ye have , what to keep of blowes , and yee have wherewith to fight and combate with your adversaries : god hath not left us fatherlesse , nor hee hath not left us weaponlesse , hee deales not as pharoah , commands us to make bricks , and takes away materialls , hee doth not disarme us , and bid us fight , but hee gives us armes proper for the field of combate , and for the enemy wee dispute with , and hee stands by , and lookes on , and with voyce , and hand incourageth us , so as wee need not feare our enemies , hee gives us the best armes : good commanders , and officers , the holy spirit , and holds a crowne over our heads : the truth is , wee never are overcome , but when wee are of the party , when wee are in a proportion false to god , and our enemy hath gained us , then wee fight but for a shew , and the weapon falls easily out of our hands , but if wee would stand to it , our sword would cut his cords , and if hee did stand two or three thrusts , hee would vanish at last , as hee did from christ our captaine . that wee may the better use this sword , wee shall do well . first to vallew it , things that wee prize and vallew , wee willingly use , wee thinke they will effect their end , els wee lay them by . therefore wee shall pitch upon some expressions , that may teach us to vallew this weapon , when abiathar had mentioned the sword of goliah , there is none like that , saith david , the dignities of the word are great , as appeares by david especially , who meditated in the law continually , and as much as any vallewed the word . psal. . . concerning the workes of mens hands , by the word of thy lips , i have kept mee from the path of the destroyer , the word that god spake was that , which armed him against wicked men . psal. . . the word of the lord is tryed ( or refined ) hee is a buckler to all that trust him ; as for god his way is perfect , it is a sure word , and which hath bene often experienced , tryed againe and againe , so as you may venture upon it , as upon a thing that will not faile , or deceive , will not start aside , like a deceitfull and broken bow . psal. . . thy word have i hid in my heart , that i might not sin against thee ; david knew the use of this , that it would preserve him from sin , and therefore stored it up , hid it in a sure place , against a time of need . ver. . for ever o lord , thy word is setled in heaven ; it is an unchangeable rule , which will never alter , and setled , will attaine all it pretends to . ver. . thy word is a lampe to my feete , and a light unto my pathes ; this is against delusions , and faynts , and shaddowes , the divell will cast . if you keep neere the word , you carry a light in your hand , you will not fight in the darke , but know how to make your addresses , and approaches , and how to order your wards , and defenses . ver. . thy word is very pure , therefore thy servant loveth it ; every thing operates as it is , as things are to their beings , so they are to their operations . that which is pure will render us pure , and the word is not an idle thing , but for use , and being pure , it is given us to render us pure . ver. . my tongue shall speake of thy word , for all thy commandements are righteous ; i can never praise them enough , there is such a law of righteousnes in them . psal. . . hee sheweth his word unto iacob , his statutes and his judgements unto israel ; from the receivers of the dispensation of the word , you see its excellency , it is the portion onely of his people , it is not flung in common to the world , as an inconsiderable thing . isa. . . the grasse withereth , and the flower fadeth , but the word of the lord shall stand for ever ; the excellency of good things lies in the continuance of them , this hath a good warrant for its abiding , because it is the word of the abiding , and unchangeable god. isa. . , . for as the raine cometh downe and the snow from heaven , and returneth not thither , but watereth the earth , and maketh it bring forth and bud , that it may give seed to the sower , and bread to the eater : so shall my word be that goeth forth out of my mouth , it shall not returne unto me voyd , but it shall accomplish that which i please , and it shall prosper in the thing where i sent it . there is a mighty efficacy in this word , this lies as a praise upon the whole word of god , that it shall not returne empty , but be like the bow of ionathan , and the sword of saul , isay. . . all those things hath my hand made , but to this man will i looke even to him that is poore and of a contrite spirit , and trembleth at my word . that word is precious , when the respect to it is so rewarded . on the other side . jer. . . they have rejected the word of the lord , and what wisedome is in them . though otherwise they might be wise , yet if they undervallew once the word , they bid a dewe to their wisedome : and god the righteous judge , and which gives true vallewes to us , rankes them in the number of fooles , from the new testament also , wee shall give some places to this purpose . luk. . . men lives by every word of god ; in him wee live , and in his word wee live , which gives a being to things that which gives the being , and determination , makes things be what they are , and men doe what they doe , must needs be great and excellent in it self . ver. . his word was with power , which astonied the auditours . ver. . what a word is this , for with authority and power commandeth hee the uncleane spirits , and they come forth ; his word will fetch uncleannes out of thy heart , aswell as out of their bodies . luk. . . the centurion had so much confidence in christs word , as hee could depend wholy upon it , say in a word , ( sayes hee ) and my servant shall be healed ; the magnifing of the word , wrought this great effect , and that word must needs be great , which was deservedly the object of such a confidence . luk. . . peter remembred the words of the lord , and hee went out and wept bitterly : peter forgot the word , when hee sinned , and indeed all sin proceeds from ignorance or furgetfulnesse , but when hee remembred it , you see the eminent effect of it , hee repents immediately , which hee witnesseth by his bitter and abundant weeping . john . . now are ye cleane through the word which i have spoken to you : wee are cleane mistically by the washing of baptisme , . cor. . . also by the imputation of christs purity , and so wee stand ever cleare before god , wee are pure also in the change of our owne hearts , and all this by the word , made ours by faith , and abiding in us , so that as evill communication corrupts good manners , if taken in and drunke downe , so the word taken downe cleanseth , acts . . it is called the word of salvation , that which brings it and workes it . and acts . . when paul departed from ephesus , hee commended the church to the word of gods grace , which was able to build them up , and to give them an inheritance , &c. the inheritance is that to which the word leads us , and where it will leave us at the last , but before you come thither , there is building work , forming and fashioning , that the word doth also , so as yee need not goe out of this circle , for the beginning or finishing of your faith . . cor. . . it is the word of reconciliation , that which brings god and man together : wee are naturally at great distances , now that which conduceth to the meeting , and according of termes so differing , must needs be of great vallew and esteeme . . tim. . . for every creature of god is good and nothing to be refused , if it be received with thanksgiving , for it is sanctified by the word of god and prayer ; it is the word of god that sanctifieth , and gives a lawfull use of all things ; hence you have your liberties , aswell to indifferent , as your right to things necessary , if you have whereof freely to use for your owne comforts , and whereof to give a way , for the weaknesse and scandall of your brother . if you should examine by experience the effects of the word , gods word hath ever taken hold of men , and in this lies the great difference of the saints from others , that they observe those events , which others neglect , and growe by them . joh. . . and the man beleeved the word of god , and it was even so as hee had beleeved ; the word hath ever found out men , and will take hold of us , either by our faith for good , or without it for our destruction , so the prophecies of old were not idle , but effected the end for which they came . to conclude this great dignity the word hath , that it gives its owne credit , for reason may be opposed by reason , but this is higher then reason : the divell can reason and distinguish us into sin , whilst wee fight at that weapon , but bring him a word , and that answeres his reason . what hath bene said in this head , tends to beg it in you a right vallew and esteeme of the word , which if once ye have you will use it , and have recourse to it at all times , as an effectuall weapon , mighty through god , for all the great ends you have heard of . secondly , know the word of god , that yee may use it , this is to have your weapon prepared , you must search the sence , know the annalogie of faith and the proportion , one truth holds to another , as before . thirdly , take up this sword , take it to you , be in a posture to give a blow , or to evade one , wound the enemy when you can , and meete with his blowes and thrusts , therefore you must be prepared , and have things in readinesse , therefore the word of god must dwell richly in you , that you may not be to seeke when you should use it . to helpe you in some guards for this fight . first , that sin is the greatest evill , mannage your sword well for that guard , have words at hand , that is , your sword ready to make that good ; for the filthinesse of it , sin is compared to the blood and pollution of a new borne child , before it be ordered and dressed , ezek. . . when thou wast in thy blood , i said unto thee live ; such a thing is sin in it self , and all sin holds of the nature of that pollution . . joh. . . the whole world lieth in wickednesse , it lies there as in a filthy grave , rotting and stinking as in a puddle . againe sin is compared for its nature to swine , and dogs , and to their vomit , . pet. . . the sinner is the dogg in the act of sin , and the corruption is the vomit , and mire ; it is likened also to the menstruousnesse of a woman , to a vessell in which is no pleasure , that is , a draught or a privy , hos. . . if besides these abasings and vilifying expressions , you would know more of sin : it was sinne that condemned the world in adam , drowned the world in the dayes of noah , and to give you a greater charracter for ill then all this , it was sin brought all the sufferings upon christ which hee endured : it was the day of gods fierce anger , lament . . . when christ did beare the sins of many in his body on the tree ; therefore when paul and silas could sing in the prison , and the saints in their afflictions , as they have done so often , christ was low , and poore , and faint . why ? because hee conflicted with sinne , hee grappled with sinne , upon him was laid the iniquities of us all ; hee conflicted with the wrath of god , for sinne , and had hee not bene god himself , hee would never have out-wrastled it . in a word every creature of god is good , and nothing offends him , irritates him , and provokes him , but sinne ; nothing reacheth god , nor causeth god to reach the world in anger but sinne . it is that which puts the sting into death , and torment in hell ; thus you are armed for that guard , that sin is the greatest evill , the second followes easily . that then . wee should keep at the greatest distance from it , for that you have rom. . . abhorre that which is evill , cleave to that which is good , when wee meete with any thing extreamely evill , and contrary to us , nature abhorres it , and retyres as farre as it can ; so on the contrary cleave to that which is good , cling to it , as a man should cleave to his wife , or be glewed , as the word is , and they shall be one flesh , incorporate your selves with that which is good , make your self one with it . so , abstaine from all appearance of evill , . thess. . . a thing may appeare to be ill , that is not , but take heed of any similitude , or appearance , or likenesse of ill , if it looke like ill , though it bee not , fly from it ; this gives you the benefit of a long sword , by which you keep the enemy at a distance ; so jude . hate the garments spotted with the flesh , not onely the flesh , but the garment that hath toucht it . ephes. . . fornication and all uncleannes and covetousnesse , let it not be once named among you , as becometh saintes , nor filthinesse , nor foolish speaking , nor jesting . so job . . i made a covenant with mine eyes , why should i thinke on a maide ; hee would not looke , because hee would not thinke , and the way to secure the thoughts , is to keepe well and strictly , the out-doores , the sences , which made david pray to god , to turne away his eyes from vanity . folly is bold , but wisdome is wary to keepe at the greatest distance . thus this sword cuts of the first risings , this is a sure way , and this saves you a world of paines , when a temptation or a lust hath once come within you , and incorporated it self , you must teare your flesh to pull it out , you must pull up earth and all , that the roots may come at last ; but while it is at a distance , there is some kinde of modesty , and blushing in it , and it may be snib'd with a word , use therefore some of these for a sword in time , and it may prevent you hard work , which yet must be done if you would not perish ; other heads i thought to have runne over and fitted for use , as thirdly , god knowes our thoughts . fourthly , that the word must judge us even this , which wee have in our hands and mouthes , and if it condemne our sinnes now , how is it like to acquit us another day . fifthly , that every secret thing shall be made manifest . sixtly , that you should walke in the sence of death and changes , but i shall prosecute this no further , onely let us know , that if the divell have got within us , the same way hee is fetcht out , that hee is kept out , this sword must do both . thus god hath armed you compleatly , and it will be both your sin , which you will not know how to answer , and your shame also to be foyled . if you oppose captaine to captaine , you have christ and the divell , you have as sufficient , as mighty , as experienced , a captaine as your lusts have , if armes to armes , yee have all these spirituall armes , against his carnall armes , for so are his , in comparison of those . though his be spirituall also , as acted by a mighty spirit ; your reward held over you by hope , is greater for the present then any he can offer , though not to flatter our selves . our condition heere is to indure hardnesse as good souldiers , . tim. . . and wee must conflict according to the law of combate , if wee would have the crowne ; but this is no new thing to us , this wee knew when wee undertooke religion , this was laid in at first , as the law and condition of our undertaking . that which followes , is prayer , praying with all prayer , which is to all other ordinances of god as bread and salt to our repast , wee cannot make a meale without it , heere it fastens on your armour , and lookes up for strength and successe to him who is able to give it : if souldiers be weake or succumbe in fight , they send to their generall for supplies , and reinforcements . praying alwayes , that is in all time , & every juncture , and article of time , as you have occasion by temptations for combate , for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies properly occasion , this is not so much spoken heere of our ordinary , and customary use of prayer , as it is applicable to occasions , that is temptations , but this prayer must be in the spirit : the spirit in our prayer is what the soule is in our bodie , it is that which gives the life to it , to conflict with the living god by dead words , will doe no good , therefore jude sayth , praying in the holy ghost , ver . . you have another expression rom. . that the spirit makes intercession for us , the holy ghost must pray in us , there must be an incorporating in that duty of the holy spirit , with our spirits , watching thereunto , you must watch to prayer , therefore it must be an act of time . with all perseverance , that is , till the worke be done , for then ye persevere , when ye give not over till you obtaine your end , so as your praying , and fighting must runne parralell till you have overcome your enemie , and sleighted his workes . it s enough to have hinted this which i intend not to speake of as being no peece of the armour , nor resembled by the holy ghost to any peece . to all that hath bene said , i shall adde no more but this , that every thing is strong in vertue of an ordinance , therefore bread nourisheth , because it hath a word that bids it doe so , and therefore the word shall cut and destroy , because god hath made it a sword , and edged and fitted it , for that purpose . thus have i some what largely measured the field of battaile , shewed you your friends and enemies , and fitted to you those armes which god hath given you for the service of this holy warre . to conclude therefore , the just end and designe of warre ( for every thing is to act in vertue of a designe ) is peace , now no warre pretends to peace more then this we have been speaking of , and therefore communion , which is the effect , and birth of peace , beares one halfe of the title of this discourse ; and indeed men were so form'd for communion , as no doctrine can be avowed for good , which renders them unsociable . but experience tells us , that it is the fate of some warres , not onely to be the meanes by which peace is gotten , and procur'd , but by which it is nourisht , and maintayn'd , and we know some countryes , which injoy the greatest benefites of peace in the midst of a confirm'd warre . and that is especially the condition of the warre we have been speaking of , that it procures , and makes good our peace ; it is the wall of our citty wherein peace dwells , it is the armes of our persons , the subject of it ; for with the divell our profest and avowed enemy , god hath justly determin'd an everlasting warre . peace , we know , is the daughter of equality , but where both partyes ( as here ) pretend peremptorily to supremacy , there can be no peace . peace also is the birth of love , and love is an union of mindes , but where principles are layd in by nature , or form'd by opposition ( as here ) infinitly distant , there peace can be nothing . but an abus'd , and mistaken name of what is not , and the product of such a truce or peace , would be to procure no lesse assured , but a more unequall warre , then what it seem'd to determine , as the experience of all , who have manadg'd this warre , witnesse : the blessings therefore of our peace will be reapt within the compasse of our assured friends , and allyes , with whom our communion will be intended & exercised , as otherwise , so by a common determination against the enemy : and to meete in a common enmity , where it is just , makes particularly , and warrantably to love . in a word therefore , we improve best our communion with our friends , the good angells , whilst we make warre , so as whilst we make warre , we shall have peace . finis . a table directing to severall particulars , in the praeceding discours . the introduction . pag. . the coherence , which the words insisted on , have with other parts of the scripture , whence they are drawn . p. . the explication of the words . ibid. the whole armour . ibid. the wiles of the divel . p. . we wrestle not against flesh & blood . two things meant by flesh and blood . ibid. what meant by principalities . p. . what meant by powers . ibid. what meant by rulers of the darknesse of this world. ibid. what meant by spirituall wickednesses p. . what meant by high places . ibid. a transition , leading into the discours of the nature of angels in generall . p. . that the angels are creatures . ibid. and p. . that the angels are substances , and do really exist . p. . whether the angels be incorporall . p. . severall corollaries , from what hath been spoken of angels . p. . of the mutability or immutability of angels . p. . of the apparitions of angels . p. . of their assumption of bodyes . ibid. why they assum'd bodyes . p. . whether in taking humane shapes , they were true men . ibid. of what their assumed bodyes consisted . p. . what become of those assum'd bodyes . ibid. whether they really put forth acts of life . ibid. why the angels make not apparitions , now as formerly they have done . p. . coroll . from the immutability of angels . p. . from the apparition of angels seven coroll . ibid. of the administration of angels to us , and the deputations they have from god , concerning us . p. . of the doctrine of angel guardians . ibid. that the tutelage of good angels is the portion onely of the elect. ibid. whether every elect person , is under the deputation of a particular angell guardian . p. . the affirmative is asserted . ibid. the saints not so concluded to one angell , as not to injoy oftentimes the service of many . p. . when the angell guardian begins the execution of his charge . ibid. whether the angell guardian ever quits the party , committed to his charge . ibid. whether communityes , as well as persons fall under the guardianship of angels . p. . the affirmative is probable . ibid. why god useth this ministration and guardianship of angels towards us . p. . foure reasons thereof . ibid. & p. . foure coroll . from the guardianship and tutelage of angels . p. . the happines of being a saint in that respect . ibid. also of churches . ibid. cor. . . open'd . ibid. our happines lyes in working as the angels . p. . we ought to leade abstracted lives . p. . of the power the angels have over us . ibid. of their power or abilities in themselves . ibid. first of their knowledge . ibid. cognitio matutina ad vespertina . ibid. their knowledge , naturall , by revelation , by experience , supernaturall . p. . the reprobate angels never saw god as the elect. p. . how , or in what manner the angels know . ibid. comparison of theirs , with our manner of knowing with the difference . ibid. and p. . what things contribute to vision externall and internall . p. . the power of knowing , and light by which we know , common to us with the angels . p. . something 's the angels know by their owne essence , somethings by intelligible species infused . ibid. whether the angels know particular things , and what ever is done heere . p. . how they know things particular . ibid. the angels know the particularities of those committed to their charge . p. . they are extreamely ingenious at guessing at things more hidden . ibid. corollaries from the knowledge of angels . ibid. supernaturall knowledge stands the angels and us in the greatest steede . ibid. other knowledge in respect of the effect , a picture without life . p. . of the power of the good angels upon corporall things . ibid. they can do what nature can . p. . miracles they cannot worke . ibid. what a miracle is . ibid. they cannot do things as god in an instant , though in a very shorte space of time . ibid. their power subjected to gods will. p. . what power they have upon the fancy and imagination . ibid. the great workes they have to do upon us , is upon the innerman . p. . being ministring spirits , their ministration is spirituall especially . ibid. how the angels speake to our understandings , and have influence upon our wills . ibid. of their severall wayes of effecting this wherein the way of their ministration to our spirits will appeare . ibid. and p. . . the same way of speaking to us waking and sleeping . p. . of the use of phantasmes . p. . whatsoever an inferiour power can do , a superiour can do it much more . ibid. the alteration of the body by sicknes or otherwise , contributes much to a different apprehension and vision of things . ibid. angels can moove the humours , as also remoove impediments . ibid. angels go a neerer way to worke in conversing with us then men can , and can very presently represent to us what they will. p. . in what way this is wrought . ibid. severall corollaries from the former head of the knowledge of the angels , & their way of communicating themselves to us . ibid. in that respect they have great advantages upon us . p. . they cannot put in new species into the fancy . p. . beware of receiving ill impressions , for they are matter to worke on . ibid. gratify and love the angels for their love and service to us . p. . we may read their love in its effects . ibid. the good angels , according to their talent and trust lay out themselves for our advantage , and are extreamly communicating to us , but especially to our spirits and inward man. p. . prooved by severall reasons . p. . . . . . a story of one guided and conducted by an angel , out of bodin his first booke of the history of sorcerers . p. . objection , what do you leave to christ and the spirit ? answered . p. . coroll . from the administration of angels . p. . the angels an ordinance continually by us . p. . a spirituall substance assisting proportionable to the divell , who opposeth us . ibid. walke holily in respect of the angels . ibid. every ordinance valuable , because conveying something from god , therefore should love the angels . p. . reverence the angels , & learne to converse with them . ibid. the whole creation serviceable to man , the angels not excepted . p. . the use to be made thereof . ibid. aspire after angelicall worke . p. . the second part of this treaty , which is of the evill angels . ibid. of the sinne of the evill angels . p. . coroll . from thence . p. . of the punishment of the evill angels , and first of the place . p. . which admits of a double consideration . ibid. the place of the sixt of iude considered . p. . the divels not yet in their utmost tearme . p. . coroll . from what hath been last treated on . ibid. the whole universe of rationall creatures under chaines and bonds . ibid. the use to be made thereof . p. . of the spirituall punishment of the evill angels . p. . their wound in their will. ibid. their knowledge great . p. . their wound in their knowledge . ibid. in some respects perfectly blinde . p. . their punishment demonstrated from their names and titles . ibid. corollaries . p. . dread the spirituall punishment of sinne . ibid. this considerable to the saints also . ibid. of the ministery of the evill angels . p. . the principall ministery of the evill angels to tempt and induce to sinne . p. . . whence the evill angels had power for this ministery . p. . why the divels are invested with this ministery by god. p. . severall reasons in respect of god. ibid. also in respect of men , & first of wicked men . p. . then of the saintes . p. . severall coroll . from hence . p. . let the saints blesse god for their ministry . ibid. wonder not that evill men are so wicked . ibid. do not the divells work . ibid. expect not the present destruction of men extreamly wicked . ibid. be secure on gods side notwithstanding this ministry . p. . how the evill angells operate in order to temptation , and sinne . p. . corollaryes from hence . p. . whether the divell concurre to the temptation of all sinne . p. . men may sinne without the temptation of the divell , but de facto , usually , he hath a part in all temptations . ibid p. , . whether usually hath the start herein , our owne corruptions , or the divell . p. . severall corollaryes . p. , . how the ministryes of the evill angells are distributed , whether to vices , or persons . p. . corollaryes from the praeceding discourse . p. . a shame for the saints to give ground and fayle , as others that want their aides . ibid. the saints and the wicked fall very differently under the power of the divell . p. . which wayes especially the divells are laid out towards mankinde , in matter of temptation . p. . the divell would hinder the worship of god , and in order to that , the knowledge of him . ibid. the divell amongst his most assured vassalls , pretends to a shap'd and form'd worship , as appeares by the confession of witches . p. . the divells , the greatest enemyes of christ and the gospel . ibid. gospel worship , and gospell preaching most opposed by the divell , and his instruments . p. . coroll . from this . ibid. exalt what the divell opposeth most . ib. the divell exerciseth his ministry especially against the church of christ. p. , . some more instances of the divells usuall martches in the discharge of his ministry . p. . one , the lusts of the flesh . ibid. the excesses of no beasts so great as those of mankind in bodily things . ib. this frame infinitly contrary to god , appeares so to be by two things especially . p. , . the divell where he reignes most absolutely subjects persons to the actuall commission of what ever we call uncleanenes . p. . the scripture particularly intitles sathan to this temptation . p. . another beaten path of the divell , pride . ibid. that men are which they are to god. p. . no thing more contrary to god then pride . ibid. the imaginations of proud men how scattered by god. ibid. the honour and advantage of humility . p. , , . only by pride comes contention , how understood . p. , . pride makes us contend with our conditions , & with god himself . p. , . how the divell is intituled to this temptation . p. , . another eminent temptation of the divels , coveteousnesse . p. . the seate of this lust the basest spirits . ibid. coveteousnesse extreamely fertill of ill . ibid. and p. . why this sinne stil'd idolatry . p. , . men of this humour extreamely deluded . p. . the comfort and injoyment of things is the portion of the saintes . p. . coroll . particularly from this last head . ibid. generall corollaryes drawne from these common roades of temptation . p. . the misery of sinne lyes in sinning . ibid. the happines of a holy spirit . p. . the divell spinnes his web finer for the saints , but his but and end is the same . p. . provocations to fight . ibid. the divells power and operation upon us in communicating himself to our understandings , and inward man must be fetcht from what hath been said of the good angells largely . p. , , . ibid. the divell an inveterate enemy , his evill nature ever intended . p. . his power wonderfully great . ibid. the contentions for things of the greatest moment . p. . the prize of other warres nothing to ours . p. . a great advantage to fight for a love , and in the presence of a love , and so do we . ibid. the third part of the discourse , wherein of the armour fitted for this warre . p. . no weapons fit for combatt with the divell , but gods. ibid. lusts will take their turnes , and give place one to another . p. . something 's which looke like vertues , are but the ignorance of ill . ibid. the incompassing of temptations . ibid. some men strong in the divell , and in the power of his might . p. . what 's intended by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. every one will do a little in religion . ibid. and p . difficulty in religion lyes in universality , and exactnes . p. . what our parts are in this combatt . p. . the more mighty any supreame agent is , the more it intends and fills the instrument . ibid. the end and use of the armour . p. . dayes of temptation evill dayes . ibid. things incouraging to fight , the necessity of it , the glory , and pleasure of victory . p. . cowards have but the pleasure of idlenes , and the misery of slavery . p. . tim. . . open'd . ibid. & p. . the bonds and restraints that lye upon the divell , are considered for incouragement sake . p. . the particular peeces of armour , first the girdle of truth . p. . what meant by this metaphor . ibid. what truth is . p. . the cause of all instability , because men are insincere , or misapprehensive . ibid. men are what they see and judge . p. . comfort & joy renders strong , and light the embleme of joy . ibid. the notion of glory begirts , but light & glory runne together . p. . the divell playes in the darke , and deceives under the vayle of mists and shadowes , in respect of worke and comfort . ibid. corollaryes from this peece . p. . converse much with the father of lights , and with the word the booke of lights , and with the saints the subject of light . ibid. helpe our selves by what right sights of things we ever have had . ibid. how truth and right sights of things answeres , what ever sathan can object to our praejudice in this fight . p. . sincerity is immixednes . p. . how love determines and squares every thing to the interest of the object loved . ibid. the second peece of armour , the breast-plate of righteousnesse . p. . wherein this consists . ibid. & p. . the first peece respected the end , this the walke of a christian. p. . righteousnes toward god and men , what . p. . the good angells fall under the consideration of the object of this righteousnesse . ibid. the rule and measure of this righteousnesse in regard of men , self love . p. . the object of this righteousnes , all , capable of god and happines . ibid. how this peece armes the breast . ibid. the tremblings and astonishments of those which want this armour . p. . how christs righteousnes is to be considered here . ibid. the love of god makes lovely characters and impressions upon us . p. . what it is to be a new creature . ibid. christ a head of influence . p. . this scripture speakes rather of the working of the spirit of god in us , then the imputation of christ to us . ibid. how this peece is to be put on . p. . wicked men furnish the divell with weapons to destroy themselves . ibid. the third peece of armes fitted for the feete and leggs . p. . wherein this armour consists . ibid. the notion of it cleared by severall scriptures . p. . also by reason . p. . helpes for the obtaining this necessary peece of armour . p. . . corollaryes from this particular . p. . the gospell should be administred like it self , like good newes . p. . the guilty world need such a kinde of administration . ibid. we neede much knowledge to discharge our selves in this particular . p. . example of great influence . ibid. the fourth peece of armes , a shield . p. . that to be joyned with all the rest . ibid. what meant by fiery dartes . ibid. faith repells , and quenches , how . p. . this above all to be procured . ibid. our natures not perfectly coole since defil'd by originall corruption . p. . two fiery darts accompany great sinnes , scil . of lust , and dispaire , as in the example of ammon . p. . example of spira and iudas ibid. look on sinnes as you will see them within a few houres . ibid. melancholy and depression of spirit , a temper easily fired to extreamityes . p. . what kinde of faith is to be oppos'd to fiery darts . ibid. and how faith doth it . ibid. the combatt by the wisedome of faith changed from our selves to god. ibid. this was davids way . p. . faith releives in extremity by out-bidding sights : examples thereof . ibid. both against sinning and dispairing . p. . faith suckes down the dew of the spirit , the cooling waters , &c. ibid. beleeve not scantily , nor a little , have not your faith to fetch and spell while the fiery darts are shooting . p. . the use of faith is as pleasing to god , as the resisting necessary for us . ibid. consider beleeving under the notion of obedience . p. . faith not a priviledge left to the arbitrement of our owne will , but an indispensible duty . ibid. consider the obstruction of faith . ibid. the objection from the disproportion between sinne and faith , answered . p. . god gloryes to effect his great workes by nothing , or things which are as nothing . p. . nothing so fenc'd with motives , threats , commands , &c. as the busines of beleeving , which shewes that gods heart is in it especially . ibid. the best salve yee can apply to the wounds of christ , is beleeving , your sinnes made them , your faith heales them . p. . get faith ready against an evill day , a day of fiery darts , yee will then neede coole and quenching liquor which faith drawes down ibid. the fifth piece of this armour , the helmet . p. . what this is . ibid. all affections routed in love and acted by it . ibid. love is made visible according as the affection is , it acts by and through . ibid. in hope love is in its throne , and appeares most lovely . p. . hope considered here not as a flatt and low attendancy , and looking after some good desired , a thing lesse then faith and before it , but as a firme expectation of some future good , which we do already beleeve . ibid. hope a birth , and effect of faith . ibid. how this peece doth its work and fitts the head , as an helmet . p. . the head the principle of action . ibid. the end , the simbolicall head . ibid. the world holds over our heads infinite things to corrupt us , the holy ghost wards of all with the helmet of salvation . ibid. our hopes differs from others not only in the object of them , the good things hoped for , but in the bottoming of them by expectation . p. . all things but spirituall , have no considerable value , but what ignorance and a lye puts upon them . p. . they are but shadowes , pictures , and dreames of good . ibid. worldly things not absent enough to be the object of hope . ibid. hope misapplyed often ingages to impossibilityes , and so becomes a meere imposture . p. . hope is of things difficult , but such as are worthy , and difficult . ibid. coroll . from this piece . p. . christian religion wholy founded upon hope . ibid. heavenly hope changes but the time , puts you of to another day for all . ibid. the pleasures of this life but for a minute , their fullnes worse then their emptinesse . ibid. if our hopes as other mens were here , we were in a worse condition then they for two reasons . p. . faith gives things a bottome , and hope is grafted upon it . ibid. the hopes of worldly men in respect of the saints , have severall notable defects . p. . the possessions of worldly men are ballanc●d with uncertaintyes , and their hopes with feares . ibid. the happines of heaven lyes in the fixing of joyes by eternity . ibid. the joy of our hope is fix'd by faith . ibid. what it is to rejoyce in boastings . p . men thinke by the determination of their wills , to effect that which godly men do by faith . ibid. an extreame vanity in the matter of the hopes of worldly men , as being of things low and meane . ibid. the object of our hopes things great . p. . our knowledge makes us value our hopes and joy in them . ibid. ioy as a result and concomitant of hope is mighty for battaille . ibid. he that rejoyceth not in the hopes of things to come , will rejoyce in vaine hopes , or sensuall inioyments . ibid. objection , if hope bringes in so great and steddy a returne of joy , what place do we leave for sorrow for sinne ? answered . p. . there is a double use of sorrow for sinne . ibid whilst god loves us , he greeves for our sinnings , and he greeves the more , because he loves us and so should we . p. . never greeve without the releefe of hope , and joy . ibid. for the degree , why should we not work our selves and our sorrowes as low as afflictions would lay us . ibid. we have paynes to conflict with as well as pleasures , hope armes us for them also . ibid. we must hold out to the utmost extreamity by the law of warre . p. . patience fits for this , but it must be the patience of hope . ibid. the praise of patience . ibid. patience would sinke and be opprest , if it were not animated by the activity and livel●nes of hope . p. . we should use our patience , and releeve our patience , as christ did by the joyfull sights of hope . ibid. hope proper for doing , as well as suffering . ibid. as we can do nothing without hope , so we attempt the greatest things by hope . p. . hope and strength stand and fall together . ibid. proov●d by the example and praecept of paul. ibid. hope animates to all workes . p. . particularly it purifyes the heart . ibid. the same reason of our being like to christ , here and hereafter . p. . purity oppos'd to bodily and spirituall lustings . ibid. to what degree hope must purify . ibid. coroll . from the settling our hopes . p. . to raise our hopes , we must improove and raise our faith ibid. in all compositions something gives the body , faith gives the body and substance to hope . ibid. hope abridges the time of expectation , and lives in an anticipation of eternall joyes . p. . the last peece of armes , the sword of the spirit . ibid. this is a spirituall weapon . p. . that , the spirit useth . ibid. that , the spirit form●d ibid. what meant by the word of god here . p. . proov'd to be the scripture . ibid. christ made use of this weapon against the divel himself , & in others . p. . whether the letter or sence be the word meant here . ibid. how shall ignorant men know the sence of scripture . p. . to have the sword fitted for our use , is our due as well as the sword it selfe . ibid. the scriptures though deepe , are fordable by men holy and diligent . ibid. the saintes have a tast proportionable to their spirits , by which they can distinguish of foode . ibid. & p. . try all things . p. . the way to know the will of god , is to do it . ibid. also we must search which is pleasing to god. ibid. how it is done . ibid. corollary to incourage to fight . p. men are seldome overcome , but when they are of the party . ibid. severall scripture expressions teaching us to value this sword , the word of god. p. , , , . all sinne proceeds from ignorance or forgetfullnesse . p. . the difference of men lyes in the observing , or neglecting , the fullfilling of gods words in the events of things . p. . the word gives its owne credit . p. . to helpe in some guardes for this fight . ibid. sinne is the greatest evill . ibid. severall scriptures expressing the filthynesse of sinne . p. . the reason why christ lay so low , when others could sing . ibid. keepe at the greatest distance from sinne . p. . this the wisest and safest way . ibid. there is a modesty in sinne at first , if it incorporate , it will teare the flesh to get it out . ibid. other heades hinted , but not prosecuted . p. . captaine to captaine , and armes to armes , oppos'd . ibid. prayer no peece of these armes , and therefore not insisted on . p. . it fastens on the armes and drawes downe successe . ibid. what meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here . ibid. every thing powerfull in the vertue of an ordinance . ibid. the conclusion . p. . finis . these principall faults escaped in the printing , the reader may correct as followeth . pag. line . error . correct . with which incorporall incorporeall that their beingh beings them then operations apparitions genui genium pro ratio par ratio moderatedly moderated by ward word   sunne sonne   mathematicus , mathematicians god things not must be put out . raisedned raisednes medimus mediums beleeve releive light sight may by   vice nice motion notion   and must be put out .   their your with which   elixurs elixars   ones ends well must be put out . let set the they mote more your you   not not onely to operating co-operating inordinary inordinacy thy the hee be have save altogether together   forma formae which what a love alone must most therefore is therefore that is that is that it is peoples puples all will deferred deterred   the proper the divells proper obstaine obtaine hee yee devotes denotes   clumbs clumbes   in is lounes loaves subsilite subsilire temire tenure imployes implyes helpe is helpes   of from of well from jou you but put him sinne counted committed countinent commitment   inections injections that thus all allye nothing as , nothing so much as not must be put out . fin sinne is was   have save   mottinesse motives fault faint principall principle   pates pathes   toward to warde fasten fasten'd   in other in no other   alloey allay ofter after contingenties contingencies and a and in a   cleasing cleansing patiency patience respcteth respecteth by must be put out .   unstandings understandings if must be put out . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e obj. ans. qu. ans. qu. ans. coral . qu. qu. qu. ans. . . . . corol. corol. corol. obj. obj. ans. coroll . coroll . coroll . coroll . obj. ans. the corollaries from hence . coroll . obj. ans. coroll . coroll . coroll . coroll . coroll . coroll . corroll . corrol . object . ans. coroll . coroll . object . answ. coroll . coroll . an answer to a booke entitvled an hvmble remonstrance in which the originall of liturgy, episcopacy is discussed : and quares propounded concerning both : the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated : the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered : the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested : the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated : the prelaticall church bownded / written by smectymnvvs. smectymnuus. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) an answer to a booke entitvled an hvmble remonstrance in which the originall of liturgy, episcopacy is discussed : and quares propounded concerning both : the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated : the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered : the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested : the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated : the prelaticall church bownded / written by smectymnvvs. smectymnuus. milton, john, - . first edition. [ ], p. printed for i. rothwell and are to be sold by t.n. ..., london : . "a postscript" by john milton? : p. - (i.e. - ) wing attributes authorship to stephen marshall, who with edmund calamy, thomas young, matthew newcomen and william spurstowe, wrote under the pseudonym smectymnuus. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hall, joseph, - . -- humble remonstrance to the high court of parliament. church of england -- liturgy. church of england -- controversial literature. episcopacy -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to a booke entitvled , an hvmble remonstrance . in which , the originall of liturgy , episcopacy is discussed . and quaeres propounded concerning both . the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated . the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered . the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested . the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated . the prelaticall church bownded . ieremy . . thus saith the lord , stand in the wayes , and behold , and aske for the old way , which is the way , and walke therein . tertul. de praescr . adv . haeres . id dominicum & verum , quod prius traditum : id autem extraaeum & falsum quod sit posterius . written by smectymnvvs . london , printed for i. rothwell , and are to be sold by t. n. at the bible in popes-head-alley . . most honovrable lords , and ye the knights , citizens , and bvrgesses , of the honourable house of commons . although we doubt not , but that book which was lately directed to your honours , bearing the name of an humble remonstrance , hath had accesse unto your presence : and is in the first approaches of it , discovered by your discerning spirits , to be neither humble , nor a remonstrance ; but a heape of confident , and ungrounded assertions ; so that to your honours a reply may seeme superfluous : yet lest the authour should glory in our silence , as a granting of the cause ; we humbly crave your honours leave , to present , not so much to your selves , as to the world by your hands , a review of this remonstrance ; in which the authour after too large a preface , undertakes the support of two things , which seeme to him to bee threatned with danger of a present precipice , the liturgy , and the hierarchie . it was a constitution of those admired sonnes of iustice the areopagi ; that such as pleaded before them should pleade without prefacing and without passion : had your honours made such a constitution , this remonstance must have beene banished from the face of your assembly : for the preface fils almost a fourth part of the booke , and the rest swels with so many passionate rhetorications , as it is harder for us in the multitude of his words to finde what his argument is , that we have to answer , then to answer it when it is found . we would not trace him in his words , but close immediately with his argments ; did wee not finde in him a sad exemplification of that divine axiome , in multitudine verborum non deest peccatum , in the multitude of words there wants no sinne : for though the authour is bold to call upon your honours to heare the words of truth and confidence , yet how little truth there is in this great confidence , the ensuing discourse shall discover . his very first word● are confident enough , and yet as false as confident ; wherein he impropriates all honesty unto these his papers , and brands all others with the name of libellers , and yet himselfe sins deeply against the rule of honesty , and lies naked to the scourge of his owne censure . first , in setting a brand upon all writings that have lately issued from the presse , as if they had all forgotten to speake any other language then libellous : it seemes himselfe had forgotten , that some things had issued by authority of the king and parliament . secondly , in taxing ( implicitely ) all such as will not owne this remonstrance for theirs : as , none of the peaceable and well-affected sons of the church of england . thirdly , in censuring the way of petitioning your honours , the ancient and ordinary free way of seeking redresse of our evils , for a tumultuary under-band way . fourthly , in condemning all such as are not fautors of this episcopall cause , as none of his majesties good subjects , engrossing that praise onely to his owne party , saying , the eyes of us the good subjects of this whole realm● are fixed upon your successe , &c. fiftly , in impropriating to the same party the praise of orthodox , pag. . as if to speak a word , or think a thought against episcopacy , were no lesse heresie , then it was in forme● time to speake against the popes supremacy , or the monkes fat belly ; whereas whether the episcopall part be the orthodox , peaceable , well affected part , and his majesties onely good subjects , wee leave to your honours to iudge , upon the numerous informations that flow in unto you from the severall parts of this kingdome . nor can they decline your iudgment , seeing now you are ( through gods blessing ) happily met in a much longed for parliament : but whether so much longed for by him and his accomplices ; as by those against whom he wh●●s his style , the prayers that have obtained this happy meeting , and the prayses that doe attend it , will decide in ●hat great day . the helena , whose champion this remonstrant chiefely is : is that government which hee calles sacred , viz. that governement by arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , archdeacons , &c. which , saith he , through the sides of some misliked persons some have endeavoured to wound . misliked persons ? and why not offending persons ? why not guilty persons ? when this honourable house hath ●ound just cause to charge some of them , with crimes of the highest nature . our zeale for your honours make us feare , lest your assembly shold suffer in this word ; as if your proceedings against such persons should be grounded upon compliance with such as doe mislike them , rather then upon their owne demerits , or the iustice of this court. but what ever those persons be , the government it self is sacred ; which by the ●oynt confession of all reformed divines , derives it selfe from the times of the ●lessed apostles , without any interruption , without contradiction of any one congregation in the world unto this present age . this is but an episcopall bravado , therefore we let it passe , till we come to close and contend with him in the point ; where we shall demonstrate , that in the compasse of three lines hee hath packt up as many untruths , as could be smoothly couched in so few words , as any man of common understanding , that lookes upon the face of the governement of almost all reformed churches in the christian world , may at first view discover . but before we come to this , there are yet two things in this preface which we count not unworthy observation . the first is , the comparison which he makes between the two governments , the civill which with us is monarchie : and the sacred which with him is episcopacy . of the first he saith , if antiquity may be the rule ; ( as he pleades it for episcopacy ) or i● scripture ( as he interprets scripture ) it is variable , and arbitrary : but the other divine and vnalterable , so that had men petitioned for the altering of monarchicall government , they had ( in his iudgement ) beene lesse culpable , ●oth by scripture and antiquity , then in petitioning the alteration of the hierarchicall : had he found but any such passage in any of his lewd libellers ( as his modesty is alwayes pleased to tearme them ) certainly if we may borrow his owne phrase , the eares of the three interessed kingdomes , yea , all the neighbour churches , and if we may say , the whole christian world , and no small part beyond it , had rung with the lowd cryes of no lesse then treason , treason . truth is , in his antiquity we find that this his uninterrupted sacred government , hath so far invaded the civill , and so yoked monarchy , even in this kingdome , as malmesbury reports : that william rufus oppressed by bishops , perswaded the iewes to confute them ; promising thereupon to turne england to their religion , that he might be free of bishops . and this is so naturall an effect of unalterable episcopacy , that pius ●he fourth to the spanish embassadour , importuning him to permit bishops to bee declared by the councell of trent , to be iure divino , gave this answer : that his king knew not what he did desire , for if bishops should be so declared , they would be all exempted from his power , and as indepedent as the pope himselfe . the second thing observable is the comparison hee makes betweene the late alterations attempted in our neighbour church by his episcopall faction , and that alteration that is now justly desired by the humble petitioners to this honourable house . the one being attempted by strangers , endevouring violently to obtrude innovations upon a setled church and state , the other humbly petitioned to the heads and princes of our state by multitudes therein almost ruined by an innovating faction : yet doth not this remonstrant blush to say ; if these be branded , ( so he cals the just censures of this honorable house ) for incendiaries , how shall these boutefeux escape , &c. thus cunningly indeavouring either to justifie the former by the practise of the latter , or to render the latter more odious then the former . the attempts of these men whom he would thus render odious , hee craves leave to present to your honours in two things , which are the subjects of this quarrell : the liturgie and episcopacy , and we humbly crave your honours leave in both to answer . sect . ii. first , the liturgie of the church of england ( saith he ) hath bin hitherto esteemed sacred , reverently used by holy martyrs , daily frequented by devout protestants , as that which more then once hath been confirmed by the edicts of religious princes , and your own parliamentary acts , &c. and hath it so ? whence then proceed these many additions and alterations ? that have so changed the face and fabrick of the liturgie , that as dr. hall spake once of the pride of england : if our fore-fathers should revive and see their daughters walking in cheapside with their fannes and farthingales , &c. they would wonder what kinde of creatures they were , and say nature had forgot her selfe and brought forth a monster : so if these holy martyrs that once so reverently used the liturgy should revive and looke for their letany stampt by authority of parliament , they would be amased , and wondering say ; england had forgotten her selfe and brought forth , &c. martyrs ? what doe we speake of martyrs when we know sir , that one of your owne a bishops said it in the hearing of many not so long since , but you may well remember it . that the service of the church of england was now so drest , that if the pope should come and see it , he would claime it as his owne , but that it is in english. it is little then to the advantage of your cause , that you tell us , it is translated into other languages , and as little service have they done to the church of england , who have taught our prayers to speake latine againe : for if it be their language chiefly that overthrowes the popes claime , take away that , and what hinders then , but the pope may say , these are mine . as for other translations and the great applause it hath obtained from forraigne divines , which are the fumes this remonstrant venditates ; what late dayes have produced we know not , but the great lights of former ages have beene farre from this applauding : we are sure judicious calvine saith , that in the liturgy there are sundry tolerabiles ineptiae , which we thinke is no very great applause . to vindicate this liturgy from scorne ( as he calles it ) at home , or by your honours aide to reinforce it upon the nation , is the worke of his remonstrance ; for the effecting whereof he falls into an unparallell'd discourse about the antiquity of liturgies ; we call it unparalleld , because no man that we have seene ever drew the line of liturgy so high as he hath done . concerning which , if by liturgy this remonstrant understand an order observed in church assemblies of praying , reading , and expounding the scriptures , administring sacraments , &c. such a liturgy we know and do acknowledge both iewes and christians have used . but if by liturgy hee understand prescribed and stinted formes of administration composed by some particular men in the church , and imposed upon all the rest ( as this he must understand , or else all hee saith is nothing ) wee desire and expect that those formes , which he saith are yet extant , and ready to be produced , might once appeare . liturgy of this former sort we finde in iustine martyr and tertullian . but that there were not such stinted liturgies as this remonstrant disputes for , appeares by tertullian , in his apol. cap. . where he saith the christians of those times did in their publique assemblies pray sine monitore qui● de pectore , without any prompter but their own hearts . and that so it should be the same father proves in his treatise , de oratione : s●●nt quae petantur , &c. there are some things to be asked according to the occasions of every man : the lawfull & ordinary prayer ( tha● is the lords prayer ) being laid as a foundation ; it is lawfull to build upon that foundation other prayers according to every ones occasions . and to the same purpose s. austin in his . ep. liberum est , &c. it is free to aske the same things that are desired in the lords prayer , aliis atque aliis verbis , sometimes one way and sometimes another : and before this in that famous place of iust. mar. apo. . he , who instructed the people , prayed according to his ability , nor was this liberty in prayer taken away , and set and imposed formes introduced , untill the time that the arian and pelagian heresies did invade the church , and then because those hereticks did convey and spreade their poyson in their formes of prayer and hymnes , the church thought it convenient to restraine the liberty of making and using publike formes : and first it ordained that none should pray pro arbitrio , sed semper eaedem preces , that none should use liberty to vary in prayer ; but use alwaies the same forme , conc. laod. can. . yet this was a forme of his owne composing , as appeares by another canon , wherein it was ordered thus : none should use any forme , unlesse he had first conferred cum fratribus instructioribus : with the more learned of his brethren . conc. carth. . can. . and lastly that none should use set prayers , but such as were approved of in a synode , which was not determined till the yeare . conc. milev . . can. . and had there been any liturgies of times of the first and most venerable antiquity producible , the great admirers of them , and inquirers after them would have presented them to the world ere this . we know that bishop andrews in his zeale for liturgies pursued the inquiry after the iewish liturgie so far , that he thought he had found it ; and one there was which he sent to cambridge to be translated : but there it was soone discovered , to have beene made long after the iewes ceased to be the church of god ; and so himselfe supprest it , that it never saw the light under a translation . we wonder therefore , what this remonstrant meant to affirme so confidently , that part of the forme of prayer which was composed by our blessed saviour , was borrowed from the formes of prayer formerly used by gods people . an opinion we never met before ; indeed , we have read that the rabbines since the daies of our saviour have borrowed some expressions from that prayer , and from other evangelicall passages : but we never read till now , that the lord christ the wisdome of the father borrowed from the wisdome of the rabbines expressions to use in prayer . and as much we wonder by what revelation or tradition ( scripture being silent in the thing ) he knew , that peter and iohn , when they went up to the temple to pray , their prayer was not of a sudden and extemporary conception , but of a regular prescription . sure we are some as well read in iewish antiquity , as this remonstrant shewes himselfe to be ; have told us that the houre of prayer was the time when the priest burnt incense ; and the people were at their private prayers without , as appeares , luke . . where we reade , that while zachary the priest went in to offer incense , all the people stood with out praying in the time of the oblation . which prayers were so far from being prescript formes or liturgies that they were not vocall but mentall prayers , as master meade tels us in his exposition upon the eighth of the revelations . and what ever peter and iohn did , this we know , that when the publican and the pharisee went up to the temple to pray ( as the apostles did at the houre of prayer ) their prayer was not of regular prescription , but of a present conception . but if this remonstrant be in the right , concerning the iewish liturgies , then the evangelicall church might better have improved her peace and happinesse , then in composing models of invocation and thanksgiving , when there is one extant and ready to be produced , that was constantly used by gods people ever since moses daies , and put over to the times of the gospel and confirmed by apostolicall practise : or else great is our losse , who are so unhappily deprived of the best improvement , the church made of her peace and happinesse in the first . yeares : for rejecting those liturgies that are confest by the learned to bee spurious ; we challenge this remonstrant to produce any one liturgie that was the issue of those times . and blessed constantine was herein as unhappy as we , who needed not have composed formes of prayer for his guard to use upon the lords day , but might and would have taken them out of former liturgies , if there had been any ; and can ye with patience think that any ingenuous christian should be so transported , as upon such weak and unproved premises to build such a confident conclusion , as this remonstrant doth ? and in that conclusion forget the state of the controversie sliding from the question of a prescribed and imposed liturgie to an arbitrary book of prayer . in his rhetoricall encomium of conceived prayer wee shall more willingly bear a part with him , then they whose cause he pleads ; for had that been in their hearts , which is in this book : to hate , to be guilty of powring water upon the spirit , and gladly to adde oyle rather : so many learned , able , conscientious preachers had not been molested and suspended , for letting the constant flames of their fixed conceptions mount up from the altar of their zealous heart unto the throne of grace : nor had there been so many advantages watched from some stops and seeming solecismes in some mens prayers , to blaspheme the spirit of prayer , which though now confest to be so far from being offensive , that they are as pleasing musick in the eares of the almighty : yet time hath been , when they have ●ounded as meere battologies ; nay no better then meere blasphemies in the ●ares of some bishops . and if this conceived prayer be not to be opposed in another , by any man that hath found the true operation of this grace in himselfe : with that spirit then are those possest , that have not only thus raged with their tongues against this way of prayer : but by sealing up the mouthes of ministers for praying thus in publike , and imposing penances upon private christians for praying thus in their families : and compelling them to abiure this practise , have endeavoured with raging violence to banish this divine ordinance from our churches and dwellings , and profest in open court : it was fitter for amsterdam than for our churches . but howsoever this applause of conceived prayer may seeme to be cordiall , yet he makes it but a vantage ground to lift up publike formes of sacred church liturgie ( as hee calls it ) the higher , that they may have the greater honour , that by the power of your authority they be reinforced , which worke there would have beene no need to call your honors to , had not episcopall zeale broke forth into such flames of indignation against conceived prayers , that we have more just cause to implore the propitious aide of the same authority to reestablish the liberty of this , then they to re-inforce the necessity of that . yet there are two specious arguments which this remonstrant brings to perswade this desired re-inforcement , the originall and confirmation of our liturgie . for the first , he tels your honours , it was selected out of ancient models not roman but christian , contrived by the holy martyrs and confessors of the blessed reformation of religion ; where we beseech your honours to consider how we may trust these men , who sometimes speaking and writing of the roman church , proclaime it a true church of christ , and yet here roman and christian stand in opposition : sometimes they tell men , their liturgie is wholly taken out of the romane missall , only with some little alteration : and here they would perswade your honours there is nothing romane in it . but it is wholly selected out of pure ancient models , as the quintessence of them all . whereas alas the originall of it , is published to the world , in that proclamation of edward the sixt . and though here they please to stile the composers of it , holy martyrs , and contrivers of the blessed reformation : yet there are of the tribe for whom he pleads , not a few that have called them traitors rather then martyrs , and d●formers rather then reformers of our religion . his other argument for the liturgie is taken from that supply of strength , it hath received from the recommendation of foure most religious princes , & your own parliamentary establishments : and more especially from the proclamation of king iames of famous memory : the validity of which plea , your honors are best able to judge , and therefore we leave it at your bar ; yet these two things we know : first , that this form was never established to be so punctually observed , so rigorously pressed , to the casting out of all that scruple it , or any thing in it ( as many of his majesties subjects now doe ) to the ( almost ) justling out of the preaching of the word , and conceived prayer altogether . and secondly , as sure we are , that your honors thinke neither your own lawes , nor the proclamation of that most famous and ever admired prince , to be as unalterable as the lawes of the medes and persians . and now having briefly shewed , that liturgies are not of that antiquity that this remonstrant pretends , but that conceived prayer was in use in the church of god before liturgies , and is iustified from their own mouthes , and not to be found fault with by any but a gracelesse man : and having likewise shewed that our liturgie was taken out of models , not only christian but romane , and hath since the first compiling of it suffered alteration to the worse ; and though established by law , and confirmed by proclamation , was never intended to the justling ou● , either of preaching or conceived prayer ; these things declared , we humbly crave your honors leave to propound these two queries . quere i. whether it be not fit to consider of the alteration of the present liturgie . first , because it symbolizeth so much with the popish masse , as that the pope himselfe was willing to have it used , if he might but confirme it . it was made and composed into this frame , on purpose to bring the papists to our churches , which we finde to be with so little successe , as that it hath rather brought many of us to them , then any of them to us , and hath lost many of ours from us . because many things therein contained are stumbling blocks before the feet of many : such as these , the clogging it with ceremonies , and the often and impertinent reiterating of the lords prayer , the ill translation of the psalmes , and other scriptures , the many phrases in the very prayers , which are liable to just exception . and whereas the minister by the scripture is the peoples mouth to god , this booke prescribes responsories to bee said by the people , some of which are unsutable to what the minister pronounceth , some of them seeme to savour of tautologie , some are made to be so essentiall to the prayer , as that all which the minister saith , is no prayer without them ; as in the letany . because it is so much idolized , as that it is accounted the only worship of god in england , and is now made the upholder of a non-preaching ministery , and is cryed up to that height , as that some are not ashamed to say , that the wit of men and angels cannot mend it : and that it is a sufficient discharge of the ministers duty to reade this booke . there are such multitudes of people , that distaste this booke , that unlesse it be altered , there is no hope of any mutuall agreement between gods ministers and their people . there is such a vaste difference betweene it , and the liturgies of all other reformed churches , as that it keepes them at a distance from us , and us from full communion with them . quere ii. whether the first reformers of religion did ever intend the use of a liturgie further , then to be an help , in the want , or to the weaknesse of a minister . all other reformed churches , though they use liturgies , yet doe not binde their ministers to the use of them . a rubrick in king edwards booke left it unto the discretion of the minister , what and how much to reade , when there was a sermon . the homilies which are appointed to be read , are left free either to be read or not , by preaching ministers , and why not then the liturgie ? especially considering that the ability to offer up the peoples wants to god in prayer is part of the ministeriall office , as well as preaching . and if it can be thought no lesse than sacriledge , to rob the people of the ministers gift in preaching , and to tie them to homilies , it can be no lesse , to deprive them of their gift in prayer . the ground of the first binding of it upon all to use , was not to tie godly men from exercising their gift in prayer ; but the old popish priests , that by a seeming returne to our religion , did through indulgence retaine their places ; from returning to the old mas●e . that which makes many refuse to be present at our church service , is not only the liturgie it selfe , but the imposing of it upon ministers . and we finde no way to recover our people to a stinted prayer , but by leaving it free to use or not to use . if it be objected , that this will breed divisions and disturbances in churches , unlesse there be a uniformity , and that there are many unable . it hath not bred any disturbance in other reformed churches . why should the free liberty of using or not using a liturgie , breed more confusion than the free liberty of reading or not reading homilies , especially when ministers shall t●ach people , not to condemne one another in things indifferent . if there be a care taken in those that have the power to make ministers , to choose men gifted as well for prayer as preaching , there cannot be conceived how any inconvenience should follow . or if afterwards it should appeare , that any minister should prove insufficient to discharge the duty of prayer in a conceived way , it may bee imposed on him as a punishment , to use set formes and no other . but why any minister that hath the gift of prayer , in an abundant measure , as well as of preaching , should be hindered from exercising his gift well , because another useth it ill , is a new divinity never heard of in gods church , till bishop wrens daies , who forbad all use of conceived prayer in the church . sect . iii. vve come now with your honours favour , to the second point disputed in this remonstrance ; episcopacy it selfe : against which , whatsoever hath been either spoken or written by any , either learned divines , or well reformed churches ( as his conscience knowes , there are of both that have writ against it ) is taxed by him as no other then the uniust clamors either of weak or factious persons . sure the man thinkes he hath obtained a monopoly of learning , and all knowledge is lockt up in his bosome ; and not o●ly knowledge but piety and peaceableness too ; for all that are not of his opinion , must suffer either as weake or factious , if he may be their iudge . we know not what this arrogancy might attempt to fasten upon your honors , should the bowels of your compassion bee enlarged , to weigh in the ballance of your wisdomes , the multitude of humble petitions , presented to you from severall parts of this kingdome , that hath long groaned under the iron a●d insupportable yoake of this episcopall government , which yet we doubt not , but your honours will please to take into your prudent and pious consideration : especially knowing it is their continuall practise to loade with the odious names of faction all that justly complain of their unjust oppression . in his addresse to his defence of episcopacy , he makes an unhappy confession that he is confounded in himselfe . your honours may in this beleeve him , for hee that reades this remonstrance , may easily observe so many falsities and contradictions , ( though presented to publike view , with a face of confident boldnesse , ) as could not fall from the pen of any , but selfe-confounded man : which though we doubt not but your honours have descryed ; yet because they are hid from an errant , and unobserving eye , under the embroyderies of a silken language , wee humbly crave your honours leave to put them one by one upon the file , that the world may see what credit is to be given to the bold assertions of this confident remonstrant . first , in his second page , he dubs his book * the faithfull messenger of all a the peaceable and right affected sons of the church of england : which words ( besides that unchristian theta , which as we already observed , they set upon all that are not of his party , ) carry in the bowels of them a notorious falsity and contradiction to the phrase of the booke ; for how could this booke be the messenger of all his owne party in england , when it is not to be imagined , that all could know of the comming forth of this booke before it was published : and how can that booke crave admittance in all their names , that speakes in the singular number , and as in the person of one man almost the whole booke thorow . but it may besome will say this is but a small slippe ; well be it so : but in the seventh page hee layes it on in foure lines , asserting these foure things : first , that episcopall government , ( that very same episcopall government , which some he saith seekes to wound , that is government by diocesan bishops ) derives it selfe from the apostles times , which though we shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more fully confute anon , yet we cannot here but ranke it among his notorious — : for how could there be such government of a diocesse by a bishop derived from the apostles times : when in the apostles times there were no bishops distinct from p●esbyters , as we shall shew , and if there had beene bishops , yet they were no diocesans , for it was a hundred yeares after christ , or as most agree . before parishes were distinguished , and there must be a distinction of parishes before there could be an union of them into diocesses . secondly , it is by the joynt confession of all reformed divines granted , that this sacred government is derived from the apostles : what all reformed divines ? was calvin , beza , iunius , &c. of that minde ? are the reformed churches of france , scotland , netherlands , of that iudgement ? we shall shew anon that there is no more truth in this assertion then if he had said with anaxagoras , snow is black , or with copernicus , the earth moves , and the heavens stand still . thirdly , he saith this government hath continued without any interruption : what doth he meane , at rome ? for we reade in some places of the world this government was never known for many yeares together : as in scotland ● we reade that in ancient times the scots were instructed in the christian faith by priests and monkes , and were without bishops . yeares : yea to come to england , we would desire to know of this remonstrant whether god had a church in england in q. mari●s daies or no ? and if so , who were then the bishops of this church , for some there must be , if it be true that this man saith , this government hath continued without any interruption unto this day ; and bishops then we know not where to finde but in the ●ine of popish succession . fourthly , he saith it hath thus continued without the contradiction of any one congregation in the christian world . it seemes he hath forgotten , what their own darling heylin hath written of the people of biscay in spaine , that they admit of no bishops to come among them , for when ferdinand the catholike came in progresse accompanied among others with the bishop of pampelone , the people rose up in armes , drove back the bishop , and gathering up all the dust which they thought he had trode on , flung it into the sea. which story had it been recorded only by him , would have been of lighter credit . but we reade the same in the spanish chronicle , who saith more then the doctor , for he tels us that the people threw that dust that the bishop or his mule had trode on , into the sea with curses and imprecations : which certainly saith he was not done without some mysterie , those people not being voide of religion , but superstitiously devout as the rest of the spaniards are : so that they is one congregation in the christian world in which this government hath met with contradiction . and are not the french , scottish , and belgicke churches worthy to be counted christian congregations , and who knows not that amongst these this government hath met not only with verball , but reall contradiction ? yet he cannot leave his — : but within two pages is at it again ; and tels us of an unquestionable clearnesse wherein it hath been from the apostles derived to us , how unquestionable ? when the many volumes written about it , witnesse to the world , and to his conscience , it hath been as much questioned as any point ( almost ) in our religion . and that assertion of his that tels us that the people of god had a forme of prayer as ancient as moses , which was constantly practised to the apostles dayes , and by the apostles , &c. though we have shewed how bold and false this assertion is , yet we mention it here as deserving to be put into the catalogue . and that he may not seeme contra mentem ire : but to be of the same minde still , p. . he saith episcopall government hath continued in this island ever since the first plantation of the gospell without contradiction . had he taken a lesse space of time , and said but since the resuscitation of the gospel : we can prove it to him and shall , that since the reformation , episcopacy hath been more contradicted , then ever the papacy was before the extirpation of it . yet still the man runs on , thinking to get credit to his untruthes by their multiplications , for pag. . hee saith ; certainly except all histories , all authors faile us , nothing can be more certain then this truth : o● durum ! nothing more certain : what is it not more certain that there is a god ? is it not more certain that christ is god and man ? is it not more certaine that christ is the onely saviour of the world ? nothing more certaine : must this then be an article of our creede , the corner stone of our religion : must this be of necessity to salvation ? nothing more certaine . o that men should not onely forget themselves , but god also : and in their zeale for their owne honour utter words bordering upon blasphemy . indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these falsities of his any further ; wee will leave this displeasing service , onely retorting the words of this remonstrant upon himselfe ; surely could he looke with our eyes ( or any eyes that were not partiall ) he would see cause to bee throughly ashamed of these his grosse injurious miscarriages , and should be forced to confesse , that never good cause ( if cause be good ) had more reason to complaine of a sinfull prosecution . sect . iv. vve will now come with your honours patience to weigh , whether there be any more strength in his arguments , then there is truth in his assertion● . his plea for episcopacy consists of two parts . in the ●irst he brings arguments for the supporting of it . in the second he undertakes to answer the objections that may be made against it . his first argument for it , is couched in these words ; were this ordinance merely humane or ecclesiasticall , if there could no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding ancient , of more then hundred yeeres , &c. the strength of which argument lies in this , that they have beene in peaceable possession of this government fifteene hundred yeares and upwards ; and in this island ever since the gospell , without contradiction . in which words he speakes two things , which deserve just censure . first , that the hierarchicall government hath continued for fifteene hundred yeares , therefore should not now be altered , which may well be called , as hierome in another case ; argumentū galeatum , an argument calculated for the meridian of episcopacy , and may indifferently serve for all religions in the world : for thus the iewes might have pleaded against christ the antiquity of more then so many hundred years ; and thus the heathens did plead against the christian religion , which iustin martyr in his apology answers . and by this argument the pope sits as fast rivetted in his chayre at rome , as ours in theirs : whose plea for antiquity runs parallell with theirs . it is a good observation of cyprian , that christ said , ego sum via , veritas & vita , not ego sum consuetudo ; and a that consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris , christ is truth , and not custome , and custome without truth , is a mouldy errour : and as sir francis bacon saith , antiquity without truth , is a cypher without a figure . yet had this b remonstrant been as well versed in antiquity , as he would beare the world in hand he hath , hee might have found learned ancients affirming , there was a time when the church was not governed by bishops , but by presbyters . and when by bishops , he might further have seene more affinity betweene our bishops and the pope of rome , then betweene the primitive bishops and them . and that as king iames , of famous memory , said of the religion of england , that it differed no more from rome , than rome did from what it was at first ; may as truly be said of bishops , that we differ no more from them , then they doe from what bishops were , when first they were raised unto this eminency : which difference we shall shew in our ensuing discourse , to be so great , that as he said of rome , he did romam in roma quaerere , he sought rome in rome ; so we episcopatum in episcopatu , may go seek for a bishop among all our bishops . and whereas in his application of this argument to the bishops of this nation , he saith , it hath continued in this island ever since the first plantation of the gospel , without contradiction ; which is his second in this argument : how false this is we have declared already , and we all know , and himselfe cannot but know , that there is no one thing since the reformation , that hath met with so much contradiction as episcopacy hath done ; witness the severall bookes , written in the reignes of our severall princes , and the many petitions exhibited to our severall parliaments , and the many speeches made therein against episcopall government : many of which are yet extant . as for that supply of accessory strength , which he begs to this argument , from the light of nature , and the rules of iust policy , which ( saith he ) teacheth us not easily to give way to the change of those things , which long use and many a lawes have firmly established , as necessary and beneficiall ; it is evident , that those things which to former ages have seemed necessary and beneficiall , may to succeeding generations , prove not necessary but noxious , not beneficiall but burthensome . and then the same light of nature , and the same iust policy , that did at the first command the establishment of them , may and will perswade their abolishment ; if not , either our parliaments must never repeale any of their former acts ( which yet they have justly and wisely done ) or else in so doing must run counter to the light of nature , and the rules of iust policy ; which to think were an impiety to be punished by the iudge . sect . v. the second argument for the defence of episcopall government , is from the pedigree of this holy calling , which he derives from no lesse than an apostolicall , and in that , right divine institution ; and assayes to prove it from the practice of the apostles ; and as he saith , the cleare practice of their successors , continued in christs church to this very day : and to this argument he so much confides , that he concludes it with this triumphant epiphonema , what scruple can remain in any ingenuous heart ? and determines , if any continue yet unsatisfied , it is in despight of reason , and all evidence of history , and because he wilfully shuts his eyes , with a purpose not to see the light . bona verba . by your favour sir , we will tell you notwithstanding the supposed strength of your argumentation , there is one scruple yet remaining , and if you would know upon what ground , it is this , because we finde in scripture ( which by your own confession is originall authority ) that bishops and presbyters were originally the same , though afterwards they came to be distinguished : and in processe of time , episcopacy did swallow up all the honor and power of the presbytery ; as pharaohs lean kine did the fat . their identity is discernable ; first , from the same names given unto both ; secondly from the same office , designed unto both in scripture . as for the names , are not the same names given unto both in sacred writ ? let the fifth , sixth , and seventh verses of the first chapter to titus testifie : in the fifth verse , the apostle shews that he left titus in creet to ordaine elders in every city : in the sixth verse , he gives a delineation of the persons that are capable of such ordination : and in the seventh , the reason , why the person to be ordained , must be so qualified ; for a bishop , &c. now if the bishop and elder be not here the same , but names of distinct office and order , the apostles reason rendred in the seventh verse of his direction in the fift and sixt verses , is ( with reverence be it spoken ) inconsequentiall , and his demand unjust . if a chancellor in one of the vniversities should give order to his vice-chancellour to admit none to the decree of batchelour in arts , but such as were able to preach , or keepe a divinity act ; for batchelours in divinity must be so ; what reason or equity were in this ? so if paul leaving titus as his locum teneus , as it were in creet for a season , should give order to him not to admit any to be an elder but one thus and thus qualified , because a bishop must be so : had a bishop been an order or calling distinct from , or superiour to a presbyter , and not the same , this had been no more rationall or equall then the former ; therfore under the name of bishop in the seventh verse the apostle intends the elder , mentioned in the fift verse . consonant to this is the language of the same blessed apostle , acts . verse . . where such as in verse he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders in the . he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ordinary english , bishops , though our translation there , ( we know not for what reason ) reads it overseers ; not so rendring the word in any other text. and though this remonstrant undertakes to shew a cleare and received distinction , of bishops , presbyters , and deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings in gods church , with an evident specification of the duty & charge belonging to each of them ; or els let this claimed hierarchy be for ever hooted out of the church : yet let us tell him , that we never find in scripture these orders , bishops , presbyters & deacons , mentioned together : but onely bishops & deacons , as phil. . and tim. nor do we finde in scripture any ordination to the office of a bishop , differing frō the ordination of an elder : nor do we finde in scripture , the specification of any duty charged upon a bishop , that elders are secluded from : nor any qualification required in a bishop , that is not requisite in every presbyter ; some of which , if not all , would be found , were they not the same . but if this remonstrant thinke to helpe himselfe by taking sanctuary in antiquity ( though we would gladly ●est in scripture , the sanctuary of the lord ) yet we will follow him thither , and there shew him that hierome from the scriptures proves more then once , presbyters and bishops to be the same . and chrysostome in philip. . homil. . with his admirer theophilact in philip. . affirmes that while the apostles lived , the names of bishops and presbyters were not distinguished : and not only while the apostles lived , but in after ages . doth not irenaeus use the name of bishops and presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a promiscuous sence . are not anicetus , pius , hyginus , telesphorus , sixtus , whom the papists call bishops , and the popes predecessors , termed by eusebius presbyters ? nor was it strange in the primitive times to heare bishops called presbyters , when presbyters writing to their bishops have called him frater . so cyprian ( epist. . in the beginning ) is stiled by his presbyters , deacons and confessors , nor was that holy martyr offended with that title , nor they condemned of insolency that used it . but what should we burthen your patience with more testimonies ? when the evidence of this truth hath shined with so strong a beame , that even our adversaries have stooped to it , and confessed that their names were the same in the apostles time . but yet say they , the offices were distinct . now here wee would gladly know , what these men make the distinct office of a bishop . is it to edifie the church by word and sacrament ? is it to ordaine others to that worke ? is it to rule , to governe , by admonition and other censures ? if any of these , if all these make up the proper worke of a bishop ; we can prove from scripture that all these belong unto the presbytery , which is no more then was granted by a councell a . for the first , edifying of the church by word and sacraments , though we feare they will some of them at least scarce owne this as their proper worke ( for some have beene cite● into the high commission for saying , it belongs to them ) yet sir we are sure , scripture makes it a part , a chiefe of the episcopall office ; for so in the pet . . they are said to doe the worke of a bishop , when they doe feede the flocke of god. and this is such a worke as we hope their lordships will give the poore presbyters leave to share with them in : or if not , we will tell them that the apostle peter in that forecited place , and the apostle paul , acts. . binds this worke upon our hands , and woe unto us if we preach not the gospell . but this branch of episcopall and presbyteriall office we passe with brevity , because in this there lies not so much controversie as in the next ; which they doe more wholly impropriate to themselves : the power of ordination . which power , that it was in former times in the hands of presbyters appeares tim. . . neglect not the gift which was given thee by prophesie , and by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . the gift here spoken of is the ministeriall gift , the exercise whereof , the apostle exhorts timothy not to neglect , which saith he , he had received , not by the laying on of the hands of one single man , whether apostle , or bishop , or presbyter ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the presbytery , that is , the whole company of presbyters , for in that sense onely wee ●inde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in scripture , as in luke . vers . . act. . vers . . which the christian church called the ecclesiasticall senate , as ierom in isay . nos habemus in ecclesia senatum nostrum , coetum presbyterorum , & an apostolicall senate : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignatius epis. ad magnes : and some times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concil . ancyr . can. . and though the apostle in his second epistle to tim. . . makes mention of the laying on of his hands ; yet to maintaine the harmony of scripture , it must not be denied , but there was imposition of hands by the presbytery , as well as by himselfe , & so it was a joynt act ; so that in this there is no more difference then in the former . and if there be no difference betweene presbyters in feeding or ordaining , let us see if there be any in the third part of their office of ruling , which though our bishops assume wholy to themselves , yet we shall discover , that it hath beene committed to and exercised by presbyteriall hands . for who are they of whom the scripture speakes , heb. . . obey them that have the rule over you , for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account , &c. here all such as watch over the soules of gods people , are intituled to rule over them . so that unlesse bishops will say , that they only watch over the soules of gods people , and are only to give an account for them : they cannot challenge to themselves the sole rule over them . and if the bishops can give us good security , that they will acquit us from giving up our account to god for the soules of his people , we will quit our plea , and resigne to them the sole rule over them . so againe in the thessa. . . know them which labour amongst you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you . in which words are contained these truthes ; first that in one church ( for the thessalonians were but one church , ca. ) there was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not one chiefe bishop or president , but the presidency was in many . secondly , that this presidency was of such as laboured in the word and doctrine . thirdly , that the censures of the church were managed not by one , but by them all in communi . them that admonish you . fourthly , that there was among them a parity , for the apostles bids know them in an indifferency , not discriminating one from another : yea such was the rule that elders had , that s. peter thought it needfull to make an exhortation to them to use their power with moderation , not lording it over gods heritage , pet. . . by this time we have sufficiently proved from scripture , that bishops and presbyters are the same in name , in office , in edifying the church , in power of ordination and iurisdiction ; we summe up all that hath beene spoken in one argument . they which have the same name , the same ordination to their office , the same qualification for their office , the same worke to feede the flock of god , to ordaine pastors and elders , to rule , and governe ; they are one and the same office : but such are bishops and presbyters , ergo. sect . vi. but the dint of all this scripture , the remonstrant would elude , by obtruding upon his reader a commentary ( as he calls it ) of the apostles own practise ( which hee would force to contradict their own rules ) to which he superadds the unquestiōable glosse of the cleare practise of their immediate successors in this administration . for the apostles practise , we have already discovered it , from the apostles own writings ; and for his glosse he superadds , if it corrupts not the text we shall admit it ; but if it doe , we must answer with tertullian , id verum quodcunque primum : id adulterum quod posterius , whatsoever is first is true ; but that which is latter is adulterous . in the examination of this glosse , to avoyd needlesse controversie . first , wee take for granted by both sides , that the first and best antiquitie , used the names of bishops and presbyters promiscuously . secondly , that in processe of time , some one was honoured with the name of bishop and the rest were called presbyters or cleri . thirdly , that this was not nomen inane , but there was some kinde of imparitie betweene him and the rest of the presbyters . yet in this we differ ; that they say , this impropriation of name , and imparity of place , is of divine right and apostolicall institution : we affirme both to be occasionall , and of humane invention ; and undertake to shew out of antiquitie , both the occasion upon which , and the persons by whom this imparity was brought into the church . on our parts stands ierome and ambrose , and others , whom we doubt not but our remonstrant wil grant a place among his glossators : saint ierome tells us in tit. idem est ergo presbyter qui episcopus : & antequam diaboli instinctu , studia in religione ●ierent , & diceretur in populis , ego sum pauli , ego apollo , ego cephae , communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur . postquam verò unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat suos putabat esse , non christi ; in toto orbe decretum est , ut unus de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret , & schismatum semina ●olicrentur . putat aliquts non scripturarum , sed nostram esse sent●ntiam , episcopum & presbyterum unum esse , & aliud aetatis , aliud esse nomen officii , rel●gat apostoli ad philippenses verba , dicentis , paulus & timotheus servi iesis christi qui sunt philippis , cum episcopis & diaconis , &c. philippi una est urbs macedoniae , & certè in unâ civitate non poterant plures esse ( ut nuncupantur ) episcopi , &c. sicut ergo presbyteri sciant se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse subjectos ; ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , & in communi debere ecclesiam regere . a presbyter and a bishop is the same : and before there were through the devils instinct , divisions in religion , and the people began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollo , and i of cephas , the churches were governed by the common counsell of the presbyters : but after that each man began to account those whom hee had baptized his owne , and not christs ; it was decreed thorow the whole world , that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the care of all the church should belong , that the seeds of schisme might be taken away . thinkes any , that this is my opinion , and not the opinion of the scripture , that a bishop and an elder is the same , let him reade the words of the apostle to the philippians , saying , paul and timothy , the servants of jesus christ , to them that are at philippi , with the bishops & deacons . philippi is one city of macedonia , and certainly in one citie there could not be many bishops ( as they are now called , &c. ) and after the allegations of many other scriptures , he concludes thus ; as the elders therefore may know , that they are to be subject to him that is set over them by the custome of the church ; so let the bishops know , that it is more from custome , then from any true dispensation from the lord , that they are above the presbyters , and that they ought to rule the church in common . in which words of ierome , these five things present themselves to the readers view ; first , that bishops and presbyters are originally the same ; idem ergo est presbyter qui episcopus . secondly , that that imparitie that was in his time betweene bishops and elders , was grounded upon ecclesiasticall custome , and not upon divine institution ; episcopi noverint , &c. thirdly , that this was not his private judgement , but the judgement of scripture ; putat aliquis , &c. fourthly , that before this prioritie was upon this occasion started , the church was governed communi presbyterorum consilio , by the counsell of the presbyters in common , and that even after this imparity , it ought to be so governed ; sciant episcopi se ecclesiam debere in communi regere . fifthly , that the occasion of this imparity and superiority of bishops above elders , was the divisions which through the devils instinct fell among the churches ; post quam verò diaboli instinctu . saravia would take advantage of this place , to deduce this imparity as high as from the apostles times , because even then they began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollos : but sure s. ierome was not so weake as this man would make him , to speake inconsistencies ; and when he propounds it to himselfe , to prove that bishops and presbyters are in scripture the same , to let fall words that should confute his own proposition : whereas therefore s. ierome saith , that after men began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollos , &c. it was decreed that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest , &c. this is spoken indeed in the apostles phrase , but not of the apostles times , else to what purpose is that coacervation of texts that followes ? but suppose it should be granted to be of apostolicall antiquity ( which yet we grant not , having proved the contrary ) yet it appeares : it was not of apostolicall intention , but of diabolicall occasion : and though the divell by kindling divisions in the church , did minister occasion to the invention of the primacy or prelacy or one for the suppressing of schisme ; yet there is just cause to thinke , that the spirit of god in his apostles was never the author of this invention . first , because we reade in the apostles dayes there were divisions , rom . . and schismes , cor. . . & . . yet the apostle was not directed by the holy ghost to ord●ine bishops for the taking away of those divisions ; neither in the rules hee prescribes for the healing of those breaches , doth hee mention bishops for that end : nor in the directions given to timothy and titus for the ordination of bishops or elders , doth he mention this as one end of their ordination , or one peculiar duty of their office . and though the apostle saith , o portet haereses inter vos esse , ut qui probati sunt manifesti fiant inter vos ; yet the apostle no where saith , oportet episcopos esse , ut tollantur haereses , quae mainifestae fiunt . secondly , because as doctor whitaker saith , the remedy devised hath proved worse then the disease , which doth never happen to that remedy whereof the holy ghost is the author . thirdly , because the holy ghost , who could foresee what would ensue thereupon , would never ordaine that for a remedy , which would not onely be ineffectuall to the cutting off of evill , but become a stirrup for antichrist to get into his ●addle . for if there be a necessity of setting up one bishop over many presbyters for preventing schismes , there is as great a necessity of setting up one archbishop over many bishops , and one patriarch over many archbishops , and one pope over all , unlesse men will imagine , that there is a danger of schisme only among presbyters , and not among bishops and archbishops , which is contrary to reason , truth , history , and our own experience . and lest our adversaries should appeale from hierome as an incompetent judge in this case , because a presbyter , and so a party , we wil therefore subjoyne the judgements of other ancient fathers who were themselves bishops . the commentaries that goe under the name of saint ambrose upon ephes. . mention another occasion of this discrimination or priority ; and that was a the increase and dilatation of the church , upon occasion whereof they did ordaine rectors or governours , and other officers in the church ; yet this he grants , that this did differ from the former orders of the church , and from apostolicall writ . and this rectorship or priority was devolved at first from one elder to another by succession , when hee who was in the place was removed , the next in order among the elders succeeded . but this was afterwards changed , and that unworthy men might not bee preferred , it was made a matter of election , and not a matter of succession . thus much we finde concerning the occasion of this imparity , enough to shew , it is not of divine authority . for the second thing , the persons who brought in this imparity , the same authours tells us : the presbyters themselves brought it in ; witnesse hierome ad evag. alexandriae presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum , episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faceret , aut diaconi de se archidiaconum . the presbyters of alexandria did call him their bishop , whom they had chosen from among themselves , and placed in a higher degree , as if an army should make an emperour , or the deacons an archdeacon . ambrose upon the fourth of the ephesians tells us , it was done by a councell , and although he neither name the time nor place of the councell , yet ascribing it to a councell hee grants it not to be apostolicall : this gave occasion to others to fixe it upon custome as hieronym . in tit. and august . epist. . secundùm honorum vocabula quae ecclesiae usus obtinuit episcopatus presbyterio major est . and had that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or prelacie had the seale and confirmation of divine or apostolicall authority , gregory nazianzene would never in such a patheticke manner have wished the abolition of it , as hee doth in his . oration . and now where is that acknowledgement , and conveyance of imparitie and iurisdiction which saith this remonstrant was derived from the apostles hands , and deduced in an uninterrupted line , unto this day : where is it ? we find no such imparity delivered from apostolicall hands , nor acknowledged in apostolicall writings ; yet had there beene such an acknowledgement and conveyance of imparity : how this should have beene deduced to us in an uninterrupted line , wee know not , unlesse our bishops will draw the line of their pedigree through the loynes of antichrist , and joyne issue , and mingle blood with rome : which it seemes they will rather doe then lose this plea for their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : their tyrannicall prerogative , as nazianzen calls it . suffer us therefore humbly to appeale to your honours , whether this remonstrant hath not given sentence against himselfe , who is so confident of the evidence of his cause , that he doth not feare to say , if there can be better evidence under heaven for any matter of fact then there is for his episcopacy : let episcopacy befor ever abandoned ovt of the chvrch of god. sect . vii . yet it seemes himselfe in the height of his confidence was not without jelousies , of some thing might be spoken against his cause , therefore he seemes to heare , what is spoken against it . that the apostles bishops and ours are two : there was no other then a parochiall pastor , a preaching presbyter without inequality , without any rule over his brethren . ours claime an eminent superiority , and a power of ordination and iurisdiction unknowne to the primitive times . that this which hee supposeth hee heares us say is scripture truth we have shewed already , &c. that there was a parity between presbyters and bishops : and that eminent superioritie and power of ordination and iurisdiction which our bishops claime , was unknowne to scripture , and are now prepared by gods assistance to prove , it was unknowne to primitive times . but how doth this remonstrant meete with this reply : alas alas hovv good people may be abused by misinformation ! it seemes the man judged this reply so poore as in his thoughts it was more worthy of his pitty , then of his paines to answer , or rather knew there was more in this reply , then hee knew how to answer , and therefore waves it with his rethoricke . and this we rather thinke , because hee knowes but little in antiquity , that knowes not , that there is so vast a difference betweene our bishops , and those that were not onely in the apostles dayes ( whom wee have proved to be undistinguished from presbyters ) but those bishops that were in the church yeares after , when there began to bee some discrimination , that episcopacy may well be likened to the shippe argo , that was so often repaired , as there was nothing left of the first materialls ; yet stil it challenged the first name . which difference we spread before your honours in three particulars : first in point of election to their office ; secondly , in point of execution of their office ; thirdly , in point of state-imployment . first ( having discovered already upon what occasion this priority began to have existence in the church , and from whom it first received its being , not from god but from consent and custome of the churches , according to ambrose , ierom , augustine , &c. ) wee come now to declare what was the manner of election unto this prioritie in these times , and to shew first , how therein these bishops did differ from ours : for all their elections were ordered by the privity , consent , and approbation of the people , where the bishops was to serve . were there no other authours to make this good , cyprian alone would doe it , among other places let his . epistle witnesse , where he saith a plebs maxime habet potestatem , &c. the people specially have power either of chusing worthy priests , or rejecting the unworthy : for this is derived from divine authority , that the priests should bee chosen in the presence of the people , before all their eyes and approved as fit and worthy by their publike vote and testimony . this hee proves by the testimonie of sacred writ both old and new. where wee observe first , that the speciall power of judging of the worthinesse or unworthinesse of a man for the prelacy was in the breast of the people . secondly , the speciall power of choosing or rejecting to his place according as they judged him worthy or unworthy resided in the people . plebs maximé habet potestatem , &c. thirdly , that this power did descend upon the people de divina authoritate . nor was this the judgement of one sole man , but of an affrican synod consulted by the spanish churches in point of election , as the inscription of the epistle shewes . a the obtrusion of a bishop upon the church of alexandria without the presence , desire and vote of the clergie or people is condemned by athanasius not onely as a breach of canon , but as a transgression of apostolicall prescript , and that it did compell or necessitate the heathen to blaspheme . nor did onely christian bishops , but christian princes acknowledge the right and power of election of bishops to be in the people ; so that admired constantine the great promover and patron of the peace of the christian church writing to the church of nicomedia against eusebius and theognius , tells them the ready way to lay asleepe the tumults that did then disturbe the church about the election of a bishop was , si modo episcopum fidelem & integrum nacti fuerint , quod quidem in praesentia in vestrâ situm est potestate , quodque etiam dudùm penes vestrum iudicium fuerat , nisi eusebius de quo dixi pravo eorum , qui cum juverunt consilio hâc praeceps ruisset & rectum eligendi ordinem impudenter conturbasset . gelas in act. concil . nicen. part . . if they would get a faithfull and upright bishop which saith he , is in your power presently to doe ; and was long agoe , if eusebius with the ayd of his faction , had not rushed in upon you , and impudently disturbed the right order of election . that which this sacred emperour calls the right order of election ; what is it but the election by the people ? in whose power , he saith , it then was and long had beene to choose a bishop : and by whose power the next bishop was chosen . so the same author tells us , that after eusebius and theognius were cast out of their severall seats for arianisme , by the councell of nice , others were appointed in their roomes by the clergy and people of each diocesse . to this election in nicomedia , wee could ( if it were needfull in so cleare a truth ) adde many the like presidents of popular elections ; which for brevities sake , we passe over . not questioning , but that which hath beene spoken , is sufficient to informe the intelligent reader , that our bishops and the bishops of former times , are tvvo in point of election . sect . viii . a second thing wherein we have undertaken to shew , that our bishops and the bishops of former times , are tvvo , is in the execution of their office : and here there are three things , wherein he that will not wilfully shut his eyes against all light , may see a latitude of difference betweene ours and former bishops . first , in that sole iurisdiction which our bishops assume to themselves . secondly , in the delegation they make of the power of exercising this iurisdiction unto others . thirdly , in the way of the exercise of that power . for the first of these , their sole iurisdiction ; that our bishops assume this to themselves , it is knowne and felt , and that this sole iurisdiction was a stranger , a monster to former times , wee shall now prove , and make cleare , that the power of ordination , admonition , excommunication , absolution , was not in the hands of any sole man. first , for ordination , cyprian in his exile writing to his charge , certifies them , that aurelius was ordained by him and his colleagues , who were present with him ; who were these colleagues , but his presbyters ? as he himselfe expounds it , writing to lucius in his owne name , and the name of his clergie and people , ego & collegae & fraternitas omnis , &c. i and my colleagues , and my whole people send these letters to you , &c. so that it is cleare in cyprians time , presbyters had a hand in ordination , and bishops did not ordaine alone . firmilianus saith of them that rule in the church , quod baptizandi , manvm imponendi et ordinandi , possident potestatem . and who those be , he expresseth a little before , seniores & praepositi : by whom the presbyters as well as the bishops are understood . and as these places prove , that bishops in the primitive time , could not ordaine alone without the presbyters ; so there are that give us light to understand , that the presbyters might ordaine without the bishop . the author of the comment upon the ephesians , that goes under the name of ambrose , saith , apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus , in egypt the presbyters ordaine , if the bishop be not present , so saith augustine in the same words ; and the chorepiscopus , who was but a presbyter , had power to impose hands , and to ordaine within his precincts , with the bishops licence . now licences conferre not a power to him that hath it not , but onely a facultie to exercise that power he hath . the iniquitie of our times hath beene such , that a minister may not preach to his owne flocke , without a licence : doth this licence make a man a minister , and give him power to preach , or onely a facultie and libertie to exercise that power ? should a bishop give a laike a licence to preach , or to ordaine , doth that licence make him a minister , or a bishop ? sure all will say , no : why ? because in the laike there is not actus primus , the roote and principle of that power , which licence onely opens a way to the exercise of ; and therefore that must bee concluded to be in those chorepiscopi , or presbyters , by vertue of their place and calling , and not by vertue of a licence . so that the power of ordination was so farre from residing in the bishop alone , as that the presbyters and chorepiscopi had power to ordaine as well as he . neither was this onely a matter of ecclesiasticall custome , but of ecclesiasticall constitution , which binds the bishop ; first , in all his ordinations to consult with his clergy ; vt episcopus sine consilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet ; that the bishop shall not ordaine a clergy man without the counsel of the clergy ; this was cyprians practice , epist. . secondly , in his ordinations to take the concurrent assistance of his presbyters ; cum ordinatur presbyter , episcopo cum benedicent● , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri qui praesentes sunt , manu● suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant ; when a presbyter is ordained , the bishop blessing him , and holding his hand upon his head , all the presbyters that are present , shall likewise lay their hands upon his head , with the hands of the bishop . in which canon , we have the unanimous vote of two hundred and fourteene bishops , declaring that the power of ordination is in the hands of presbyters as well as bishops . and whereas it may be objected , that hiorome and chrysostome , affirming bishops to differ from presbyters in the power of ordination ; seeme to imply , that that power is soly theirs : here we desire it may be observed ; first , that these fathers put all the difference that lyes betweene bishops and presbyters , to be in point of ordination . quid facit episcopus , quod non facit presbyter exceptâ ordinatione . and therefore chrysostome himselfe confesseth , that in his dayes there was little or no difference between a bishop and a presbyter . inter episcopū et presbyterū interest fermè nihil , &c. secondly , that this difference is not so to be understood , as if these fathers did hold it to be by divine right ( as bellarmine and our episcopall men would make us beleeve ) but by a humane constitution . and therefore they doe not speak de jure , but de facto , quid facit , &c. not quid debet facere . and this hierom confesseth . so leo prim . ep . . upon complaints of unlawfull ordinations , writing to the germane and french bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the bishops , among which he set down presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio , and then adds , quae omnia solis deberi summis pontificibus authoritate canonam praecipitur : so that for this power of ordination , they are more beholden to the canon of the church , then to the canon of gods word . thirdly , we answer that this very humane difference was not in the primitive antiquity . it was not so in cyprians time , as we even now shewed . and when it did prevaile , it was but a particular custome ( and sometimes usurpation ) of some churches . for it was otherwise appointed in the councell of carthage , and in egypt , and other places , as is declared in the former part of this section ; and even in chrysostomes time , it was so little approved of , that it was one great accusation against chrysostome himselfe , that hee made ordinations without the presbytery , and without the consent of his clergie . this is quoted by bishop downam , lib. . cap. . pag. . sect . ix . nor had the bishop of former times more right to the power of sole iurisdiction , then of sole ordination : and here we have confitentem reum , our very adversaries confesse the votes of antiquity are with us . cyprian professeth , that hee would doe nothing without the clergie ; nay , he could doe nothing without them ; nay , hee durst not take upon him alone to determine that which of right did belong to all : and had hee or any other done so , the fourth councell of carthage condemnes the sentence of the bishop , as irrita nisi clericorum sententiâ confirmetur . would yee know the particulars , wherein the bishops had no power of judicature without their presbyters . first , in judging and censuring presbyters themselves , and their doctrine ; for this the canon law in gratian is full and cleare : episcopus non potest iudicare presbyterum vel diaconum sine synodo & senioribus : thus basill counselled and practised , epist. . so ambr. lib. . epist. cyrill in epist. ad iohannem antiochen . thus gregory ad iohan. panormitan . lib. . epist , . secondly , in judging of the conversation or crimes of any of the members of the church : penes presbyteros est disciplina quae facit hom ines meliores ; that discipline that workes emendaion in men , is in the power of the elders . and therefore when any was questioned in point of conversation , hee was brought , saith tertullian , into the congregation where were exhortations , castigations , and divine censures : and who had the chiefe stroke in these censures , he tells us after : praesident probati quique seniores ; all the approved elders sit as presidents . and those censures that passed by the whole presbytery were more approved by the church in ancient times , then such as were passed by one man ; for wee finde that when syagrius and ambrose passed sentence in the same case , the church was unsatisfied in the sentence of syagrius , because he past it sine alicujus fratris consilio , without the counsell or consent of any of his brethren . but were pacified with the sentence of saint ambrose : because , saith hee , hoc iudicium nostrum cum fratribus & consacerdotibus participatum processerit . nor was there any kinde of censures that the bishops did administer alone : admonitions were given by the elders ; augustine tells us the elders did admonish such as were offenders ; to the same purpose speakes origen contra celsum . lib. . a so excommunication , though that being the dreadfullest thunder of the church , and as tertullian calls it , summum praejudicium futuri iudicij , the great fore-runner of the judgement of god , was never vibrated but by the hand of those that laboured in the word and doctrine : yet was no one man in the church invested with this power more then another . therefore saith b hierom ; presbytero si peccavero licet me tradere satanae in interitum carnis . if i sinne , a presbyter ( not a bishop onely ) may deliver me to satan , to the destruction , &c. where the reader may please to take notice that saint hierom speakes not of one particular presbyter , but of the order of presbyters . the same s. hierom saith againe , sunt quos ecclesia reprehendit , quos interdum abijcit , in quos nonnunquam episcoporum & clericorum censura desaevit . there be some whom the church reprooves , and some which shee casts out ; against whom the censures of bishops and presbyters sharply proceed ; where we see , the censures whereby wicked men were cast out of the church , were not the sole hands of the bishops , but likewise in the hands of presbyters . syricius bishop of rome signifies to the church of m●llaine , that iovinianus , auxentius , &c. were cast out of the church for ever , and he sets downe how they did it , omnium nostrum tam presbyterorum quam diaconorum , quam totius etiam clerisciscitata fuit sententia . there was a concurrence of all presbyters , deacons , and the whole clergie in that sentence of excommunication . the truth herein may be further evidenc●d by this , because the whole clergie as well as the bishops imposed hands u●on such , as rep●nting were a●solved : nec ad communicationem ( saith cypr●an ) venire quis possit , nisi prius ab episcopo & clero manus illi fuerit imposita : no man that hath beene excommunicated might returne to church-communion , before hands had been laid upon him by the bishop and clergie . also writing to his clergie concerning lapsed christians , he tells them , exomologe si facta & manu eis a vobis in poenitentiam impositâ , &c. that after confession and the laying on their hands , they might be commended unto god : so when certaine returning from their heresie were to be received into the church at rome in the time of cornelius , they came before the presbyterie , and therefore confessed their sinnes , and so were admitted . but though the sentence of excommunication was managed one●y by the hand of those that laboured in the word and doctrine , yet we will not conceale from you , that neither excommunication nor absolution did passe w●thout the knowledge and approbation of the body of the church , to which the deliquent did belong . so we have learned out of tertullian , that their censures were ordered in their publike assemblies ; and good reason , because the people were to forbeare communion with such . thes. . , , . and publick censures of the church were inflicted not onely for the emendation of delinquents , but for the admonition of others , and therefore ought to be administred in publick that others might feare . tim. . . origen speaking of the duty and power of the church in cutting off a scandalous person though a presbyter : making the case his owne he saith thus : in uno consensu eccl●sia universa conspirans excidat me dextram suam & projiciat a se , he would have the consent of the whole church in that act. and when the lapsed christians were received againe into the church , the peoples consent was required therein ; else why should cyprian say , vix plebi persuadeo imò extorqueo ut tales patiantur admitti : i can scarce perswade the people to suffer such to be admitted : and in another epistle written to his people in his banishment , he promiseth to examine all things , they being present and judging . examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . but of this power of the people wee shall have a further occasion to speak afterwards , when we come to discourse of governing elders . onely may it please your honours from hence to take notice , how unjustly our bishops have invaded this right and power of presbyters and people in church censures , and devesting both of it , have girt it wholly upon themselves , and how herein they and the bishops of former times are two . sect . x. and as our bishops , and the bishops of former times are two in point of sole iurisdiction , so also in the delegation of this power of iurisdiction unto others : a to their chancellours , commissaries , officers , &c. was ever such a thing as this heard of in the best primitive times ? that men that never received imposition of hands , should not onely be received into assistance , but be wholly intrusted with the power of spirituall iurisdiction : even then when it is to be exercised over such persons as have had hands laid upon them . we may observe in cyprian , whilst persecution separated him from his church , when questions did arise among his people , he doth not send them to his chancellour or commissarie ; no , he was so farre from su●stituting any man ( much lesse a lay man ) to determine or give judgement in such cases , that hee would not assume that power wholly to himselfe , but suspends his judgement , till the hand of god should restore him to his church againe , that with the advice and counsell of the presbyters , he might give sentence : as may appeare to any that shall peruse his epistles . sure if god had ever led his church to such a way of deputation , it would have been in such a case of necessity as this was : or had any footsteps of such a course as this beene visible by this holy martyr in the goings of former ages , hee needed not have deferred the determination of the question about the receiving of some penitent lapsed ones into the bosome of the church againe , till his returne and the returne of his clergie , as he doth . we will instance in his epistle , wherein giving direction for the excommunicating of such as would rashly communicate with lapsed christians , he gives this charge not to his chancellor or commissarie , or any other man upon whom he had devolved his power , and set him as his deputie or vicar generall in his absence , but ad clerum , to the whole presbyterie . this truth is so cleare , that bishop downam the great ad●ocate of episcopacie confesseth , that in ambrose his time , & a good while after ( which was about yeers ) til the presbyters were in a manner wholly neglected , the bishops had no ordinaries , vicars , chancellors , or commissaries , that were not clergie-men : but this is but a blind , wherewith the bishop would dorre his reader , for wee challenge any man to produce the names of any clergie-man that was vicar to ambrose , or chancellour to augustine , or any other of the bishops of these times ; so that herein our bishops and theirs are two . sect . xi . a third branch wherein the difference betweene our bishops , and the bishops of former times , inpoint of exercising their jurisdiction , is visible , is the way or manner of exercising that power . for brevities sake we will onely instance in their proceedings in causes criminall ; where let them tell us , whether any good antiquity can yeeld them one president for their oath ex officio , which hath been to their courts , as purgatory fire to the popes kitchin : they have forgotten that old maxime in the civill law , nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , which as it is grounded upon naturall equity , so it is confirmed by a law enacted by dioclesian and maximilian , nimis grave est quod petitis , &c. it is too grievous that the adverse part should be required to the exhibition of such things as should create trouble to themselves . vnderstand therefore that you ought to bring proofes of your intentions , and not to extort them from your adversaries against themselves . shall the lamp of nature in the night of ethnicisme enable heathen princes , ( yea persecutors ) to see and enact thus much , and shall not the glorious sunne of the gospell convince these of their iniquities in transgressing this law , that call themselves the fathers of the church ? if neither the light of nature , nor gospell light can , yet the custome of the church , to which they so oft appeale , may both convince them of this iniquitie , and discover to all the world the contrarietie of their proceedings , to the proceedings of former times , in this particular . for of old , both the plaintiffe and defendant were brought face to face , before the parties , in whose power it was to judge : which way of proceeding , athanasius affirmes to be according to scripture , the law of god. and because those that condemned macarius , did not thus proceed , he condemnes their sentence as malicious and unjust . of old , no sentence passed against any man , but upon the testimony of other witnesses besides the accusers : after complaint exhibited , the first thing they applyed themselves to , was to consider the person and qualit●e of the accuser , concil● prim constant. can. then they heard the witnesses , who were two at least , can. apost . can. . and these witnesses must be such , as might not be imagined to be partiall , nor to beare enmity nor malice against the party accused . ambros. epist. . so gratian , caus. . quae . cap. quod suspecti . of old , none might be party , witnesse , and iudge , which gratian proves at large , caus. . qu . cap. nullus unquam praesumat accusator simul esse , & iudex & testis . we grant indeed the canon law permits in some cases tryall without witnesses : si crimen ita publicum est , ut meritò debeat appellari notorium ; if the crime be so publique , that it may deservedly be called notorious . which law further determines what is notorious , sa●ing , offensam illam nos intelligimus manifestam , quae vel per confessionem vel probationem legitime nota fuerit , aut evidentiâ rei , quae nulla possit tergiversatione celari ; we count that offence manifest , which either by confession , or by lawfull proofe comes to be knowne , or by evidence of fact , so as it can be hid by no tergiversations . so that all was done in former times with mature deliberation , upon examination and evidence produced , and proved by such witnesses , as against whom the d●fendant could lay in no just exception . and not as now an accusation whispered against a man , he knowes not by whom , to which he must take his oath to answer , before he knowes what his accusation is . which oath , if he takes , without further witnesse , he is censured upon the witnes●e of his owne oath . if he takes it not , he is sent presently to prison , there to lie without bayle or mainprize , till the insupportable miseries of his long durance , compel him to take an oath against nature , scripture , conscience , and the just defence of his owne innocencie . that our bishops therefore and former bishops are two , in the point of executing their judicatory power , we need spend no more time to prove . but come to the third thing , in which the difference betweene ours and former bishops is to be evidenced . sect . xii . and that is state imployment , or attendance upon civill and secular affaires , &c. which both christ and saint paul prohibits , which prohibition reacheth every bishop ( to speake in chrysostomes words ) as well as timothy , to whom it is directed ; nullus ergo episcopatu praeditus haec audire detrectet , sed agere ea omnia detrectet ; let no man that is a bishop , refuse to heare what the apostle saith , but to doe what the apostle forbids . we deny not but that bishops were in the primitive times often incumbred with secular businesse ; but these were put upon them , sometimes by emperours , who sought the ruine of the church , as iulian , of whom niceph . lib. . cap. . doth report , that in clerum coaptatos senatorum munere & ministerio perversè fungi jussit sometimes the gracious disposition of princes towards christian religion , made them thus to honour bishops , thinking thereby to advance religion ; as constantine the great enacted , that such as were to be tryed before civill magis●rates , might have leave to appeale ad iudicium episcoporum , atque eorum sententiani ratam esse tanquam ab ipso imperatore prolatam : and this the historian reckoneth as one argument of his reverend respect to religion . sometimes the excellency of their singular parts cast civill dignities upon them . tiberius granted a questors dignitie unto a bishop for his eloquence . chrysostome for his notable stoutnesse and freedome of speech , was sent as the fittest man to gainas , with the emperours command . sometimes the people observing the bishops to be much honoured by the emperour , would sollicite them to present their grievances to the emperour . and sometimes the aspiring humour of the bishops raised them to such places , as appeares by cyrill , who was the first bishop in alexandria , who had civill dignities conferred upon him , as socrates relates it , from whom civill authority did descend upon succeeding bishops . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : of whom nicephorus therefore recorded , episcopatum majoricum fastu , prophanorum magistratuum more , quam praedecessores ejus episcopi , ingressus est , unde adeo initium sumptum est in ecclesia alexandrina ut episcopietiam profana negotia curarent ; he entred upon his episcopacie with more pomp then his predecessors , with a pomp conformable to the heathen magistrates . both these historians relate the sad consequence that followed upon this , that orestes the roman governour seeing his power much weakned by the bishops interposing in secular affaires , hated the bishop ; and this ( as the historian calls it ) his usurped power . this president of the alexandrian bishop , the bishop of rome did soone follow ; et romanus episcopatus non aliter quam alexandrinus , quasi extra sacerdotii fines egressus ad secularem principatum erat jam delapsus ; the bishop of rome as well as the bishop of alexandria breaking the limits of the priestly function , did degenerate into a secular principalitie : which purchased no lesse envie to him then that to the other . and though these two bishops went at first abreast in this point , yet in a short time the roman had outstripped the alexandrian in that power , till the church degenerating more and more , that roman priest advanced his power not onely above all the bishops , but all the monarchs in the christian orbe . yet notwithstanding , he that shall look into the ancients , shall finde ; first , that the best of them held , that they were not to be molested with the handling of worldly affaires , cyprian epist. . . singuli divino sacerdotio honorati non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire & precibus atque orationibus vacare debent , molestiis secularibus non sunt obligandi , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupantur . secondly , that they complained of them as of heavy burthens , aug. calles it angaria , yea austin himselfe in his . epistle complaines , that worldly businesse hindered his praying , and so pressed him , that vix respirare potuit : and gregory the great , non sine dolore in secularibus versabatur , praefat . in dial. thirdly , cyprian construed it as one great cause of persecutions raised against the church , de lapsis , sect. . fourthly , it was much cryed downe as unlawfull by the holy fathers , many canons forbidding it , and that under paine of being removed from their places . can. apost . can. . can. . hee that did presume to administer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a roman command or administration of military affaires or civill place ( as zonaras there ) he should be deposed , can. apo. can. . hiring of ground , medling with worldly affaires is to be laid asid by them : otherwise they are threatned to be liable to ecclesiasticall censures , conc. cal. cano. . conc. carth. can. . we will ad this for a conclusion in this point , it is observed by athanasius , sulpitius , severus , and other ecclesiasticall historians , that the arians were very expedite in worldly affaires , which experience they gained by their constant following and attendance upon the emperours court ; and what troubles they occasioned to the church thereby , is notoriously knowne to any that have seene the histories of their times . and in this our bishops have approved themselves more like to the arian bishops then the purer bishops of purer times : but how ever cleare it is , that our bishops and the bishops of former times are two : two in election to their office ; two in the discharge of their office ; two in their ordination , iurisdiction , processes , censures , administrations , and the difference betweene our bishops and those of former times , is greater then between the great bishop of rome and them . sect . xiii . but it seemes our remonstrant soared above those times even as high as the apostles dayes , for so hee saith , if our bishops challenge any other spirituall power , then was by apostolike authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angels of the seven asian churches , let them be disclaimed as vsvrpers . and the truth is , so they deserve to be , if they do but challenge the same power that the apostle did delegate to timothy and titus ; for timothy and titus were evangelists , and so moved in a sphere above bishops or presbyters . for timothy , it is cleare from the letter of the text , tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : doe the worke of an evangelist : if timothy had beene but a presbyter or bishop , paul had here put him upon imployment , vltra sphara activitatis . and to any man , that will but understand and consider what the office of an a evangelist was , and wherein it differed from the office of a presbyter or bishop , it will bee manifest that timothy and titus were evangelists , and no bishops : for the title of evangelist is taken but two wayes ; either for such as wrote the gospell , and so wee doe not affirme timothy and titus to bee evangelists : or else for such as taught the gospell ; and those were of two sorts , either such as had ordinary places and ordinary gifts , or such whose places and gifts were extraordinary ; and such evangelists were timothy and titus , and not bishops , as will appeare if wee consider , what was the difference betweene the evangelists and bishops● bishops or presbyters were tyed to the particular care and tui●ion of that flock over which god had made them overseers , acts . . but evangelists were not tyed to reside in one particular place , but did attend upon the apostles by whose appoyntment they were sent from place to place , as the necessity of the churches did require . as appeares first in timothy ● whom s. paul besought to abide at ephesus . tim. . which had been a needlesse importunity , if timothy had had the episcopall ( that is the pastorall ) charge of ephesus committed to him by the apostles , for then hee might have laid as dreadfull a charge upon him to abide at ephesus , as he doth to preach the gospell . but so far was paul from setling timothy in cathedrâ in ephesus , that he rather continually sends him up and downe upon all church services , for we ●inde acts. . . that when paul fled from the tumults of berea to athens , he left silas and timothy behinde him , who afterwards comming to paul to athens , paul sends timothy from athens to thessalonica , to confirme the thessalonians in the faith , as appeares thes. . . . from whence returning to paul to athens againe , the apostle paul before hee left athens and went to corinth , sent him & silas into macedonia , who returned to him againe to corinth , act. . . afterwards they travelled to ephesus , from whence we read paul sent timothy and erastus into macedonia , act. . whither paul went after them , & from whence they & divers other brethren journied into asia , acts . . all which brethren paul calles , as it is probable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the messengers of the churches , cor. . . and being thus accompanied with timothy , and the rest of the brethren he comes to miletum , and calls the elders of the church of ephesus thither to him , of which church had timothy beene bishop , the apostle in stead of giving the elders a charge to feede the flock of christ , would have given that charge to timothy , and not to them . and secondly , the apostle would not so have forgotten himselfe , as to call the elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before their bishops face . thirdly , it is to be conceived , the apostles would have given them some directions , how to carry themselves towards their bishop , but not a word of this , though timothy were then in pauls presence , and in the presence of the elders . the cleare evidence of which text demonstrates , that paul did not leave timothy at this time as bishop of ephesus . but it is rather evident that hee tooke him along with him in his journey to hi●rusalem , and so to rome ; for wee finde that those epistles paul wrote while hee was a prisoner , beare either in their inscription or some other passage of them , the name of timothy , as pauls companion , viz. the epistle to the philippians , colossians , hebre●es , philemon , which epistles he wrote in bonds as the contexture , which those two learned professors , the one at heydelberge , the other at saulmur , make of saint pauls epistles , doth declare . so that it appeares that timothy was no bishop , but a minister , an evangelist , a fellow labourer of the apostles , thess. . . an apostle , a messenger of the church , . cor. . . a minister of god , thess. . . these titles the holy ghost gives him , but never the title of a bishop . the like we find in scripture concerning titus , whom paul as it is conceived by learned men , did first assume into the fellowship of his labours in the place of iohn , and made him his companion in his journey through a antioch to herusalem , b so we find gal. . , from thence returning to antioch againe ; from thence hee passed through syria and cilicia , confirming the churches , & from cilicia , he passed to creet , where having preached the gospell , and planted churches , he left titus c there for a while , to set in order things that remaine . yet it was but for a while he left him there , for in his epistle which he wrote to him not many yeares after , hee injoynes him to come to him to nicopolis d where he did intend to winter , but changing that purpose sends for him to ephesus , where it seemes his hyemall station was , and from thence sends him before him to corinth , to enquire the state of the corinthians e . his returne from thence paul expects at troas f , and because comming thither he found not his expectation there , he was so grieved in his spirit , cor. . . that hee passed presently from then●e into macedonia , where titus met him ; and in the midst of his afflictions joyed his spirits with the glad tydings of the powerfull and gracious effects , his first epistle had among the corinthians , cor. , , , . paul having there collected the liberalities of the saints , sends titus againe to the g corinthians , to prepare them for the same service of ministring to the necessities of the saints , cor. . . and makes him with some others the conveyers of that second epistle to the corinthians . all these journeyes to and fro did titus make at the designement of the apostle , even after hee was left in creet . nor doe we finde , h that after his first removall from creet , he did ever returne thither . wee reade indeed , tim. . . hee was with paul at rome ; and from thence returned not to creet , but into dalmatia . all which doth more then probably shew , it never was the intendment of the apostle to six titus in creet as a bishop , but onely to leave him there for a season for the good of that church , and to call him from thence , and send him abroad to other churches for their good , as their necessities might require . now who that will acknowledge a distinction betweene the offices of bishops and evangelists , and knowes wherein that distinction lyes , will not upon these premisses conclude that , timothy and titus were evangelists and not bishops . i but some of the fathers have called timothy and titus bishops . we grant it true ; and it is as true , that some of the fathers have called them archbishops , and patriarks ; yet it doth not follow , they were so . wee adde , secondly , that when the fathers did call them so , it was not in a proper but in an improper sense ; which we expresse in the words of our learned orthodox raynolds ; you may learne by the fathers themselves , saith hee , that when they tearmed any apostle a bishop of thi● or that city ( as namely saint peter of antioch or rome ) they meant it in a generall sort and signification , because they did attend that church for a time , and supply that roome in preaching the gospell , which bishops did after ; but as the name of bishop is commonly taken for the overseer of a particular church , and pastor of a severall flocke ; so peter was not bishop of any one place ; therefore not of rome . and this is true by analogy of all extraordinary bishops , and the same may be said of timothy and titus , that he saith of peter . but were it true that timothy and titus were bishops ; will this remonstrant undertake , that all his party shall stand to his conditions ? if our bishops challenge any other power then was by apostolique authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angells of the seaven asian churches , let them be disclaimed as usurpers . will our bishops indeed stand to this ? then actum est . did ever apostolique authority delegate power to timothy or titus , to ordaine alone ? to governe alone ? and doe not our bishops challenge that power ? did ever apostolique authority delegate power to timothy and titus , to rebuke an elder ? no ; but to entreate him as a father : and doe not our bishops challenge to themselves● and permit to their chancellours , commissaries , and officialls power not only to rebuke an elder , but to rayle upon an elder ? to reproach him with the most opprobrious tearmes of foole , knave , jack-sauce , &c. which our paper blushes to present to your honours view . did ever apostolique authority delegate to timothy and titus power to receave an accusation against an elder , but before two or three witnesses ? and doe not our bishops challenge power to proceed ex officio , and make elders their owne accusers ? did ever apostolique authority delegate power to timothy or titus , to reject any after twice admonition , but an heretick ? and doe not our bishops challenge power to reject and eject the most sound and orthodox of our ministers , for refusing the use of a ceremony ; as if non-conformity were heresie . so that either our bishops must disclaime this remonstrance , or else themselves must be disclaimed as usurpers . but if timothy and titus were no bishops , or had not this power , it may bee the angells of the seven asian churches had ; and our remonstrant is so subtile as to twist these two together , that if one fayle , the other may hold . to which we answer ; first , that angell in those epistles is put collectively , not individually ; as appeares by the epistle to thyatira , cap. . vers . . where wee reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but i say unto you ( in the plurall number , not unto thee in the singular ) and unto the rest in thyatira , &c. here is a plaine distinction betweene the members of that church . by you , is signified those to whom hee spake under the name of the angell . by the rest , the residue of the people . the people governned , and the governours in the plurall number . what can be more evident to prove , that by angell is meant not one singular person , but the whole company of presbyters that were in thyatira . this also further appeares , because it is usuall with the holy ghost , not only in other books of the scripture , but also in this very booke of the revelation , to expresse a company under one singular person . thus the civill state of rome , as opposite to christ , is called , a beast with ten hornes : and the ecclesiasticall state antichristian is called the whore of babylon , and , the false prophet : and the devill and all his family is called an old red dragon . thus also the seven angels that blew the seven trumpets , revel . . . and the seven angels that poured out the seven vialls , are not literally to be taken , but synecdo●hically , as all know . and why not then the seven angels in those epistles ? master meed● in his commentaries upon the revelation , pag. , hath these words ; denique ( ut jam semel iterumque monuimus ) quoniam deus adhibet angelos providentiae sitae in rerū humanarum motibus & conversionibus ciendis , gubernandisque administros : idcirco , quae multorum manibus peraguntur , angelo tamen tanquam rei gerendae praesidi & duci pro communi loquendi modo tribuuntur . adde , thirdly , that the very name angell is sufficient to prove , that it is not meant of one person alone , because the word angell doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction or preheminence , but is a common name to all ministers , and is so used in scripture . for all ministers are gods messengers and embassadours , sent for the good of the elect. and therefore the name being common to all ministers , why should wee thinke that there should bee any thing spoken to one minister , that doth not belong to all ? the like argument wee draw from the word starres , used revel . . . the seven starres are the angels of the seven churches . now it is evident , that all faithfull ministers are called starres in scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the churches , in all purity of doctrine and holinesse of conversation . and in this sence , the word is used , when it is said , that the third part of the starres were darkened , revel . . . and that the dragons taile drew the third part of the starres of heaven , & cast them to the earth , revel . . . which is meant not onely of bishops , but of other ministers , unlesse the bishops will appropriate all corruption and apostacy unto themselves . adde , fourthly , out of the text it selfe , it is very observable , that our saviour in opening the mystery of the vision , revel . . . saith ; the seven candlestickes which thou sawest , are the seven churches , but hee doth not say . the seven starres are the seven angels of the same churches , but the angels of the seven churches ; wherein not without some mystery the number of the angels in omitted , least we should understand by angell , one minister alone , and not a company . and yet the septenary number of churches is twice set down . lastly , though but one angell bee mentioned in the forefront , yet it is evident , that the epistles themselves are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in every church , and to the churches themselves . and if to the whole church , much more to the presbyters of that church . this is proved revel . . . what thou seest write in a book and send it to the seven churches which are in asia . and also by the epiphonema of every epistle ; he that hath an eare to heare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the churches . upon which words , ambrosius ausbertus in his second booke upon the revelation , saith thus ; vnâ ead●mque locutione & angelos & ecclesias ●num esse designat . nam cum in principio locutionū quae ad sep●em fiunt angelos dicat , & angelo illius ecclesiae scribe ; in ●ine tamen carundem non dicit , qui habet aurem audiat quod spiritus dicat angelo , sed quid ecclesiae dicat . by one and the same phrase of speech hee sheweth , the angels and the churches to bee one and the same . for whereas in the beginning of his speech , which he makes to the seven churches , he saith ; and write to the angell of the churches ; yet in the close of the same , he doth not say , hee that hath an eare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the angel , but what he saith to the church . and this is further proved by the whole argument of those epistles , wherein the admonition● , threatnings , commendations , and reproofes , are directed to all the ministers of all the churches . revel . . . the devill shall cast some of you into prison , &c. rev. . . i will fight against them with the sword of my mouth , rev. . . i will put upon you no other burden , &c. i say unto you and the rest of thyatira , as many as have not this doctrine , and which have not known the depths of satan , &c. and when it is said in the singular number ( as it is often ) i know thy works and thy labour , &c. vers . . & vers . . repent and doe thy first works ; and verse . thou hast not denied my faith , &c. and cap. . . because thou art neither hot nor cold , &c. all these and the like places , are not to bee understood as meant of one individuall person , but of the whole company of ministers , and also of the whole church , because that the punishment threatned , is to the whole church ; revel . . . repent and doe thy first works , or else i will come unto thee quickly , and remove thy candlestick out of his place ; rev. . . repent , or else i will come unto thee quickly , and will fight against them with the sword of my mouth ; revel . . . i will not put upon you any other burden . now wee have no warrant in the word to thinke that christ would remove his gospell from a church for the sinne of one bishop , when all the other ministers and the churches themselves are free from those sinnes . and if god should take this course , in what wofull and miserable condition should the church of england be , which groaneth under so many corrupt prelates ? by all this it appeares , that the word angell , is not to be taken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not properly , but figuratively . and this is the judgement of master perkins upon the second chapter of the revelation ; and of master brightman ; and of doctor fulke , who in answer to the rhemists in apoc. . . hath these words ; s. iohn by the angels of the churches meaneth not all , that should weare on their heads myters , and hold crosier staves in their hands , like dead idolls , but them that are the faithfull messengers of gods word , and utter and declare the same . againe , they are called the angels of the churches , because they be gods messengers . master fox likewise in his meditation upon the revelation ( pag. . . ● . ) is of this opinion , and hath gathered to our hands the opinions of all interpreters hee could meete , and saith that they all consent in this , that under the person of an angell , the pastors and ministers of the churches were understood . saint austin in his . epistle , saith thus ; sic enim in apocalypsi legitur angelus , &c. quod si de angelo superiorū coelorum , & non de praepositis ecclesiarum vellet intelligi , non consequenter diceret , habeo adversum te , &c. and so in his second homily upon the revelation ( if that booke be his ) quod autem dicit angelo thyatirae ● habeo adversum te pauca , dicit praepositis ecclesiarum , &c. this also gregory the great , lib. . moral● in iob cap. . saepè sacrum scripturam pr●dicatores ecclesiae , pro eo quod patris gloriam annunciant , angelorum nomine solere de signare : & hinc esse , quod iohannes in apocalypsi septem ecclesiis scribens , angelis ecclesia●um loquitur , id ●st , praedicatoribus populorum . master fox citeth primasius , haymo , beda , richard , thomas , and others , to whom we referre you . if it be here demanded ( as it is much by the hierarchicall side ) that if by angell bee meant the whole company o● presbyters , why christ did not say , to the angels in the plurall number , but to the angell in the singular ? wee answer , that though this question may savour of a little too much curiosity , yet wee will make bold to subjoyn three conjecturall reasōs of this phrase of speech . first , it is so used in this place , because it is the common language of other scriptures in types and visions to set down a certaine number for an uncertaine , and the singular number for the purall . thus the ramme , dan. . . is interpreted vers . . to be the kings of media and persia and the enemies of gods church are set out by foure ho●nes . and the deliverers by foure carpenters , zach. . . and the wise and foolish virgins are said to be five wise and five foolish . and many such like . and therefore as we answer the papists , when they demand why christ if he meant figuratively when he saith , this is my body , did not speake in plaine language , this is the signe of my body ? we say , that this phrase of speech is proper to all sacraments : so we also answer here , this phrase of speech , angell for angels , is common to all types and visions . secondly , angell is put , though more be meant , that so it may hold proportion with the vision which iohn saw● chap , . . . he saw seven golden candlestickes , and seven starres . and therefore to hold proportion , the epistles are directed to seven angels , and to seven churches . and this is called a mystery , revel . . , the mystery of the seven starres , &c. now a mystery is a secret , which comprehends more then is expressed ; and therefore though but one angell be expressed , yet the mystery implyes all the angels of that church . thirdly , to signifie their unity in the ministeriall function , and joynt commission to attend upon the feeding and governing of one church , with one common care , as it were with one hand and heart . and this is more fitly declared by the name of one angell , then of many . wee often finde the name of ( one ) prophet or priest to be put for the generall body of the ministery , or whole multitude of prophets or priests , in the church of israel or iudah , when the spirit of god intendeth to reprove , threaten , or admonish them . thus it is iere. . . . . isa. . . hos. . . ezek. . . hos. . . mal. . . neither should it seeme strange , that a multitude or company of ministers should bee understood under the name of one angell , seeing a multitude of heavenly angels ( implyed in one service for the good of gods saints ) is sometimes in the scripture shut up under one angell in the singular number , as may be gathered from gen. ● . . kings . . psal. . . compared with psalme . . gen. . . . kings . , . and also a multitude of devils or evill angels , joyntly labouring in any one worke , is set forth under the name of one evill or uncleane spirit , kings . , . mark. , . mark● . . . luke . , . luk. . . . pet. . . heb. . . ephes. . . . but now let us suppose ( which yet notwithstanding we will not grant ) that the word angell is taken individually for one particular person , as doctor reynolds seemes to interpret it , together with master beza , yet neverthelesse , there will nothing follow out of this acception , that will any wayes make for the upholding of a diocesan bishop , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , as a distinct superior to presbyters . and this appeares . first , because it never was yet proved nor ever will ( as we conceive ) that these angels were diocesan bishops , considering that parishes were not divided into diocesses in s. iohns dayes . and the seven starres are said to bee fixed in their seven candlestickes or churches , not one starre over divers candlestickes . neither can those churches be thought to be diocesan , when not only tindall and the old translation , calls them seven congregations , but we reade also acts . that at ephesus which was one of those candlesticks , there was but one flock . and secondly , we further finde that in ephesus one of those seven churches , there were many presbyters , which are all called bishops , acts . . and we finde no colour of any superintendency or superiority of one bishop over another . to them in generall the church is committed to be fed by them without any respect had to timothy , who stood at his elbow and had beene with him in macedonia , and was now waiting upon him to ierusalem . this is also confirmed by epiphanius , who writing of the heresies of the meletians , saith , that in ancient times this was peculiar to alexandria , that it had but one bishop , whereas other cities had two . and hee being bishop of cypres , might well be acquainted with the condition of the churches of asia , which were so nigh unto him . thirdly , there is nothing said in the seven epistles that implyeth any superiority or majority of rule or power that these angels had over the other angels that were joyned with them in their churches . it is written indeed , in commendation of the angell of the church of ephesus , that he could not beare them that were evill , and that he had tryed them which say they were apostles and are not , & had found them lyars . and it is spoken in dispraise of the angell of pergamus , that he suffred them which held the doctrine of balaam , &c. but these things are common duties , requirable at the hands of all ministers , who have the charge of soules . but suppose that there were some superiority and preheminency insinuated by this individuall angell , yet who knoweth not that there are divers kinds of superiority ; to wit , of order , of dignity , of gifts and parts , or in degree of ministery , or in charge of power and jurisdiction . and how will it be proved that this angell if he had a superiority , had any more then a superiority of order , or of gifts and parts ? where is it said , that this angell was a superior degree or order of ministery above presbyters ? in which epistle it is said that this angell had sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ? and therefore as our learned protestants prove against the papists , that when christ directed his speech to peter in particular and said , i will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , &c. that this particularization of peter did not import any singular preheminence or majority of power to peter more then to the other apostles . but that though the promise was made to peter , yet it was made to him in the name of all the rest , and given to all as well as one . and that therefore it was spoken to one person , and not to all , that so christ might fore signifie the unity of his church , as a cyprian , austin , hierome , optatus , and others say . so when christ directs a● epistle to one angell , it doth not imply a superior power over his fellow angels , but at most onely a presidency for order sake . and that which is written to him , is written to the rest as well as to him . and therefore written to one , not to exclude the rest , but to denote the unity that ought to bee betweene the ministers of the same church in their common care and diligence to their flocke . and this is all that doctor reynolds saith , as you may reade in his conference with hart , cap. . divis . . ad finem . for it is evident that doctor reynolds was an utter enemy to the i●● divinum of the episcopall preheminency over presbyters by his letter to sir francis krolls . and learned master beza also saith something to the same purpose in his annotations upon revel . . . angelo . i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem nimirum oportuit imprimis de his rebus admoneri , ac per eum caeteros collegas , totamque adeo ecclesiam . sed hinc statui episcopalis ille gradus postea humanitus in ecclesiam dei invectus certe nec potest nec debet , imo ne perpetuum quidem istud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munus esse necessariò oportuisse , sicut exorta inde tyrannis oligarchica ( cujus apex est antichristana bestia ) certissima cum totius non ecclesia modo , sed etiam orbis pernicie , nunc tandem declarat . if therefore our remonstrant can produce no better evidence for his hierarchy then timothy , and titus , and the angels of the asian churches , let not this remonstrant and his party , cry out of wrong , if this claimed hierarchy be for ever hooted o●t of the church , seeing it is his owne option . and yet we cannot cōceale one refuge more out of scripture , to which the hierarchy betake themselves for shelter . and that is the two postscripts in the end of pauls second epistle to timothy , and of that to titus ; where in the one , timothy is said to be the first bishop of ephesus , and in the other , titus is said to be the first bishop of the church of the cretians : to both which places wee answer . that these two postscripts ( and so all the rest ) are no part of canonicall scripture . and therefore our former and ancienter english translations , though they have these postscripts , yet they are put in a small character different from that of the text , that all men might take notice they were no parts of the text . although our episcopall men of late in newer impressions have inlarged their phylacteries , in putting those postscripts in the same full character with that of the text , that the simple might beleeve they are canonicall scripture . the papists themselves ( baronius , serrarius , and the rhemists ) confesse that there is much falsity in them . the first epistle to timothy , is thus subscribed : the first to timothy was written from laodicea , which is the chiefest city of phrygia pacatiana . here we demand , whether paul when he writ the first epistle to timothy , was assured he should live to write a second , which was written long after ? and if not ; how comes it to be subscribed , th● first to timothy , which hath relation to a second ? besides , the epistle is said to be writ from loadicea , whereas beza in his annotations proves apparently , that it was written from macedonia ; to which opinion baronius and serrarius subscribe . it is added , which is the chiefest city of phrygia pacatiana . but this epithete is no where read in the writers of those ages , saith beza , sed apud recentiores illos , qui romani imperii jam inclinantis provincias descripserunt . so that by this place it is evident , that the subscription was added a long while after the writing of the epistles by some men , for the most part vel indoctis , saith beza , vel certe non satis attentis , either by a learned , or negligent man. the second epistle is thus subscribed ; the second epistle unto timothy ordeined the first bishop of the church of the ephesiās , was written from rome , when paul was brought before nero the second time . now these words ordained the first bishop , is wanting , saith beza , in quibusdam vetustis codicibus , in veteri vulgat● editione , & apud syrum interpretem . if saint paul had written this postscript , he would not have said , to timothy the first bishop , &c. whereas it was not yet certaine whether ever there should be a second . neither would it bee said when paul was brought , &c. but when i was the second time brought before nero. the syriack interpreter reads it , here ends the second epistle to timothy written from rome . the epistle to titus is thus subscribed : written to titus , ordained first bishop of the church of the cretians , from nicopolis of macedonia . here it is said that this epistle was written from nicopolis , whereas it is cleare that paul was not at nicopolis when he wrote it , tit , . . be diligent to come to me to nicopolis , for i have determined there to winter . he doth not say , here to winter , but there ; where note , for the present hee was not there . and besides , it is said , that titus was ordained the first bishop , &c. and who was the second ? or was there ever a second ? and also he is said to be bishop , not onely of a diocesse , but of all creet . was there ever such a second bishop ? adde , lastly , that it is said , bishop of the church of the cretians ; whereas it would bee said of the churches of the cretians . for the christian churches of any nation are called churches by luke and paul , not church . therefore codex claremontanus subscribes ; here ends the epistle to titus , and no more . so the syriack ; finitur epistola ad titum quae scripta fuit è nicopoli . the old vulgar edition hath nothing of the episcopacy of titus . by all this it appeares , that if the bishops had no more authority to urge us to subscribe to their ceremonies , then they have authority for their episcopall dignity by these subscriptions , there would be no more subscription to ceremonies in the churches of england . but some will say , that there is one objection out of scripture yet unanswered , and that is from the inequality that was betweene the twelve apostles , and the seventy disciples . to which we answer ; first , that it cannot bee proved that the twelve apostles had any superiority over the seventy , either of ordination , or jurisdiction . or that there was any subordination of the seventy unto the twelve . but suppose it were yet we answer . secondly , that a superiority and inferiority betweene officers of different kindes , will not prove that there should be a superiority and inferiority betweene officers of the same kinde . no man will deny but that in christs time , there were apostles , evangelists , prophets , pastors , and teachers , and that the apostles were superior to evangelists and pastors . but it cannot bee proved , that one apostle had any superiority over another apostle , or one evangelist over another . and why then should one presbyter be over another ? hence it followeth , that though we should grant a superiority betweene the twelve and the seventy , yet this will not prove the question in hand . because the question is concerning officers of the same kinde , and the instance is of officers of different kinds , amongst whom no man will deny but there may be a superiority and inferiority , as there is amongst us between presbyters and deacons . and now let your honours judge ( considering the premisses ) how farre this episcopall government is from any divine right , or apostolicall institution . and how true that speech of hierome is , that a bishop as it is a superior order to a presbyter , is an humane praesumption , not a divine ordinance . but though scripture failes them , yet the indulgence and munificence of religious princes may support them , and to this the remonstrant makes his next recourse , yet so as he acknowledgeth here , ingagements to princes onely for their accessory dignities , titles , and maintenance ; not at all for their stations and functions , ( wherein yet the author plainely acknowledgeth a difference betweene our bishops and the bishops of old by such accessions . ) for our parts , we are so farre from envying the gracious munificence of pious princes , in collating honourable maintenance upon the ministers of christ , that we beleeve , that even by gods owne ordinance , double honour is due unto them . and that by how much the ministery of the gospell is more honourable then that of the law ; by so much the more ought all that embrace the gospell , to bee carefull to provide , that the ministers of the gospell might not onely live , but maintaine hospitalitie , according to the rule of the gospell . and that worthy gentleman spake as an oracle , that said ; that scandalous maintenance is a great cause of a scandalous ministery . yet wee are not ignorant , that when the ministery came to have agros , domos , locationes , vehicula , equos , latifundia , as chrysost. hom. . in matth. that then religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit matrem , religion brought forth riches , and the daughter devoured the mother ; and then there was a voyce of angels heard from heaven ; hodie venenum in ecclesiam christi cecidit , this day is poyson shed into the church of christ. and then it was that ierome complained , christi ecclesia postquam ad christianos principes venit , potentiâ quidem & divitiis major , sed virtutibus minor facta est . then also was that conjunction found true ; that when they had woodden chalices , they had golden priests ; but when their chalices were golden , their priests were wooden . and though we doe not thinke , there is any such incompossibility , but that large revenues may be happily managed with an humble sociablenesse , yet it is very rare to finde . history tells us , that the superfluous revenues of the bishops not onely made them neglect their ministery , but further ushered in their stately and pompous attendance ; which did so elevate their spirits , that they insulted over their brethren , both clergy and people , and gave occasion to others to hate and abhorre the christian faith , which eusebius sets forth fully in the pride of paulus samosatenus , who notwithstanding the meannesse and obscurity of his birth , afterwards grew to that height of insol●nc● and pride in all his carriage ; especially in that numerous traine that attended him in the streetes , and in his stately throne raised after the manner of kings and princes , that fides nostra invi●●ia , & odi● , propter fostum & superbi●m cordis illius , facta fuerit obnexia ; the christian faith was exposed to envy and hatred through his pride . and as their ambition ( fed with the largenesse of their revenewes ) discovered it selfe in great attendance , stately dwellings , and all lordly pompe , so hierom complaines of their pride in their stately seates , qui velut in aliqua sublimi specula constituti , vix dignantur vid●re mortales & alloqui conservos suos : who sitting aloft as it were in a watch tower , will scarce deigne to looke upon poore mortalis , or speake to their fellow servants . here we might bee large , in multiplying severall testimonies against the pride of ecclesiasticall persons , that the largenesse of their revenues raysed them to : but we will conclude with that grave complaint of sulpitius severus . ille qui ante pedibus aut asello ire consueverat , spumante equo superbus invebitur : parvá prius ac vili cellula contentus habitare , erigit celsa laquearia , construit multa conclaviu , sculpit postes , pingit armaria , vestem respuit gressiorem , indumentum molle desiderat , &c. which because the practise of our times hath already turned into english , wee spare the labour to translate . onely suffer us ( being now to give a vale to our remonstrants arguments ) to recollect some few things . first , whereas this remonst●ant saith ; if we doe not shew out of the true & genuine writings of those holy men , that lived in the apostles dayes a cleare and received distinction of bishops● presbyters , and deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings , with an evident specification of the duty belonging to each of them : let this claimed hierarchie be for ever rooted out of the church : we beseech you let it be rememred how we have proved , out of the genuine and undeniable writings of the apostles themselves : that these are not three distinct callings : bishops are presbyters , being with them all one , name and office , and that the distinction of bishops and presbyters was not of divine institution , but humane : and that these bishops , in their first institution did not differ so much from presbyters , as our present bishops differ from them . secondly , whereas this remonstant saith , if our bishops challenge any other power then was by apostolike authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angells of the asian churches : let them bee disclaimed as usurpers . wee desire it may be remembred , how wee have proved first ; that timothy and titus and the angels were no diocesan bishops ; and secondly , that our bishops challenge ( if not in their polemicks , yet in their practicks ) a power that timothy and titus , and those angels never did . thirdly , whereas this remonstrant saith , if there can be better evidence under heaven for any matter of fact , let episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of gods church : we beseech you remember how weake we have discovered his evidence to be ; and then the inference upon all these we humbly leave to your honours wisedome and iustice. sect . xiiii . having thus considered the validity of those arguments , whereby this remonstrant would suffult episcopacy , we descend now to inquire what satisfaction he gives to those objections , which himselfe , frames as the maine , if not the sole arguments , that episcopacy is asfaultable by , and they are two . first , that pleading the divine right of episcopacy , is to the prejudice of soveraignty : secondly , that it casts a dangerous imputation upon all those reformed churches that want this government . to the first , the prejudice of soveraignty ; he answers there is a compatiblenesse in this case of gods act , and the kings : it is god that makes the bishop , the king that gives the bishopricke . but we have proved already , that god never made a bishop , as he stands in his superioritie over all other presbyters , he never had gods fiat : and if they disclaime the influence of soveraignty unto their creation to a priority , and assert , that the king doth not make them bishops , they must have no being at all . sure we are , the lawes of the land proclaime , that not onely bishopricks , but bishops and all the iurisdiction they have is from the king : whereas the remonstrant acknowledgeth no more , but the bare a place and exercise to be from regall donation , which cannot bee affirmed without apparent prejudice of that soveraigntie which the lawes of the land have invested our princes with . and for his unworthy comparison of kings in order to bishops and patrons in order to their clerkes , when he shall prove that the patron gives ministeriall power to his clerke , as the k●n● according to our laws gives episcopall power to the bishop ● it may be of some conducement to his cause , but till then , we leave the unfitnesse of this comparison , and the unthankfulnesse of those men to the indulgence of their soveraigne , to their deserved recompence . his learned answer to such men as borrowing saint ieroms phrase , speake saint pauls truth , is in summe this : that he kn●w●s not how to prescribe to mens thoughts , but for all his rhetoricke , they will thinke what they list ; but if they will grant him the question , they shall soone be at an end of the quarrell : which one answer if satisfactory , would silence all controversies to as good purpose as he did bellarmine , who said , bellarmine saith it is thus , and i say it is not , and where is bellarmine now ? to the second objection , that episcopacie thus asserted casts an imputation upon all the reformed churches , that want that government , hee saith ; that the objection is intended to raise envie against them ; who ( if they may be beleeved ) love and honour those sister churches , and blesse god for them . but doe they not plucke all this envie upon themselves , who in their conferences , writings , pulpits , vniversities , disputes , high commission , declamations , have disclaimed them us no churches , that have disclaimed the prelats ? and have honoured the most glorious lights of those reformed churches , calvin , beza , and others with no better titles than of rascalls , blasphemers , &c. but the pith of his answer after a few good words is this : that no such consequent can be drawne from their opinion , for their ius divinum pleads only for a iustifiablenesse of this holy calling : not for an absolute necessity of it , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; but not fixing upon the church that wants it , the defect of any thing of the essence of a church , but only of the glory and perfection of it ; neither is it their sin , but their misery . and is it so , doth not this ius divinum argue a necessitie , but onely a iustifiablenesse of this calling ; nor is the want of it a want of any thing of essence , but onely of perfection ? wee had thought , that page the twentieth , where this remonstrant strives to fetch the pedegree of episcopacie from no lesse than apostolicall , and in that right divine institution he had reckoned it among those things , which the apostles ordained for the succeeding administration of the church in essentiall matters : but here it seemes he is willing to retract what there fell from him : there it was to his advantage to say , this government was a thing essentiall to the church , and here it is no lesse advantage to say , it is not essentiall . but if it be not essentiall , then what is the reason that when a priest who hath received orders at rome turnes to us , they urge not him to receive ordination among us againe : but when some of our brethren , who flying in queene 〈◊〉 dayes , had received imposition of hands in the reformed churches beyond the seas returned againe in the dayes of queene elizabeth , they were urged to receive imposition of hands againe from our bishops , and some did receive it . if those churches that want bishops want nothing essentiall to a church ; then what essentiall want was there in the ordination of those ministers that received imposition of hands in those churches , that might deserve a re-ordination , more than if they had first received their ordination at rome ? and what is the reason that bishop mountague so confidently affirmes , that ordination by episcopall hands is so necessary , as that th● church is no true church without it , and the ministery no true ministery , and ordinarily no salvation to be obtained without it ? and if this remonstrant should leave bishop mountague to answer for himselfe , yet notwithstanding he stands bound to give us satisfaction to these two questions , which arise from his owne booke . first , whether that office , which by divine right hath the sole power of ordaining , and ruling all other officers in the church , ( as he saith episcopacy hath ) belong not to the being , but onely to the glory and perfection of a church . secondly , there being ( in this mans thoughts ) the same ius divinum for bishops , that there is for pastors and elders , whether if those reformed churches wanted pastors and elders too , they should want nothing of the essence of a church , but of the perfection and glory of it ? but this remonstrant seemes to know so much of the minde of those churches , that if they might have their option , they would most gladly embrace episcopall government , as littl● differing from their owne moderatorship , save onely in the perpetuitie of it , and the new invention ( as hee odiously calls it ) of lay elders . but no question those learned worthies that were entrusted by the churches to compile their confessions , did comprise their iudgements better than the composer of this remonstrance . and to his presumption , wee oppose their confession . wee will begin with the french church , who in their confession speake thus . credimus veram ecclesiam gubernari debere ea politia , quam dominus noster iesus christus sancivit , ita videlicet , ut sint in ea pastores , presbyteri , sive seniores , & diaconi , ut doctrinae puritas retineatur , &c. ar. . credimus omnes pastores ubicunque collocati sunt , cádem & aequali potestate inter se esse praeditos sub uno illo capite summoque & solo universali episcopo iesu christo . art. . gallicae confessionis . credimus veram hanc ecclesiam debere regi , ac gubernari , spirituali illâ politiâ quam nos deus ipse in verbo suo edocuit ; it a ut sint in ea pastores ac ministri qui pure & concionentur , & sacramenta administrent ; sint quoque seniores , & diaconi qui ecclesiae senatum constituant , ut his veluti mediis vera r●ligio conservari , hominesque vitiis dediti spiritualiter corripi & emendari possint . tunc enim ritè & ordinate omnia siunt in ecclesia , cum viri fid●les , & pii ad ejus gubernationem deligūtur juxta divi pauli praescriptum , tim. . confes. belgic . art. . caeterum ubicunque locorum sunt verbi dei ministri eandem atque aequalem omnes habent tum potestatem tum authoritatem , ut qui sunt aeque omnes christi unici illius universalis episcopi & capitis ecclesiae ministri . we beleeve that the true church ought to be governed by that policie which christ jesus our lord established , viz. that there bee pastors , presbyters , or elders and deacons . and againe , wee beleeve that all true pastors where ever they be , are endued with equall and the same power , under one chiefe head and bishop christ jesus . consonant to this the dutch churches . we beleeve ( say they ) the true church ought to be ruled with that spirituall policie which god hath taught us in his word , to wit , that there bee in it pastours to preach the word purely ; elders and deacons to constitute the ecclesiasticall senate , that by these meanes religion may be preserved , and manners corrected . and so again , we beleeve where ever the ministers of god are placed , they all have the same equall power and authoritie , as being all equally the ministers of christ. in which harmony of these confessions , see how both churches agree in these five points : first , that there is in the word of god , an exact forme of governement set downe , deus in verbo suo edocuit . secondly , that this forme of governement christ established in his church ; iesus christus in ecclesiâ sancivit . thirdly , that this forme of government is by pastors , elders , and deacons . fourthly , that the true church of christ ought to be thus governed ; veram ecclesiam debere regi . fifthly , that all true ministers of the gospell are of equall power and authority . for the reason he assignes , why those churches should make this option , wee cannot enough admire that such a passage should fall from his pen , as to say , there is little difference betweene their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and our episcopacie , save onely in perpetuity and lay elders , for who knowes not that between these two , there is as vast a difference as between the duke of venice and an absolute monarch . for , . the moderator in geneva is not of a superiour order to his brethren ; nor . hath an ordination differing from them ; nor . assumes power of sole ordination or jurisdiction ; nor hath he . maintenance for that office above his brethren ; nor . a negative voyce in what is agreed by the rest ; nor . any further power then any of his brethren . so that the difference betweene our bishops and their moderators is more then little : but if it be so little as this remonstrant here pretends ; then the alteration and abrogation of episcopacie will be with the lesse difficultie , and occasion the lesse disturbance . sect . xv. but there is another thing , wherein our episcopacie differs from the geneva moderatorship , besides the perpetuity ; and that is the exclusion of the lay presbytery , ( which if we may beleeve this remonstrant ) never till this age had footing in the christian church . in which assertion , this remonstrant concludes so fully with bishop halls irrefragable propositions , and his other book of episcopacie by divine right ; as if he had conspired to sweare to what the bishop had said . now , though we will not enter the lists with a man of that learning and fame that bishop hall is , yet we dare tell this remonstrant , that this his assertion hath no more truth in it , then the rest that wee have alreadie noted . wee will ( to avoyd prolixity ) not urge those a three knowne texts of scripture , produced by some for the establishing of governing elders in the church , not yet vindicated by the adversaries . nor will wee urge that famous text of b ambrose in tim. . but if there were no lay elders in the church till this present age , wee would be glad to learne , who they were of whom origen speakes , when he tels us , it was the custome of christian teachers , first to examine such as desired to heare them , of whom there were two orders ; the first were catechumeni , or beginners ; the other was of such as were more perfect : among whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & c● nonnulli praepositi sunt quì in vitam & mores eorum qui admittuntur inquirant , ut qui turpia committant iis communi caetu interdicant , qui vero ab istis abhorrent , ex anima complexi , meliores quotidiè reddant : there are some ordained to enquire into the life and manners of such as are admitted into the church , that they may banish such from the publique assembly , that perpetrate scandalous acts ; which place tells us plainely : first , that there were some in the higher forme of heares ( not teachers ) who were censores morum over the rest . secondly , that they were designed or constituted to this work , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , that they had such authority instrusted into their hands , as that they might interdict such as were scandalous from the publique assemblies . we would gladly know , whether these were not , as it were , lay elders . that there were such in the church ( distinguished from others that were called to teach ) appeares . augustine writing to his charge directs his epistle , dilectissimis fratribus , clero , senioribus & universae plebi ecclesiae hipponensis : where first there is the generall compellation . fratribus , brethren , then there is a distribution of these brethren into the clergie , the elders , and the whole people ; so that there were in that church elders distinguished both from the clergie , and the rest of the people . so againe , contra cresconium grammaticum : omnes vos episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi , & seniores scitis ; all you bishops , elders , deacons , and elders , doe know . what were those two sorts of elders there mentioned in one comma , & ibidem cap. . peregrinus presbyter & seniores ecclesiae musticanae regiones tale desiderium prosequuntur ; where againe we reade of elder and elders , presbyter , and seniors in one church . both those passages are upon record in the publike acts , which are more fully set downe by baronius , ao. . num. . , . as also by albaspineus , in his edition of optatus : in which acts the seniors are often mentioned . in that famous relation of the purging of cecilianus and felix , there is a copie of a letter ; fratribus & filiis : clero & senioribus , fortis in domino aeternam salutem : another letter is mentioned a little before clericis & senioribus cirthensium in domino aeternum salutem . these seniors were interessed in affaires concerning the church as being the men , by whose advise they were managed . the letter of purpurius to silvanus saith , adhibete concl●ricos , & seniores plebis , ecclesiasticos viros , & inquirant quae sunt ista dissensiones : ut ea quae sunt secundum fidei praecepta fiant , where wee see the joynt power of these seniors , with the clergie in ordering ecclesiasticall affaires ; that by their wisedome and care peace might be setled in the church ; for which cause , these seniors are called ecclesiasticall men ; and yet they are distinguished from clergie men . they are mentioned againe afterwards by maximus , saying ; loquor nomine seniorvm populi christiani . greg. mag. distinguisheth them also from the clergie : tabellarium cum consensu seniorvm & cleri memineris ordinandum . these seniors had power to reprove offenders , otherwise why should augustine say , cum ob errorem aliquem à senioribus arguuntur & imputatur alicui cur ebrius fuerit , cur res alienas pervaserit , &c. when they were by the elders reproved for their errors , and drunkennes is laid to a mans charge &c. so that it was proper to the seniors to have the cognizance of delinquents , and to reprove them . the same augustine in psalme . necesse nos fuerat primianicausam , quem , &c. seniorū literis ejusdem ecclesiae postulantibus audire . being requested by letters from the seniors of that church , it was needfull for me to heare the the cause of primian , &c. so againe , optatus , who mentioning a persecution that did for a while scatter the church , saith , erant ecclesiae ex auro & argento quàm plurima ornamenta , quae nec defodere terrae , nec secum portare poterat , quare fidelibus senioribus commendavit . albaspin●us , that learned antiquarie , on that place acknowledges , that besides the clergie , there were certaine of the elders of the people , men of approved life , that did tend the affaires of the church , of whom this place is to be understood . by all these testimonies it is apparent ; first , that in the ancient church there were some called seniors . secondly , that these seniors were not clergie men . thirdly , that they had a stroke in governing the church , and managing the affaires thereof . fourthly , that seniors were distinguished from the rest of the people . neither wou●d we desire to chuse any other iudges in this whole controversie ; then whom himselfe constituted ; forraine divines , taking the generall suffrage and practise of the churches , and not of particular men . as for the learned spanhemius whom hee produceth , though wee give him the deserved honour of a worthy man : yet wee think it too much to speake of him , as if the judgement of the whole church of geneva were incorporated into him , as this remonstrant doth . and for spanhemius himselfe , we may truly say , in the place cited , he delivered a complement , rather then his judgment , which in dedicatorie epistles is not unusuall . wee know that reverend calvin and learned beza have said as much upon occasion in their epistles , and yet the christian world knowes their judgement was to the contrary . little reason therefore hath this remonstrant , to declaime against all such as speake against this governement as unlawfull , with the termes of ignorant and spitefull sectaries , because they call the governement unlawfull : had they proceeded further to call it antichristian , ( which he charges upon them ) they had said no more , then what our eares have heard some of their principall agents , their legati à latere speake publikely in their visitations : that how ever the church of england be as sound , and orthodox in her doctrine as any church in the world , yet in our discipline and governement , wee are the same with the church of rome , which amounts to asmuch as to say , the governement is antichristi●n , unlesse they will say the governement of rome is not so , nor the pope antichrist . sect . xvi . now our remonstrant begins to leave his dispute for the office , and flowes into the large pra●ses of the persons , and what is wanting in his arguments for the place , thinks to make up in his encomiasticks of the persons , that have possest that place in the church of god and tels us , that the religious bishops of all times are and have been they , that have strongly upheld the truth of god against satan and his antichrist . it is well he sets this crown only upon the heads of religious bishops , as knowing that there are and have been some irreligious ones , that have as strongly upheld satan and his antichrist against the truth of god. but the religious bishops are they that have all times upheld the truth . what ? they , and only they ? did never any uphold the truth , but a religious bishop ? did never any religious minister or professor preach , or write , or die , to uphold the truth , but a religious bishop ? if so then there is some perswasive strength in that hee saith ; and a credulous man might bee induced ●o thinke , if bishops goe downe , truth will goe downe too : but if wee can produce for one bishop many others that gave beene valiant for the truth , this rhethoricall insinuation will contribute no great help to their establishment . nor indeed any at all ; unles he were able to make this good of our times , as well as of all others , which he assaies ; for saith he , even amongst our own how many of the reverend & learned fathers of the church now living , a have spent their spirits , & worne out their lives in the powerfull opposition of that man of sinne ; how many ? i sir ; wee would faine know how many : that there are some that have stood up to beare witnesse against that man of sin , we acknowledge with all due respect , to the learning and worth of their persons . but that their episcopall dignity hath added either any flame to their zeal , or any nerves to their ability : we cannot believe , nor can we thinke they would have done lesse in that cause , though they had beene no bishops . but what if this be true of some bishops in the kingdome , is it true of all ? are there not some that have spent their spirits in the opposition of christ , as others have in the opposition of antichrist ? & are there none but zealous , religious prelates in the kingdom ? are there none upon whom the guilt of that may meritoriously bee charged , which others have convincingly and meritoriously opposed ? and are there not some bishops in the kingdome , that are so far from opposing the man of sin , that even this remonstrant is in danger of suffering under the name of p●ritan for daring to call him by that name , we doubt not but this r●monstrant knowes there are . but if he will against the light of his own conscience , bear up a known errour out of private repects , ( wee will not say these papers ) but his own conscience , shall owne day be an evidence against him before the dreadfull tribunall of the almighty . but there is yet a second thing that should endeare episcopacie , and that is the carefull , peaceable , painefull , conscionable mannaging of their charges ; to the great glory of god , and the comfort of his faithful people . which ( in not seeming to urge ) hee urgeth to the full and beyond . this care , conscience , paines of our bishops , is exercised and evidenced , either in their preaching or in their ruling ; for their preaching , it is true , some few there are that labour in the word and doctrine ; whose persons in that respect wee honour : but the most are so farre from preaching , that they rather discountenance , discourage , oppose , blaspheme preaching . it was a non-preaching bishop , that said of a preaching bishop , he was a preaching coxcomb . as for the discharge of their office of ruling , their entrusting their chancellors , and other officers , with their visitations , and courts ( as ordinarily they doe , whiles themselves attend the court ) doth abundantly witnesse their care in it . the many and loud cryes of the intolerable oppressions and tyrannies of their court-proceedings witnesse their peaceablenesse , their unjust sees , exactions , commutations ; witnesse their conscionablenesse in mannaging their charges , to the great glory of god , and the comfort of his faithfull people . and hence it is that so many at this day here ill ; ( how deservedly , saith this remonstrant , god knows ) and doe not your honours know , and doth not this remonstrant know ? and doth not all the nation ( that will know any thing ) know how deservedly some , nay , most , nay , all the bishops of this nation heare ill , were it but onely for the late canons and oath ? but why should the faults of some , diffuse the blame to all ? why ? by your owne argument , that would extend the deserts of some ; to the patronage of all ; and if it bee a fault in the impetuous and undistinguishing vulgar , so to involve all , as to make innocency it selfe a sinne ; what is it in a man able to distinguish , by the same implication , to shrowd sinne under innocencie , the sinne of many , under the innocencie of a few . but have our bishops indeed beene so carefull , painfull , conscionable , in managing their charges ? how is it then that there are such manifold scandalls of the inferiour clergy presented to your honours view , which he cannot mention without a bleeding heart ; and yet could finde in his heart ( if he knew how ) to excuse them , and though hee confesse them to be the shame and misery of our church , yet is hee not ashamed to plead their cause at your honours barre , onuphrius-like , that was the advocate of every bad cause ; and to excite you by constantines example ( in a different cause alleadged ) if not to suffer those crimes , which himself calls hatefull , to passe unpunished , yet not to bring them to that open and publique punishment they have deserved . but what , if pious constantine ( in his tender care to prevent the divisions that the emulation of the bishops of that age , enraged with a spirit of envie and faction , were kindling in the church , lest by that meanes the christian faith should be derided among the heathens ) did suppresse their mutuall accusations , many of which might be but upon surmises ; and that not in a court of iustice , but in an ecclesiasticall synode ; shall this bee urged before the highest court of iustice upon earth , to the patronizing of notorious scandalls , and hatefull enormities , that are already proved by evidence of cleare witnesse . but oh forbid it to tell it in gath , &c. what ? the sinne ; alas , that is done already ; doe wee not know , the drunkennesse , profanenesse , superstition , popishnesse of the english clergie rings at rome already ? yes undoubtedly ; and there is no way to vindicate the honour of our nation , ministry , parliaments , soveraigne , religion , god ; but by causing the punishment to ring as farre as the sinne hath done ; that our adversaries that have triumphed in their sinne , may be confounded at their punishments . doe not your honours know , that the plaistring or palliating of these rotten members , will be a greater dishonour to the nation and church , then their cutting off ; and that the personall acts of these sonnes of beliall , being connived at , become nationall sinnes ? but for this one fact of constantine , wee humbly crave your honours leave to present to your wisedome three texts of scripture , ezek. . , . because they ministred unto them before their idolls , and caused the house of israel to fall into iniquity , therefore have i lift up my hand unto them , saith the lord , and they shall beare their iniquity . and they shall not come neere unto mee , to doe the office of a priest unto me , nor to come neere unto any of mine holy things in the most holy place , &c. the second is ierem. . . cursed be hee that doth the work of the lord negligently : and the third is , iudges . . he that will plead for baal , let him be put to death while it is yet morning . we have no more to say in this ; whether it be best to walk after the president of man , or the prescript of god , your honours can easily judge . sect . xvii . but stay saith this remonstrant ; and indeed he might well have stayed and spared the labour of his ensuing discourse , about the church of england , the prelaticall and the antiprelaticall church : but these episcopall men deale as the papists that dazle the eyes , and astonish the senses of poore people , with the glorious name of the church , the church ; the holy mother the church . this is the gorgons head , as a doctor white saith , that hath inchanted them , and held them in bondage to their errors : all their speech is of the church , the church ; no mention of the scriptures , of god the father ; but all of the mother the church . much like as they write of certaine aethiopians , that by reason they use no marriage , but promiscuously company together , the children only follow the mother ; the father and his name is in no request , but the mother hath all the reputation . so is it with the author of this r●monstrance , he stiles himselfe , a dutifull sonne of the church . and it hath beene a custome of late times , to cry up the holy mother the church of england , to call for absolute obedience to holy church ; full conformity to the orders of holy church ; neglecting in the meane time , god the father , and the holy scripture . but if wee should now demand of them , what they meane by the church of england , this author seemes to be thunder-stricken at this question ; and cals the very question , a new divinity ; where he deales like such as holding great revenues by unjust titles , will not suffer their titles to be called in question . for it is apparent , ac si solaribus radiis descriptum esset ( to use tertullians phrase ) that the word church is an equivocall word , and hath as many severall acceptions as letters ; and that dolus latet in universalibus . and that by the church of england ; first by some of these men is meant onely the bishops ; or rather the two archbishops ; or more properly the archbishop of canterbury : just as the iesuited papists resolve the church and all the glorious titles of it into the pope ; so do these into the archbishop , or at fullest , they understand it of the bishops and their party met in convocation ; as the more ingenuous of the papists , make the pope and his cardinals to be their church : thus excluding all the christian people and presbyters of the kingdome ; as not worthy to be reckoned in the number of the church . and which is more strange , this author in his simplicitie ( as he truly saith ) never heard , nor thought of any more churches of england then one ; and what then shal become of his diocesan churches , and diocesan bishops ? and what shall wee think of england , when it was an heptarchy ? had it not then seven churches when seven kings ? or if the bounds of a kingdome must constitute the limits and bounds of a church , why are not england , scotland , and ireland , all one church ? when they are happily united under one gracious monarch , into one kingdome . wee reade in scripture , of the churches of iudea , and the churches of galatia ; and why not the churches of england ? not that we denie the consociation , or combination of churches into a provinciall or nationall synod for the right ordering of them . but that there should be no church in england , but a nationall church : this is that which this author in his simplicity affirmes , of which the very rehearsall is a refutation . sect . xviii . there are yet two things with which this remonstrance shuts up it selfe , which must not be past without our obeliskes . first , he scoffes at the antiprelaticall church , and the antiprelaticall divisions ● for our parts we acknowledge no antiprelaticall church . but there are a company of men in the kingdome , of no meane ranke or quality , for piety , nobility , learning , that stand up to beare witnesse against the hierarchie ( as it now stands : ) their usurpations over gods church and ministers , their cruell using of gods people by their tyrannicall governement : this we acknowledge ; and if hee call these the antiprelaticall church , we doubt not but your honours wil consider , that there are many thousands in this kingdome , and those pious and worthy persons , that thus doe , and upon most just cause . it was a speech of erasinus , of luther , vt quisque vir est optimus , ita illius scriptis minimè offendi , the better any man was , the lesse offence he tooke at luthers writings : but we may say the contrary of the prelates , vt quisque vir est optimus , ita illorum factis magis offendi , the better any man is , the more he is offended at their dealings . and all that can be objected against this party , will be like that in tertullian , bonus vir cajus sejus , sed malus tantum quia antiprelaticus . but he upbraides us with our divisions and subdivisions , and so doe the papists upbraid the protestants with their lutheranisme , calvinisme , and zuinglianisme . and this is that the heathens objected to the christians , their fractures were so many , they knew not which religion to chuse if they should turn christians : and can it be expected that the church in any age should be free frō divisions , when the times of the apostles were not free ? and the apostle tells us , it must needs be that there be divisions : in greg. naz. dayes there were errours in the church ; doe these any wayes derogate from the truth and worth of christian religion ? but as for the divisions of the antiprelaticall party , so odiously exaggerated by this remonstrant : let us assure your honours , they have beene much fomented by the prelates , whose pract●se hath beene according to that rule of machiavill : divide & impera , and they have made these divisions , and afterwards complained of that which their tyranny and policie hath made . it is no wonder considering the pathes our prelates have trod , that there are divisions in the nation . the wonder is our divisions are no more , no greater ; and wee doubt not but if they were of that gracious spirit , and so intirely affected to the peace of the church as greg. naz. was , they would say as he did in the tumults of the people , mitte nos in mare , & non erit tempestas ; rather then they would hinder that sweet con●ordance , and conspiration of minde unto a governement that shall be every way agreeable to the rule of gods word , and pro●itable for the edification and flourishing of the church . a second thing , wee cannot but take notice of , is the pains this author takes to advance his prelaticall church : and forgetting what he had said in the beginning : that their party was so numerous , it could not be summed ; tells us now , these severall thousands are punctually calculated . but we doubt not but your honours will consider that there may be mul●i homines & pauci viri . and that there are more against them then for them . and whereas they pretend , that they differ from us onely in a ceremony or an organ pipe , ( which however is no contemptible difference ) yet it will appeare that our differences are in point of a superiour alloy . though this remonstrant braves it in his multiplyed quere's . what are the bounds of this church ? what the distinction of the professours and religion ? what grounds of faith ? what new creed doe they hold different from their neighbours ? what scriptures ? what baptisme ? what meanes of salvation other then the rest ? yet if hee pleased hee might have silenced his owne queres : but if hee will needs put us to the answer , wee will resolve them one by one . first , if he ask what are the bounds of this church , we answer him out of the sixt of their late founded canons : where we find the limits of this prelaticall church extend as farre as from the high and lofty promontory of archbishops , to the terra incognita of an , &c. if what distinction of professors and religion ; we answer their worshipping towards the east , and bowing towards the altar , prostrating themselves in their approaches into churches , placing all religion in outward formalities , are visible differences of these professours and their religion . if what new creed they have , or what grounds of faith differing from their neighbours , we answer ; episcopacy by divine right is the first article of their creed absolute and blinde obedience to all the commandements of the church ( that is the bishop and his emissaries ) election upon faith foreseene , the influence of works into iustification , falling from grace , &c. if what scripture , we answer ; the apocrypha and unwritten traditions . if what baptisme ? a baptisme of absolute necessity unto salvation ; and yet insufficient unto salvation : as not sealing grace to the taking away of sinne after baptisme . if what eucharist ? an eucharist that must be administred upon an altar or a table set altar-wise , rayled in an eucharist in which there is such a presence of christ , ( though modum nesciunt ) as makes the place of its administration the throne of god , the place of the residence of the almighty ; and impresseth such a holinesse upon it as makes it not onely capable , but worthy of adoration . if what christ ? a christ who hath given the same power of absolution to a priest that himselfe hath . if what heaven ? a heaven that hath a broad way leading thither , and is receptive of drunkards , swearers , adulterers , &c. such a heaven as we may say of it , as the the indians said of the heaven of the spaniards : unto that heaven which some of the prelaticall church living and dying in their scandalous sinnes , and hatefull enormities goe to , let our soules never enter . if what meanes of salvation ? we answer , confession of sinnes to a priest as the most absolute , undoubted , necessary , infallible meanes of salvation . farre be it from us to say with this remonstrant , we do fully agree in all these and all other doctrinall , and practicall points of religion , and preach one and the same saving truths . nay , we must rather say as that holy martyr did , we thank god we are none of you . nor doe we because of this dissension feare the censure of uncharitablenesse from any but uncharitable men . but it is no unusuall thing with the prelats and their party , to charge such as protest against their corrupt opinions and wayes , with uncharitablenesse and schisme , as the papists do the protestants : and as the protestants doe justly recriminate , and charge that schisme upon the papists , which they object to us ; so may we upon the prelats : and if austin may be judge , the prelats are more schismaticks then we . quicunque ( saith he ) invident bonis , ut quaerant occasiones excludendieos , aut degradandi , vel crimina sua sic defond●re parati sunt ( si objecta vel prodita fuerint ) ut etiam conventiculorum congregationes vel ecclesiae perturbationes cogitent excitare , jam schismatici sunt . whosoever envie those that are good , and seeke occasions to exclude and degrade them , and are so ready to defend their faults , that rather then they will leave them , they will devise how to raise up troubles in the church , and drive men into conventicles and corners , they are the schismaticks . and that all the world may take notice what just cause wee have to complaine of episcopacie , as it now stands , wee humbly crave leave to propound these quaeries . quaeries about episcopacie . vvhether it be tolerable in a christian church , that lord bishops should be held to be iure divino ; and yet the lords day by the same men to be but iure humano . and that the same persons should cry up altars in stead of communion tables , and priests in stead of ministers , and yet not iudaize , when they will not suffer the lords day to be called the sabbath day , for feare of iudaizing . whereas the word sabbath is a generall word , signifying a day of rest , which is common as well to the christian sabbath , as to the jewish sabbath , and was also used by the ancients , russinus in psal. . origen hom. . in num. gregory nazian . whether that assertion , no bishop , no king , and no ceremonie , no bishop , be not very prejudiciall to kingly authoritie ? for it seemes to imply , that the civill power depends upon the spirituall , and is supported by ceremonies and bishops . whether seeing it hath beene proved that bishops ( as they are now asserted ) are a meere humane ordinance , it may not by the same authoritie be abrogated , by which it was first established ; especially , considering the long experience of the hurt they have done to church and state. whether the advancing of episcopacie into ius divinum , doth not make it a thing simply unlawfull to submit to that government ? because that many consciencious men that have hitherto conformed to ceremonies and episcopacie , have done it upon this ground , as supposing that authoritie did not make them matters of worship , but of order and decencie , &c. and thus they satisfied their consciences in answering those texts , colos. . . , . math. . . but now since episcopacy comes to be challenged as a divine ordinance , how shall wee be responsable to those texts . and is it not , as it is now asserted , become an idoll , and like the brazen serpent to be ground to powder ? whether there be any difference in the point of episcopacie between ius divinum and ius apostolicum . because we finde some claiming their standing by ius divinum ; others by ius apostolicum . but wee conceive that ius apostolicum properly taken , is all one with ius divinum . for ius apostolicum is such a ius , which is founded upon the acts and epistles of the apostles , written by them so as to be a perpetuall rule for the succeeding administration of the church , as this author saith pag. . and this ius is ius divinum , as well as apostolicum . but if by ius apostolicum , they meane improperly ( as some doe ) such things which are not recorded in the writings of the apostles , but introduced , the apostles being living , they cannot be rightly said to be jure apostolico , nor such things which the apostles did intend the churches should be bound unto . neither is episcopacie as it imports a superioritie of power over a presbyter , no not in this sense jure apostolico , as hath beene already proved , and might further be manifested by divers testimonies , if need did require . we will only instance in cassander , a man famous for his immoderate moderation in controverted points of religion , who in his consultat . articul . . hath this saying ; an episcopatus inter ordines ecclesiasticos ponendus sit , inter theologos & canonistas non convenit . convenit autem inter omnes , in apostolorum aetate presbyterum & episcopum nullum discrimen fuisse , &c. whether the distinction of beza , betweene episcopus divinus , humanus , & diabolicus , be not worthy your honours consideration . by the divine bishop , he meanes the bishop as he is taken in scripture , which is one and the same with a presbyter ; by the humane bishop he meanes the bishop chosen by the presbyters to be president over them , and to rule with them by fixed lawes and canons . by the diabolicall bishop he meanes a bishop with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , lording it over gods heritage , and governing by his owne will and authority . which puts us in minde of the painter that limmed two pictures to the same proportion and figure ; the one hee reserved in secret , the other he exposed to common view . and as the phansie of beholders led them to censure any line or proportion , as not done to the life , he mends it after direction . if any fault bee found with the eye , hand , foot , &c. he corrects it , till at last the addition of every mans fancie had defaced the first figure , and made that which was the picture of a man , swell into a monster : then bringing forth this and his other picture which hee had reserved , he presented both to the people . and they abhorring the former , and applauding the latter , he cryed , hunc populus fecit : this the deformed one the people made : this lovely one i made . as the painter of his painting , so ( in bezaes sence ) it may be said of bishops , god at first instituted bishops such as are all one with presbyters ; and such are amiable , honourable in all the churches of god. but when men would bee adding to gods institution , what power , preheminence , iurisdiction ; lordlynes their phansie suggested unto them , this divine bishop lost his originali beauty , and became to be humanus . and in conclusion ( by these and other additions swelling into a p●pe . ) diabolicus . whether the ancient fathers , when they call peter marke , iames , timothy , and titus bishops , did not speak according to the language of the times wherein they lived , rather then according to the true acception of the word bishop ; and whether it bee not true which is here said in this booke , that they are called bishops of alexandria , ephesus , hierusalem , &c. in a very improper sense , because they abode at those places a longer time then at other places ? for sure it is , if christ made peter and iames apostles ( which are bishops over the whole world ) and the apostles made marke , timothy and titus evangelists , &c. it seemes to us that it wonld have beene a great sinne in them to limit themselves to one particular diocesse , and to leave that calling in which christ had placed them . whether presbyters in scripture are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that it is an office , required at their hands , to rule and to governe , as hath beene proved in this booke ; the bishops can without sinne arrogate the exercise of this power to themselves alone ; and why may they not with the same lawfulnesse , impropriate to themselves alone the key of doctrine ( which yet notwithstanding all would condemne ) as wel as the key of discipline , seeing that the whole power of the keyes is given to presbyters in sc●ipture as well as to bishops ; as appears , mat. . . where the power of the keyes is promised to peter , in the name of the rest of the apostles , and their successors ; and given to all the apostles , and their successors , mat. . . iohn . . and that presbyters succeed the apostles , appeares not onely mat. . . but also acts . where the apostle ready to leave the church of ephesus commends the care of ruling and feeding it to the elders of that church . to this irenaeus witnesseth , lib. . cap. . . this bishop iewell against harding , artic. . sect . . . saith , that all pastors have equall power of binding and loosing with peeter . whether since that bishops assume to themselves power temporall ( to be barons and to sit in parliament , as judges , and in court of star-chamber , high commission , and other courts of justice ) and also power spirituall over ministers and people to ordaine , silence , suspend , deprive , excommunicate , &c. their spirituall power be not as dangerous ( though both bee dangerous ) and as much to be opposed as their temporall ? . because the spiritual is over our consciences , the temporall , but over our purses , . because the spirituall have more influence into gods ordinances to defile them , then the temporall . . because spirituall judgements and evills are greater then other , . because the pope was anticstrist , before he did assume any temporall power . . because the spirituall is more inward and lesse discerned : and therefore it concernes all those that have spirituall eyes , and desire to worship god in spirit and truth to consider , and and endeavour to abrogate their spirituall usurpations as well as their temporall . whether acrius bee justly branded by epiphanius and austin for a hereticke ( as some report ) for affirming bishops , and presbyters to be of an equall power ? wee say , as some report , for the truth is , he is charged with heresie meerely and onely because he was an a arian . as for his opinion of the parity of a presbyter with a bishop ; this indeede is called by austin , proprium dogma aerii , the proper opinion of aerius . and by epiphanius it is called dogma furiosum & stolidum , a mad and foolish opinion , but not an heresie neither by the one nor the other . but let us suppose ( as is commonly thought ) that he was accounted an heretike for this opinion : yet notwithstanding , that this was but the private opinion of epiphanius , and borrowed out of him by austin , & an opinion not to be allowed appeares ; first , because the same authors condemne aërius , as much for reprehending and censuring the mentioning of the dead in the publique prayers , and the performing of good works for the benefit of the dead . and also for the reprehending statu jejunia , and the keeping of the week before easter as a solemne fast ; which if worthy of condemnation , would bring in most of the reformed churches into the censure of heresie . secondly , because not onely saint hierome , but anstin himselfe , sedulius , primasius , chrysostome , theodoret , oecumenius , theophilact , were of the same opinion with aërius ( as michael medina , observes in the councell of trent , and hath written , lib. . de sacr . hom . origine ) and yet none of these deserving the name of fools , much lesse to be branded for hereticks . thirdly , because no counsell did ever condemne this for heresie ; but on the contrary , concilium aquisgranens . sub ludovico pio imp. . anno . hath approved it for true divinitie out of the scripture : that bishops & presbyters are equall , bringing the same texts that aerius doth , and which epiphanius indeed undertakes to answer ; but how slightly let any indifferent reader judge . whether the great apostacie of the church of rome hath not been , in swarving from the discipline of christ , as well as from the doctrine . for so it seems by that text . . thess. . . and also revel . . . and divers others . and if so , then it much concernes all those that desire the purity of the church to consider , how neere the discipline of the church of england borders upon antichrist ; least , while they indeavour to keepe out antichrist from entring by the doore of doctrine , they should suffer him secretly to creep in by the doore of discipline , especially considering , what is heere said in this booke . that by their owne confession , the discipline of the church of england is the same with the church of rome . whether episcopacy be not made a place of dignity , rather then duty , and desired onely for the great revenues of the place : and whether , if the largenesse of their revenues were taken away , bishops would not decline the great burthen and charge of soules necessarily annexed to their places , as much as the ancient bishops did , who hid themselves that they might not be made bishops and cut off their eares rather then they would bee made bishops : wheras now bishops cut off the eares of those that speak against their bishopricks . how it comes to passe , that in england there is such increase of popery , superst●tion , arminianisme ; and profanenesse more then in other reformed churches ; doth not the root of these disorders proceed from the bishops an● their adherents , being forced to hold correspondence with rome , to uphold their greatnesse , and their courts and canons , wherein they symbolize with rome ; and whether it bee not to be feared , that they will rather consent to the bringing in of popery , for the upholding of their dignities , then part with their dignities for the upholding of religion . why should england that is one of the chiefest kingdomes in europe , that seperates from antichrist , maintaine and defend a discipline different from all other reformed churches , which stand in the like separation ? and whether the continuance in this discipline will not at last bring us to communion with rome from which wee are separated , and to separation from the other reformed churches , unto which wee are united . whether it bee fit that the name bishop , which in scripture is common to the presbyters with the bishops ( and not onely in in scripture , but also in antiquitie for some hundreds of yeeres ) should still bee appropriated to bishops , and ingrossed by them , and not rather to bee made common to all presbyters ; and the rather because : first we finde by wofull experience , that the great equivocation that lyeth in the name bishop hath beene and is at this day a great prop & pillar to uphold lordly prelacy , for this is the great goliah , the master-peece , and indeed the onely argument with which they thinke to silence all opposers . to wit , the antiquity of episcopacie , that it hath continued in the church of christ for yeeres , &c , which argument is cited by this remonstrant ad nauseam usque & usque . now it is evident that this , argument is a paralogisme , depending upon the equivocation of the name bishop . for bishops in the apostles time were the same with presbyters in name and office and so for a good while after . and when afterwards they came to bee distinguished . the bishops of the primitive times differed as much from ours now , as rome ancient from rome at this day , as hath beene sufficiently declared in this booke . and the best way to confute this argument is by bringing in a community of the name bishop to a presbyter as well as to a bishop . secondly , because wee finde that the late innovators which have so much disturbed the peace & purity of our church , did first begin with the alteration of words ; and by changing the word table into the word altar ; and the word minister , into the word priest ; and the word sacrament into the word sacrifice , have endevoured to bring in the popish masse . and the apostle exhorts us , tim. . . to hold fast the forme of sound words : and tim . . to avoid the prophane novelties of words . upon which text we will onely mention what the rhemists have commented , which wee conceive to be worthy consideration . ( nam instruunt nos non solum docentes , sed etiam errantes ) the church of god hath alwayes been as diligent to resist novelties , of words , as her adversaries are busie to invent them , for which cause shee will not have us communicate with them , nor follow their fashions and phrase newly invented , though in the nature of the words sometimes there bee no harme . let us keepe our forefathers words , and wee shall easily keepe our old and true faith , that wee had of the first christians ; let them say amendment , abstinence , the lords supper , the communion table , elders , ministers , superintendent , congregation , so be it , praise yee the lord , morning prayer , evening prayer and the rest , as they will , let us avoide those novelties of words , according to the apostles prescript and keepe the ole termes , penance , fast , priests , church , bishop , masse , mat●in , evensong , the b. sacrament , altar , oblation . host , sacrifice , halleluja , amen ; lent , palme-sunday , christmasse , and the words will bring us to the faith of our first apostles , and condemne these new apostates , new faith and phrase . whether having proved that god never set such a government in his church as our episcopall government is wee may lawfully any longer be subject unto it , bee present at their courts , obey their injunctions and especially bee instruments in publishing , and executing their excommunications and absolutions . and thus we have given ( as wee hope ) a sufficient answer , and as briefe as the matter would permit , to the remonstrant . with whom , though we agree not in opinion touching episcopacie and liturgie ; yet we fully consent with him , to pray unto almighty god , who is great in power , and infinite in wisdome , to powre downe upon the whole honourabe assembly , the spirit of wisdome and understanding , the spirit of councell and might , the spirit of knowledge and of the feare of the lord. that you may be able to discerne betwixt things that differ ; separate betweene the precious and the vile , purely purge away our drosse , and take away all our tinne ; root out every plant that is not of our heavenly fathers planting . that so you may raise up the foundations of many generations , and be called the repairers of breaches , and restorers of paths to dwell in . even so , amen . finis . a postscript . though we might have added much light and beauty to our discourse , by inserting variety of histories upon severall occasions given us in the remonstrance , the answer whereof wee have undertaken ; especially where it speaks of the bounty and gracious munificence of religious princes toward the bishops , yet unwilling to break the thread of our discourse , and its connexion with the remonstrance , by so large a digression , as the whole series of history producible to our purpose , would extend unto : wee have chosen rather to subjoyne by way of appendix , an historicall narration of those bitter fruits , pride , rebellion , treason , vnthankefulnes , &c. which have issued from episcopacy , while it hath stood under the continued influences of soveraigne goodnesse . which narration would fill a volume , but we wil bound our selves unto the stories of this kingdome , and that revolution of time which hath passed over us since the erection of the sea of canterbury . and because in most things the beginning is observed to be a presage of that which followes , let their founder austin the monk come first to be considered . whom wee may justly account to have beene such to the english , as the arrian bishops were of old to the goths , and the jesuits now among the indians , who of pagans have made but arrians and papists . his ignorance in the gospell which he preached is seene in his idle and judaicall consultations with the pope , about things cleane and uncleane ; his proud demeanour toward the british clergy , appeares in his counsell called about no solid point of faith , but celebration of easter , where having troubled & threatned the churches of wales , and afterwards of scotland , about romish ceremonies , hee is said in fine to have beene the stirrer up of ethelbert , by meanes of the northumbrian king , to the slaughter of twelve hundred of those poore laborious monks of bangor . his successors busied in nothing but urging and instituting ceremonies , and maintaining precedency we passe over . till dunstan , the sainted prelate , who of a frantick necromancer , and suspected fornicatour , was shorne a monk , and afterwards made a bishop . his worthy deeds are noted by speed to have beene the cheating king edred of the treasure committed to his keeping ; the prohibiting of marriage , to the encreasing of all filthinesse in the clergie of those times ; as the long oration of king edgar in stow well testifies . in edward the confessors dayes , robert the norman no sooner archbishop of canterbury , but setting the king and earle godwine at variance for private revenge broached a civill warre , till the archbishop was banisht . now william the conquerour had set up lanfrank bishop of canterbury , who to requite him , spent his faithfull service to the pope gregorie , in perswading the king to subject himselfe and his state to the papacy as himselfe writes to the pope , suasi , sed non persuasi . the treason of anselm to rufus was notorious , who not content to withstand the king , obstinately in money matters made suit to fetch his pall or investiture of archiepiscopacie from rome , which the king denying as flat against his regall soveraigntie , he went without his leave● and for his romish good service received great honour from the pope , by being seated at his right foot in a synod , with these words , includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis papam . whence perhaps it is that the sea of canterbury hath affected a patriarchy in our dayes . this anselm also condemned the married clergie . henry the first reigning , the same anselm deprived those prelats that had beene invested by the king , and all the kingdome is vext with one prelat , who the second time betakes himselfe to his old fortresse at rome , till the king was faine to yeeld . which done , and the archbishop returned , spends the rest of his dayes in a long contention and unchristian jangling with york about primacie . which ended not so , but grew as hot betweene york and london , as dean to canterbury , striving for the upper seat at dinner , till the king seeing their odious pride put them both out of dores . to speak of ralf . and thurstan , the next archbishops , pursuing the same quarrell , were tedious as it was no smal molestation to the king and kingdome , thurstan refusing to stand to the kings doome , and wins the day , or else the king must be accurs't by the pope ; which further animates him to try the mastry with william next archbishop of canterbury , and no man can end it but their father the pope , for which they travel to rome . in the mean while , marriage is sharply decreed against , speed . and the legate cremonensis , the declamor against matrimony taken with a strumpet the same night . in king stephens reigne , the haughty bishops of canterbury and winchester bandy about precedencie ; and to rome to end the duell . theobald goes to rome against the kings will ; interdicts the realme , and the king forc't to suffer it ; till refusing to crowne eustace the kings sonne , because the pope had so commanded , he flies againe . beckets pride and outragious treasons are too manifest ; resigning the kings gift of his archbishoprick to receive it of the pope ; requiring the custody of rochester castle , and the tower of london , as belonging to his seignorie . protects murthering priests from the temporall sword ; standing stifly for the liberties and dignities of clerkes , but little to chastise their vices , which besides other crying sinnes , were above a hundred murthers since henry the seconds crowning , till that time to maintaine which , most of the bishops conspire , till terror of the king made them shrink ; but becket obdures , denies that the king of englands courts have authority to judge him . and thus was this noble king disquieted by an insolent traytor , in habit of a bishop , a great part of his reigne ; the land in uproar ; many excommunicate , and accursed . france and england set to warre , and the king himselfe curbed , and controlled ; and lastly , disciplin'd by the bishops and monks , first with a bare foot penance , that drew blood from his feet , and lastly , with fourescore lashes on his anointed body with rods . in the same kings time it was that the archbishop of york , striving to sit above canterbury , squatts him down on his lap , whence with many a cuffe hee was throwne downe . next the pride of w. longchamp , bishop of elie was notorious , who would ride with a thousand horse , and of a governour in the kings absence , became a tyrant ; for which ●lying in womans apparell he was taken . to this succeeds contention betweene canterbury and york , about carriage of their crosses , and rome appeal'd to : the bishop of durham buyes an earldome . no sooner another king , but hubert another archbishop to vex him , and lest that were not enough , made chancellor of england . and besides him , geffry of york , who refusing to pay a subsidy within his precincts , and therefore all his temporalities seaz'd ; excommunicates the sheriffe , beats the kings officers , and interdicts his whole province . hubert outbraves the king in christmasse house-keeping : hinders king iohn by his legantine power from recovering normandy . after him stephen-langton , set up by the pope in spight of the king , who opposing such an affront , falls under an interdict , with his whole land ; and at the suit of his archbishop to the pope , is depos'd by papall sentence ; his kingdome given to philip the french king , langtons friend , and lastly resignes and ●nfe●ds his crowne to the pope . after this tragicall stephen , the fray which boniface the next archbishop but one had with the canons of saint bartholmews is as pleasant ; the tearing of hoods and cowles , the miring of copes , the flying about of wax candles , and censors in the scuffle , cannot be imagined without mirth ; as his oathes were lowd in this bickering , so his curles were as vehement in the contention with the bishop of winchester for a slight occasion . but now the bishops had turned their contesting into base and servile f●atteries , to advance themselves on the ruine of the subjects . for peter de rupibus bishop of winchester perswading the king to displace english officers and substitute poictivines , and telling the lords to their ces , that there were no peeres in england , as in france , but that the king might do what he would , and by whom he would , became a firebrand to the civill warres that followed . in this time peckam archbishop of can. in a synod was tempering with the kings liberties , but being threatned desisted . but his successor winchelsey on occasion of subsidies demanded of the clergie , made answer , that having two lords , one spirituall , the other temporall , he ought rather to obey the spirituall governour the pope , but that he would send to the pope , to know his pleasure , and so persisted even to beggerie . the bishop of durham also cited by the king flies to rome . in the deposing of this king who more forward , then the bishop of hereford ? witnesse his sermon at oxford , my head , my head aketh concluding that an aking , and sick head of a king was to be taken off without further physick . iohn the archbishop of canterbury , suspected to hinder the kings glorious victories in flanders , and france , by stopping the con●eyance of moneys committed to his charge , conspiring therein with the pope . but not long after was constituted that fatall praemunire , which was the first nipping of their courage , to seeke aide at rome . and next to that , the wide wounds , that wickleffe made in their sides . from which time they have beene falling , and thenceforth all the smoke , that they could vomit , was turned against the rising light of pure doctrine . yet could not their pride misse occasion to set other mischief on foot . for the citizens of london rising to apprehend a riotous servant of the bishop of salisbury then lord treasurer , who with his fellowes stood on his guard in the bishops house , were by the bishop , who maintained the riot of his servant , so complained of , that the king therewith seized on their liberties , and set a governour over the citie . and who knowes not , that thomas arundell archbishop of canterbury was a chiefe instrument , and agent in deposing king richard , as his actions and sermon well declares . the like intended the abbot of westminster to henry the fourth , who for no other reason , but because hee suspected , that the king did not favour the wealth of the church , drew into a most horrible conspiracie the earles of kent , rutland , and salisbury , to kill the king in a turnament at oxford , who yet notwithstanding was a man that professed to leave the church in better state then hee found it . for all this , soone after is richard scroop archbishop of york in the field against him , the chiefe attractor of the rebellious party . in these times thomas arundell a great persecutor of the gospel preached by wifclefs followers , dies a fearefull death , his tongue so swelling within his mouth , that hee must of necessity starve . his successor chickeley nothing milder diverts the king , that was looking too neerely into the superfluous revenewes of the church , to a bloody warre . all the famous conquests which henry the fifth had made in france , were lost by a civill dissension in england , which sprung first from the haughty pride of beaufort bishop and cardinall of winchester , and the archbishop of york against the protector , speed . in the civill warres the archbishop sides with the earle of warwick , and march in kent , speed . edward the fourth , mountacute archbishop of yorke , one of the chiefe conspirators with warwicke against edward the fourth , and afterwards his jaylor , being by warwickes treason committed to this bishop . in edward the fifths time , the archbishop of york was , though perhaps unwittingly ( yet by a certaine fate of of prelacie ) the unhappy instrument of pulling the young duke of yorke out of sanctuary , into his cruell unckles hands . things being setled in such a peace , as after the bloodie brawles was to the af●licted realme howsoever acceptable , though not such , as might bee wished : morton bishop of ely , enticing the duke of buckingham to take the crowne , which ruin'd him , opened the vaines of the poore subjects to bleede afresh . the intollerable pride , extortion , bribery , luxurie of wolsey archbishop of yorke who can bee ignorant of ? selling dispensations by his power legantine for all offences , insulting over the dukes and peeres , of whom some hee brought to destruction by bloodie policie , playing with state aff●ires according to his humour , or benefit : causing turnay got with the blood of many a good souldier , to be rendred at the french kings secret request to him , not without bribes ; with whom one while siding , another while with the emperour , hee sold the honour and peace of england at what rates hee pleased ; and other crimes to bee seene in the articles against him , hol. . and against all the bishops in generall● . which when the parliament sought to remedie , being most excessive extortion in the ecclesiasticall courts , the bishops cry out ; sacriledge , the church goes to ruine , as it did in bohem , with the schisme of the hussites , ibid. after this , though the bishops ceased to bee papists ; for they preached against the popes supremacie , to please the king , yet they ceased not to oppugne the gospel , causing tindals translation to be burnt , yet they agreed to the suppressing of monasteries , leaving their revenewes to the king , to make way for the six bloodie articles , which proceedings with all crueltie of inquisition are set downe holinsh. pag. . till they were repealed the second of edward the sixth , stopping in the meane while the cause of reformation well begunne by the lord cromwell . and this mischiefe was wrought by steven gardiner , bishop of winchester . the sixe articles are set downe in speed , pag. . the archbishop of saint andrewes , his hindring of englands and scotlands union , for feare of reformation , speed . as for the dayes of king edward the sixth , we cannot but acknowledge to the glorie of the rich mercie of god , t●at there was a great reformation of religion made even to admiration . and yet notwithstanding we doe much dislike the humour of those , that crie up those dayes as a compleat patterne of reformation , and that endeavour to reduce our religion to the first times of king edward , which wee conceive were comparatively very imperfect , there being foure impediments which did much hinder that blessed work . the three rebellions . one in henry the eighths time , by the priests of lincolne and yorkeshire , for that reformation which cromwell had made . the other two in king edwards dayes . one in cornewall , the other in yorkeshire . the strife that arose suddenly amongst the peeres emulating one anothers honour . speed pag . the violent opposition of the popish bishops , which made martin bucer write to king edward in his booke de regno christi . lib. . cap. . and say , your majestie doth see , that this restoring againe the kingdome of christ , which wee require , yea , which the salvation of us all requireth , may in no wise bee expected to come from the bishops , seeing there be so few among them which doe understand the power and proper offices of this kingdome ; and very many of them by all meanes ( which possibly they can and dare ) either oppose themselves against it , or deferre and hinder it . the deficiencie of zeale and courage even in those bishops who afterwards proved martyrs , witnesse the sharp contention of ridley against hooper , for the ceremonies . and the importunate suit of cranmer and ridley for tolleration of the masse for the kings sister , which was rejected by the kings , not only reasons , but teares ; whereby the young king shewed more zeale then his best bishops . . the inhumane butcheries , blood-sheddings , and cruelties of gardiner , bonner , and the rest of the bishops in queene maries dayes , are so fresh in every mans memory , as that we conceive it a thing altogether unnecessary to make mention of them . onely wee feare least the guilt of the blood then shed , should yet remaine to be required at the hands of this nation , because it hath not publikely endeavoured to appease the wrath of god by a generall and solemne humiliation for it . what the practises of the prelats have beene ever since , from the beginning of queene elizabeth to this present day , would fill a volume ( like ezekiels roule ) with lamentation , mourning , and woe to record . for it hath beene their great designe to hinder all further reformation ; to bring in doctrines of popery , arminianisme , and libertinisme , to maintaine , propagate and much encrease the burden of humane ceremonies : to keepe out , and beate downe the preaching of the word , to silence the faithfull preachers of it , to oppose and persecute the most zealous professours , and to turne all religion into a pompous out-side . and to tread downe the power of godlinesse . insomuch as it is come to an ordinary proverb , that when any thing is spoyled wee use to say , the bishops foot hath beene in it . and in all this ( and much more which might be said ) fulfilling bishop bonners prophesie , who when hee saw that in king edwards reformation , there was a reservation of ceremonies and hierarchy , is credibly reported to have used these words ; since they have begun to tast of our broath , it will not be long ere they will eat of our beefe . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag . vntruths . r●mo●● pag . malmesbury lib. . hist. concil . trid. pag. . liturgie . pag. . a ad hoc malarum dev●lutae est ecclesia dei & spon●a christi ut haereticorum exempla sectentu● & ad celebranda sacramenta coelestia , disciplinam . lux mu●uetur de teneb●●● & ●d faciant christiani quod antichristi faciunt . cypr. ep. . page . iust. mar. apost . . tert. ap. ad gen. c. . iust. mar. apost . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . la. can. . conc. carth. . can. . anno . conc. milev . . can. . an. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . euseb. de vit . con. li . cap. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . d. corbet . m. novel . pag. . pag. . pag. , . abbot against church ●o●sakers . ob. answ. pag. . pag. . pag. . * pag. . a one of these sonnes of the church of england whose messenger this remonstrance is , was he who swore by the eternall god , he would be the death of those that did appeare to move against the grievances of episcopacy , and if the rest of these millions mentioned pag. . whos 's thousands are so punctually calculated p. be of his spirit : they are an army of very peaceable & right-affected men . pag. . evaristus . . dionysius . . some say . as pol. virg. ioh. maior l. . hist. de gest . scot. cap. . heylins geog. p. . gener. hist. of spain l. pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . a frustra consuetudinē nobis opponunt , quasi consuetudo major sit v●ri●tate , aut non id sit in spiritualibus s●quendu● , quod in melius ●uerit à spiritu sancto r●velatum , cypr ep. . b it is well observed by gerha●d , that a bishop ●hrasi apostolicâ , that is , a bishop that is the same with a presbyter , is of fifteene hundred yeares standing ; but a bishop , ●hrosi pon● si●iâ , that is , a distinct order superiour to a presbyter invested with sole power of ordination and iurisdiction , is but a novell invention● pag. . pag. . a what the establishment of episcopacy by the lawes i● , and upon what grounded , the learned sir edward cooke informes us , who reports , that in an act of parliament holden at carlile in the . yeare of edw. . it is de●lared that the holy church of england was founded in the state of prelacy within the realme of england , by the king and h●s progenitours , &c. for them to info●me the people in the law of god , and to keep ●ospitality , and give alme● , and do other workes of charity . and the said kings in times past were wont to have their advise and counsell for the safe-guard of the realme , when they had need of such prelates and clarkes so advanced . cooke de jure regis ecclesiast●co . but whether bishops have observed the orders of their first foundation , &c. pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . hierony . ep. ad euag. & ad ocea . iren. adver . haer . l. . cap. . . hist. lib. . cap. . bellarm. de cleric . lib. . cap. . a presbyte 〈◊〉 secut ep●s●●pis 〈…〉 d●icommissa est : presunt eum ecclesiae christi : in consecrat●one domi●ici 〈…〉 cons●r●es 〈…〉 e●i●copis : & 〈◊〉 in doctrina populorum & in 〈…〉 propt●r autorit●tem , summo sacerdott clericorum ordina●io reserv●●a ●st : co●●● . 〈◊〉 . pri● . m , can. . e●●ngeli●m ●●but his qui prae●unt ecclesie ma●●atum docendi evang●lii , rem●tt●●di pec●●●● , adm●●●stra●di sa●ramenta : prae●erea jurisdictionem ; videlicet ma●datum excomm●n●andi cos q●●rum 〈◊〉 sunt crimina , & resipiscen es rursum absolvendi : ac oma●● 〈◊〉 , etiam advers●rioru● 〈◊〉 , hinc potesta●em jare divino comm●● 〈…〉 qui presant ecclesiae , sive pastores vo●●atur , sive presbyteri , sive e●is●opi . s●rip●●● philip. melanch . in conventu smalcald . anno. . a precipuis illar●m ecclesiarum dictoribus commani consensu comprobatum de potestate & jurisdictione episc●porum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ierom. isa. . igna. epis. ad magnes . conc. ancyr . can. . pag. . tertull. a at ubi omnia ●oca circumplexa est ecclesia , ●conventicula con●itula sunt : & caeperunt r●ctores : & caetera ossi●●a in ecclesia sunt ordinata . caepit aliot ordine & providentia g●bernari ecclesia . ideo non per omnia conveniunt sc●ipta apostoli ordinationi quae nunc in ecclesia est , quia haec inter i●sa primordia scripta sunt . na● & timothe●m à se presbyterum creatum episcopam v●ca● , &c. sed quia cae●erunt sequentes presbyteri indigns inventri ad pruratus t●nendos , immu●ata est 〈◊〉 , &c. hierom ad evag. ambros. ubi prius . grego . naz. orat. . pag. . . greg. nazi . vbi prius . pag. . pag. . pag. . a plebs ipsa maximè habet potestatem vel eligendi . dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi , quod & ipsum videmus de divina authoritate descendere : ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur , & dignus atque idoneus publico iudicio ac testimonio comprobetur . by priests the author here understands bishopps , as the whole series of the epistle shewes . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . athanas. epist. ad othodoxos . idem ubi supra . cyprian , cornelius , athanasius , and others . cypr. epist. . epist. . apud cypr. epist. . cumjure divino non sint diversi gradus episcopi et pastores : manifestum est ordinationem in suâ ecclesiâ factam ivre divino ratam esse . itaque cum episcopi ordinarii fiant hostes ecclesiae aut nolunt ordinationē impert●re , ecclesia retinet jus suum . melanch . ubi supra , pag. concil . antioc . can. . & aneyr. can. . concil . carthag . can. ● . ibid. c●n . hicronym . in epist. ad evag. chrysost. hom. ● . in ad tim chrysost. upon the tim. libro d● settem ordinabus . concil . aquisgra . . can . solum propter author●tatem clericorum ordinatio et consecratio reservata est summo sacerdoti . bilson . spalat . franc. à sancta clara. cyp. epist. . & . concil . . carthag . can. . vid russ hist. lib. . cap . soz● . li. . c . possidon . de vita● aug. c. . orig. hom. . in exo. pag . decret . part . . can. quae . . per totum & parte ● dis. . cap. . . clem. alex. stroma● . lib. ● . tertull. apol. advers . gent. ambros. epist. ad syagrium . aug. de verb. apost . ser. . a constat , iurisdictionem illam excommunicandi reos manifestorum criminum pertinere ad omnes pastores , hanc ad se solos tyrannicé transtulerunt , & ad quaestum contulerunt episcopi , melanc . ubi sup . b hieron . epist. ad heliodor . ep. ad demet. ambros. lib epist. . cypr. epist. . ana this was the custome saith cyprian in minoribus delictis . cypr. epist vide etiam cypr epist. . tertul. apol. adver gent. cap. . origen . hom. . in j●sh . cypr. epist . cypr. epist. . ad plebem . a indecarum est laicum vicarium esse episcopi , & seculares in eccl●sia judicare : in uno ●●nim eod●mque o●er● non decet d●sp●r prosessio quod etiam in lege divina prohibetur dicen●● mose , non ●rabis in ●ove & asino simul , concil . hispal . . cyp. epist. . downam in the defence of his sermon . lib. . cap. . cod. li. . tit. . l. . athan. aso. . apud zonaram . greg. decret . lib. . tit. . cap. q●● vos . decret . greg. ●ib . . tit. . cap. . chrysost. hom. ● in in ti. recording this among those things that hee did dolo malo ducere . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sozom. . . niceph. . . socra . . . lib. . c. . soc. li. . c. . niceph. ● . . cap. . possidon . in vita august . a let the reader plea●e to consult euseb. hist. lib. . cap. according to some , after others . cap. . and view the description , he there makes of an evangelist , and then judge of what wee speake . anno. aera christi receptae , . anno . anno . anno. . anno . paraeus . capellus . heb. . . wee finde not only that timothy was with paul at rome , but a prisoner with him there . a anno . b anno. . c anno . d anno . e anno . f anno . g anno . h anno . raynolds contra hart. ca. . pag. . a hoc erant utique & cateri apostoli quod fuerat pe●rus , par● consort●o pr●di●i & honoris & potestatis , sed exordium ab 〈◊〉 pro●icistitur , ut ecclesia una menstretur . euseb. lib. . cap. . pag. . pag. . pag. . . hen. . cap. . a the remonstrant here acknowledges the same of the king , that frier simon , a florentine , did of the pope , who affirmed the degree of a bishop was de jure divino , but every particular bishop de jure pontificio . hist. con . trid. pag. , . pag. . originum ecclesi●st . car●m 〈◊〉 prioris pars posterior , pag. . a 〈◊〉 . ● . cor. . . rom. . . b vnde & syn●goga , & postea ecclesia seniores habuit , quorum sine con●il●o n●hil agebatur in ●●c . ●lisi●i . quod qua negligent●i obso verit nescio , nisi forte doctorum desid â , aut magis superbia , dumsoli volunt aliq●id videri . origen . lib. . contra ceisum . ep. . lib. . cap. august . ser. . de verb. dom. august . in psal. . conc. . pag. . pag. . pag. . d. ducke . pag. . pag. . a wee may ●ather thinke that they would have done ●o●e . remembring what marti●us was wont to say to his friend su●●itius , n●quaqaum sib●m epis●op●tu c●m ●●tulum gra●i●m suppe●●sse , quam p●●● se 〈…〉 . sulpitius severus dial pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . a in his preface to his booke called the way to the true church . solinus . pag. . tertull. adverb . gent. pag. . pag. . pag. ● . pag. . pag. . hunc populus fecit . epiphanius saith he did arrium ip●um dogmatum novitate superare . austin saith in ar●anorum haeresin lapsum . epiphall . accused him because he said that super●●●●m preces did not opitulari eis q●i ex hac vita discesserint . and austin accused aerius because he said , non lic●t orare , vel offerre pro mortuis oblationem . whitaker respons . ad campian rat . . hath these words : a●●●um esi 〈◊〉 & augustinus in ●aere 〈…〉 , & praeter eo an qui pa●●● 〈…〉 e●iscopo aequa●e ●it ●ae ●ticum , nihil catholicum essi potest . cum aerio hieronymus de presbyteris omnino s●nsit . illos enim jure divino epis 〈◊〉 aequales esse ●lat●●t . sozomen . hist. lib. . c●p . . quest. . notes for div a -e bed. holinsh. speed. holinsh. out of capgrave . osborn , higden . edw. conf. holinsh. will. conq. speed. pag. . will. ruf. henry holinsh. ● holinsh. ● holinsh. . . k. stephen . holinsh. . . . henry . speed . out of nubrigens . yet this mans life is lately printed in english as a thing to be imitate●● holinsh. . speed. . hol. pag. . richard . pag. . . . . k. iohn . speed. speed. hen. . stow . hol. . speed . . edward . hol. . hol. . hol. . edward . speed . edward . speed . hol. . richard . hol. . pag. . henry . pag. . speed . hol. . henry . speed . henry . hol. . pag. . edward . speed . edward . richard . henry . hol. . . speed . hol. . speed . speed. statut. hen. . anno. . cap . edward . poems, &c. upon several occasions both english and latin, &c. / composed at several times by mr. john milton ; with a small tractate of education to mr. hartlib. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) poems, &c. upon several occasions both english and latin, &c. / composed at several times by mr. john milton ; with a small tractate of education to mr. hartlib. milton, john, - . [ ], , , [ ] p. printed for tho. dring ..., london : . latin poems have separate paging and special t.p. with title: joannis miltoni londinensis poemata. errata: p. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion poems , &c. upon several occasions . by mr. john milton : both english and latin , &c. composed at several times . with a small tractate of education to mr. hartlib . london , printed for tho. dring at the blew anchor next mitre court over against fetter lane in fleet-street . . the table of the english poems . on the morning of christs nativity . pag. the hymn . a paraphrase on psalm . — on psalm . on the death of a fair infant dying of a cough . the passion . on time. upon the circumcision . at a solemn musick . an epitaph on the marchioness of winchester . song on may morning . on shakespear . on the university carrier , who sickn'd in the time of his vacancy , being forbid to go to london , by reason of the plague . another on the same . l'allegro . il penseroso . sonnets . to mr. henry lawes , on his aires . on the late massacre in piemont . the fifth ode of horace , lib. . english'd . at a vacation exercise in the colledge . on the new forcers of conscience under the long parliament . arcades . part of an entertainment presented to the countess dowager of darby . . song . . song . . song . lycidas . in this monody the author bewailes a learned friend , unfortunately drown'd in his passage from chester , on the irish seas , . a mask . song . song . song . song . psalm . done into verse , . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . psalm . the table . of the latine poems . elegia prima ad carolum diodatum . page elegia secunda in obitum praeconis academici cantabigiensis . elegia tertia in obitum praesulis wintoniensis . elegia quarta , ad thomam junium , &c. elegia quinta , in adventum veris. elegia sixta , ad carolum diodatum , ruri commorantem . elegia septima in proditionem bombardicam . , in inventorem bombardae . ad leonoram romae canentem . , apologus de rustico & hero. sylvarum liber . in quintum novembris . in obitum praesulis wintoniensis , naturam non pati senium . de idea platonica , quemadmodum aristoteles intellexit . ad patrem . psalm c xiv . philosophus ad regem quendam qui eum ignotum & insontem inter reos forte captum inscius damnaverat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haec subito misit . in effigiei ejus sculptorem . ibid. an salsillum poetam romanum aegrotantem . ib. mansus epitaphium damonis . ad joannem rousium oxoniensis academiae bibliothecarium . of education to mr. samuel hartlib . errata . page . at the end of the elegie should have come in the verses at a vacation exercise , which follow afterwards , from pag. . to p. , p. . line . after is r. it , ib. l. . for colikto r. colkitto , p. l. . for so r. sow , p. . l. . for bank r. bank , p. . l. . for heccat ' r. hecat ' , p. . l. . leave out the comma after may , and for here r. hear , p. . l. . leave out that . in the second part p. . l. . for canentam r. canentem , ibid. l. . for desipulisset r. desipuisset , p. . l. . for adamantius r. adamantinus , ibid. l. . for notat r. natat , p. . l. . for relliquas r. relliquias , p. . l. , . a comma after manes , none after exululat . some other errors and mispointings the readers judgement may correct . on the morning of christ's nativity . i. this is the month , and this the happy morn wherein the son of heav'ns eternal king , of wedded maid , and virgin mother born , our great redemption from above did bring ; for so the holy sages once did sing , that he our deadly forfeit should release , and with his father work us a perpetual peace . ii. that glorious form , that light unsufferable , and that far-beaming blaze of majesty , wherewith he wont at heav'ns high councel-table , to sit the midst of trinal unity , he laid aside ; and here with us to be , forsook the courts of everlasting day , and chose with us a darksom house of mortal clay . iii. say heav'nly muse , shall not thy sacred vein afford a present to the infant god ? hast thou no verse , no hymn , or solemn strein , to welcome him to this his new abode , now while the heav'n by the suns team untrod , hath took no print of the approaching light , and and all the spangled host keep watch in squadrons bright ? iv. see how from far upon the eastern rode the star-led wisards haste with odours sweet , o run , prevent them with thy humble ode , and lay it lowly at his blessed feet ; have thou the honour first , thy lord to greet , and joyn thy voice unto the angel quire , from out his secret altar toucht with hallow'd fire . the hymn . i. it was the winter wilde , while the heav'n-born-childe , all meanly wrapt in the rude manger lies ; nature in awe to him had doff't her gawdy trim , with her great master so to sympathize : it was no season then for her to wanton with the sun her lusty paramour . ii. only with speeches fair she woo's the gentle air to hide her guilty front with innocent snow , and on her naked shame , pollute with sinfull blame , the saintly veil of maiden white to throw , confounded , that her makers eyes should look so near upon her foul deformities . iii. but he her fears to cease , sent down the meek-ey'd peace , she crown'd with olive green , came softly sliding down through the turning sphear his ready harbinger , with turtle wing the amorous clouds dividing , and waving wide her mirtle wand , she strikes a universal peace through sea and land. iv. no war , or battels sound was heard the world around the idle spear and shield were high up hung , the hooked chariot stood unstain'd with hostile blood , the trumpet spake not to the armed throng , and kings sate still with awfull eye , as if they surely knew their sovran lord was by . v. but peacefull was the night wherein the prince of light his raign of peace upon the earth began : the winds with wonder whist , smoothly the waters kist , whispering new joyes to the milde ocean , who now hath quite forgot to rave , while birds of calm sit brooding on the charmed wave . vi. the stars with deep amaze stand fixt in stedfast gaze , bending one way their pretious influence , and will not take their flight , for all the morning light , or lucifer that often warn'd them thence ; but in their glimmering orbs did glow , untill their lord himself bespake , and bid them go . vii . and though the shady gloom had given day her room , the sun himself with-held his wonted speed , and hid his head for shame , as his inferiour flame , the new enlightn'd world no more should need ; he saw a greater sun appear then his-bright throne , or burning axletree could bear . viii . the shepherds on the lawn , or ere the point of dawn , state simply chatting in a rustick row ; full little thought they than , that the mighty pan was kindly come to live with them below ; perhaps their loves , or else their sheep , was all that did their silly thoughts so busie keep . ix . when such musick sweet their hearts and ears did greet , as never was by mortal finger strook , divinely-warbl'd voice answering the stringed noise , as all their souls in blissfull rapture took : the air such pleasure loth to lose , with thousand echo's still prolongs each heav'nly close . x. nature that heard such sound beneath the hollow round of cynthia's seat , the airy region thrilling , now was almost won to think her part was done , and that her reign had here its last fulfilling ; she knew such harmony alone could hold all heav'n and earth in happier union . xi . at last surrounds their sight a globe of circular light , that with long beams the shame-fac't night array'd , the helmed cherubim and sworded seraphim , are seen in glittering ranks with wings displaid , harping in loud and solemn quite , with unexpressive notes to heav'ns new-born heir . xii . such musick ( as'tis said ) before was never made , but when of old the sons of morning sung , while the creator great his constellations set , and the well-ballanc't world on hinges hung , and cast the dark foundations deep , and bid the weltring waves their oozy channel keep . xiii . ring out ye crystall sphears , once bless our humane ears , ( if ye have power to touch our senses so ) and let your silver chime move in melodious time ; and let the base of heav'ns deep organ blow , and with your ninefold harmony make up full consort to th'angelike symphony . xiv for if such holy song enwrap our fancy long , time will run back , and fetch the age of gold , and speckl'd vanity will sicken soon and die , and leprous sin will melt from earthly mould , and hell it self will pass away , and leave her dolorous mansions to the peering day . xv. yea truth , and justice then will down return to men , orb'd in a rain-bow ; and like glories wearing mercy will sit between , thron'd in celestial sheen , with radiant feet the tissued clouds down stearing , and heav'n as at some festivall , will open wide the gates of her high palace hall. xvi . but wisest fate sayes no , this must not yet be so , the babe lies yet in smiling infancy , that on the bitter cross must redeem our loss ; so both himself and us to glorifie : yet first to those ychain'd in sleep , the wakeful trump of doom must thunder through the deep . xvii . with such a horrid clang as on mount sinai rang while the red fire , and smouldring clouds out brake : the aged earth agast with terrour of that blast , shall from the surface to the center shake ; when at the world last session , the dreadful judge in middle air shall spread his throne . xviii . and then at last our bliss full and perfet is , but now begins ; for from this happy th' old dragon under ground in straiter limits bound , not half so far casts his usurped sway , and wroth to see his kingdom fail , swindges the scaly horrour of his foulded tail . xix . the oracles are dum , no voice or hideous humm runs through the arched roof in words deceiving . apollo from his shrine can no more divine , with hollow shreik the steep of delphos leaving . no nightly trance , or breathed spell , inspires the pale-ey'd priest from the prophetic cell . xx. the lonely mountains o're , and the resounding shore , a voice of weeping heard , and loud lament ; from haunted spring , and dale edg'd with poplar pale , the parting genius is with sighing sent , with flowre-inwov'n tresses torn the nimphs in twilight shade of tangled thickets mourn . xxi . in consecrated earth , and on the holy hearth , the lars , and lemures moan with midnight plaint , in urns , and altars round , a drear and dying sound affrights the flamins at their service quaint ; and the chill marble seems to sweat , while each peculiar power forgoes his wonted seat . xxii . peor , and baalim , forsake their temples dim , with that twice batter'd god of palestine and mooned ashtaroth , heav'ns queen and mother both , now sits not girt with tapers holy shine , the libyc hammon shrinks his horn , in vain the tyrian maids their wounded thamuz mourn . xxiii . and sullen moloch fled , hath left in shadows dred , his burning idol all of blackest hue ; in vain with cymbals ring , they call the grisly king , in dismal dance about the furnace blue ; the brutish gods of nile as fast , isis and orus , and the dog anubis hast . xxiv . nor is osiris seen in memphian grove , or green , trampling the unshowr'd grass with lowings loud : nor can he be at rest within his sacred chest , naught but profoundest hell can be his shroud , in vain with timbrel'd anthems dark the sable stoled sorcerers bear his worshipt ark. xxv . he feels from juda's land the dredded infants hand , the rayes of bethlehem blind his dusky eyn ; nor all the gods beside , longer dare abide , not typhon huge ending in snaky twine : our babe to shew his godhead true , can in his swadling bands controul the damned crew . xxvi . so when the sun in bed , curtain'd with cloudy red , pillows his chin upon an orient wave , the flocking shadows pale , troop to th' infernal jail , each fetter'd ghost slips to his several grave , and the yellow-skirted fayes , fly after the night-steeds , leaving their moon-lov'd maze . xxvii . but see the virgin blest , hath laid her babe to rest . time is our tedious song should here have ending : heav'ns youngest teemed star , hath fixt her polisht car , her sleeping lord with handmaid lamp attending : and all about the courtly stable , bright-harnest angels sit in order serviceable . a paraphrase on psalm . this and the following psalm were done by the author at fifteen years old . when the blest seed of terah's faithful son , after long toil their liberty had won , and past from pharian fields to canaan land , led by the strength of the almighties hand , jehovah's wonders were in israel shown , his praise and glory was in israel known . that saw the troubled sea , and shivering fled , and sought to hide his froth becurled head low in the earth , jordans clear streams recoil , as a faint host that hath receiv'd the foil . the high , huge-bellied mountains skip like rams amongst their ews , the little hills like lambs . why fled the ocean ? and why skipt the mountains ? why turned jordan toward his chrystal fountains ? shake earth , and at the presence be agast of him that ever was , and ay shall last , that glassy flouds from rugged rocks can crush , and make soft rills from fiery flint stones gush . psalm . let us with a gladsom mind praise the lord , for he is kind for his mercies ay endure , ever faithfull , ever sure . let us blaze his name abroad , for of gods he is the god ; for his , &c. o let us his praises tell , who doth the wrathfull tyrants quell . for his , &c. who with his miracles doth make amazed heav'n and earth to shake . for his , &c. who by his wisdom did create the painted heav'ns so full of state . for his , &c. who did the solid earth ordain to rise above the watry plain . for his , &c. who by his all-commanding might , did fill the new-made world with light for his , &c. and caus'd the golden-tressed sun , all the day long his course to run . for his , &c. the horned moon to shine by night , amongst her spangled sisters bright . for his , &c. he with his thunder-clasping hand , smote the first-born of egypt land. for his , &c. and in despight of pharao fell , he brought from thence his israel . for , &c. the ruddy waves he cleft in twain , of the erythraean main . for , &c. the flouds stood still like walls of glass , while the hebrew bands did pass . for , &c. but full soon they did devour the tawny king with all his power . for , &c. his chosen people he did bless in the wastfull wilderness . for , &c. in bloudy battel he brought down kings of prowess and renown . for , &c. he foild bold seon and his host . that rul'd the amorrean coast . for , &c. and large-limb'd og he did subdue , with all his over-hardy crew . for , &c. and to his servant israel , he gave their land therein to dwell . for , &c. he hath with a piteous eye beheld us in in our misery . for , &c. and freed us from the slavery of the invading enemy . for , &c. all living creatures he doth feed , and with full hand supplies their need . for , &c. let us therefore warble forth his mighty majesty and worth . for , &c. that his mansion hath on high above the reach of mortal eye . for his mercies ay endure , ever faithfull , ever sure . anno aetatis . on the death of a fair infant dying of a cough i. ofairest flower no sooner blown but blasted , soft silken primrose fading timelesslie , summers chief honour if thou hadst out-lasted , bleak winters force that made thy blossome drie ; for he being amorous on that lovely die that did thy cheek envermeil , thought to kiss but kill'd alas , and then bewayl'd his fatal bliss . ii. for since grim aquilo his charioter by boistrous rape th' athenian damsel got , he thought it toucht his deitie full neer , if likewise he some fair one wedded not , thereby to wipe away th' infamous blot , of long-uncoupled bed , and childless eld , which'mongst the wanton gods a foul reproach was held . iii. so mounting up in ycie-pearled carr , through middle empire of the freezing aire he wanderd long , till thee he spy'd from farr , there ended was his quest , there ceast his care . down he descended from his snow-soft chaire , but all unwares with his cold-kind embrace unhous'd thy virgin soul from her fair biding place . iv. yet art thou not inglorious in thy fate ; for so apollo , with unweeting hand whilome did slay his dearly-loved mate young hyacinth born on eurota's strand young hyacinth the pride of spartan land ; but then transform'd him to a purple flower alack that so to change thee winter had no power . v. yet can i not perswade me thou art dead or that thy coarse corrupts in earths dark wombe , or that thy beauties lie in wormie bed , hid from the world in a low delved tombe ; could heav'n for pittie thee so strictly doom ? oh no ? for something in thy face did shine above mortalitie that shew'd thou wast divine . vi. resolve me then oh soul most surely blest ( if so it be that thou these plaints dost hear ) tell me bright spirit where e're thou hoverest whether above that high first-moving spheare or in the elisian fields ( if such there were . ) oh say me true if thou wert mortal wight and why from us so quickly thou didst take thy flight . vii . wert thou some starr which from the ruin'd roofe of shak't olympus by mischance didst fall ; which carefull jove in natures true behoofe took up , and in fit place did reinstall ? or did of late earths sonnes besiege the wall of sheenie heav'n , and thou some goddess fled amongst us here below to hide thy nectar'd head . viii . or wert thou that just maid who once before forsook the hated earth , o tell me sooth and cam'st again to visit us once more ? or wert thou that sweet smiling youth ! or that cown'd matron sage white-robed truth ? or any other of that heav'nly brood let down in clowdie throne to do the world some good . ix . or wert thou of the golden-winged hoast , who having clad thy self in humane weed , to earth from thy praefixed seat didst poast , and after short abode flie back with speed , as if to shew what creatures heav'n doth breed , thereby to set the hearts of men on fire to scorn the sordid world , and unto heav'n aspire . x. but oh why didst thou not stay here below to bless us with thy heav'n lov'd innocence , to slake his wrath whom sin hath made our soe to turn swift-rushing black perdition hence , or drive away the slaughtering pestilence , to stand 'twixt us and our deferved smart but thou canst best perform that office where thou art . xi . then thou the mother of so sweet a child her false imagin'd loss cease to lament , and wisely learn to curb thy sorrows wild ; think what a present thou to god hast sent , and render him with patience what he lent ; this if thou do he will an off-spring give , that till the worlds last-end shall make thy name to live . the passion . i. ere-while of musick , and ethereal mirth , wherewith the stage of ayr and earth did ring , and joyous news of heav'nly infants birth , my muse with angels did divide to sing ; but headlong joy is ever on the wing , in wintry solstice like the shortn'd light soon swallow'd up in dark and long out-living night . ii. for now to sorrow must i tune my song , and set my harp to notes of saddest wo , which on our dearest lord did sease er'e long , dangers , and snares , and wrongs , and worse then so , which he for us did freely undergo . most perfect heroe , try'd in heaviest plight of labours huge and hard , too hard for human wight . iii. he sov ran priest stooping his regal head that dropt with odorous oil down his fair eyes , poor fleshly tabernacle entered , his starry front low-rooft beneath the skies ; o what a mask was there , what a disguise ! yet more ; the stroke of death he must abide , then lies him meekly down fast by his brethrens side . iv. these latest scenes confine my roving vers , to this horizon is my phoebus bound , his godlike acts ; and his temptations fierce , and former sufferings other where are found ; loud o're the rest cremona's trump doth sound ; me softer airs befit , and softer strings of lute , or viol still , more apt for mournful things . v. befriend me night best patroness of grief , over the pole thy thickest mantle throw , and work my flatter'd fancy to belief , that heav'n and earth are colour'd with my wo ; my sorrows are too dark for day to know : the leaves should all be black wheron i write , and letters where my tears have washt a wannish white . vi. see see the chariot , and those rushing wheels , that whirl'd the prophet up at chebar flood , my spirit som transporting cherub feels , to bear me where the towers of salem stood , once glorious towers , now sunk in guiltless blood ; there doth my soul in holy vision sit in pensive trance , and anguish , and ecstatick fit , vii . mine eye hath found that sad sepulchral rock that was the casket of heav'ns richest store , and here though grief my feeble hands up lock , yet on the softned quarry would i score my plaining vers as lively as before ; for sure so well instructed are my tears , that they would fitly fall in order'd characters . viii . or should i thence hurried on viewles wing , take up a weeping on the mountains wilde , the gentle neighbourhood of grove and spring would soon unbosom all their echoes mildè , and i ( for grief is easily beguild ) might think th' infection of my sorrows loud , had got a race of mourners on som pregnant cloud . this subject the author finding to be above the yeers he had , when he wrote it , and nothing satis●●'d with what was begun , less it unfinisht . on time. fly envious time , till thou run out thy race , call on the lazy leaden-stepping hours , whose speed is but the heavy plummets pace ; and glut thy self with what thy womb devours , which is no more then what is false and vain , and meerly mortal dross ; so little is our loss , so little is thy gain . for when as each thing bad thou hast entomb'd , and last of all thy greedy self consum'd , then long eternity shall greet our bliss with an individual kiss ; and joy shall overtake us as a flood , when every thing that is sincerely good and perfectly divine , with truth , and peace , and love shall ever shine about the supreme throne of him , t'whose happy-making sight alone , when once our heav'nly-guided soul shall clime , then all this earthy grosness quit , attir'd with stars , we shall for ever sit , triumphing over death , and chance , and thee o time. upon the circumcision . ye flaming powers , and winged warriours bright , that erst with musick , and triumphant song first heard by happy watchful shepherds ear , so sweetly sung your joy the clouds along through the soft silence of the list'ning night ; now mourn , and if sad share with us to bear your fiery essence can distill no tear , burn in your sighs , and borrow seas wept from our deep sorrow , he who with all heav'ns heraldry whilear enter'd the world , now bleeds to give us ease ; alas , how soon our sin sore doth begin his infancy to sease ! o more exceeding love or law more just ? just law indeed , but more exceeding love ! for we by rightful doom remediles were lost in death , till he that dwelt above high thron'd in secret bliss , for us frail dust emptied his glory , ev'n to nakednes ; and that great cov'nant which we still transgress intirely satisfi'd , and the full wrath beside of vengeful justice bore for our excess , and seals obedience first with wounding smart this day , but o ere long huge pangs and strong will pierce more near his heart . at a solemn musick . blest pair of sirens , pledges of heav'ns joy , sphear-born harmonious sisters , voice , and vers , wed your divine sounds , and mixt power employ dead things with inbreath'd sense able to pierce , and to our high-rais'd phantasie present , that undisturbed song of pure concent , ay sung before the saphire-colour'd throne to him that sits thereon with saintly shout , and solemn jubily , where the bright seraphim in burning row their loud up-lifted angel trumpets blow , and the cherubick host in thousand quires touch their immortal harps of golden wires , with those just spirits that wear victorious palms , hymns devout and holy psalms singing everlastingly ; that we on earth with undiscording voice may rightly answer that melodious noise ; as once we did , till disproportion'd sin jarr'd against natures chime , and with harsh din broke the fair musick that all creatures made to their great lord , whose love their motion sway'd in perfet diapason , whilst they stood in first obedience , and their state of good . o may we soon again renew that song , and keep in tune with heav'n , till god ere long to his celestial consort us unite , to live with him , and sing in endles morn of light . an epitaph on the marchioness of winchester . this rich marble doth enterr the honour'd wife of winchester , a vicounts daughter , an ealrs heir , besides what her vertues fair added to her noble birth , more then she could own from earth . summers three times eight save one she had told , 〈◊〉 too soon , after so short time of breath , to house with darkness , and with death . yet had the number of her days bin as compleat as was her praise , nature and fate had had no strife in giving limit to her life . her high birth , and her graces sweet , quickly found a lover meet ; the virgin quire for her request the god that sits at marriage feast ; he at their invoking came but with a scarce-wel-lighted flame ; and in his garland as he stood , ye might discern a cypress bud . once had the early matrons run to greet her of a lovely son , and now with second hope she goes , and calls lucina to her throws ; but whether by mischance or blame atropos for lucina came ; and with remorsles cruelty , spoil'd at once both fruit and tree : the haples babe before his birth had burial , yet not laid in earth , and the languisht mothers womb was not long a living tomb. so have i seen some tender slip sav'd with care from winters nip , the pride of her carnation train , pluck't up by som unheedy swain , who onely thought to crop the flowr new shot up from vernal showr ; but the fair blossom hangs the head side-ways as on a dying bed , and those pearls of dew she wears , prove to be presaging tears which the sad morn had let fall on her hast'ning funerall . gentle lady may thy grave peace and quiet ever have ; after this thy travel sore sweet rest sease thee evermore , that to give the world encrease , shortned hast thy own lives lease ; here , besides the sorrowing that thy noble house doth bring , here be tears of perfect moan weept for thee in helicon , and som flowers , and some bays , for thy hears to strew the ways , sent thee from the banks of came , devoted to thy vertuous name ; whilst thou bright saint high sit'st in glory . next her much like to thee in story , that fair syrian shepherdess , who after yeers of barrenness , the highly favour'd joseph bore to him that serv'd for her before , and at her next birth much like thee , through pangs fled to felicity , far within the boosom bright of blazing majesty and light , there with thee , new welcom saint , like fortunes may her soul acquaint , with thee there clad in radiant sheen , no marchioness , but now a queen . song . on may morning . now the bright morning star , dayes harbinger , comes dancing from the east , and leads with her the flowry may , who from her green lap throws the yellow cowslip , and the pale primrose . hail bounteous may that dost inspire mirth and youth and warm desire , woods and groves are of thy dressing , hill and dale doth boast thy blessing . thus we salute thee with our early song , and welcom thee , and wish thee long . on shakespear . . what needs my shakespear for his honour'd bones , the labour of an age in piled stones , or that his hallow'd reliques should be hid under a star-ypointing pyramid ? dear son of memory , great heir of fame , what need'st thou such weak witness of thy name ? thou in our wonder and astonishment hast built thy self a live-long monument . for whilst to th'shame of slow-endeavouring art , thy easie numbers flow , and that each heart hath from the le●res of thy unvalu'd book , those delphick lines with deep impression took , then thou our fancy of it self bereaving , dost make us marble with too much conceaving ; and so sepulcher'd in such pomp dost lie , that kings for such a tomb would wish to die . on the university carrier , who sickn'd in the time of his vacancy , being forbid to go to london , by reason of the plague . here lies old hobson , death hath broke his girt , and here alas , hath laid him in the dirt , or else the ways being foul , twenty to one , he 's here stuck in a slough , and overthrown . 't was such a shifter , that if truth were known , death was half glad when he had got him down ; for he had any time this ten yeers full , dodg'd with him , betwixt cambridge and the bull. and surely , death could never have prevail'd , had not his weekly course of carriage fail'd ; but lately finding him so long at home , and thinking now his journeys end was 〈◊〉 and that he had tane up his latest 〈◊〉 in the kind office of a chamberlin shew'd him his room where he must lodge that night , pull'd off his boots , and took away the light : if any ask for him , it shall be fed , hobson has supt , and 's newly gon to bed . another on the same . here lieth one who did most truly prove , that he could never die while he could move , so hung his destiny never to rot while he might still jogg on and keep his trot , made of sphear-metal , never to decay untill his revolution was at stay . time numbers motion , yet ( without a crime ' gainst old truth ) motion number'd out his time : and like an engin mov'd with wheel and waight , his principles being ceast , he ended strait , rest that gives all men life , gave him his death , and too much breathing put him out of breath ; nor were it contradiction to affirm too long vacation hastned on his term . meerly to drive the ●ime away he sickn'd , fainted , and died , nor would with ale be quickn'd , nay , quoth he , on his swooning bed out-stretch'd , if i may not carry , sure i 'le ne're be fetch'd , but vow though the cross doctors all stood hearers , for one carrier put down to make six bearers . ease was his chief disease , and to judge right , he di'd for heavinefs that his cart went light , his leasure told him that his time was com , and lack of load , made his life burdensom , that even to his last breath ( ther be that say 't ) as he were prest to death , he cry'd more waight ; but had his doings lasted as they were , he had been an immortal carrier . obedient to the moon he spent his date in cours reciprocal , and had his fate linkt to the mutual flowing of the seas , yet ( strange to think ) his wain was his increase : his letters are deliver'd all and gon , only remains this superscription . l' allegro . hence loathed melancholy of cerberus , and blacke 〈…〉 ●●dnight born , in stygian cave forlorn . ' mongst horrid shapes , and shreiks , and fights unholy , find out some uncouth cell , where brooding darkness spreads his jealous wings , and the night-raven sings ; there under ebon shades , and low-brow'd rocks , as ragged as thy locks , in dark cimmerian desert ever dwell . but com thou goddess fair and free , in heav'n ycleap'd euphrosyne , and by men , heart-easing mirth , whom lovely venus at a birth with two sister graces more to ivy-crowned bacchus bore ; or whether ( as som sager sing ) the frolick wind that breathes the spring . zephir with aurora playing , as he met her once a maying , there on beds of violets blew , and fresh-blown roses washt in dew , fill'd her with thee a daughter fair , so 〈…〉 som , blith , and debonair . haste thee 〈◊〉 and bring with thee jest and youthful jollity , quips and cranks , and wanton wiles , nods , and becks , and wreathed smiles , such as hang on hebe's cheek , and love to live in dimple sleek ; sport that wrincled care derides , and laughter holding both his sides . com , and trip it as you go on the light fantastick toe , and in thy right hand lead with thee , the mountain nymph , sweet liberty ; and if i give thee honour due , mirth , admit me of thy crue to live with her , and live with thee , in unreproved pleasures free ; to hear the lark begin his flight , and singing startle the dull night , from his watch-towre in the skies , till the dappled dawn doth rise ; then to com in spight of sorrow , and at my window bid good morrow , through the weet-briar , or the vine , or the twisted eglantine . while the cock with lively din , scatters the rear of darknes thin , and to the stack , or the barn dore , stoutly struts his dames before , oft list'ning how the hounds and horn chearly rouse the slumbring morn , from the side of som hoar hill , through the high wood echoing shrill . som time walking not unseen by hedge-row elms , on hillocks green , right against the eastern gate , where the great sun begins his state , roab'd in flames , and amber light , the clouds in thousand liveries dight , while the plowman neer at hand , whistles ore the furrow'd land , and the milkmaid singeth blithe , and the mower whets his sithe , and every shepherd tells his tale under the hawthorn in the dale . streit mine eye hath caught new pleasures whilst the lantskip round it measures , run 〈…〉 lawns , and fallows gray , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flocks do stray , mountains on whose ●●rren brest the labouring clouds do often rest : meadows trim with daisies pide , shallow brooks , and rivers wide . towers , and battlements it sees boosom'd high in tufted trees , wher perhaps som beauty lies , the cynosure of neighbouring eyes . hard by , a cottage chimney smokes , from betwixt two aged okes , where corydon and thyrsis met , are at their savory dinner set of hearbs , and other country messes , which the neat-handed phillis dresses ; and then in haste her bowre she leaves , with thestylis to bind the sheaves ; or if the earlier season lead to the tann'd haycock in the mead , some times with secure delight the up-land hamlets will invite , when the merry bells ring round , and the jocond rebecks sound to many a y 〈…〉 h , and many a maid , dancing in the chequer'd shade ; and young and old com forth to pla 〈…〉 on a sunshine holyday , till the live-long day-light fail , then to the spicy nut-brown ale , with stories told of many a feat , how faery mab the junkets eat , she was pincht , and pull'd she sed , and by the friars lanthorn led tells how the drudging goblin swet , to ern his cream-bowle duly set , when in one night , ere glimps of morn , his shadowy flale hath thresh'd the corn , that ten day-labourers could not end , then lies him down the lubbar fend . and stretch'd out all the chimney's length , basks at the fire his hairy strength ; and crop-full out of dores he flings , ere the first cock his mattin rings . thus done the tales , to bed they creep , by whispering winds soon lull'd asleep . towred cities please us then , and the busie humm of men , vvhere throngs of knights and barons● in wards of peace high triumphs hold , with store 〈◊〉 , whose bright eies rain influence , and judge the prise , of wit , or arms , while both contend to win her grace , whorn all commend , there let hymen oft appear in saffron robe , with taper clear , and pomp , and feast , and revelry , with mask , and antique pageantry , such sights as youthful poets dream on summer eeves by haunted stream . then to the well-trod stage anon , if jonsons learned sock be on , or sweetest shakespear fancies childe , warble his native wood-notes wilde , and ever against eating cares , lap me in soft lydian aires , married to immortal verse such as the meeting soul may pierce in notes , with many a winding bout of lincked sweetness long drawn out , with wanton heed , and giddy cunning , the melting voice through mazes running ; untwisting 〈…〉 e chains that ty the hidden soul of harmony . that orpheus self may heave his h 〈…〉 from golden slumber on a bed of heapt elysian flowres , and hear such streins as would have won the ear of pluto , to have quite set free his half regain'd eurydice . these delights , if thou canst give , mirth with thee , i mean to live . il penseroso . hence vain deluding joyes , the brood of folly without father bred , how little you bested , or fill the fixed mind with all your toyes ; dwell in some idle brain , and fancies fond with gaudy shapes possess , as thick and numberless as the gay motes that people the sun beams , or likest hovering dreams the fickle pensioners of morpheus train . 〈…〉 ail thou goddess , sage and holy , hail divinest melancholy , whose saintly 〈◊〉 is too bright to hit the sense of human sight ; and therefore to our weaker view , ore laid with black staid wisdoms hue . black , but such as in esteem , prince memnons sister might beseem , or that starr'd ethiope queen that strove to set her beauties praise above the sea nymphs , and their powers offended , yet thou art higher far descended , thee bright-hair'd vesta long of yore , to solitary saturn bore ; his daughter she ( in saturns raign , such mixture was not held a stain ) oft in glimmering bowres , and glades he met her , and in secret shades of woody ida's inmost grove , while yet there was no fear of jove . com pensive nun , devout and pure , sober , stedfast , and demure , all in a robe of darkest grain , flowing with majestick train , and sable stole of cipres lawn , over thy decent shoulders drawn . com , but keep thy wonted state , with eev'n step , and musing gate , and looks commercing with the skies , thy rapt soul sitting in thine eyes : there held in holy passion still , forget thy self to marble , till with a sad leaden downward cast , thou fix them on the earth as fast . and joyn with thee calm peace , and quiet , spare fast , that oft with gods doth diet , and hears the muses in a ring , ay round about joves altar sing . and adde to these retired leasure ; that in trim gardens takes his pleasure ; but first , and chiefest , with thee bring , him that you soars on golden wing , guiding the fiery-wheeled throne , the cherub contemplation , and the mute silence hist along , ' less philomel will deign a song , in her sweetest , saddest plight , smoothing the rugged brow of night , 〈…〉 e cynthia checks her dragon yoke , gen 〈…〉 're th'accustom'd oke ; sweet bird that 〈…〉 nn'st the noise of folly , most musical , most melancholy ! thee chauntress oft the woods among , i woo to hear thy even-song ; and missing thee , i walk unseen on the dry smooth-shaven green , to behold the wandring moon , riding neer her highest noon , like one that had bin led astray through the heav'ns wide pathles way ; and oft , as if her head she bow'd , stooping through a fleecy cloud . oft on a plat of rising ground , i hear the far-off curfeu sound , over some wide-water'd shoar , swinging slow with sullen roar ; or if the ayr will not permit , som still removed place will fit , where glowing embers through the room teach light to counterfeit a gloom , far from all resort of mirth . save the cricket on the hearth , or the belmans drowsie charm , to bless the dores from nightly harm : or let my lamp at midnight hour , be seen in some high lonely towr where i may oft out-watch the bear , with thrice great hermes , or unsphear . the spirit of plato to unfold what worlds , or what vast regions hold the immortal mind that hath forsook her mansion in this fleshly nook : and of those daemons that are found in fire , air , flood , or under ground , whose power hath a true consent with planet , or with element . som time let gorgeous tragedy in scepter'd pall com sweeping by , presenting thebs , or pelops line , or the tale of troy divine . or what ( though rare ) of later age , ennobled hath the buskind stage . but , o sad virgin , that thy power might raise musaeus from his bower , or bid the soul of orpheus sing such notes as warbled to the string , drew iron tears down pluto's cheek , and ●●de hell grant what love did seek . or call up 〈◊〉 left half told the story of cambu●can bold , of camball , and of algarsife , and who had canace to wife , that own'd the vertuous ring and glass , and of the wondrous hors of brass , on which the tartar king did ride ; and if ought els , great bards beside , in sage and solemn tunes have sung , of turneys and of trophies hung ; of forests , and inchantments drear , where more is meant then meets the ear , thus night oft see me in thy pale career , till civil-suited morn appeer , not trickt and frounc't as she was wont , with the attick boy to hunt , but cherchef't in a comely cloud , while rocking winds are piping loud , or usher'd with a shower still , when the gust hath blown his fill , ending on the russling leaves , with minute drops from off the eaves . and when the sun begins to fling his flaring beams , me goddess bring to arched walks of twilight groves . and shadows brown that sylvan 〈◊〉 of pine , or monumental oake , where the rude ax with heaved stroke , was never heard the nymphs to daunt , or fright them from their hallow'd haunt . there in close covert by some brook , where no prophaner eye may look , hide me from day 's garish eie , while the bee with honied thie , that at her flowry work doth sing , and the waters murmuring with such consort as they keep , entice the dewy-feather'd sleep ; and let som strange mysterious dream , wave at his wings in airy stream , of lively portrature display'd , softly on my eye-lids laid . and as i wake , sweet musick breath above , about , or underneath , sent by som spirit to mortals good , or th'unseen genius of the wood. but let my due feet never fail , to walk the studious cloysters pale . and love the high embowed roof , with antick pillars massy proof , and storied windows richly dight , casting a dimm religious light . there let the pealing organ blow , to the full voic'd quire below , in service high , and anthems cleer , as may with sweetness , through mine car , dissolve me into extasies , and bring all heav'n before mine eyes . and may at last my weary age find out the peacefull hermitage , the hairy gown and mossy cell , where i may sit and rightly spell of every star that heav'n doth shew , and every herb that sips the dew ; till old experience do attain to something like prophetic strain . these pleasures melancholy give , and i with thee will choose to live . sonnets . i. onightingale , that on you bloomy spray warbl'st at eeve , when all the woods are still , thou with fresh hope the lovers heart dost fill , while the jolly hours lead on propitious may , thy liquid notes that close the eye of day , first heard before the shallow cuccoo's bill portend success in love ; o if jove's will have linkt that amorous power to thy soft lay , now timely sing , ere the rude bird of hate foretell my hopeles doom in som grove ny : as thou from year to year hast sung too late for my relief ; yet hadst no reason why , whether the muse , or love call thee his mate , both them i serve , and of their train am i. ii. donna leggiadra il cui bel nome honora l'herbosa val di rheno , e il nobil varco , bene è colui d'ogni valore scarco qual tuo spirto gentil non innamora , che dolcemente mostra si di fuora de sui atti soavi giamai parco , e i don ' , che son d'amor saette ed arco . la onde l' alta tua 〈…〉 〈◊〉 . quando tu v●ga parli , o lieta canti che mover possa duro alpestre legno , guardi ciascun a gli occhi , ed a gli orecchi l'entrata , chi di te si truova indegno ; gratia sola di su glivaglia , inanti che'l disio amoroso al cuor s'invecchi . iii. qual in colle aspro , al imbrunir di sera l'avezza givvinetta pastorella va bagnando l'herbetta strana e bella che mal si spande a disusata spera fuor di sua natia alma primavera , cosi amor meco insu la lingua suella desta il fior novo di strania favella , mentre io di te , vezzosamente altera , canto , dal mio buon popol non inteso e'l bel tamigi cangio col bel arno. amor lo volse , ed io a l'altrui peso seppich ' amor cosa mai volse indarno . deh ! foss ' il mio cuor lento e'l duro seno a chi pianta dal ciel si buon terreno . canzone . ridonsi donne e giovani amorosi m' accostandosi attorno , e perche scrivi , perche tu scrivi in lingua ignota e strana verseggiando d'amor , e come t'osi ? dinne , se la tua speme sia mai vana , e de pensieri lo miglior t' arrivi ; cosi mivan burlando , altri rivi altri lidi t'aspettan , & altre onde nelle cui verdi sponde spuntati ad hor , ad hor a la tua chioma l'immortal guiderdon d'eterne frondi perche alle spalle tue soverchia soma ? canzon dirotti , e tu per me rispondi dice mia donna , e'l suo dir , e il mio euore questa e lingua di cui si vanta amore. iv. digdati , e te'l diro con maraviglia , quel ritroso io ch'amor spreggiar solea e de suoi lacci spesso mi ridea giacaddi , ov'huom dabben talhor s'impiglia . ne treecie d'oro , ne guancia vermiglia m' abbaglian si , ma sotto nova idea pellegrina bellezza che'l euor bea , portamenti alti honesti , e nelle ciglia quel sereno fulgor d' amabil nero , parole adorne di lingua piu d'una , e'l cantar che di mezzo l'hemispero traviar ben puo la faticosa luna , e degli occhi suoi auventa si gran fuoco che l'incerar gli orecchi mi fia poco . v. per certo i bei vostr'occhi , donna mia esser non puo che non fian lo mio sole si mi percuoton forte , come ei suole per l'arene di libia chi s'invia , mentre un caldo vapor ( ne senti pria ) da quel lato si spinge ove mi duole , che forse amanti nelle lor parole chiaman sospir ; io non so che si sia : parte rinchiusa , e turbida si cela scosso mi il petto , e poi n'uscendo poco quivi d'attorno o s'agghiaccia , o s'ingiela ; ma quanto a gli occhi giunge e trovar loco tutte le notti a me suol far piovose finche mia alba rivien colma di rose . vi. giovane piano , e semplicetto amante pei che fuggir me stesso indubbio sono , madonna a voi del mio cuor l'humil dono faro divoto ; io certo a prove tante l'hebbi fedele , intrepido , costante , de pensieri leggiadro , accorto , e buono ; quando rugge il gran mondo , e scocca il tuono , s'arma dise , d'intero diamante , tanto del forse , e d'invidia sicuro , ditimori , e speranze al pepol use quanto d'ingegno , e d' alto valor vago , e di cetra sonora , e delle muse : sol troverete in tal parte men duro ove amor mise l'insanabil ago . vii . how soon hath time the suttle thees of youth , soln on his wing my three and twentieth yeer ! my hasting dayes flie on with full career , but my late spring no bud or blossom shew'th . perhaps my semblance might deceive the truth , that i to manhood am arriv'd so near , and inward ripenes doth much less appear , that som more timely-happy spirits indu'th . yet be it less or more , or soon or slow , it shall be still in strictest measure eev'n , to that same lot , however mean or high , toward which time leads me , and the will of heav'n ; 〈…〉 , if i have grace to use it so , as ever in my great task masters eye . viii . captain or colonel , or knight in arms , whose chance on these defenceless dores may fease , if deed of honour did thee ever please , guard them , and him within protect from harms , he can requite thee , for he knows the charms that call fame on such gentle acts as these , and he can spred thy name o're lands and seas , what ever clime the suns bright circle warms . lift not thy spear against the muses bowre , the great emathian conqueror bid spare the house of pindarus , when temple and towre went to the ground : and the repeated air of sad electra's poet had the power to save th' athenian walls from ruine bare . ix . lady that in the prime of earliest youth , wisely hast shun'd the broad way and the green , and with those few art eminently seen , that labour up the hill of heav'nly truth , the better part with mary and with ruth , chosen thou hast , and they that overween , and at thy growing vertues fret their splee● no anger find in thee , but pity and ruth . thy care is fixt and zealously attends to fill thy odorous lamp with deeds of light , and hope that reaps not shame . therefore be sure thou , when the bridegroom with his feastfull friends passes to bliss at the mid hour of night , hast gain'd thy entrance , virgin wise and pure . x. daughter to that good earl , once president of englands counsel , and her treasury , who liv'd in both , unstain'd with gold or fee. and left them both , more in himself content , till the sad breaking of that parlament broke him , as that dishonest victory at chaeronea , fatal to liberty kill'd with report that old man eloquent , though later born , then to have known the dayes wherin your father flourisht , yet by you , madam , me thinks i see him living yet ; so well your words his noble vertues praise , that all both judge you to relate them true , and to possess them , honour'd margaret . xi . a book was was writ of late call'd tetrachordon ; and wov'n close , both matter , form and stile ; the subject new : it walk'd the town a while , numbring good intellects ; now seldom por'd on . cries the stall-reader , bless us ! what a word on a title page is this ! and some in file stand spelling fals , while one might walk to mile - end green. why is harder sirs then gordon , coliktto , or macdonnel , or galasp ? those rugged names to our like mouths grow sleek that would have made quintilian stare and gasp . thy age , like ours , o soul of sir john cheek , hated not learning wors then toad or asp ; when thou taught'st cambridge , and king edward greek . xii . on the same . i did but prompt the age to quit their cloggs by the known rules of antient libertie , when strait a barbarous noise environs me of owles and cuckoes , asses , apes and doggs . as when those hinds that were transform'd to froggs raild at latona's twin-born progenie which after held the sun and moon in fee. but this is got by casting pearl to hoggs ; that bawle for freedom in their senceless mood and still revolt when truth would set them 〈◊〉 ▪ licence they mean when they cry libertie ; for who loves that , must first be wife and good ; but from that mark how far they roave we see for all this wast of wealth , and loss of blood . to mr. h. lawes , on his aires . xiii . harry whose tuneful and well measur'd song first taught our english musick how to span words with just note and accent , not to scan with midas ears , committing short and long ; thy worth and skill exempts thee from the throng , with praise enough for envy to look wan ; to after age thou shalt be writ the man , that with smooth aire couldst humor best our tongu thou honour'st verse , and verse must send her wing to honour thee , the priest of phoebus quire that tun'st their happiest lines in hymn , or story . dante shall give fame leave to set thee higher then his casella , whom he woo'd to sing met in the milder shades of purgatory . xiv . when faith and love which parted from thee never , had ripen'd thy just soul to dwell with god , meekly thou didst resign this earthy load of death , call'd life ; which us from life doth sever . thy works and alms and all thy good endeavour staid not behind , nor in the grave were trod ; but as faith pointed with her golden rod , follow'd thee up to joy and bliss for ever . love led them on , and faith who knew them best thy hand-maids , clad them o're with purple beams and azure wings , that up they flew so drest , and speak the truth of thee on glorious theams before the judge , who thenceforth bid thee rest and drink thy fill of pure immortal streams . on the late massacher in piemont . xv. avenge o lord thy slaughter'd saints , whose bones lie scatter'd on the alpine mountains cold , ev'n them who kept thy truth so pure of old when all our fathers worship't stocks and stones , forget not : in thy book record their groanes who were thy sheep and in their antient fold slayn by the bloody piemontese that roll'd mother with infant down the rocks . their 〈◊〉 is the vales redoubl'd to the hills , and they to heav'n . their martyr'd blood and ashes so o're all th' italian fields where still doth sway the triple tyrant : that from these may grow a hunder'd-fold , who having learnt thy way early may fly the babylonian wo. xvi . when i consider how my light is spent , e're half my days , in this dark world and wide , and that one talent which is death to hide , lodg'd with me useless , though my soul more bent to serve therewith my maker , and present my true account , least he returning chide , doth god exact day labour , light deny'd , i fondly ask ; but patience to prevent that murmur , soon replies , god doth not need either man's work or his own gifts , who best bear his milde yoak , they serve him best , his state is kingly . thousands at his bidding speed and post o're land and ocean without rest : they also serve who only stand and waite . xvii . i w 〈…〉 e of vertuous father vertuous son , now that the fields are dank , and ways are mire , where shall we sometimes meet , and by the fire help wast a sullen day ; what may be won from the hard season gaining : time will run on smoother , till favonius re-inspire the frozen earth ; and cloth in fresh attire the lillie and rose , that neither sow'd nor spun . what neat repast shall feast us , light and choice , of attick tast , with wine , whence we may rise to hear the lute well toucht , or artfull voice warble immortal notes and tuskan ayre ? he who of those delights can judge , and spare to interpose them oft , is not unwise . xviii . cyriack , whose grandsire on the royal bench of brittish themis , with with no mean applause pronounc't and in his volumes taught our lawes , which others at their barr so often wrench ; to day deep thoughts resolve with me to drench in mirth , that after no repenting drawes ; let euclid rest and archimedes pause , and what the swede intend , and what the french. to measure life , learn thou betimes , and know toward solid good what leads the nearest way for other things mild heav'n a time ordains , and disapproves that care , though wise in show , that with superfluous burden loads the day , and when god sends a cheerful hour , refrains . xix . methought i saw my late espoused saint brought to me like alcestis from the grave , whom joves great son to her glad husband gave , rescu'd from death by force though pale and faint . mine as whom washt from spot of child-bed taint , purification in the old law did save , and such , as yet once more i trust to have full sight of her in heaven without restraint , came vested all in white , pure as her mind : her face was vail'd , yet to my fancied sight , love , sweetness , goodness , in her person shin'd so clear , as in no face with more delight . but o as to embrace me she enclin'd i wak'd , she fled , and day brought back my night . the fifth ode of horace . lib. i. quis multa gracilis te puer in rosa , rendred almost word for word without rhyme according to the latin measure , as near as the language will permit . what slender youth bedew'd with liquid odours courts thee on roses in some pleasant cave , pyrrha for whom bindst thou in wreaths thy golden hair , plain in thy neatness ; o how oft shall he on faith and changed gods complain : and seas rough with black winds and storms unwonted shall admire : who now enjoyes thee credulous , all gold , who alwayes vacant alwayes amiable hopes thee ; of flattering gales unmindfull . hapless they to whom thou untry'd seem'st fair . me in my vow'd picture the sacred wall declares t' have hung my dank and dropping weeds to the stern god of sea. ad pyrrham . ode v. horatius ex pyrrhae illecebris tanquam e naufragio enataverat , cujus amore irretitos , affirmat esse miseros .. quis multa gracilis te puer in rosa perfusus liquidis urget odoribus , grato , pyrrha , sub antro ? cui flavam religas comam simplex munditie ? heu quoties fidem mutatosque deos flebit , & aspera nigris aequora ventis emirabitur insolens , qui nunc te fruitur credulus aurea : qui semper vacuam , semper amabilem sperat , nescius aurae fallacis . miseri quibus intentata nites . me tabula sacer votiva paries indicat uvida suspendisse potenti vestimenta maris deo. anno aetatis . at a vacation exercise in the colledge , part latin , part english . the latin speeches ended , the english thus began . hail native language , that by sinews weak didst move my first endeavouring tongue to speak , and mad'st imperfect words with childish tripp s , half unpronounc't , slide through my infant-lipps , driving dum silence from the portal dore , where he had mutely sate two years before : here i salute thee and thy pardon ask , that now i use thee in my latter task : small loss it is that thence can come unto thee , i know my tongue but little grace can do thee : thou needst not be ambitious to be first , believe me i have thither packt the worst : and , if it happen as i did forecast , the daintest dishes shall be serv'd up last . i pray thee then deny me not thy aide for this same small neglect that i have made : but haste thee strait to do me once a pleasure , and from thy wardrope bring thy chiefest treasure ; not those new fangled toys , and triming slight which takes our late fantasticks with delight , but cull those richest robes , and gay'st attire which deepest spirits , and choicest wits desire : i have some naked thoughts that rove about and loudly knock to have their passage out ; and wearie of their place do only stay till thou hast deck't them in thy best aray ; that so they may without suspect or fears fly swif●y to this fair assembly's ears ; yet i had rather if i were to chuse , thy service in some graver subject use , such as may make thee search thy coffers round , before thou cloath my fancy in fit sound : such where the deep transported mind may soare above the wheeling poles , and at heav'ns dore look in , and see each blissful deitie how he before the thunderous throne doth lie , listening to what unshorn apollo sings to th'touch of golden wires , while hebe brings immortal nectar to her kingly sire : then passing through the spherse of watchful fire , and mistie regions of wide air next under , and hills of snow and lofts of piled thunder , may tell at length how green-ey'd neptune raves , in heav'ns defiance mustering all his waves ; then sing of secret things that came to pass wh 〈…〉 eldam nature in her cradle was ; and last of kings and queens and hero's old , such as the wise demodocus once told in solemn songs at king alcinous feast , while sad ulisses soul and all the rest are held with his melodious harmonie in willing chains and sweet captivitie . but fie my wandring muse how thou dost stray ! expectance calls thee now another way , thou know'st it must be now thy only bent to keep in compass of thy predicament : then quick about thy purpos'd business come , that to the next i may resign my roome . then ens is represented as father of the praedicaments his ten sons , whereof the eldest stood for substance with his canons , which ens thus speaking , explains . good luck befriend thee son ; for at thy birth the faiery ladies daunc't upon the hearth ; thy drowsie nurse hath sworn she did them spie come tripping to the room where thou didst lie ; and sweetly singing round about thy bed strew all their blessings on thy sleeping head. she heard them give thee this , that thou should'st still from eyes of mortals walk invisible , yet there is something that doth force my fear , for once it was my dismal hap to hear a sybil old , bow-bent with crooked age , that far events full wisely could presage , and in times long and dark prospective glass fore-saw what future dayes should bring to pass , your son , said she , ( nor can you it prevent ) shall subject be to many an accident . o're all his brethren he shall reign as king , yet every one shall make him underling , and those that cannot live from him asunder ungratefully shall strive to keep him under , in worth and excellence he shall out-go them , yet being above them , he shall be below them ; from others he shall stand in need of nothing , yet on his brothers shall depend for cloathing . to find a foe it shall not be his hap , and peace shall lull him in her flowry lap ; yet shall he live in strife , and at his dore devouring war shall never cease to roare : yea it shall be his natural property to ha 〈…〉 our those that are at enmity . what power , what force , what mighty spell , if not your learned hands , can loose this gordian knot ? the next quantity and quality , spake in prose , then relation was call'd by his name . rivers arise ; whether thou be the son , of utmost tweed , or oose , or gulphie dun , or tren● , who like some earth-born giant spreads his thirty armes along the indented meads , or sullen mole that runneth underneath , or severn swift , guilty of maidens death , or rockie avon , or of sedgie lee , or coaly tine , or antient hollowed dee , or humber loud that keeps the s●ythians name , or medway smooth , or royal towred thame . the rest was prose . on the new forcers of conscience under long parliament . because you have thrown of your prelate lord , and with stiff vowes renounc'd his liturgie to seise the widdow'd whore pluralitie from them whose sin ye envi'd , not abhor'd , dare ye for this adjure the civill sword to force our consciences that christ set free , and ride us with a classic hierarchy taught ye by meer a. s. and rotherford ? men whose life , learning , faith and pure intent would have been held in high esteem with paul must now be nam'd and printed hereticks by shallow edwards and scotch what d' ye call : but we do hope to find out all your tricks , your plots and packing wors then those of trent , that so the parliament may with their wholsom and preventive shears clip your phylacteries , though bank your ears , and succour our just fears when they shall read this clearly in your charge new presbyter is but old priest writ large . arcades . part of an entertainment presented to the countess dowager of darby at harefield , by some noble persons of her family , who appear on the scene in pastoral habit , moving toward the seat of state , with this song . . song . look nymphs , and shepherds look , what sudden blaze of majesty is that which we from hence descry too divine to be mistook : this this is she to whom our vows and wishes bend , heer our solemn search hath end . fame that her high worth to raise , seem'd erst so lavish and profuse , we may justly now accuse of detraction from her praise , less then half we find exprest , envy bid conceal the rest . mark what radiant state she spreds , in circle round her shining throne , shooting her beams like silver threds , this this is she alone , sitting like a goddes bright , in the center of her light . might she the wise latona be , or the towred cybele , mother of a hundred gods ; juno dare's not give her odds ; who had thought this clime had held a deity so unparalel'd ? as they com forward , the genius of the wood appears , and turning toward them , speaks . gen. stay gentle swains , for though in this disguise , i see bright honour sparkle through your eyes , of famous arcady ye are , and sprung of that renowned flood , so often sung , divine alpheus , who by secret sluse , stole under seas to meet his arethuse ; and ye the breathing roses of the wood , fair silver-buskin'd nymphs as great and good , i know this quest of yours , and free intent was all in honour and devotion ment to the great mistres of you princely shrine , whom with low reverence i adore as mine , and with all helpful service will comply to further this nights glad solemnity ; and lead ye where ye may more near behold what shallow searching fame hath left untold ; which i full oft amidst these shades alone have sate to wonder at , and gaze upon : for know by lot from jove i am the powr of this fair wood , and live in oak'n bowr , to nurse the saplings tall , and curl the grove . with ringlets quaint ; and wanton windings wove . and all my plants i save from nightly ill , of noisom winds , and blasting vapours chill . and from the boughs brush off the evil dew , and heal the harms of thwarting thunder blew , or what the cross dire-looking planet smites , or hurtfull worm with canker'd venom bites . when ev'ning gray doth rise , i fetch my round over the mount , and all this hallow'd groun'd , and early ere the odorous breath of morn awakes the slumbring leaves , or tasseld horn shakes the high thicket , haste i all about , number my ranks , and visit every sprout with puissant words , and murmurs made to bless , but els in deep of night when drowfines hath lock't up mortal sense , then listen i to the celestical sirens harmony , that sit upon the nine enfolded sphears , and sing to those that hold the vital shears , and turn the adamantine spindle round , on which the fate of gods and men is wound . such sweet compulsion doth in musickly , to lull the daughters of necessity , and keep unsteddy nature to her law , and the low world in measur'd motion draw after the heavenly tune , which none can hear of human mould with gross unpurged ear ; and yet such musick worthiest were to blaze the peerles height of her immortal praise , whose lustre leads us , and for her most fit , if my inferior hand or voice could hit inimitable sounds , yet as we go , what ere the skill of lesser gods can show , i will assay , her worth to celebrate , and so attend ye toward her glittering state ; where ye may all that are of noble stemm approach , and kiss her sacred vestures hemm . . song . o're the smooth enamel'd green where no print of step hath been , follow me as i sing , and touch the warbled string . under the shady roof of branching elm-star-proof . follow me , i will bring you where she sits clad in splendor as befits her deity . such a rural queen all arcadia hath not seen . . song . nymphs and shepherds dance no more by sandy ladons lillied banks , on old lycaeus or cyllene hoar , trip no more in twilight ranks , though erymanth your loss deplore , a better soyl shall give ye thanks . from the stony maenalus , bring your flocks , and live with us , here ye shall have geater grace , to serve the lady of this place . though syrinx your pans mistress were , yet syrinx well might wait on her . such a rural queen all arcadia hath not seen , lycidas . in this monody the author bewails a learned friend , unfortunately drown'd in his passage from chester on the irish seas , . and by occasion foretells the ruine of our corrupted clergie then in their height . yet once more , o ye laurels , and once more ye myrtles brown , with ivy never sear , i com to pluck your berries harsh and crude , and with forc'd fingers rude , shatter your leaves before the mellowing year . bitter constraint , and sad occasion dear , compells me to disturb your season due : for lycidas is dead , dead ere his prime , young lycidas , and hath not left his peer : who would not sing for lycidas ? he knew himself to sing , and build the lofty rhyme . he must not flote upon his watry bear unwept , and welter to the parching wind , without the meed of som melodious tear . begin then , sisters of the sacred well , that from beneath the seat of jove doth spring , begin , and somewhat loudly sweep the string . hence with denial vain , and coy excuse , so may some gentle muse with lucky words favour my destin'd urn , and as he passes turn , and bid fair peace be to my sable shrowd . for we were nurst upon the self-same hill , fed the same flock ; by fountain , shade , and rill . together both , ere the high lawns appear'd under the opening eye-lids of the morn , we drove a field , and both together heard what time the gray-fly winds her sultry horn , batt'ning our flocks with the fresh dews of night , oft till the star that rose , at ev'ning , bright , toward heav'ns descent had slop'd his westering wheel . mean while the rural ditties were not mute , temper'd to th' oaten flute , rough satyrs danc'd , and fauns with clov'n heel , from the glad sound would not be absent long , and old damaetas lov'd to hear our song . but o the heavy change , now thou art gon , now thou art gon , and never must return ! thee shepherd , thee the woods , and desert caves , with wilde thyme and the gadding vine o'regrown , and all their echoes mourn . the willows , and the hazle copses green , shall now no more be seen , fanning their joyous leaves to thy soft layes . as killing as the canker to the rose , or taint-worm to the weanling herds that graze , or frost to flowers , that their gay wardrop wear , when first the white thorn blows ; such , lycidas , thy loss to shepherds ear . where were ye nymphs when the remorseless deep clos'd o're the head of your lov'd lycidas ? for neither were ye playing on the steep , where your old bards , the famous druids , ly , nor on the shaggy top of mona high , nor yet where deva spreads her wisard stream : ay me , i fondly dream ! had ye bin there — for what could that have don ? what could the muse her self that orpheus bore , the muse her self for her inchanting son whom universal nature did lament , when by the rout that made the hideous roar , his goary visage down the stream was sent , down the swift hebrus to the lesbian shore . alass ! what boots it with uncessant care to end the homely slighted shepherds trade , and strictly meditate the thankless muse , were it not better don as others use , to sport with amaryllis in the shade , or with the tangles of neaera's hair ? fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise ( that last infirmity of noble mind ) to scorn delights , and live laborious dayes ; but the fair guerdon when we hope to find , and think to burst out into sudden blaze , comes the blind fury with th' abhorred shears , and slits the thin spun life . but not the praise , phoebus repli'd , and touch'd my trembling ears ; fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil , nor in the glistering foil set off to th' world , nor in broad rumour lies , but lives and spreds aloft by those pure eyes , and perfet witnes of all-judging jove ; as he pronounces lastly on each deed , of so much fame in heav'n expect thy meed . o fountain arethuse , and thou honour'd floud , smooth-sliding mincius , crown'd with vocal reeds , that strain i heard was of a higher mood : but now my oat proceeds , and listens to the herald of the sea that came in neptune's plea , he ask'd the waves , and ask'd the fellon winds , what hard mishap hath doom'd this gentle swain ? and question'd every gust of rugged wings that blows from off each beaked promontory ; they knew not of his story , and sage hippotades their answer brings , that not a blast was from his dungeon stray'd , the air was calm , and on the level brine , sleek panope with all her sisters play'd . it was that fatal and perfidious bark built in th' eclipse , and rigg'd with curses dark , that sunk so low that sacred head of thine . next camus , reverend sire , went footing slow , his mantle hairy , and 〈◊〉 bonnet sedge , inwrought with figures ●im , and on the edge like to that sanguine flower inscrib'd with woe . ah ; who hath rest ( quoth he ) my dearest pledge ? last came , and last did go , the pilot of the galilean lake , two massy keyes he bore of metals twain , ( the golden opes , the iron shuts amain ) he shook his miter'd locks , and stern bespake , how well could i have spar'd for thee , young swain , anow of such as for their bellies sake , creep and intrude , and climb into the fold ? of other care they little reck'ning make , then how to scramble at the shearers feast , and shove away the worthy bidden guest ; blind mouthes ! that scarce themselves know how to hold a sheep-hook , or have learn'd ought els the least that to the faithfull herdmans art belongs ! what recks it them ? what need they ? they are sped ; and when they list , their lean and flashy songs grate on their scrannel pipes of wretched straw , the hungry sheep look up , and are not fed , but swoln with wind , and the rank mist they draw , rot inwardly , and foul contagion spread : besides what the grim woolf with privy paw daily devours apace , and nothing sed , that two-handed engine at the door , stands ready to smite once , and smite no more . return alpheus , the dread voice is past , that shrunk thy streams ; return sicilian muse , and call the vales , and bid them hither cast their bells , and flourets of a thousand hues . ye valleys low where the milde whispers use , of shades and wanton winds , and gushing brooks , on whose fresh lap the swart star sparely looks , throw hither all your quaint enameld eyes , that on the green terf suck the honied showres , and purple all the ground with vernal flowres . bring the rathe primrose that forsaken dies . the tufted crow-toe , and pale gessamine , the white pink , and the pansie freakt with jeat , the glowing violet . the musk-rose , and the well attir'd woodbine , with cowslips wan that hang the pensive head , and every flower that sad embroidery wears : bid amarantus all his beauty shed , and daffadillies fill their cups with tears , to strew the laureat herse where lycid lies . for so to interpose a little ease , let our frail thoughts dally with false surmise . ay me ! whilst thee the shores , and sounding sea wash far away , where ere thy bones are hurl'd , whether beyond the stormy hebrides where thou perhaps under the whelming tide visit'st the bottom of the monstrous world ; or whether thou to our moist vows deny'd , sleep'st by the fable of bellerus old , where the great vision of the guarded mount looks toward namancos and bayona's hold ; look homeward angel now , and melt with ruth . and , o ye dolphins , waft the haples youth . weep no more , woful shepherds weep no more , for lycidas your sorrow is not dead , sunk though he be beneath the watry floar , so sinks the day-star in the ocean bed , and yet anon repairs his drooping head , and tricks his beams , and with new spangled ore , flames in the forehead of the morning sky : so lycidas sunk low , but mounted high , through the dear might of him that walk'd the waves where other groves , and other streams along , with nectar pure his oozy lock 's he laves , and hears the unexpressive nuptial song , in the blest kingdoms meek of joy and love . there entertain him all the saints above , in solemn troops , and sweet societies that sing , and singing in their glory move , and wipe the tears for ever from his eyes . now lycidas the shepherds weep no more ; henceforth thou art the genius of the shore , in thy large recompense , and shalt be good to all that wander in that perilous flood . thus sang the uncouth swain to th' okes and rills , while the still morn went out with sandals gray , he touch'd the tender stops of various quills , with eager thought warbling his dorick lay : and now the sun had stretch'd out all the hills , and now was dropt into the western bay ; at last he rose , and twitch'd his mantle blew : to morrow to fresh woods , and pastures new . a mask presented at ludlow-castle , . &c. the first scene discovers a wilde wood. the attendant spirit descends or enters . before the starry threshold of joves court my mansion is , where those immortal shape of bright atreal spirits live insphear'd in regions milde of calm and serene air , above the smoak and stirr of this dim spot , which men call earth , and with low-thoughted care confin'd , and pester'd in this pin-fold here , strive to keep up a frail , and feaverish being unmindfull of the crown that vertue gives after this mortal change , to her true servants amongst the enthron'd gods on sainted seats . yet som there be that by due steps aspire to lay their just hands on that golden key that ope's the palace of eternity : to such my errand is , and but for such , i would not soil these pure ambrosial weeds , with the rank vapours of this sin-worn mould . but to my task . neptune besides the sway of every salt flood , and each ebbing stream , took in by lot 'twixt high , and neather jove , imperial rule of all the sea-girt iles that like to rich , and various gemms inlay the unadorned boosom of the deep , which he to grace his tributary gods by course commits to several government , and gives them leave to wear their saphire crowns , and weild their little tridents , but this i le the greatest , and the best of all the main he quarters to his blu-hair'd deities , and all this tract that fronts the falling sun a noble peer of mickle trust , and power has in his charge , with temper'd awe to guide an old , and haughty nation proud in arms : where his fair off-spring nurs't in princely lore , are coming to attend their fathers state , and new-entrusted scepter , but their way lies through the perplex't paths of this drear wood , the nodding horror of whose shady brows threats the forlorn and wandring passinger . and here their tender age might suffer peril , but that by quick command from soveran jove i was dispatcht for their defence , and guard ; and listen why , for i will tell you now what never yet was heard in tale or song from old , or modern bard in hall , or bowr . bacchus that first from out the purple grape , crush't the sweet poyson of mis-used wine after the tuscan mariners transform'd coasting the tyrrhene shore , as the winds listed , on circes iland fell ( who knows not circe the daughter of the sun ? whose charmed cup whoever tasted , lost his upright shape , and downward fell into a groveling swine ) this nymph that gaz'd upon his clustring locks , with ivy berries wreath'd , and his blithe youth , had by him , ere he parted thence , a son much like his father , but his mother more , whom therefore she brought up and comus nam'd , who ripe , and frolick of his full grown age , roaving the celtick , and iberian fields , at last betakes him to this ominous wood , and in thick shelter of black shades imbowr'd , excells his mother at her mighty art , offring to every weary traveller , his orient liquor in a crystal glass , to quench the drouth of phoebus , which as they taste ( for most do taste through fond intemperate thirst ) soon as the potion works , their human count'nance , th' express resemblance of the gods , is chang'd into som brutish form of woolf , or bear , or ounce , or tiger , hog , or bearded goat , all other parts remaining as they were , and they , so perfect is their misery , not once perceive their foul disfigurement , but boast themselves more comely then before and all their friends , and native home forget to roule with pleasure in a sensual stie . therefore when any favour'd of high jove , chances to pass through this adventrous glade , swift as the sparkle of a glancing star , i shoot from heav'n to give him safe convoy , as now i do : but first i must put off these my skie robes spun out of iris wooff , and take the weeds and likenes of a swain , that to the service of this house belongs , who with his soft pipe , and smooth dittied song . well knows to still the wilde winds when they roar , and hush the waving woods , nor of less faith , and in this office of his mountain watch , likeliest , and nearest to the present ayd of this occasion . but i hear the tread of hatefull steps , i must be viewles now . comus enters with a charming rod in one hand , his glass in the other , with him a rout of monsters , headed like sundry sorts of wilde beasts , but otherwise like men and women , their apparel glistering , they come in making a riotous and unruly noise , with torches in their hands . comus . the star that bids the shepherd fold . now the top of heav'n doth hold , and the gilded car of day , his glowing axle doth allay in the steep atlantick stream , and the slope sun his upward beam shoots against the dusky pole , pacing toward the other gole of his chamber in the east . mean while welcom joy , and feast , midnight shout , and revelry , tipsie dance , and jollity . braid your locks with rosie twine dropping odours , dropping wine . rigor now is gon to bed , and advice with scrupulous head , strict age , and sowre severity , with their grave saws in slumber lie . we that are of purer fire imitate the starry quire , who in their nightly watchfull sphears , lead in swift round the months and years . the sounds , and seas with all their finny drove now to the moon in wavering morrice move , and on the tawny sands and shelves , trip the pert fairies and the dapper elves ; by dimpled brook , and fountain brim , the wood-nymphs deckt with daisies trim , their merry wakes and pastimes keep : what hath night to do with sleep ? night hath better sweets to prove , venus now wakes , and wak'ns love. com let us our rights begin , 't is onely day-light that makes sin which these dun shades will ne're report , hail goddess of nocturnal sport dark vail'd cotytto , t' whom the secret flame of mid-night torches burns ; mysterious dame that ne're art call'd , but when the dragon woom of stygian darkness spets her thickest gloom , and makes one blot of all the air , stay thy cloudy ebon chair , wherin thou rid'st with heceat ' , and befriend us thy vow'd priests , till utmost end of all thy dues be done , and none left out , ere the blabbing eastern scout , the nice morn on th' indian steep from her cabin'd loop-hole peep , and to the tell-tale sun discry our conceal'd solemnity . com , knit hands , and beat the ground , in a light fantastick round . the measure . break off , break off , i feel the different pace , of som chast footing near about this ground . run to your shrouds , within these brakes and trees , our number may affright : some virgin sure ( for so i can distinguish by mine art ) benighted in these woods . now to my charms , and to my wily trains , i shall e're long be well stock't with as fair a herd as graz'd about my mother circe . thus i hurl my dazling spells into the spungy ayr , of power to cheat the eye with blear illusion , and give it false presentments , lest the place and my quaint habits breed astonishment , and put the damsel to suspicious flight , which must not be , for that 's against my course ; i under fair pretence of friendly ends , and well plac't words of glozing courtesie baited with reasons not unplausible wind me into the easie-hearted man , and hug him into snares . when once her eye hath met the vertue of this magick dust . i shall appear some harmles villager and hearken , if i may , her busines here . but here she comes , i fairly step aside the lady enters . this way the noise was , if mine ear be true , my best guide now , me thought it was the sound of riot , and ill manag'd merriment , such as the jocond flute , or gamesom pipe stirs up among the loose unletter'd hinds , when for their teeming flocks , and granges full in wanton dance they praise the bounteous pan , and thank the gods amiss . i should be loath to meet the rudeness , and swill'd insolence of such late wassailers ; yet o where els shall i inform my unacquainted feet in the blind mazes of this tangl'd wood ? my brothers when they saw me wearied out with this long way , resolving here to lodge under the spreading favour of these pines , stept as they se'd to the next thicket side to bring me berries , or such cooling fruit as the kind hospitable woods provide . they left me then , when the gray-hooded eev'n like a sad votarist in palmers weed rose from the hindmost wheels of phoebus wain . but where they are , and why they came not back , is now the labour of my thoughts , 't is likeliest they had ingag'd their wandring steps too far , and envious darknes , e're they could return , had stole them from me , els o theevish night why shouldst thou , but for som fellonious end , in thy dark lantern thus close up the stars , that nature hung in heav'n , and fill'd their lamps with everlasting oil , to give due light to the misled and lonely traveller ? this is the place , as well as i may guess , whence eev'n now the tumult of loud mirth was rife , and perfet in my list'ning ear , yet nought but single darknes do i find . what might this be ? a thousand fantasies begin to throng into my memory of calling shapes , and beckning shadows dire , and airy tongues , that syllable mens names on sands , and shoars , and desert wildernesses . these thoughts may startle well , but not astound the vertuous mind , that ever walks attended by a strong siding champion conscience . — o welcom pure-ey'd faith , white-handed hope , thou hovering angel girt with golden wings , and thou unblemish't form of chastity , i see ye visibly , and now believe that he , the supreme good , t' whom all things ill are but as slavish officers of vengeance , would send a glistring guardian if need were to keep my life and honour unassail'd . was i deceiv'd , or did a sable cloud turn forth her silver lining on the night ? i did not err , there does a sable cloud turn forth her silver lining on the night , and casts a gleam over this tufted grove . i cannot hallow to my brothers , but such noise as i can make to be heard farthest i le venter , for my new enliv'nd spirits prompt me ; and they perhaps are not far off . song . sweet echo , sweetest nymph that liv'st unseen within thy airy shell by slow meander's margent green , and in the violet imbroider'd vale where the love-lorn nightingale nightly to thee her sad song mourneth well . canst thou not tell me of a gentle pair that likest thy narcissus are ? o if thou have hid them in som flowry cave , tell me but where sweet queen of parly , daughter of the sphear . so maist thou be translated to the skies , and give resounding grace to all heav'ns harmonies . com. can any mortal mixture of earths mould breath such divine inchanting ravishment ? sure somthing holy lodges in that brest , and with these raptures moves the vocal air to testifie his hidd'n residence ; how sweetly did they float upon the wings of silence , through the empty-vaulted night at every fall smoothing the raven doune of darknes till it smil'd : i have oft heard my mother circe with the sirens three , amid'st the flowry-kirtl'd naiades culling their potent hearbs , and balefull drugs , who as they sung , would take the prison'd soul , and lap it in elysium , scylla wept , and chid her barking waves into attention , and fell charybdis murmur'd soft applause : yet they in pleasing slumber lull'd the sense , and in sweet madnes rob'd it of it self , but such a sacred , and home-felt delight , such sober certainty of waking bliss i never heard till now . i le speak to her and she shall be my queen . hail forren wonder whom certain these rough shades did never breed unless the goddes that in rural shrine dwell'st here with pan , or silvan , by blest song forbidding every bleak unkindly fog to touch the prosperous growth of this tall wood. la. nay gentle shepherd ill is lost that praise that is addrest to unattending ears , not any boast of skill , but extreme shift how to regain my sever'd company compell'd me to awake the courteous echo to give me answer from her mossie couch . co. what chance good lady hath bereft you thus ? la. dim darknes , and this leavie labyrinth . co. could that divide you from neer ushering guides ? la. they left me weary on a grassie terf . co. by falshood , or discourtesie , or why ? la. to seek i' th vally som cool friendly spring . co. and left your fair side all unguarded lady ? la. they were but twain , and purpos'd quick return . co. perhaps fore-stalling night prevented them . la. how easie my misfortune is to hit ! co. imports their loss , beside the present need ? la. no less then if i should my brothers loose . co. were they of manly prime , or youthful bloom ? la. as smooth as hebe's their unrazor'd lips . co. two such i saw , what time the labour'd oxe in his loose traces from the furrow came , and the swink't hedger at his supper sate ; i saw them under a green mantling vine that crawls along the side of yon small hill , plucking ripe clusters from the tender shoots , their port was more then human , as they stood ; i took it for a faêry vision of som gay creatures of the element that in the colours of the rainbow live and play ▪ i' th plighted clouds . i was aw●strook , and as i past , i worshipt ; if those you seek it were a journey like the path to heav'n , to help you find them . la. gentle villager what readiest way would bring me to that place ? co. due west it rises from this shrubby point . la. to find out that , good shepherd , i suppose , in such a scant allowance of star-light , would overtask the best land-pilots art , without the sure guess of well practiz'd feet . co. i know each lane , and every alley green dingle , or bushy dell of this wilde wood , and every bosky bourn from side to side my daily walks and ancient neighbourhood , and if your stray attendance be yet lodg'd , or shroud within these limits , i shall know ere morrow wake , or the low roosted lark from her thatch't pallat rowse , if otherwise i can conduct you lady to a low but loyal cottage , where you may be safe till further quest ' . la. shepherd i take thy word , and trust thy honest offer'd courtesie , which oft is sooner found in lowly sheds with smoaky rafters , then in tapstry halls and courts of princes , where it first was nam'd , and yet is most pretended : in a place less warranted then this , or less secure i cannot be , that i should fear to change it , eie me blest providence , and square my triall to my proportion'd strength . shepherd lead on . — the two brothers . eld. bro. unmuffle ye faint stars , and thou fair moon that wontst to love the travellers benizon , stoop thy pale visage through an amber cloud , and disinherit chaos , that raigns here in double night of darkness , and of shades ; or if your influence be quite damm'd up with black usurping mists , som gentle taper though a rush candle from the wicker hole of som clay habitation visit us with thy long levell'd rule of streaming light , and thou shalt be our star , of aready , or tyrian cynosure . . bro. or if our eyes be barr'd that happines , might we but hear the folded flocks pen'd in their watled cotes , or sound of pastoral reed with oa●en stops , or whistle from the lodge , or village cock count the night watches to his feathery dames , 't would be som solace yet som little chearing in this close dungeon of innumerous bowes . but o that haples virgin our lost sister where may she wander now , whether betake her from the chill dew , amongst rude burrs and thistles ? perhaps som cold bank is her boulster now or ' gainst the rugged bark of som broad elm leans her unpillow'd head fraught with sad fears , what if in wild amazement , and affright , or while we speak within the direful grasp of savage hunger , or of savage heat ? eld. bro. peace brother , be not over-exquisite to cast the fashion of uncertain evils ; for grant they be so , while they rest unknown , what need a man forestall his date of grief , and run to meet what he would most avoid ? or if they be but false alarms of fear , how bitter is such self-delusion ? i do not think my sister so to seek , or so unprincipl'd in vertues book , and the sweet peace that goodnes boosoms ever , as that the single want of light and noise ( not being in danger , as i trust she is not ) could stir the constant mood of her calm thoughts , and put them into mis-becoming plight . vertue could see to do what vertue would by her own radiant light , though sun and moon were in the flat sea sunk . and wisdoms self oft seeks to sweet retired solitude , where with her best nurse contemplation she plumes her feathers , and le ts grow her wings that in the various bussle of resort were all to ruffl'd , and somtimes impair'd . he that has light within his own cleer brest may sit i' th center , and enjoy bright day , but he that hides a dark soul , and foul thoughts benighted walks under the mid-day sun ; himself is his own dungeon . . bro. t is most true that musing meditation most affects the pensive secrecy of desert cell , far from the cheerfull haunt of men , and herds , and sits as safe as in a senat house , for who would rob a hermit of his weeds , his few books , or his beads , of maple dish , or do his gray hairs any violence ? but beauty like the fair hesperian tree laden with blooming gold , had need the guard of dragon watch with uninchanted eye , to save her blossoms , and defend her fruit from the rash hand of bold incontinence . you may as well spred out the unsun'd heaps of misers treasure by an out-laws den , and tell me it is safe , as bid me hope danger will wink on opportunity , and let a single helpless maiden pass uninjur'd in this wilde surrounding wast . of night , or loneliness it recks me not , i fear the dred events that dog them both , lest som ill greeting touch attempt the person of our unowned sister . eld. bro. i do not , brother , inferr , as if i thought my sisters state secure without all doubt , or controversie : yet where an equal poise of hope and fear does arbitrate th' event , my nature is that i encline to hope , rather then fear , and gladly banish squint suspicion . my sister is not so defenceless left as you imagine , she has a hidden strength which you remember not . . bro. what hidden strength , unless the strength of heav'n , if you mean that ? eld. bro. i mean that too , but yet a hidden strength which if heav'n gave it , may be term'd her own : 't is chastity , my brother , chastity : she that has that , is clad in compleat steel , and like a quiver'd nymph with arrows keen may trace huge forrests , and unharbour'd heaths , infamous hills , and sandy perilous wildes , where through the sacred rayes of chastity , no savage fierce , bandite , or mountaneer will dare to soyl her virgin purity , yea there , where very desolation dwels by grots , and caverns shag'd with horrid shades , she may pass on with unblench't majesty , be it not don in pride , or in presumption . som say no evil thing that walks by night in fog , or fire , by lake , or moorish fen , blew meager hag , or stubborn unlaid ghost , that breaks his magick chains at curfeu time , no goblin , or swart faêry of the mine , hath hurtfull power o're true virginity . do ye believe me yet , or shall i call antiquity from the old schools of greece to testifie the arms of chastity ? hence had the huntress dian her dred bow fair silver-shafted queen for ever chaste , wherewith she tam'd the brinded lioness and spotted mountain pard , but set at nought the frivolous bolt of cupid , gods and men fear'd her stern frown , and she was queen oth'woods . what was that snaky-headed gorgon sheild that wise minerva wore , unconquer'd virgin , wherwith she freez'd her foes to congeal'd stone ? but rigid looks of chast austerity , and noble grace that dash't brute violence with sudden adoration , and blank aw . so dear to heav'n is saintly chastity , that when a soul is found sincerely so , a thousand liveried angels lacky her , driving far off each thing of sin and guilt , and in cleer dream , and solemn vision tell her of things that no gross ear can hear , till oft convers with heav'nly habitants begin to cast a beam on th' outward shape , the unpolluted temple of the mind , and turns it by degrees to the souls essence , till all be made immortal : but when lust by unchaste looks , loose gestures , and foul talk , but most by leud and lavish act of sin , le ts in defilement to the inward parts , the soul grows clotted by contagion , imbodies , and imbrutes , till she quite loose the divine property of her first being . such are those thick and gloomy shadows damp oft seen in charnel vaults , and sepulchers lingering , and sitting by a new made grave , as loath to leave the body that it lov'd , and link't it self by carnal sensuality to a degenerate and degraded state . . bro. how charming is divine philosophy ! not ha●sh , and crabbed as dull fools suppose , but musical as is apollo's lute , and a perpetual feast of nectar'd sweets , where no crude surfet raigns . eld. bro. list , li● , i hear som far of hallow break the silent air. . bro. me thought so too ; what should it be ? eld. bro. for certain either som one like us night-sounder'd here , or els som neighbour wood-man , or at worst , som roaving robber calling to his fellows . . bro. heav'n keep my sister , agen , agen , and neer , best draw , and stand upon our guard . eld. bro. i le hallow , if he be friendly he comes well , if not , defence is a good cause , and heav'n be for us . the attendant spirit habited like a shepherd . that hallow i should know , what are you ? speak ; com not too neer , you fall on iron stakes else . spir. what voice is that , my young lord ? speak agen . . bro. o brother , 't is my father shepherd sure . eld. bro. thyrsis ? whose artful strains have oft delaid the hudling brook to hear his madrigal , and sweetn'd every muskrose of the dale , how cam'st thou here good swain ? hath any ram slipt from the fold , or young kid lost his dam , or straggling weather the pen't flock forsook ? how couldst thou find this dark sequester'd nook ? spir. o my lov'd masters heir , and his next joy , i came not here on such a trivial toy as a stray'd ewe , or to pursue the stealth of pilfering woolf , not all the fleecy wealth that doth enrich these downs , is worth a thought to this my errand , and the care it brought . but o my virgin lady , where is she ? how chance she is not in your company ? eld. bro. to tell thee sadly shepherd , without blame , or our neglect , we lost her as we came . spir. ay me unhappy then my fears are true . el. bro. what fears good thyrsis ? prethee briefly shew . spir. i le tell ye , 't is not vain or fabulous , ( though so esteem'd by shallow ignorance ) what the sage poets taught by th' heav'nly muse , storied of old in high immortal vers of dire chimera's and inchanted iles , and rifted rocks whose entrance leads to hell , for such there be , but unbelief is blind . within the navil of this hideous wood , immur'd in cypress shades a sorcerer dwels of bacchus , and of circe born , great comus , deep skill'd in all his mothers witcheries , and here to every thirsty wanderer , by sly enticement gives his baneful cup , with many murmurs mixt , whose pleasing poison the visage quite transforms of him that drinks , and the inglorious likenes of a beast fixes instead , unmoulding reasons mintage character'd in the face ; this have i learn't tending my flocks hard by i' th hilly crofts , that brow this bottom glade , whence night by night he and his monstrous rout are heard to howl like stabl'd wolves , or tigers at their prey , doing abhorred rites to hecate in their obscured haunts of inmost bowres , yet have they many baits , and guileful spells to inveigle and invite th' unwary sense of them that pass unweeting by the way . this evening late by then the chewing flocks had ta'n their supper on the savoury herb of knot-grass dew-besprent , and were in fold , i sate me down to watch upon a bank with ivy canopied , and interwove with flaunting hony-suckle , and began wrapt in a pleasing fit of melancholy to meditate upon my rural minstrelsie , till fancy had her fill , but ere a close the wonted roar was up amidst the woods , and fill'd the air with barbarous dissonance at which i ceas't , and listen'd them a while , till an unusual stop of sudden silence gave respit to the drowsie frighted steeds that draw the litter of close curtain'd sleep ; at last a soft and solemn breathing sound rose like a stream of rich distill'd perfumes , and stole upon the air , that even silence was took e're she was ware , and wisht she might deny her nature , and be never more still to be so displac't . i was all ear , and took in strains that might create a soul under the ribs of death , but o ere long too well i did perceive it was the voice of my most honour'd lady , your dear sister . amaz'd i stood , harrow'd with grief and fear , and o poor hapless nightingale thought i , how sweet thou sing'st , how near the deadly snare ! then down the lawns i ran with headlong hast through paths , and turnings oft'n trod by day , till guided by mine ear i found the place where that damn'd wisard hid in sly disguise ( for so by certain signes i knew ) had met already , ere my best speed could prevent , the aidless innocent lady his wish't prey , who gently ask't if he had seen such two , supposing him som neighbour villager ; longer i durst not stay , but soon i guess't ye were the two she mean't , with that i sprung into swift flight , till i had found you here , but further know i not . . bro. o night and shades , how are ye joyn'd with hell in tripple knot against th' unarmed weakness of one virgin alone , and helpless ! is this the confidence you gave me brother ? eld. bro. yes , and keep it still , lean on it safely , not a period shall be unsaid for me : against the threats of malice or of sorcery , or that power which erring men call chance , this i hold firm , vertue may be assail'd , but never hurt , surpriz'd by unjust force , but not enthrall'd , yea even that which mischief meant most harm , shall in the happy trial prove most glory . but evil on it self shall back recoyl , and mix no more with goodness , when at last gather'd like scum , and setl'd to it self it shall be in eternal restless change self-fed , and self-consum'd , if this fail , the pillar'd firmament is rott'nness , and earths base built on stubble . but com let 's on . against th'opposing will and arm of heav'n may never this just sword be lifted up , but for that damn'd magician , let him be girt with all the greisly legions that troop under the sooty flag of acheron , harpyes and hydra's , or all the monstrous forms 'twixt africa and inde , i le find him out , and force him to restore his purchase back , or drag him by the curls , to a foul , death , curs'd as his life . spir. alas good ventrous youth , i love thy courage yet , and bold emprise , but here thy sword can do thee little stead , far other arms , and other weapons must be those that quell the might of hellish charms , he with his bare wand can unthred thy joynts , and crumble all thy sinew . eld. bro. why prethee shepherd how durst thou then thy self approach so neer as to make this relation ? spir. care and utmost shifts how to secure the lady from surprisal , brought to my mind a certain shepherd lad of small regard to see to , yet well skill'd in every vertuous plant and healing herb that spreds her verdant leaf to th' morning ray , he lov'd me well , and oft would beg me sing , which when i did , he on the tender grass would sit , and hearken even to extasie , and in requital ope his leathern scrip , and shew me simples of a thousand names telling their strange and vigorous faculties ; amongst the rest a small unsightly root , but of divine effect , he cull'd me out ; the leaf was darkish , and had prickles on it , but in another countrey , as he said , bore a bright golden flowre , but not in this soyl : unknown , and like esteem'd , and the dull swain treads on it daily with his clouted shoon , and yet more med'cinal is it then that moly that hermes once to wise ulysses gave ; he call'd it haemony , and gave it me , and bad me keep it as of sov'ran use ' gainst all inchantments , mildew blast , or damp or gastly furies apparition ; i purs't it up , but little reck'ning made , till now that this extremity compell'd , but now i find it true ; for by this means i knew the foul inchanter though disguis'd , enter'd the very lime-twigs of his spells , and yet came off : if you have this about you ( as i will give you when we go ) you may boldly assault the necromancers hall ; where if he be , with dauntless hardihood , and brandish't blade rush on him , break his glass , and shed the lushious liquor on the ground , but sease his wand , though he and his curst crew fierce signe of battail make , and menace high , or like the sons of vulcan vomit smoak , yet will they soon retire , if he but shrink . eld. bro. thyrsis lead on apace , i le follow thee , and som good angel bear a shield before us . the scene changes to a stately palace , set out with all manner of deliciousness : soft musick , tables spred with all dainties . comus appears with his rabble , and the lady set in an inchanted chair , to whom he offers his glass , which she puts by , and goes about to rise . comus . nay lady sit ; if i but wave this wand , your nerves are all chain'd up in alablaster , and you a statue , or as daphne was root-bound , that fled apollo , la. fool do not boast , thou canst not touch the freedom of my minde with all thy charms , although this corporal rinde thou haste immanacl'd , while heav'n sees good . co. why are you vext lady ? why do you frown ? here dwell no frowns , nor anger , from these gates sorrow flies far : see here be all the pleasures that fancy can beget on youthfull thoughts , when the fresh blood grows lively , and returns brisk as the april buds in primrose-season . and first behold this cordial julep here that flames , and dances in his crystal bounds with spirits of balm , and fragrant syrops mixt . not that nepenthes which the wife of thone , in egypt gave to jove-born helena is of such power to stir up joy as this , to life so friendly , or so cool to thirst . why should you be so cruel to your self , and to those dainty limms which nature lent for gentle usage , and soft delicacy ? but you invert the cov'nants of her trust , and harshly deal like an ill borrower with that which you receiv'd on other terms , scorning the unexempt condition by which all mortal frailty must subsist , refreshment after toil , ease after pain , that have been tir'd all day without repast , and timely rest have wanted , but fair virgin this will restore all soon . la. 't will not false traitor , 't will not restore the truth and honesty that thou hast banish't from thy tongue with lies , was this the cottage , and the safe abode thou told'st me of ? what grim aspects are these , these oughly-headed monsters ? mercy guard me ! hence with thy brew'd inchantments , foul deceiver , hast thou betrai'd my credulous innocence with visor'd falshood , and base forgery , and would'st thou seek again to trap me here with lickerish baits fit to ensnare a brute ? were it a draft for juno when she banquets , i would not taste thy treasonous offer ; none but such as are good men can give good things , and that which is not good , is not delicious to a well-govern'd and wise appetite . co. o foolishnes of men ! that lend their ears to those budge doctors of the stoick furr , and fetch their precepts from the cynick tub , praising the lean and sallow abstinence . wherefore did nature powre her bounties forth , with such a full and unwithdrawing hand , covering the earth with odours , fruits , and flocks , thronging the seas with spawn innumerable , but all to please , and sate the curious taste ? and set to work millions of spinning worms , that in their green shops weave the smooth-hair'd silk to deck her sons , and that no corner might be vacant of her plenty , in her own loyns she hutch't th'all-worshipt ore , and precious gems to store her children with ; if all the world should in a pet of temperance feed on pulse , drink the clear stream , and nothing wear but freize , th' all-giver would be unthank't , would be unprais'd , not half his riches known , and yet despis'd , and we should serve him as a grudging master , as a penurious niggard of his wealth , and live like natures bastards , not her sons , who would be quite surcharg'd with her own weight , and strangl'd with her waste fertility ; th' earth cumber'd , and the wing'd air dark't with plumes , the herds would over-multitude their lords , the sea o'refraught would swel , & th' unsought diamonds would so emblaze the forhead of the deep , and so bestudd with stars , that they below would grow inur'd to light , and com at last to gaze upon the sun with shameles brows . list lady be not coy , and be not cosen'd with that same vaunted name virginity , beauty is natures coyn , must not be hoorded , but must be currant , and the good thereof consists in mutual and partak'n bliss , unsavoury in th' injoyment of it self if you let slip time , like a neglected rose it withers on the stalk with languish't head . beauty is natures brag , and must be shown in courts , at feasts , and high solemnities where most may wonder at the workm 〈…〉 it is for homely features to keep home , they had their name thence ; course complexions and cheeks of sorry grain will serve to ply the sampler , and to teize the huswifes wooll . what need a vermeil-tinctur'd lip for that love-darting eyes , or tresses like the the morn ? there was another meaning in these gifts , think what , and be adviz'd , you are but young yet . la. i had not thought to have unlockt my lips in this unhallow'd air , but that this jugler would think to charm my judgement , as mine eyes obtruding false rules pranckt in reasons garb . i hate when vice can bolt her arguments , and vertue has no tongue to check her pride : impostor do not charge most innocent nature , as if she would her children should be riotous with her abundance she good cateres means her provision only to the good that live according to her sober laws , and holy dictate of spare temperance : if every just man that now pines with want had but a moderate and beseeming share of that which lewdly-pamper'd luxury now heaps upon som few with vast excess , natures full blessings would be well dispenc't in unsuperfluous eeven proportion , and she no whit encomber'd with her store , and then the giver would be better thank't , his praise due paid , for swinish gluttony ne're looks to heav'n amidst his gorgeous feast , but with besotted base ingratitude cramms , and blasphemes his feeder . shall i go on ? or have i said anow ? to him that dares arm his profane tongue with contemptuous words against the sun-clad power of chastity ; fain would i somthing say , yet to what end ? thou hast nor ear , nor soul to apprehend the sublime notion , and high mystery that must be utter'd to unfold the sage and serious doctrine of virginity , and thou art worthy that thou shouldst not know more happiness then this thy present lot . enjoy your dear wit , and gay rhetorick that hath so well been taught her dazling fence , thou art not fit to hear thy self convinc't ; yet should i try , the uncontrouled worth of this pure cause would kindle my rap't spirits to such a flame of sacred vehemence , that dumb things would be mov'd to sympathize , and the brute earth would lend her nerves , and shake , till all thy magick structures rear'd so high , were shatter'd into heaps o're thy false head . co. she fables not , i feel that i do fear her words set off by som superior power ; and though not mortal , yet a cold shuddring dew dips me all o're , as when the wrath of jove speaks thunder , and the chains of erebus to som of saturns crew . i must dissemble , and try her yet more strongly . com , no more , this is meer moral babble , and direct against the canon laws of our foundation ; i must not suffer this , yet 't is but the lees and setlings of a melancholy blood ; but this will cure all streight , one sip of this will bathe the drooping spirits in delight beyond the bliss of dreams . be wise , and taste . — the brothers rush in with swords drawn , wrest his glass out of his hand , and break it against the ground ; his rout make sign of resistance , but are all driven in ; the attendant spirit comes in . spir. what , have you let the false enchanter scape ? o ye mistook , ye should have snatcht his wand and bound him fast ; without his rod revers't , and backward mutters of dissevering power , we cannot free the lady that sits here in stony fetters fixt , and motionless ; yet stay , be not disturb'd , now i bethink me , som other means i have which may be us'd , which once of melibaeus old i learnt the soothest shepherd that ere pip't on plains . there is a gentle nymph not far from hence , that with moist curb sways the smooth severn stream , sabrina is her name , a virgin pure , whilom she was the daughter of locrine , that had the scepter from his father brute . the guiltless damsel flying the mad pursuit of her enraged stepdam guendolen , commended her fair innocence to the flood that stay'd her flight with his cross flowing course , the water nymphs that in the bottom plaid , held up their pearled wrists and took her in , bearing her straight to aged nereus hall , who piteous of her woes , rear'd her lank head , and gave her to his daughters to imbathe in nectar'd lavers strew'd with asphodil , and through the porch and inlet of each sense dropt in ambrosial oils till she reviv'd , and underwent a quick immortal change made goddess of the river ; still she retains her maid'n gentlenes , and oft at eeve visits the herds along the twilight meadows , helping all urchin blasts , and ill luck signes that the shrewd medling else delights to make , which she with pretious viold liquors heals . for which the shepherds at their festivals carrol her goodnes lowd in rustick layes , and throw sweet garland wreaths into her stream of pancies , pinks , and gaudy daffadils . and , as the old swain said , she can unlock the clasping charm , and thaw the numming spell , if she be right invok't in warbled song , for maid'nhood she loves , and will be swift to aid a virgin such as was her self in hard besetting need , this will i try and adde the power of som adjuring verse . song . sabrina fair listen where thou art sitting under the glassie , cool , translucent wave , in twisted braids of lillies knitting the loose train of thy amber-dropping hair , listen for dear honours sake , goddess of the silver lake , listen and save . listen and appear to us in name of great oceanus , by the earth-shaking neptune's mace , and tethys grave majestick pace , by hoary nereus wrincled look , and the carpathian wisards hook , by scaly tritons winding shell , and old sooth-saying glaucus spell , by leucothea's lovely hands , and her son that rules the strands , by thetis tinsel-slipper'd feet , and the songs of sirens sweet , by dead parthenope's dear tomb , and fair ligea's golden comb , wherewith she sits on diamond rocks sleeking her soft alluring locks , by all the nymphs that nightly dance upon thy streams with wily glance , rise , rise , and heave thy rosie head from thy coral-pav'n bed , and bridle in thy headlong wave , till thou our summons answerd have . listen and save . sabrina rises , attended by water-nymphs , & sings . by the rushy-fringed bank , where grows the willow and the osier dank , my sliding chariot stayes , thick set with agat , and the azurn sheen of turkis blew , and emrauld green that in the channel strayes , whilst from off the waters fleet thus i set my printless feet o're the cowslips velvet head , that bends not as i tread , gentle swain at thy request i am here . spir. goddess dear we implore thy powerful hand to undo the charmed band of true virgin here distrest , through the force , and through the wile of unblest inchanter vile . sab. shepherd 't is my office best to help insnared chastity ; brightest lady look on me , thus i sprinkle on thy brest drops that from my fountain pure , i have kept of pretious cure , thrice upon thy fingers tip , thrice upon thy rubied lip , next this marble venom'd seat smear'd with gumms of glutenous heat i touch with chaste palms moist and cold , now the spell hath lost his hold ; and i must haste ere morning hour to wait in amphitrite's bowr . sabrina descends , and the lady rises out of her seat . spir. virgin , daughter of locrine sprung of old anchises line may thy brimmed waves for this their full tribute never miss from a thousand petty rills , that tumbled down the snowy hills : summer drouth , or singed air never scorch thy tresses fair , nor wet octobers torrent flood thy molten crystal fill with mudd , may thy billows rowl ashoar the beryl , and the golden ore , may thy lofty head be crown'd with many a tower and terras round , and here and there thy banks upon with groves of myrrhe , and cinnamon . com lady while heaven lends us grace , let us fly this cursed place , lest the sorcerer us entice with som other new device . not a waste , or needless sound till we com to holier ground , i shall be your faithfull guide through this gloomy covert wide , and not many furlongs thence is your fathers residence , where this night are met in state many a friend to gratulate his wish't presence , and beside all the swains that there abide , with jiggs , and rural dance resort , we shall catch them at their sport , and our sudden coming there will double all their mirth and chere ; com let us haste , the stars grow high , but night sits monarch yet in the mid sky . the scene changes , presenting ludlow town and the presidents castle , then com in countrey-dancers , after them the attendant spirit , with the two brothers and the lady . song . spir. back shepherds , back , anough your play , till next sun-shine holiday , here be without duck or nod other trippings to be trod of lighter toes , and such court guise as mercury did first devise with the mincing dryades on the lawns , and on the leas . this second song presents them to their father and mother . noble lord , and lady bright , i have brought ye new delight , here behold so goodly grown three fair branches of your own , heav'n hath timely tri'd their youth , their faith , their patience , and their truth . and sent them here through hard assays with a crown of deathless praise , to triumph in victorious dance o're sensual folly , and intemperance . the dances ended , the spirit epiloguizes . spir. to the ocean now i fly , and those happy climes that ly where day never shuts his eye , up in the broad fields of the sky : there i suck the liquid air all amidst the gardens fair of hesperus , and his daughters three that sing about the golden tree : along the crisped shades and bowres revels the spruce and jocond spring , the graces , and the rosie-boosom'd howres , thither all their bounties bring , that there eternal summer dwels , and west winds , with musky wing about the cedar'n alleys fling nard , and cassia's balmy smels . iris there with humid bow , waters the odorous banks that blow flowers of more mingled hew then her purfl'd scarf can shew , and drenches with elysian dew ( list mortals if your ears be true ) beds of hyacinth , and roses where young adonis oft reposes , waxing well of his deep wound in slumber soft , and on the ground sadly sits th' assyrian queen ; but far above in spangled sheen celestial cupid her fam'd son advanc't , holds his dear pysche sweet intranc't after her wandring labours long , till free consent the gods among make her his eternal bride , and from her fair unspotted side two blissful twins are to be born , youth and joy ; so jove hath sworn . but now my task is smoothly don , i can fly , or i can run quickly to the green earths end , where the bow'd welkin slow doth bend , and from thence can soar as soon to the corners of the moon . mortals that would follow me , love vertue , she alone is free , she can teach ye how to clime higher then the spheary chime ; or if vertue feeble were , heav'n it self would stoop to her . psal. i. done into verse , . bless'd is the man who hath not walk'd astray in counsel of the wicked , and i th' way of sinners hath not stood , and in the seat of scorners hath not sate . but in the great jehovahs law is ever his delight , and in his law he studies day and night . he shall be as a tree which planted grows by watry streams , and in his season knows to yield his fruit , and his leaf shall not fall , and what he takes in hand shall prosper all . not so the wicked , but as chaff which fann'd the wind drives , so the wicked shall not stand in judgment , or abide their tryal then , nor sinners in th' assembly of just men . for the lord knows th' upright way of the just , and the way of bad men to ruine must . psal. ii. done aug. . . terzetti . why do the gentiles tumult , and the nations muse a vain thing , the kings of th' earth upstand with power , and princes in their congregations lay deep their plots together through each land , against the lord and his messiah dear let us break off , say they , by strength of hand their bonds , and cast from us , no more to wear , their twisted cords : he who in heaven doth dwell shall laugh , the lord shall scoff them , then severe speak to them in his wrath , and in his fell and fierce ire trouble them ; but i saith hee anointed have my king ( though ye rebell ) on sion my holi ' hill . a firm decree i will declare ; the lord to me hath say'd thou art my son i have begotten thee this day ; ask of me , and the grant is made ; as thy possession i on thee bestow th' heathen , and as thy conquest to be sway'd earths utmost bounds : them shalt thou bring full low with iron scepter bruis'd , and them disperse like to a potters vessel shiver'd so . and ●ow be wise at length ye kings averse be taught ye judges of the earth ; with fear jehovah serve , and let your joy converse with trembling ; kiss the son least he appear in anger and ye perish in the way if once his wrath take fire like fuel sere . happy all those who have in him their stay . psal. . aug. . . when he fled from absalom . lord how many are my foes how many those that in arms against me rise many are they that of my life distrustfully thus say , no help for him in god there lies . but thou lord art my shield my glory , thee through my story th' exalter of my head i count aloud i cry'd unto jehovah , he full soon reply'd and heard me from his holy mount . i lay and slept , i wak'd again , for my sustain was the lord. of many millions the populous rout i fear not though incamping round about they pitch against me their pavillions . rise lord , save me my god for thou hast smote ere now on the cheek-bone all my foes , of men abhor'd hast broke the teeth . this help was from the lord thy blessing on thy people flows . psal. iv. aug. . . answer me when i call god of my righteousness in straights and in distress thou didst me disinthrall and set at large ; now spare , now pity me , and hear my earnest prai'● . great ones how long will ye my glory have in scorn how long be thus forborn still to love vanity , to love , to seek , to prize things false and vain and nothing else but lies ? yet know the lord hath chose chose to himself a part the good and meek of heart ( for whom to chuse he knows ) jehovah from on high will hear my voyce what time to him i crie . be aw●d , and do not sin , speak ▪ to your hearts alone , upon your beds , each one , and be at peace within . offer the offerings just of righteousness and in jehovah trust . many there be that say who yet will shew us good ? talking like this worlds brood ; but lord , thus let me pray , on us lift up the light lift up the favour of thy count ' nance bright . into my heart more joy and gladness thou hast put then when a year of glut their stores doth over-cloy and from their plenteous grounds with vast increase their corn and wine abounds in peace at once will i both lay me down and sleep for thou alone dost keep me safe where ere i lie as in a rocky cell thou lord alone in safety mak'st me dwell . psal. v. aug. . . jehovah to my words give ear my meditation waigh the voyce of my complaining hear my king and god for unto thee i pray . jehovah thou my early voyce shalt in the morning hear i th' morning i to thee with choyce will rank my prayers , and watch till thou appear . for thou art not a god that takes in wickedness delight evil with thee no biding makes fools or mad men stand not within thy sight . all workers of iniquity thou hat'st ; and them unblest thou wilt destroy that speak a ly the bloodi ' and guileful man god doth detest . but i will in thy mercies dear thy numerous mercies go into thy house ; i in thy fear will towards thy holy temple worship low lord lead me in thy righteousness lead me because of those that do observe if i transgress set thy wayes right before , where my step goes . for in his faltring mouth unstable no word is firm or sooth their inside , troubles miserable ; an open grave their throat , their tongue they s 〈…〉 god ; find them guilty , let them fall by their own counsels quell'd ; push them in their rebellions all still on ; for against thee they have rebell'd ; then all who trust in thee shall bring their joy , while thou from blame defend'st them , they shall ever sing d shall triumph in thee , who love thy name . for thou jehovah wilt be found to bless the just man still , as with a shield thou wilt surround him with thy lasting favour and good wil psal. vi. aug. . . lord in thine anger do not reprehend me nor in thy hot displeasure me correct ; pity me lord for i am much deject am very weak and faint ; heal and amend me , for all my bones , that even with anguish ake , are troubled , yea my soul is troubled sore and thou o lord how long ? turn lord , restore my soul , o save me for thy goodness sake for in death no remembrance is of thee ; who in the grave can celebrate thy praise ? wearied i am with sighing out my dayes , nightly my couch i make a kind of sea ; my bed i water with my tears , mine eie through grief consumes , is waxen old and dark i th' mid'st of all mine enemies that mark . depart all ye that work iniquitie . depart from me , for the voice of my weeping the lord hath heard , the lord hath heard my prai'r my supplication with acceptance fair the lord will own , and have me in his keeping . mine enemies shall all be blank and dash't with much confusion ; then grow red with shame , they shall return in hast the way they came and in a moment shall be quite abash't . psal. vii . aug. . . upon the words of chush the benjamite against him . lord my god to thee i flie save me and secure me under thy protection while i crie , least as a lion ( and no wonder ) he hast to tear my soul asunder tearing and no rescue nigh . lord my god if i have thought or done this , if wickedness be in my hands , if i have wrought ill to him that meant me peace , or to him have render'd less , and not fre'd my foe for naught ; let th' enemy pursue my soul and overtake it , let him tread my life down to the earth and roul in the dust my glory dead , in the dust and there out spread lodge it with dishonour foul . rise jehovah in thine ire rouze thy self amidst the rage of my foes that urge like fire ; and wake for me , their furi ' asswage ; judgment here thou didst ingage and command which i desire . so th' assemblies of each nation will surround thee , seeking right , thence to thy glorious habitation return on high and in their sight . jehovah judgeth most upright all people from the worlds foundation . judge me lord , be judge in this according to my righteousness and the innocence which is upon me : cause at length to cease of evil men the wickedness and their power that do amiss . but the just establish fast , since thou art the just god that tries hearts and reins . on god is cast my defence , and in him lies in him who both just and wise saves th' upright of heart at last . god is a just judge and severe , and god is every day offended ; if th' unjust will not forbear , his sword he whets , his bow hath bended already , and for him intended the tools of death , that waits him near . ( his arrows purposely made he for them that persecute . ) behold he travels big with vanitie , trouble he hath conceav'd of old as in a womb , and from that mould hath at length brought forth a lie. he dig'd a pit , and delv'd it deep , and fell into the pit he made , his mischief that due course doth keep , turns on his head , and his ill trade of violence will undelay'd fall on his crown with ruine steep . then will i jehovah's praise according to his justice raise and sing the name and deitie of jehovah the most high . psal. viii . aug. . . o jehovah our lord how wondrous great and glorious is thy name through all the earth ? so as above the heavens thy praise to set out of the tender mouths of latest bearth , out of the mouths of babes and sucklings thou hast founded strength because of all thy foes to stint th' enemy , and slack th'avengers brow that bends his rage thy providence to oppose when i behold thy heavens , thy fingers art , the moon and starrs which thou so bright hast set , in the pure firmament , then saith my heart , o what is man that thou remembrest yet , and think'st upon him ; or of man begot that him thou visit'st and of him art found ; scarce to be less then gods , thou mad'st his lot , with honour and with state thou hast him crown'd . o're the works of thy hand thou mad'st him lord , thou hast put all under his lordly feet , all flocks , and herds , by thy commanding word , all beasts that in the field or forrest meet . fowl of the heavens , and fish that through the wet sea-paths in shoals do slide . and know no dearth . o jehovah our lord how wondrous great and glorious is thy name through all the earth . april . . j. m. nine of the psalms done into metre , wherein all but what is in a different character , are the very words of the text , translated from the original . psal. lxxx . thou shepherd that dost israel keep give ear in time of need , who leadest like a flock of sheep thy loved josephs seed , that sitt'st between the cherubs bright between their wings out-spread shine forth , and from thy cloud give light , and on our foes thy dread in ephraims view and benjamins , and in manasse's sight awake * thy strength , come , and be seen to save us by thy might . turn us again , thy grace divine to us o god vouchsafe ; cause thou thy face on us to shine and then we shall be safe . lord god of hosts , how long wilt thou , how long wilt thou declare thy * smoaking wrath , and angry brow against thy peoples praire . thou feed'st them with the bread of tears , their bread with tears they eat , and mak'st them * largely drink the tears wherwith their cheeks are wet . a strife thou mak'st us and a prey to every neighbour foe , among themselves they * laugh , they and * flouts at us they throw return us , and thy grace divine , o god of hosts vouchsafe cause thou thy face on us to shine , and then we shall be safe . a vine from aegypt thou hast brought , thy free love made it thine , and drov'st out nations proud and haut to plant this lovely vine . thou did'st prepare for it a place and root it deep and fast that it began to grow apace , and fill'd the land at last . with her green shade that cover'd all , the hills were over-spread her bows as high as cedars tall advanc'd their lofty head . her branches on the western side down to the sea she sent , and upward to that river wide her other branches went. why hast thou laid her hedges low and brok'n down her fence , that all may pluck her , as they go , with rudest violence ? the tusked boar out of the wood up turns it by the roots , wild beasts there brouze , and make their food her grapes and tender shoots . return now , god of hosts , look down from heav'n , thy seat divine , behold us , but without a frown , and visit this thy vine . visit this vine , which thy right hand hath set , and planted long , and the young branch , that for thy self thou hast made firm and strong . but now it is consum'd with fire , and cut with axes down , they perish at thy dreadfull ire , at thy rebuke and frown . upon the man of thy right hand let thy good hand be laid , upon the son of man , whom thou strong for thy self hast made . so shall we not go back from thee to wayes of sin and shame , quick'n us thou , then gladly wee shall call upon thy name . return us , and thy grace divine lord god of hosts voutsafe , cause thou thy face on us to shine , and then we shall be safe . psal. lxxxi . to god our strength sing loud , and clear sing loud to god our king , to jacobs god , that all may hear loud acclamations ring . prepare a hymn , prepare a song the timbrel hither bring the cheerfull psaltry bring along and harp with pleasant string , blow , as is wont , in the new moon with trumpets lofty sound , th' appointed time , the day wheron our solemn feast comes round . this was a statute giv'n of old for israel to observe a law of jacobs god , to hold from whence they might not swerve . this he a testimony ordain'd in joseph , not to change , when as he pass'd through aegypt land ; the tongue i heard , was strange . from burden , and from slavish toyle i set his shoulder free ; his hands from pots , aud mirie soyle deliver'd were by me . when trouble did thee sore assaile , on me then didst thou call , and i to free thee did not faile , and led thee out of thrall . answer'd thee in * thunder deep with clouds encompass'd round ; i tri'd thee at the water steep of meriba renown'd . hear o my people , heark'n well , i testifie to thee thou antient stock of israel , if thou wilt list to mee , through out the land of thy abode no alien god shall be nor shalt thou to a forein god in honour bend thy knee . i am the lord thy god which brought thee out of aegypt land ask large enough , and i , besought , will grant thy full demand . and yet my people would not hear , nor hearken to my voice ; and israel whom i lov'd so dear mislik'd me for his choice . then did i leave them to their will and to their wandring mind ; their own conceits they follow'd still their own devises blind . o that my people would be wise to serve me all their daies , and o that israel would advise to walk my righteous waies . then would i soon bring down their foes that now so proudly rise , and turn my hand against all those that are their enemies . who hate the lord should then be fain to bow to him and bend , but they , his people , should remain , their time should have no end . and we would feed them from the shock with flowr of finest wheat , and satisfie them from the rock with honey for their meat . psal. lxxxii . god in the * great * assembly stands of kings and lordly states , † among the gods † on both his hands he judges and debates . how long will ye * pervert the right with * judgment false and wrong favouring the wicked by your might . who thence grow bold and strong * regard the * weak and fatherless * dispatch the * poor mans cause , and † raise the man in deep distress by † just and equal lawes . defend the poor and desolate , and rescue from the hands of wicked men the low estate of him that help demands . they know not nor will understand , in darkness they walk on the earths foundations all are * mov'd and * out of order gon . i said that ye were gods , yea all the sons of god most high but ye shall die like men , and fall as other princes die . rise god , * judge thou the earth in might , this wicked earth * redress , for thou art he who shalt by right the nations all possess . psal. lxxxiii . be not thou silent now at length o god hold not thy peace , sit not thou still o god of strength we cry and do not cease . for lo thy furious foes now * swell and * storm outrageously , and they that hate thee proud and fell exalt their heads full hie . against thy people they † contrive † their plots and counsels deep , * them to ensnare they chiefly strive * whom thou dost hide and keep . come let us cut them off say they , till they no nation be that israels name for ever may be lost in memory . for they consult † with all their might , and all as one in mind themselves against thee they unite and in firm union bind . the tents of edom , and the brood of scornful ishmael , moab , with them of hagars blood that in the desart dwell , gebal and ammon there conspire , and hateful amalec , the philistims , and they of tyre whose bounds the sea doth check . with them great asshur also bands and doth confirm the knot , all these have lent their armed hands to aid the sons of lot. do to them as to midian bold that wasted all the coast to sisera , and as is told thou didst to jabins hoast , when at the brook of kishon old they were repulst and slain , at endor quite cut off , and rowl'd as dung upon the plain . as zeb and oreb evil sped so let their princes speed as zeba , and zalmunna bled so let their princes bleed . for they amidst their pride have said by right now shall we seize gods houses , and will now invade † their stately palaces . my god , oh make them as a wheel no quiet let them find , giddy and restless let them reel like stubble from the wind . as when an aged wood takes fire which on a sudden straies , the greedy flame runs hier and hier till all the mountains blaze , so with thy whirlwind them pursue , and with thy tempest chase ; * and till they * yield thee honour due ; lord fill with shame their face . asham'd and troubl'd let them be , troubl'd and sham'd for ever , ever confounded , and so die with shame , and scape it never . then shall they know that thou whose name jehova is alone , art the most high , and thou the same o're all the earth art one . psal. lxxxiv . how lovely are thy dwellings fair ! o lord of hoasts , how dear the pleasant tabernacles are ! where thou do'st dwell so near . my soul doth long and almost die thy courts o lord to see , my heart and flesh aloud do crie , o living god , for thee . there ev'n the sparrow freed from wrong hath found a house of rest , the swallow there , to lay her young hath built her brooding nest , ev'n by thy altars lord of hoasts they find their safe abode , and home they fly from round the coasts toward thee , my king , my god. happy , who in thy house reside where thee they ever praise , happy , whose strength in thee doth bide , and in their hearts thy waies . they pass through baca's thirstie vale , that dry and barren ground as through a fruitfull watry dale where springs and showrs abound . they journey on from strength to strength with joy and gladsom cheer till all before our god at length in sion do appear . lord god of hoasts hear now my praier o jacobs god give ear , thou god our shield look on the face of thy anointed dear . for one day in thy courts to be is better , and more blest then in the joyes of vanity , a thousand daies at best . i in the temple of my god had rather keep a dore , then dwell in tents , and rich abode with sin for evermore . for god the lord both sun and shield gives grace and glory bright , no good from them shall be with-held whose waies are just and right . lord god of hoasts that raign'st on high , that man is truly blest , who 〈…〉 ly on thee doth relie , and in thee only rest . psal. lxxxv . thy land to favour graciously thou hast not lord been slack , thou hast from hard captivity returned jacob back . th' iniquity thou didst forgive that wrought thy people woe , and all their sin , that did thee grieve hast hid where none shall know . thine anger all thou hadst remov'd , and calmly didst return from thy † fierce wrath which we had prov'd far worse then fire to burn . god of our saving health and peace , turn us , and us restore , thine indignation cause to cease toward us , and chide no more . wilt thou be angry without end , for ever angry thus wilt thou thy frowning ire extend from age to age on us ? wilt thou not * turn , and hear our voice and us again * revive , that so thy people may rejoyce by thee preserv'd alive . cause us to see thy goodness lord , to us thy mercy shew thy saving health to us afford and life in us renew . and now what god the lord will speak i will go strait and hear , for to his people he speaks peace and to his saints full dear , to his dear saints he will speak peace , but let them never more return to folly , but surcease to trespass as before . surely to such as do him sear salvation is at hand and glory shall ere long appear to dwell within our land. mercy and truth that long were miss'd now joyfully are met sweet peace and righteousness have kiss'd and hand in hand are set . truth from the earth like to a flowr shall bud and blossom then , and justice from her heavenly bowr look down on mortal men . the lord will also then bestow whatever thing is good our land shall forth in plenty throw her fruits to be our food . before him righteousness shall go his royal harbinger , then * will he come , and not be slow his footsteps cannot err . * heb. he will set his steps to the way . psal. lxxxvi . thy gracious ear , o lord , encline , o hear me i thee pray , for i am poor , and almost pine with need , and sad decay . preserve my soul , sor † i have trod thy waies , and love the just , save thou thy servant o my god who still in thee doth trust . pitty me lord for daily thee i call ; o make rejoyce thy servants soul ; for lord to thee i lift my soul and voice , for thou art good , thou lord art prone to pardon , thou to all art full of mercy , thou alone to them that on thee call . unto my supplication lord give ear , and to the crie of my incessant praiers afford thy hearing graciously . i in the day of my distress will call on thee for aid ; for thou wilt grant me free access and answer , what i pray'd . like thee among the gods is none o lord , nor any works of all that other gods have done like to thy glorious works . the nations all whom thou hast made shall come , and all shall frame to bow them low before thee lord , and glorifie thy name . for great thou art ; and wonders great by thy strong hand are done , thou in thy everlasting seat remainest god alone . teach me o lord thy way most right , i in thy truth will bide , to fear thy name my heart unite so shall it never slide thee will i praise o lord my god thee honour , and adore with my whole heart , and blaze abroad thy name for ever more . for great thy mercy is toward me , and thou hast free'd my soul eev'n from the lowest hell set free from deepest darkness foul . o god the proud against me rise and violent men are met to seek my life , and in their eyes no fear of thee have set . but thou lord art the god most mild readiest thy grace to shew , slow to be angry , and art stil'd most mercifull , most true . o turn to me thy face at length , and me have mercy on , unto thy servant give thy strength , and save thy hand-maids son. some sign of good to me afford , and let my foes then see and be asham'd , because thou lord do'st help and comfort me . psal. lxxxvii . among the holy mountains high is his foundation fast , there seated in his sanctuary , his temple there is plac't . sions fair gates the lord loves more then all the dwellings faire of jacobs land , though there be store , and all within his care . city of god , most glorious things of thee abroad are spoke ; i mention egypt , where proud kings did our forefathers yoke , i mention babel to my friends , philistia full of scorn , and tyre with ethiops utmost ends , lo this man there was born : but twise that praise shall in our ear be said of sion last this and this man was born in her , high god shall fix her fast . the lord shall write it in a scrowle that ne're shall be out-worn when he the nations doth enrowle that this man there was born . both they who sing , and they who dance with sacred songs are there , in thee fresh brooks , and soft streams glance and all my fountains clear . psal. lxxxviii . lord god that dost me save and keep , all day to thee i cry ; and all night long , before thee weep before thee prostrate lie . into thy presence let my praier with sighs devout ascend and to my cries , that ceaseless are , thine ear with favour bend . for cloy'd with woes and trouble store surcharg'd my soul doth lie , my life at deaths uncherful dore unto the grave draws nigh . reck'n'd i am with them that pass down to the dismal pit i am a * man , but weak alas and for that name unfit . from life discharg'd and parted quite among the dead to sleep , and like the slain in bloody fight that in the grave lie deep . whom thou rememberest no more , dost never more regard , them from thy hand deliver'd o're deaths hideous house hath barr'd . thou in the lowest pit profound hast set me all forlorn , where thickest darkness hovers round , in horrid deeps to mourn . thy wrath from which no shelter saves full sore doth press on me ; * thou break'st upon me all thy waves , * and all thy waves break me . thou dost my friends from me estrange , and mak'st me odious , me to them odious , for they change , and i here pent up thus . through sorrow , and affliction great mine eye grows dim and dead , lord all the day i thee entreat , my hands to thee i spread . wilt thou do wonders on the dead , shall the deceas'd arise and praise thee from their loathsom bed with pale and hollow eyes ? shall they thy loving kindness tell on whom the grave hath hold , or they who in perdition dwell thy faithfulness unfold ? in darkness can thy mighty hand or wondrous acts be known , thy justice in the gloomy land of dark oblivion ? but i to thee o lord do cry e're yet my life be spent , and up to thee my praier doth hie each morn , and thee prevent . why wilt thou lord my soul forsake , and hide thy face from me , that am already bruis'd , and † shake with terror sent from thee ; bruz'd , and afflicted and so low as ready to expire , while i thy terrors undergo astonish'd with thine ire . thy fierce wrath over me doth flow thy threatnings cut me through . all day they round about me go , like waves they me persue . lover and friend thou hast remov'd and fever'd from me far . they fly me now whom i have lov'd , and as in darkness are . finis . joannis miltoni londinensis poemata . quorum pleraque intra annum aetatis vigesimum conscripsit . nunc primum edita . londini , excudebat w. r. anno , haec quae sequuntur de authore testimonia , tametsi ipse intelligebat non tam de se quam supra se esse dicta , eo quod praeclaro ingenio viri , nec non amici ita fere solent laudare , ut omnia suis potius virtutibus , quam veritati congruentia nimis cupide affingant , noluit tamen horum egregiam in se voluntatem non esse notam ; cum alii praesertim ut id faceret magnopere suaderent . dum enim nimiae laudis invidiam totis ab se viribus amolitur , sibique quod plus aequo est non attributum esse mavult , judicium interim hominum cordatorum atque illustrium quin summo sibi honori ducat , negare non potest . joannes baptista mansus , marchio villensis neapolitanus ad joannem miltonium anglum . vt mens , forma , decor , facies , mos , si pietas sic , non anglus , verùm herclè angelus ipse sores . ad joannem miltonem anglum triplici poeseos laurea coronandum graeca nimirum , latina , atque hetrusca , epigramma joannis salsilli romani . cede meles , cedat depressa mincius urna ; sebetus tassum desinat usque loqui ; at thamesis victor cunctis ferat altior undas , nam per te , milto , par tribus unus erit . ad joannem miltonum . graecia maeonidem , jactet sibi roma maronem , anglia miltonum jactat utrique parem . selvaggi al signor gio. miltoni nobile inglese . o d e. ergimi all' etra o clio perche di stelle intrecciero corona non piu del biondo dio la fronde eterna in pindo , e in elicona , diensi a merto maggior , maggiori i fregi , a' celeste virtu celesti pregi . non puo del tempo edace rimaner preda , eterno alto valore non puo l'oblio rapace furar dalle memorie eccelso onore , su l'arco di mia cetra un dardo forte virtu m'addatti , e feriro la morte . del ocean profondo cinta dagli ampi gorghi anglia risiede separata dal mondo , pero che il suo valor l'umano eccede : questa feconda sa produrre eroi , ch' hanno a ragion del sovruman tra noi . alla virtu sbandita danno ne i petti lor fido ricetto , quella gli e sol gradita , perche in lei santrovar gioia , e diletto ; ridillo tu , giovanni , e mostra in tanto con tua vera virtu , vero il mio canto . lungi dal patrio lido spinse zeusi l'industre ardente brama ; ch' udio d' helena il grido con aurea tromba rimbombar la fama , e per poterla effigiare al paro dalle piu belle idee trasse il priu raro . cosi l' ape ingegnosa trae con industria il suo liquor pregiato dal giglio e dalla rosa , e quanti vaghi fiori ornano il prato ; formano un dolce suon diverse chorde , fan varie voci melodia concorde . di bella gloria amante milton dal ciel natio per varie parti le peregrine piante volgesti a ricercar scienze , ed arti ; del gallo regnator vedesti i regni , e dell ' italia ancor gl' eroi piu degni . fabro quasi divino sol virtu rintracciando il tuo pensiero vide in ogni confino chi di nobil valor calca il sentiero ; l' ottimo dal miglior dopo scegliea per fabbricar d'ogni virtu l' idea . quanti nacquero in flora o in lei del parlar tosco appreser l' arte , la cui memoria onora il mondo fatta eterna in dotte carte , volesti ricercar per tuo tesoro , e parlasti con lor nell ' opre loro . nell ' altera babelle per te il parlar confuse giove in vano , che per varie favelle di se stessa trofeo cadde su'l piano : ch' ode oltr ' all anglia il suo piu degno idioma spagna , francia , toscana , e grecia e roma . i piu profondi arcani ch' occulta la natura e in cielo e in terra ch' a ingegni sovrumani troppo avara tal ' hor gli chiude , e serra , chiaramente conosci , e giungi al fine della moral virtude al gran confine . non batta il tempo l' ale , fermisi immoto , e in un fermin si gl' anni , che di virtu immortale scorron di troppo ingiuriosi a i danni ; che s' opre degne di poema e storia furon gia , l' hai presenti alla memoria . dammi tua dolce cetra se vuoi ch'io dica del tuo dolce canto , ch' inalz indoti all' etra di farti huomo celeste ottiene il vanto , il tamigi il dira che gl' e concesso per te suo cigno pareggiar permesso . io che in riva del arno tento spiegar tuo merto alto , e preclaro so che fatico indarno , e ad ammirar , non a lodarlo imparo ; freno dunque la lingua , e ascolto il core che ti prende a lodar con lo stupore . del sig . antonio francini gentilhuomo fiorentino . joanni mltoni londinens . juveni patria , virtutibus eximio , viro qui multa peregrinatione , studio cuncta , orbis terrarum loca perspexit , ut novus ulysses omnia ubique ab omnibus apprehenderet . polyglotto , in cujus ore linguae jam deperditae sic reviviscunt , ut idiomata omnia sint in ejus laudibus infacunda ; et jure ea percallet ut admirationes & plausus populorum ab propria sapientia excitatos , intelligat . illi , cujus animi dotes corporisque , sensus ad admirationem commovent , & per ipsam motum cuique auferunt ; cujus opera ad plausus hortantur , sed venustate vocem laudatoribus adimunt . cui in memoria totus orbis : in intellectu sapientia : in voluntate ardor gloriae : in ore eloquentia : harmonicos coelestium sphaerarum sonitus astronomia duce audienti ; characteres mirabilium naturae per quos dei magnitudo describitur magistra philosophia legenti ; antiquitatum latebras , vetustatis excidia , eruditionis ambages comite assidua autorum lectione . exquirenti , restauranti , percurrenti . at cur nitor in arduum ? illi in cujus virtutibus evulgandis or a famae non sufficiant , nec hominum stupor in laudandis satis est . reverentiae & amoris ergo hoc ejus meritis debitum admirationis tributum offert carolus datus patricius florentinus . tanto homini servus , tantae virtutis amator . elegiarum liber primus . elegia prima ad carolum diodatum . tandem , chare , tuae mihi pervenere tabellae , pertulit & voces nuncia charta tuas , pertulit occiduâ devae cestrensis ab orâ vergivium prono quà petit amne salum . multùm crede juvat terras aluisse remotas pectus amans nostri , tamque fidele caput , quòdque mihi lepidum tellus longinqua sodalem debet , at unde brevi reddere jussa velit . me tenet urbs refluâ quam thamesis alluit undâ , meque nec invitum patria dulcis habet . jam nec arundiferum mihi cura revisere camum , nec dudum vetiti me laris angit amor . nuda nec arva placent , umbrasque negantia molles , quàm male phoebicolis convenit ille locus ! nec duri libet usque minas perferre magistri caeteraque ingenio non subeunda meo . si fit hoc exilium patrios adiisse penates , et va ●um curis otia grata sequi , non ego vel profugi nomen , sortemve recuso , laetus & exilii conditione fruor . o utinam vates nunquam graviora tulisset ille tomitano flebilis exul agro ; non tunc jonio quicquam cessisset homero neve foret victo laus tibi prima maro . tempora nam licet hîc placidis dare libera musis , et totum rapiunt me mea vita libri . excipit hinc fessum sinuosi pompa theatri , et vocat ad plausus garrula scena suos . seu catus auditur senior , seu prodigus haeres , seu procus , aut positâ casside miles adest , sive decennali foecundus lite patronus detonat inculto barbara verba foro , saepe vafer gnato succurrit servus amanti , et nasum rigidi fallit ubique patris ; saepe novos illic virgo mirata calores qud sit amor nescit , dum quoque nescit , amat . sive cruentatum furiosa tragoedia sceptrum q●assat , & effusis crinibus ora rotat , et dolet , & specto , juvat & spectasse dolendo , interdum & lacrymis dulcis amaror inest : seu puer infelix indelibata reliquit gaudia , & abrupto flendus amore cadit , seu ferus è tenebris iterat styga criminis ultor conscia funereo pectora torre movens , seu maeret pelopeia domus , seu nobilis ili , aut luit incestos aula creontis avos . sed neque sub tecto semper nec in urbe latemus , irrita nec nobis tempora veris eunt . nos quoque lucus habet vicinâ consitus ulmo atque suburbani nobilis umbra loci . saepius hic blandas spirantia sydera flammas virgineos videas praeteriisse choros . ah quoties dignae stupui miracula formae quae possit senium vel reparare jovis ; ah quoties vidi superantia lumina gemmas , atque faces quotquot volvit uterque polus ; collaque bis vivi pelopis quae brachia vincant , quaeque fluit puro nectare tincta via , et decus eximium frontis , tremulosque capillos , aurea quae fallax retia tendit amor. pellacesque genas , ad quas hyacinthina sordet purpura , & ipse tui floris , adoni , rubor . cedite laudatae toties heroides olim , et quaecunque vagum cepit amica jovem . cedite achaemeniae turritâ sronte puellae , et quot susa colunt , memnoniamque ninorr . vos etiam danaae fasces submittite nymphae , et vos iliacae , romuleaeque nurus . nec pompeianas tarpêia musa columnas jactet , & ausoniis plena theatra stolis . gloria virginibus debetur prima britannis , extera sat tibi sit foemina posse sequi . tuque urbs dardaniis londinum structa colonis turrigerum latè conspicienda caput , tu nimium felix intra tua moenia claudis quicquid formosi pendulus orbis habet . non tibi tot caelo scintillant astra sereno endymioneae turba ministra deae , quot tibi conspicuae formáque auróque puellae per medias radiant turba videnda vias , creditur huc geminis venisse invecta columbis alma pharetrigero milite cincta venus , huic cnidon , & riguas simoentis flumine valles , huic paphon , & roseam posthabitura cypron . ast ego , dum pueri s●●it indulgentia caeci , moenia quàm subitò linquere fausta paro ; et vitare procul malcfidae infamia circes atria , divini molyos usus ope . stat quoque juncosas cami remeare paludes , atque iterum raucae murmur adire scholae . interea fidi parvum cape munus amici , paucaque in alternos verba coacta modos . elegia secunda , anno aetatis . in obitum praeconis academici cantabrigiensis . te , qui conspicuus baculo fulgente solebas palladium toties ore ciere gregem , ultima praeconum praeconem te quoque saeva mors rapit , officio nec favet ipsa suo . candidiora licet fuerint tibi tempora plumis sub quibus accipimus delituisse jovem , o dignus tamen haemonio juvenescere succo , dignus in aesonios vivere posse dies , dignus quem stygiis medicâ revocaret ab undis arte coronides , saepe rogante dea . tu si jussus eras acies accire togatas , et celer à phoebo nuntius ire tuo , talis in iliacâ stabat cyllenius aula alipes , aethereâ missus ab arce patris . talis & eurybates ante ora furentis achillei rettu●it atridae jussa severa ducis . magna sepulchrorum regina , satelles averni saeva nimis musis , palladi saeva nimis , quin illos rapias qui pondus inutile terrae , turba quidem est telis ista petenda tuis . vestibus hunc igitur pullis academia luge , et madeant lachrymis nigra feretra tuis . fundat & ipsa modos querebunda elegéia tristes , personet & totis naenia moesta scholis . elegia tertia , anno aetatis . in obitum praesulis wintoniensis . moestus eram , & tacitus nullo comitante sedebam , haerebantque animo tristia plura meo , protinus en subiit funestae cladis imago fecit in angliaco quam libitina solo ; dum procerum ingressa est splendentes marmore turres dira sepulchrali mors metuenda face ; pulsavitque auro gravidos & jaspide muros , nec metuit satrapum sternere falce greges . tunc memini clarique ducis , fratrisque verendi intempestivis ossa cremata rogis . agmina gemmatis plaudunt caelestia pennis , pura triumphali personat aethra tubâ . quisque novum amplexu comitem cantuque salutat , hosque aliquis placido misit ab ore sonos ; nate veni , & patrii felix cape gaudia regni , semper ab hinc duro , nate , labore vaca . dixit , & aligerae tetigerunt nablia turmae , at mihi cum tenebris aurea pulsa quies . flebam turbatos cephaleiâ pellice somnos , talia contingant somnia saepe mihi . elegia quarta . anno aetatis . ad thomam junium praeceptorem suum , apud mercatores anglicos hamburgae agentes , pastoris munere fungentem . curre per immensum subitò mea littera pontum , i , pete teutonicos laeve per aequor agros , segnes rumpe moras , & nil , precor , obstet eunti , et festinantis nil remoretur iter . ipse ego sicanio fraenantem carcere ventos aeolon , & virides sollicitabo deos ; caeruleamque suis comitatam dorida nymphis , ut tibi dent placidam per sua regna viam . a● tu , si poteris , celeres tibi sume jugales , vect . quibus colchis fugit ab ore viri . aut queis triptolemus scythicas devenit in oras gratus eleusinâ missus ab urbe puer . atque ubi germanas flavere videbis arenas ditis ad hamburgae moenia flecte gradum , dicitur occiso quae ducere nomen ab hamâ , cimbrica , quem fertur clava dedisse neci . vivit ibi antiquae clarus pietatis honore praesul christicolas pascere doctus oves ; ille quidem est animae plusquam pars altera nostrae , dimidio vitae vivere cogor ego . hei mihi quot pelagi , quot montes interjecti me faciunt aliâ parte carere mei ! charior . ille mihi quam tu doctissime graium cliniadi , pronepos qui telamonis erat . quámque stagirites generoso magnus alumno , quem peperit libyco chaonis alma jovi . qualis amyntorides , qualis philyrêius heros myrmidonum regi , talis & ille mihi . primus ego aonios illo praeeunte recessus lustrabam , & bifidi sacra vireta jugi , pieriosque hausi latices , clioque savente , castalio sparsi laeta ter ora mero . et memini heroum quos vidit ad aethera raptos , flevit & amissos belgia tota duces . at te praecipuè luxi dignissime praesul , wintoniaeque olim gloria magna tuae ; delicui fletu , & tristi sic ore querebar , mors fera tartareo diva secunda jovi , nonne satis quod sylva tuas persentiat iras , et quod in herbosos jus tibi detur agros , quodque afflata tuo marcescant lilia tabo , et crocus , & pulchrae cypridi sacra rosa , nec finis ut semper fluvio contermina quercus miretur lapsus praetereuntis aquae ? et tibi succumbit liquido quae plurima coelo evehitur pennis quamlibet augur avis , et quae mille nigris errant animalia sylvis , et quod alunt mutum proteos antra pecus . invida , tanta tibi cum sit concessa potestas ; quid juvat humanâ tingere caede manus ? nobileque in pectus certas acuisse sagittas , semideamque animam sede fugâsse suâ ? talia dum lacrymans alto sub pectore volvo , roscidus occiduis hesperus exit aquis , et tartessiaco submerserat aequore currum phoebus , ab eöo littore mensus iter . nec mora , membra cavo posui refovenda cubili , condiderant oculos noxque soporque meos . cum mihi visus eram lato spatiarier agro , heu nequit ingenium visa referre meum . illic puniceâ radiabant omnia luce , ut matutino cum juga sole rubent . ac veluti cum pandit opes thaumantia proles , vestitu nituit multicolore solum . non dea tam variis ornavit floribus hortos alcinoi , zephyro chloris amata levi . flumina vernantes lambunt argentea campos , ditior hesperio flavet arena tago . serpit odoriferas per opes levis aura favoni , aura sub innumeris humida nata rosis . talis in extremis terrae gangetidis oris luciferi regis fingitur esse domus . ipse racemiferis dum densas vitibus umbras et pellucentes miror ubique locos , ecce mihi subito praesul wintonius astat , sydereum nitido fulsit in ore jubar ; vestis ad auratos defluxit candida talos , infula divinum cinxerat alba caput . dumque senex tali incedit venerandus amictu , intremuit laeto florea terra sono . flammeus at signum ter viderat arietis aethon , induxitque auro lanea terga novo , bisque novo terram sparsisti chlori senilem gramine , bisque tuas abstulit auster opes : necdum ejus licuit mihi lumina pascere vultu , aut linguae dulces aure bibisse sonos . vade igitur , cursuque eurum praeverte sonorum , quàm sit opus monitis res docet , ipsa vides . invenies dulci cum conjuge forte sedentem , mulcentem gremio pignora chara suo , forsitan aut veterum praelarga volumina patrum versantem , aut veri biblia sacra dei. caelestive animas saturantem rore tenellas , grande salutiferae religionis opus . utque solet , multam , sit dicere cura salutem , dicere quam decuit , si modo adesset , herum . haec quoque paulum oculos in humum defixa modestos , verba verecundo sis memor ore loqui : haec tibi , si teneris vacat inter praelia musis mittit ab angliaco littore fida manus . accipe sinceram , quamvis sit sera , salutem ; fiat & hocipso gratior illa tibi . sera quidem , sed vera fuit , quam casta recepit icaris a lento penelopeia viro. ast ego quid volui manifestum tollere crimen , ipse quod ex omni parte levare nequit . arguitur tardus meritò , noxamque fatetur , et pudet officium deseruisse suum . tu modò da veniam fasso , veniamque roganti , crimina diminui , quae patuere , solent . non ferus in pavidos rictus diducit hiantes , vulnifico pronos nec rapit ungue leo . saepe sarissiferi crudelia pectora thracis supplicis ad moestas delicuere preces . extensaeque manus avertunt sulminis ictus , placat & iratos hostia parva deos. jamque diu scripsisse tibi fuit impetus illi , neve moras ultra ducere passus amor. nam vaga fama refert , heu nuntia vera malorum ! in tibi finitimis bella tumere locis , teque tuàmque urbem truculento milite cingi , et jam saxonicos arma parasse duces . te circum latè campos populatur enyo , et sata carne virûm jam cruor arva rigat . germanisque suum concessit thracia martem , illuc odrysios mars pater egit equos . perpetuóque comans jam deflorescit oliva , fugit & aerisonam diva perosa tubam , fugit io terris , & jam non ultima virgo creditur ad superas justa volasse domos . te tamen intereà belli circumsonat horror , vivis & ignoto solus inópsque solo ; et , tibi quam patrii non exhibuere penates sede peregrinâ quaeris egenus opem . patria dura parens , & saxis saevior albis spumea quae pulsat littoris unda tui , siccine te decet innocuos exponere faetus ; siccine in externam ferrea cogis humum , et sinis ut terris quaerant alimenta remotis quos tibi prospiciens miserat ipse deus , et qui laeta ferunt de caelo nuntia , quique quae via post cineres ducat ad astra , docent ? digna quidem stygiis quae vivas clausa tenebris , aeternâque animae digna perire fame ! haud aliter vates terrae thesbitidis olim pressit inassueto devia tesqua pede , desertasque arabum salebras , dum regis achabi effugit atque tuas , sidoni dira , manus . talis & horrisono laceratus membra flagello , paulus ab aemathiâ pellitur urbe cilix . piscosaeque ipsum gergessae civis jesum pinibus ingratus jussit abire suis . at tu sume animos , nec spes cadat anxia curis nec t●a concutiat decolor ossa metus . sis etenim quamvis fulgentibus obsitus armis , intententque tibi millia tela necem , at nullis vel inerme latus violabitur armis , deque tuo cuspis nulla cruore bibet . namque eris ipse dei radiante sub aegide tutus , ille tibi custos , & pugil ille tibi ; ille sionaeae qui tot sub moenibus arcis assyrios fudit nocte silente viros ; inque fugam vertit quos in samaritidas oras misit ab antiquis prisca damascus agris , terruit & densas pavido cum rege cohortes , aere dum vacuo buccina clara sonat , cornea pulvereum dum verberat ungula campum , currus arenosam dum quatit actus humum , auditurque hinnitus equorum ad bella ruentûm , et strepitus ferri , murmuraque alta virûm . et tu ( quod superest miseri ) sperare memento , et tua magnanimo pectore vince mala . nec dubites quandoque frui melioribus annis , atque iterum patrios posse videre 〈◊〉 , elegia quinta , anno aetatis . in adventum veris. in se perpetuo tempus revolubile gyro jam revocat zephyros vere tepente novos . induiturque brevem tellus reparata juventam , jamque soluta gelu dulce virescit humus . fallor ? an & nobis redeunt in carmina vires , ingeniumque mihi munere veris adest ? munere veris adest , iterumque vigescit ab illo ( quis putet ) atque aliquod jam sibi poscit opus . castalis ante oculos , bifidumque cacumen oberrat , et mihi pyrenen somnia nocte ferunt . concitaque arcano fervent mihi pectora motu , et furor , & sonitus me sacer intùs agit . delius ipse venit , video penëide lauro implicitos crines , delius ipse venit . jam mihi mens liquidi raptatur in ardua coeli , perque vagas nubes corpore liber eo . perque umbras , perque antra feror penetralia vatum , et mihi fana patent interiora deûm . intuiturque animus toto quid agatur olympo , nec fugiunt oculos tartara caeca meos , quid tam grande sonat distento spiritus ore ? quid parit haec rabies , quid sacer iste furor ? ver mihi , quod dedit ingenium , cantabitur illo ; profuerint isto reddita dona modo . jam philomela tuos soliis adoperta novellis instituis modulos , dum silet omne nemus . urbe ego , tu sylvâ simul incipiamus utrique , et simul adventum veris uterque canat . veris io rediere vices , celebremus honores veris , & hoc subeat musa perennis opus . jam sol aethiopas fugiens tithoniaque arva , flectit ad arctoas aurea lora plagas . est bieve noctis iter , brevis est mora noctis opacae horrida cum tenebris exulat illa suis . jamque lycaonius plaustrum caeleste boôtes non longâ sequitur fessus ut ante viâ , nunc etiam solitas circum jovis atria toto excubias agitant sydera rara polo. nam dolus , & caedes , & vis cum nocte recessit , neve giganteum dii timuere scelus . forte aliquis scopuli recubans in vertice pastor , roscida cum primo sole rubescit humus , hac , ait , hac certè caruisti nocte puellá phoebe tuâ , c●leres quae retineret equos , laeta suas repetit sylvas , pharetramque resumit cynthia , luciferas ut videt alta rotas , et tenues ponens radios gaudere videtur officium fieri tam breve fratris ope . desere , phoebus ait , thalamos aurora seniles , quid juvat effoeto procubuisse toro ? te manet aeolides viridi venator in herba , surge , tuos ignes altus hymettus habet . flava verecundo dea crimen in ore fatetur , et matutinos ocyus urget equos . exuit invisam tellus rediviva senectam , et cupit amplexus phoebe subire tuos ; et cupit , & digna est , quid enim formosius illâ , pandit ut omniferos luxuriosa sinus , atque arabum spirat messes , & ab ore venusto mitia cum paphiis fundit amoma rosis . ecce coronatur sacro frons ardua luco , cingit ut idaeam pinea turris opim ; et vario madidos intexit flore capillos , floribus & visa est posse placere suis . floribus effusos ut erat redimita capillos tenario placuit diva sicana deo. aspice phoebe tibi faciles hortantur amores , mellitasque movent flamina verna preces . cinnameâ zephyrus leve plaudit odorifer alâ , bland●tiasque tibi ferre videntur aves . nec sine dote tuos temeraria quaerit amores terra , nec optatos poscit egena toros , alma salutiferum medicos tibi gramen in usus praebet , & hinc ticulos adjuvat ipsa tuos . quòd si te pretium , si te fulgentia tangunt munera , ( muneribus saepe coemptus amor ) illa tibi ostentat quascunque sub aequore vasto , et superinjectis montibus abdit opes . ah quoties cum tu clivoso fessus olympo in vespertinas praecipitaris aquas , cur te , inquit , cursu languentem phoebe diurno hesperiis recipit caerula mater aquis ? quid tibi cum tethy ? quid cum tartesside lymphâ , dia quid immundo perluis ora salo ? frigora phoebe meâ melius captabis in umbrâ , huc ades , ardentes imbue rore comas . mollior egelidâ veniet tibi somnus in herbâ , huc ades , & gremio lumina pone meo . quáque jaces circum mulcebit lene susurrans aura per humentes corpora fusa rosas . nec me ( crede mihi ) terrent semelëia fata , nec phäetonteo fumidus axis equo ; cum tu phoebe tuo sapientius uteris igni , huc ades & gremio lumina pone meo . sic tellus lasciva suos suspirat amores ; matris in exemplum caetera turba ruunt . nunc etenim toto currit vagus orbe cupido , languentesque fovet solis ab igne faces . insonuere novis lethalia cornua nervis , triste micant ferro tela corusca novo . jamque vel invictam tentat superasse dianam , quaeque sedet sacro vesta pudica foco . ipsa senescentem reparat venus annua formam , atque iterum tepido creditur orta mari . marmoreas juvenes clamant hymenaee per urbes , litus io hymen , & cava saxa sonant . cultior ille venit tunicâque decentior aptâ , puniceum redolet vestis odora crocum . egrediturque frequens ad amoeni gaudia veris virgineos auro cincta puella sinus . votum est cuique suum , votum est tamen omnibus unum , ut sibi quem cupiat , det cytherea virum . nunc quoque septenâ modulatur arundine pastor , et sua quae jungat carmina phyllis habet . natvia nocturno placat sua sydera cantu , delphinasque leves ad vada summa vocat . jupiter ipse alto cum conjuge ludit olympo , convocat & famulos ad sua festa deos. nunc etiam satyri cum sera crepuscula surgunt , pervolitant celeri florea rura choro , sylvanusque suâ cyparissi fronde revinctus , semicaperque deus , semideusque caper . quaeque sub arboribus dryades latuere vetustis per juga , per solos expatiantur agros . per sata luxuriat fruticetaque maenalius pan , vix cybele mater , vix sibi tuta ceres , atque aliquam cupidus praedatur oreada faunus , consulit in trepidos dum sibi nympha pedes , jamque latet , latitansque cupit male tecta videri , et fugit , & fugiens pervelit ipsa capi . dii quoque non dubitant caelo praeponere sylvas , et sua quisque sibi numina lucus habet . et sua quisque diu sibi numina lucus habeto , nec vos arboreâ dii precor ite domo . te referant miseris te jupiter aurea terris saecla , quid ad nimbos aspera tela redis ? tu saltem len●è rapidos age phoebe jugales quà potes , & sensim tempora veris eant . brumaque productas tardè ferat hispida noctes , ingruat & nostro serior umbra polo. elegia sexta . ad carolum diodatum ruri commorantem . qui cum idibus decemb. scripsisset , & sua carmina excusari postulasset si solito minus essent bona , quod inter lautitias quibus erat ab amisis exceptus , haud satis felicem operam musis dare se posse affirmabat , hunc habuit responsum . mitto tibi sanam non pleno ventre salutem , quâ tu distento forte carere potes . at tua quid nostram prolectat musa camoenam , nec sinit optatas posse sequi teneb 〈…〉 ? carmine scire velis quám te redamémque colámque , crede mihi vix hoc carmine scire queas , nam neque noster amor modulis includitur arctis , nec venit ad claudos integer ipse pedes . quàm bene solennes epulas , hilaremque decembrim festaque coelifugam quae coluere deum , deliciasque refers , hyberni gaudia ruris , haustaque per lepidos gallica musta focos . quid queretis resugam vino dapibusque poesin ? carmen amat bacchum , carmina bacchus amat . nec puduit phoebum virides gestasse corymbos , atque hederam lauro praeposuisse suae . saepius aoniis clamavit collibus euoe mista thyonêo turba novena choro . naso corallaeis mala carmina misit ab agris : non illic epulae non sata vitis erat . quid nisi vina , rosasque racemiferumque lyaeum cantavit brevibus têia musa modis , pindaricosque inflat numeros teumesius evan , et redolet sumptum pagina quaeque merum . dum gravis everso currus crepat axe supinus , et volat eléo pulvere fuscus eques . quadrimoque madens lyricen romanus iaccho dulce canit glyceran , flavicomamque chloen . jam quoque lauta tibi generoso mensa paratu , mentis alit vires , ingeniumque sovet . massica foecundam despumant pocula venam , fundis & ex ipso condita metra cado . addimus his artes , fusumque per intima phoebum corda , favent uni bacchus , apollo , ceres . scilicet haud mirum tam dulcia carmina per te numine composito tres peperisse deos. nunc quoque thressa tibi caelato barbitos auro insonat argutá molliter icta manu ; auditurque chelys suspensa tapetia circum , virgineos tremulâ quae regat arte pedes . illa tuas saltem teneant spectacula musas , et revocent , quantum crapula pellit iners . crede mihi dum psallit ebur , comitataque plectrum implet odoratos festa chorea tholos , percipies tacitum per pectora serpere phoebum , quale repentinus permeat ossa calor , perque puellares oculos digitumque sonantem irruet in totos lapsa thalia sinus . namque elegia levis multorum cura deorum est , et vocat ad numeros quemlibet illa suos ; liber adest elegis , eratoque , ceresque , venusque , et cum purpureâ matre tenellus amor. talibus inde licent convivia larga poetis , saepius & veteri commaduisse mero . at qui bella resert , & adulto sub jove coelum , heroasque pios , semideosque duces , et nunc sancta canit superum consulta deorum , nunc latrata fero regna profunda cane , ille quidem parcè samii pro more magistri vivat , & innocuos praebeat herba cibos ; stet prope fagineo pellucida lympha catillo , sobriaque è puro pocula fonte bibat . additur huic scelerisque vacans , & casta juventus , et rigidi mores , & sine labe manus . qualis veste nitens sacrâ , & lustralibus undis surgis ad infensos augur iture deos. hoc ritu vixisse ferunt post rapta sagacem lumina tiresian , ogygiumque linon , et lare devoto profugum calchanta , senemque orpheon edomitis sola per antra feris ; sic dapis exiguus , sic rivi potor homerus dulichium vexit per freta longa virum , et per monstrificam perseiae phoebados aulam , et vada foemineis insidiosa sonis , perque tuas rex i me domos , ubi sanguine nigro dicitur umbrarum detinuisse greges . diis etenim sacer est vates , divûmque sacerdos , spirat & occultum pectus , & ora jovem . at tu si quid agam , scitabere ( si modò saltem esse putas tanti noscere siquid agam ) paciserum canimus caelesti femine regem , faustaque sacratis saecula pacta libris , vagitumque dei , & stabulantem paupere tecto qui suprema suo cum patre regna colit . stelliparumque polum , modulan tesque aethere turmas , et subitò elisos ad sua fana deos. dona quidem dedimus christi natalibus illa illa sub auroram lux mihi prima tulit . te quoque pressa manent patriis meditata cicutis , tu mihi , cui recitem , judicis instar eris . elegia septima , anno aetatis undevigesimo . nondum blanda tuas leges amathusia nôram , et paphio vacuum pectus ab igne suit . saepe cupidineas , puerilia tela , sagittas , atque tuum sprevi maxime , numen , amor. tu puer imbelles dixi transfige columbas , conveniunt tenero mollia bella duci . aut de passeribus tumidos age , parve , triumphos , haec sunt militiae digna trophaea tuae : in genus humanum quid inania dirigis arma ? non valet in fortes ista pharetra viros . non tulit hoc cyprius , ( neque enim deus ullus ad iras promptior ) & duplici jam serus igne calet . ver erat , & summae radians per culmina villae attulerat primam lux tibi maie diem : at mihi adhuc refugam quaerebant lumina noctem nec matutinum sustinuere jubar . astat amor lecto , pictis amor impiger alis , prodidit astantem mota pharetra deum : prodidit & facies , & dulce minantis ocelli , et quicquid puero , dignum & amore suit . talis in aeterno juvenis sigeius olympo miscet amatori pocula plena jovi ; aut qui formosas pellexit ad oscula nymphas thiodamantaeus naiade raptus hylas ; addideratque iras , sed & has decuisse putares , addideratque truces , nec sine felle minas . et miser exemplo sapuisses tutiùs , inquit , nunc mea quid possit dextera testis eris . inter & expertos vires numerabere nostras , et faciam vero per tua damna fidem . ipse ego si nescis strato pythone superbum edomui phoebum , cessit & ille mihi ; et quoties meminit peneidos , ipse fatetur certiùs & graviùs tela nocere mea . me nequit adductum curvare peritiùs arcum , qui post terga solet vincere parthus eques . cydoniusque mihi cedit venator , & ille inscius uxori qui necis author erat . est etiam nobis ingens quoque victus orion , herculeaeque manus , herculeusque comes . jupiter ipse licet sua fulmina torqueat in me , haerebunt lateri spicula nostra jovis . caetera quae dubitas meliùs mea tela docebunt , et tua non leviter corda petenda mihi . nec te stulte tuae poterunt defendere musae , nec tibi phoebaeus porriget anguis opem . dixit , & aurato quatiens mucrone sagittam , evolat in tepidos cypridos ille sinus . at mihi risuro tonuit ferus ore minaci , et mihi de puero non metus ullus erat , et modò quà nostri spatiantur in urbe quirites et modò villarum proxima rura placent . turba frequens , faciéque simillima turba dearum splendida per medias it que reditque vias . auctaque luce dies gemino fulgore coruscat , fallor ? an & radios hinc quoque phoebus habet . haec ego non fugi spectacula grata severus , impetus & quò me fert juvenilis , agor . lumina luminibus malè providus obvia misi neve oculos potui continuisse meos . unam forte aliis supereminuisse notabam , principium nostri lux erat illa mali . sic venus optaret mortalibus ipsa videri , sic regina deûm conspicienda fuit . hanc memor objecit nobis malus ille cupido , solus & hos nobis texuit antè dolos . nec procul ipse vafer latuit , multaeque sagittae , et facis a tergo grande pependit onus . nec mora , nunc ciliis haesit , nunc virginis ori , insilit hinc labiis , insidet inde genis : et quascunque agilis partes jaculator oberrat , hei mihi , mille locis pectus inerme ferit . protinus insoliti subierunt corda furores , uror amans intùs , flammaque totus eram . interea misero quae jam mihi sola placebat , ablata est oculis non reditura meis . ast ego progredior tacitè querebundus , & excors , et dubius volui saepe referre pedem . findor , & haec remanet , sequitur pars altera votum , raptaque tàm subitò gaudia flere juvat . sic dolet amissum proles junonia coelum , inter lemniacos praecipitata socos . talis & abreptum solem respexit , ad orcum vectus ab attonitis amphiaraus equis . quid faciam infelix , & luctu victus , amores nec licet inceptos ponere , neve sequi . o utinam spectare semel mihi detur amatos vultus , & coràm tristia verba loqui ! forsitan & duro non est adamante creata , forte nec ad nostras furdeat illa preces . crede mihi nullus sic infeliciter arfit , ponar in exemplo primus & unus ego . parce precor teneri cum sis deus ales amoris , pugnent officio nec tua facta tuo . jam tuus o certè est mihi formidabilis arcus , nate deâ , jaculis nec minus igne potens : et tua fumabunt nostris altaria donis , solus & in superis tu mihi summus eris . deme meos tandem , verùm nec deme furores , nescio cur , miser est suaviter omnis amans : tu modo da facilis , posthaec mea siqua futura est , cuspis amaturos figat ut una duos . haec ego mente olim laevâ , studioque supino nequitiae posui vana trophaea meae . scilicet abreptum sic me malus impulit error , indocilisque aetas prava magistra fuit . donec socraticos umbrosa academia rivos praebuit , admissum dedocuitque jugum . protinus extinctis ex illo tempore flammis , cincta rigent multo pectora nostra gelu . unde suis frigus metuit puer ipse sagittis , et diomedéam vim timet ipse venus . in proditionem bombardicam . cum simul in regem nuper satrapasque britannos ausus es infandum perfide fauxe nefas , fallor ? an & mitis voluisti ex parte videri , et pensare malâ cum pietate scelus ; scilicet hos alti missurus ad atria caeli , sulphureo curru flammivolisque rotis . qualiter ille feris caput inviolabile parcis liquit jördanios turbine raptus agros . in eandem . siccine tentasti caelo donâsse jâcobum quae septemgemino belua monte lates ? ni meliora tuum poterit dare munera numen , parce precor donis insidiosa tuis . ille quidem sine te consortia serus adivit astra , nec inferni pulveris usus ope . sic potiùs foedos in caelum pelle cucullos , et quot habet brutos roma profana deos , namque hac aut aliâ nisi quemque adjuveris arte , crede mihi caeli vix bene scandet iter . in eandem . purgatorem animae derisit iäcobus ignem , et sine quo superûm non adeunda domus . frenduit hoc trinâ monstrum latiale coronâ movit & horrificum corona dena minax . et nec inultus ait temnes mea sacra britanne , supplicium spretâ relligione dabis . et si stelligeras unquam penetraveris arces , non nisi per flammas triste patebit iter . o quàm funesto cecinisti proxima vero , verbaque ponderibus vix caritura suis ! nam prope tartareo sublime rotatus ab igni ibat ad aethereas umbra perusta plagas . in eandem . quem modò roma suis devoverat impia diris , et styge damnarât taenarioque sinu , hunc vice mutatâ jam tollere gestit ad astra , et cupit ad superos evehere usque deos. in invertorem bombardae . japetionidem laudavit caeca vetustas , qui tulit aetheream solis ab axe facem ; at mihi major erit , qui lurida creditur arma , et trifidum fulmen surripuisse jovi . ad leonoram romae canentem . angelus unicuique suus ( sic credite gentes ) obtigit aethereis ales ab ordinibus . quid mirum ? leonora tibi si gloria major , nam tua praesentem vox sonat ipsa deum . aut deus , aut vacui certè mens tertia coeli . per tua secretò guttura serpit agens ; serpit agens , facilisque docet mortalia corda sensim immortali assuesoere posse sono . quòd si cuncta quidem deus est , per cunctaque fusus , in te unâ loquitur , caetera mutus habet . ad eandem . altera torquatum cepit leonora poëtam , cujus ab insano cessit amore furens . ah miser ille tuo quantò feliciùs aevo perditus , & propter te leonora foret ! et te pieriâ senfisset voce canentam aurea maternae fila movere lyrae , quamvis dircaeo torsisset lumina pentheo saevior , aut totus desipulisset iners , tu tamen errantes caecâ vertigine sensus voce eadem poteras composuisse tuâ ; et poteras aegro spirans sub corde quietem flexanimo cantu restituisse sibi . ad eandem . credula quid liquidam sirena neapoli jactas , claraque parthenopes fana achelöiados , littoreamque tuâ defunctam naiada ripâ corpora chalcidico sacra dedisse rogo ? illa quidem vivitque , & amoenâ tibridis undâ mutavit rauci murmura pausilipi . illic romulidûm studiis ornata secundis , atque homines cantu detinet atque deos. apologus de rustico & hero. rusticus ex malo sapidissima poma quotannis legit , & urbano lecta dedit domino : hic incredibili fructûs dulcedine captus malum ipsam in proprias transtulit areolas . hactenus illa ferax , sed longo debilis aevo , mota solo assueto , protinùs aret iners . quod tandem ut patuit domino , spe lusus inani , damnavit celeres in sua damna manus . atque ait , heu quantò satius fuit illa coloni ( parva licet ) grato dona tulisse animo ! possem ego avaritiam froenare , gulamque voracem : nunc periere mihi & foetus & ipsa parens . elegiarum finis . sylvarum liber . anno aetatis . in obitum procancellarii medici . parere fati discite legibus , manusque parcae jam date supplices , qui pendulum telluris orbem iäpeti colitis nepotes . vos si relicto mors vaga taenaro semel vocârit flebilis , heu morae tentantur incassùm dolique ; per tenebras stygis ire certum est . si destinatam pellere dextera mortem valeret , non ferus hercules nessi venenatus cruore aemathiâ jacuisset oetâ. nec fraude turpi palladis invidae vidisset occisum ilion hectora , aut quem larva pelidis peremit ense locro , jove lacrymante . si●riste fatum verba hecateia fugare possint , telegoni parens vixisset infamis , potentique aegiali soror usa virgâ . numenque trinum fallere si queant artes medentûm , ignotaque gramina , non gnarus herbarum machaon eurypyli cecidisset hastâ . laesisset & nec te philyreie sagitta echidnae perlita sanguine , nec tela te fulmenque avitum caese puer genitricis alvo . tuque o alumno major apolline , gentis togatae cui regimen datum , frondosa quem nunc cirrha luget , et mediis helicon in undis , jam praesuisses palladio gregi laetus , superstes , nec sine gloria , nec puppe lustrasses charontis horribiles barathri recessus . at fila rupit persephone tua irata , cum te viderit artibus succoque pollenti tot atris fausibus eripuisse mortis . colende praeses , membra precor tua molli quiescant cespite , & ex tuo crescant rosae , calthaeque busto , purpureoque hyacinthus ore . sit mite de te judicium aeaci , subrideatque aetnaea proserpina , interque felices perennis elysio spatiere campo . in quintum novembris , anno aetatis . jam pius extremâ veniens iäcobus ab arcto teucrigenas populos , latéque patentia regna albionum tenuit , jamque inviolabile foedus sceptra caledoniis conjunxerat anglica scotis : pacificusque novo felix divesque sedebat in solio , occultique doli securus & hostis : cum ferus ignifluo regnans acheronte tyrannus , eumenidum pater , aethereo vagus exul olympo , forte per immensum terrarum erraverat orbem , dinumerans sceleris socios , vernasque fideles , participes regni post funera moesta futuros ; hic tempestates medio ciet aêre diras , illic unamimes odium struit inter amicos , armat & invictas in mutua viscera gentes ; regnaque olivifera vertit florentia pace , et quoscunque videt purae virtutis amantes , hos cupit adjicere imperio , fraudumque magister tentat inaccessum sceleri corrumpere pectus , infidiasque locat tacitas , cassesque latentes tendit , ut incautos rapiat , seu caspia tigris insequitur trepidam deserta per avia praedam nocte sub illuni , & somno nictantibus astris . talibus infestat populos summanus & urbes cinctus caeruleae fumanti turbine flammae . jamque fluentisonis albentia rupibus arva apparent , & terra deo dilecta marino , cui nomen dederat quondam neptunia proles amphitryoniaden qui non dubitavit atrocem aequore tranato furiali poscere bello , ante expugnatae crudelia saecula troiae . at simul hanc opibusque & festâ pace beatam aspicit , & pingues donis cerealibus agros , quodque magis doluit , venerantem numina veri sancta dei populum , tandem suspiria rupit tartareos ignes & luridum olentia sulphur . qualia trinacriâ trux ab jove clausus in aetna efflat tabifico monstrosus ab ore tiphoeus . ignescunt oculi , stridetque adamantius ordo dentis , ut armorum fragor , ictaque cuspide cuspis . atque pererrato solum hoc lacrymabile mundo inveni , dixit , gens haec mihi sola rebellis , contemtrixque jugi , nostrâque potentior arte . illa tamen , mea si quicquam tantamina possunt . non feret hoc impune diu , non ibit inulta , hactenus ; & piceis liquido notat aêre pennis ; quà volat , adversi praecursant agmine venti , densantur nubes , & crebra tonitrua fulgent . jamque pruinosas velox superaverat alpes , et tenet ausoniae fines , à parte sinistrâ nimbifer appenninus erat , priscique sabini , dextra veneficiis infamis hetruria , nec non te furtiva tibris thetidi videt oscula dantem ; hinc mavortigenae consistit in arce quirini . reddiderant dubiam jam sera crepuscula lucem , cum circumgreditur totam tricoronifer urbem , panificosque deos portat , scapulisque virorum evehitur , praeeunt submisso poplite reges , et mendicantum series longissima fratrum ; cereaque in manibus gestant funalia caeci , cimmeriis nati in tenebris , vitamque trahentes , templa dein multis subeunt lucentia taedis ( vespe● erat sacer iste petro ) fremitusque canentum saepe tholos implet vacuos , & inane locorum . qualiter exululat bromius , bromiique caterva , orgia cantantes in echionio aracyntho , dum tremit attonitus vitreis asopus in undis , et procul ipse cavâ responsat rupe cithaeron . his igitur tandem solenni more peractis , nox senis amplexus erebi taciturna reliquit , praecipitesque impellit equos stimulante flagello , captum oculis typhlonta , melanchaetemque ferocem , atque acherontaeo prognatam patre siopen torpidam , & hirsutis horrentem phrica capillis . interea regum domitor , phlegetontius haeres ingreditur thalamos ( neque enim secretus adulter producit steriles molli sine pellice noctes ) at vix compositos somnus claudebat ocellos , cum niger umbrarum dominus , rectorque silentum , praedatorque hominum falsâ sub imagine tectus astitit , assumptis micuerunt tempora canis , barba sinus promissa tegit , cineracea longo syrmate verrit humum vestis , pendetque cucullus vertice de raso , & ne quicquam desit ad artes , cannabeo lumbos constrinxit sune salaces . tarda fenestratis figens vestigia calceis . talis uti fama est , vastâ franciscus eremo tetra vagabatur solus per lustra ferarum , sylvestrique tulit genti pia verba salutis impius , atque lupos domuit , lybicosque leones . subdolus at tali serpens velatus amictu solvit in has fallax ora execrantia voces ; dormis nate ? etiamne tuos sopor opprimit artus ? immemor o fidei , pecorumque oblite tuorum ! dum cathedram venerande tuam , diademaque triplex ridet hyperboreo gens barbara nata sub axe , dumque pharetrati spernunt tua jura britanni : surge , age , surge piger , latius quem caesar adorat , cui reserata patet convexi janua caeli , turgentes animos , & fastus frange procaces , sacrilegique sciant , tua quid maledictro possit , et quid apostolicae possit custodia clavis ; et memor hesperiae disjectam ulciscere classem , mersaque iberorum lato vexilla profundo , sanctorumque cruci tot corpora fixa probrosae , thermodoontéa nuper regnante puella . at tu si tenero mavis torpescere lecto crescentesque negas hosti contundere vires , tyrrhenum implebit numeroso milite pontum , signaque aventino ponet fulgentia colle : relliquas veterum franget , flammisque cremabit , sacraque calcabit pedibus tua colla profanis , cujus gaudebant soleîs dare basia reges . nec tamen hunc bellis & aperto marte lacesses , irritus ille labor , tu callidus utere fraude , quaelibet haereticis disponere retia fas est ; jamque ad consilium extremis rex magnus ab oris patricios vocat , & procerum de stirpe creatos , grandaevosque patres trabeâ , canisque verendos ; hos tu membratim poteris conspergere in auras , atque dare in cineres , nitrati pulveris igne aedibus injecto , quà convenere , sub imis . protinus ipse igitur quoscunque habet anglia fidos propositi , factique mone , quisquámne tuorum audebit summi non jussa facessere papae . perculsosque metu subito , casúmque stupentes invadat vel gallus atrox , vel saevus iberus . saecula sic illic tandem mariana redibunt , tuque in belligeros iterum dominaberis anglos . et nequid timeas , divos divasque secundas accipe , quotque tuis celebrantur numina fastis . dixit & adscitos ponens malefidus amictus fugit ad infandam , regnum illaetabile , lethen . jam rosea eoas pandens tithonia portas vestit inauratas redeunti lumine terras ; maestaque adhuc nigri deplorans funera nati irrigat ambrosiis montana cacumina guttis ; cum somnos pepulit stellatae janitor aulae nocturnos visus , & somnia grata revolvens . est locus aeternâ septus caligine noctis vasta ruinosi quondam fundamina tecti , nunc torvi spelunca phoni , prodotaeque bilinguis effera quos uno peperit discordia partu . hic inter caementa jacent praeruptaque saxa , ossa inhumata virûm , & trajecta cadavera ferro ; hic dolus intortis semper sedet ater ocellis , jurgiaque , & stimulis armata calumnia fauces . et furor , atque viae moriendi mille videntur et timor , exanguisque locum circumvolat horror , perpetuoque leves per muta silentia manes exululat , tellus & sanguine conscia stagnat . ipsi etiam pavidi latitant penetralibus antri et phonos , & prodotes , nulloque sequente per antrum antrum horrens , scopulosum , atrum feralibus umbris diffugiunt sontes , & retrò lumina vortunt , hos pugiles romae per saecula longa fideles evocat antistes babylonius , atque ita fatur . fi●ibus occiduis circumfusum incolit aequor gens exosa mihi , prudens natura negavit indignam penitus nostro conjungere mundo : illuc , sic jubeo , celeri contendite gressu , tartareoque leves difflentur pulvere in auras et rex & pariter satrapae , scelerata propago et quotquot fidei caluere cupidine verae consilii socios adhibete , operisque ministros . finierat , rigidi cupidè paruere gemelli . interea longo flectens curvamine coelos despicit aethereâ dominus qui fulgurat arce , vanaque perversae ridet conamina turbae , atque sui causam populi volet ipse tueri . esse ferunt spatium , quà distat ab aside terra fertilis europe , & spectat mareotidas undas ; hic turris posita est titanidos ardua famae aerea , lata , sonans , rutilis vicinior astris quàm superimpositum vel athos vel pelion ossae mille fores aditusque patent , totidemque fenestrae , amplaque per tenues translucent atria muros ; excitat hic varios plebs agglomerata susurros ; qualiter instrepitant circum mulctralia bombis agmina muscarum , aut texto per ovilia junco , dum canis aestivum coeli petit ardua culmen ipsa quidem summâ sedet ultrix matris in arce , auribus innumeris cinctum caput eminet olli , queis sonitum exiguum trahit , atque levissima captat murmura , ab extremis patuli confinibus orbis . nec tot aristoride servator inique juvencae isidos , immiti volvebas lumina vultu , lumina non unquam tacito nutantia somno , lumina subjectas late spectantia terras . istis illa solet loca luce carentia saepe perlustrare , etiam radianti imper●ia soli● ▪ millenisque loquax auditaque visaque linguis cuilibet effundit temeraria , veráque mendax nunc minuit , modò confictis sermonibus auget . sed tamen a nostro meruisti carmine laudes fama , bonum quo non aliud veracius ullum , nobis digna cani , nec te memorasse pigebit carmine tam longo , servati scilicet angli officiis vaga diva tuis , tibi reddimus aequa . te deus aeternos motu qui temperat ignes , fulmine praemisso alloquitur , terrâque tremente ▪ fama siles ? an te latet impia papistarum conjurata cohors in meque meosque britannos , et nova sceptrigero caedes meditata iäcobo : nec plura , illa statim sensit mandata tonantis , et satis antè fugax stridentes induit alas , induit & variis exilia corpora plumis ; dextra tubam gestat temesaeo ex aere sonoram . nec mora jam pennis cedentes remigat auras , atque parum est curfu celeres praevertere nubes , jam ventos , jam solis equos post terga reliquit : et primò angliacas solito de more per urbes ambiguas voces , incertaque murmura spargit , mox arguta dolos , & detestabile vulgat proditionis opus , nec non facta horrida dictu , authoresque addit sceleris , nec garrula caecis insidiis loca structa silet ; stupuere relatis , et pariter juvenes , pariter tremuere puellae , effaetique senes pariter , tantaeque ruinae sensus ad aetatem subitò penetraverat omnem attamen interea populi miserescit ab alto aethereus pater , & crudelibus obstitit ausis papicolûm ; capti poenas raptantur ad acres ; at pia thura deo , & grati solvuntur honores ; compita laeta focis genialibus omnia fumant ; turba choros juvenilis agit : quintoque novembris nulla dies toto occurrit celebratior anno . anno aetatis . in obitum . praesulis eliensis . adhuc madentes rore squalebant genae , et sicca nondum lumina ; adhuc liquentis imbre turgebant salis , quem nuper effudi pius , dum maesta charo justa persolvi rogo wintoniensis praesulis . cum centilinguis fama ( proh semper mali cladisque vera nuntia ) spargit per urbes divitis britanniae , populosque neptuno satos , cessisse morti , & ferreis sororibus te generis humani decus , qui rex sacrorum illâ fuisti in insulâ quae nomen anguillae tenet . tunc inquietum pectus irâ protinus ebulliebat fervidâ , tumulis potentem saepe devovens deam : nec vota naso in ibida concepit alto diriora pectore , graiusque vates parciùs turpem lycambis execratus est dolum , sponsamque neobolen suam . at ecce diras ipse dum fundo graves , et imprecor neci necem , audisse tales videor attonitus sonos leni , sub aurâ , flamine : caecos furores pone , pone vitream bilemque & irritas minas , quid temerè violas non nocenda numina , subitoque ad iras percita . non est , ut arbitraris elusus miser , mors atra noctis filia , erebóve patre creta , sive erinnye , vastóve nata sub chao : ast illa caelo missa stellato , dei messes ubique colligit ; animasque mole carneâ reconditas in lucem & auras evocat : ut cum fugaces excitant horae diem themidos jovisque filiae ; et sempiterni ducit ad vultus patris ; at justa raptat impios sub regna furvi luctuosa tartari , sedesque subterraneas hanc ut vocantem laetus audivi , citò foedum resiqui carcerem , volatilesque faustus inter milites ad astra sublimis feror : vates ut olim raptus ad coelum senex auriga currus ignei , non me boötis terruere lucidi sarraca tarde frigore , aut formidolosi scorpionis brachia , non ensis orion tuus . praetervolavi fulgidi solis globum , longéque sub pedibus deam vidi trisormem , dum coercebat suos fraenis dracones aureis . erraticorum syderum per ordines , per lacteas vehor plagas , velocitatem saepe miratus novam , donec nitentes ad fores ventum est olympi , & regiam chrystallinam , & stratum smaragdis atrium . sed hic tacebo , nam quis effari queat oriundus humano pa●●e amoenitates illius loci , mihi s●t est in aeternum frui , naturam non pati senium . heu quàm perpetuis erroribus acta fatiscit avia mens hominum , tenebrisque immersa profundis oedipodioniam volvit sub pectore noctem ! quae vesana suis metiri facta deorum audet , & incisas leges adamante perenni assimilare suis , nulloque solubile saeclo consilium fati perituris alligat horis . ergóne marcescet sulcantibus obsita rugis naturae facies , & rerum publica mater omniparum contracta uterum sterilescet ab aevo ? et se fassa senem malè certis passibus ibit sidereum tremebunda caput ? num tetra vetustas annorumque aeterna fames , squalorque s●usque sidera vexabunt ? an & insatiabile tempus esuriet caelum , rapietque in viscera patrem ? heu , potuitne suas imprudens jupiter arces hoc contra munisse nefas , & temporis isto exemisse malo , gyrosque dedisse perennes ? ergo erit ut quandoque sono dilapsa tremendo convexi tabulata ruant , atque-obvius ictu stridat uterque polus , superâque ut olympius aula decidat , horribilisque retectâ gorgone pallas . qualis in aegaeam proles junonia lemnon deturbata sacro cecidit de limine caeli . tu quoque phoebe tui casus imitabere nati praecipiti curru , subitâque ferere ruinâ pronus , & exinctâ fumabit lampade nereus , et dabit attonito feralia sibila ponto . tunc etiam aërei divulfis sedibus haemi dissultabit apex , imoque allisa barathro terrebunt stygium dejecta ceraunia ditem in superos quibus usus erat , fraternaque bella . at pater omnipotens fundatis fortius astris consuluit rerum summae , certoque peregit pondere fatorum lances , atque ordine summo singula perpetuum jussit servare tenorem . volvitur hinc lapsu mundi rota prima diurno ; raptat & ambit os sociâ vertigine caelos . tardior haud solito saturnus , & acer ut olim fulmineum rutilat cristatâ casside mavors . floridus aeternùm phoebus juvenile coruscat , nec fovet effoetas loca per declivia terras devexo temone deus ; sed semper amicá luce potens eadem currit per signa rotarum , surgit odoratis pariter formosus ab indis ethereum pecus albenti qui cogit olympo mane vocans , & serus agens in pascua coeli , temporis & gemino dispertit regna colore . fulget , obitque vices alterno delia cornu , caeruleumque ignem paribus complectitur ulnis . nec variant elementa fidem , solitóque fragore lurida perculsas jaculantur fulmina rupes . nec per inane furit leviori murmure corus , stringit & armiferos aequali horrore gelonos trux aquilo , spiratque hyemem , nimbosque volutat . utque solet , siculi diverberat ima pelori rex maris , & raucâ circumstrepit aequora conchâ oceani tubicen , nec vastâ mole minorem aegaeona ferunt dorso balearica cete . sed neque terra tibi saecli vigor ille vetusti priscus abest , servatque suum narcissus odorem , et puer ille suum tenet & puer ille decorem phoebe tuufque & cypri tuus , nec ditior olim terra datum sceleri celavit montibus aurum conscia , vel sub aquis gemmas . sic denique in aevum . ibit cunctarum series justissima rerum , donec flamma orbem populabitur ultima , latè circumplexa polos , & vasti culmina caeli ▪ ingentique rogo flagrabit machina mundi . de idea platonica quemadmodum aristoteles intellexit . dicite sacrorum praesides nemorum deae , tuque o noveni perbeata numinis memoria mater , quaeque in immenso procul antro recumbis otiosa aeternitas , monumenta servans , & ratas leges jovis , caelique fastos atque ephemeridas deûm , quis ille primus cujus ex imagine natura solers finxit humanum genus , aeternus , incorruptus , aequaevus polo , unusque & universus , exemplar dei ? haud ille palladis gemellus innubae interna proles insidet menti jovis ; sed quamlibet natura sit communior , tamen seorsùs extat ad morem unius , et , mira , certo stringitur spatio loci ; seu sempiternus ille syderum comes caeli pererrat ordines decemplicis , citimúmve terris incolit lunae globum : sive inter animas corpus adituras sedens obliviosas torpet ad lethes aquas : sive in remotâ forte terrarum plagâ incedit ingens hominis archetypus gigas , et iis tremendus exigit celsum caput atlante major portitore syderum . non cui profundum caecitas lumen dedit dircaeus augur vidit hunc alto sinu ; non hunc silenti nocte plêiones nepos vatum sagaci praepes ostendit choro ; non hunc sacerdos novit assyrius , licet longos vetusti commemoret atavos nini , priscumque belon , inclytumque o●●ridem . non ille trino gloriosus nomine ter magnus hermes ( ut sit arcani sciens ) talem reliquit isidis cultoribus . at tu perenne ruris academi decus ( haec monstra si tu primus induxit scholis ) jam jam pôetas urbis exules tuae revocabis , ipse fabulator maximus , aut institutor ipse migrabis foras . ad patrem . nunc mea pierios cupiam per pectora fontes irriguas torquere vias , totumque per ora volvere laxatum gemino de vertice 〈…〉 um ; ut tenues oblita sonos audacibus alis surgat in officium venerandi musa parentis . hoc utcunque tibi gratum peter optime carmen exiguum meditatur opus , nec novimus ipsi aptiùs à nobis quae possunt munera donis respondere tuis , quamvis nec maxima possint respondere tuis , nedum ut par gratia donis esse queat , vacuis quae redditur arida verbis . sed tamen haec nostros ostendit pagina census , et quod habemus opum chartâ numeravimus istâ , quae mihi sunt nullae , nisi quas dedit aurea clio quas mihi semoto somni peperere sub antro , et nemoris laureta sacri parnassides umbrae . nec tu vatis opus divinum despice carmen , quo nihil aethereos ortus , & semina caeli , nil magis humanam commendat origine mentem , sancta promethéae retinens vestigia flammae . carmen amant superi , tremebundaque tartara carmen ima ciere valet , divosque ligare profundos , et triplici duros manes adamante coercet . carmine sepositi retegunt arcana futuri phoebades , & tremulae pallantes ora sibyllae ; carmina sacrificus sollennes pangit ad aras aurea seu sternit motantem cornua taurum ; seu cùm fata sagax fumantibus abdita fibris consulit , & tepidis parcam scrutatur in extis . nos etiam patrium tunc cum repetemus olympum , aeternaeque morae stabunt immobilis aevi , ibimus auratis per caeli templa coronis , dulcia suaviloquo sociantes carmina plectro , astra quibus , geminique poli convexa sonabunt . spiritus & rapidos qui circinat igneus orbes , nunc quoque sydereis intercinit ipse choreis immortale melos , & inenarrabile carmen ; torrida dum rutilus compescit sibila serpens , demissoque ferox gladio mansueseit orion ; stellarum nec sentit onus maurusius atlas . carmina regales epulas ornare solebant , cum nondum luxus , vastaeque immensa vorago nota gulae , & modico spumabat coena lyaeo . tum de more sedens festa ad convivia vates aesculeâ intonsos redimitus ab arbore crines , heroumque actus , imitandaque gesta canebat , et chaos , & positi latè fundamina mundi , repeantesque deos , & alentes numina glandes , et nondum aetneo quaesitum fulmen ab antro . denique quid vocis modulamen inane juvabit , verborum sensusque vacans , numerique loquacis ? silvestres decet iste choros , non orphea cantus qui tenuit fluvios & quercubus addidit aures carmine , non citharâ , simulachraque functa canendo compulit in lacrymas ; habet has à carmine laudes . nec tu perge precor sacras contemnere musas , nec vanas inopesque puta , quarum ipse peritus munere , mille sonos numeros componis ad aptos , millibus & vocem modulis variare canoram doctus , arionii meritò sis nominis haeres . nunc tibi quid mirum , si me genuisse poëtam contigerit , charo si tam propè sanguine juncti cognatas artes , studiumque affine sequamur : ipse volens phoebus se dispertire duobus , altera dona mihi , dedit altera dona parenti , dividuumque deum genitorque puerque tenemus . tu tamen ut simules teneras odisse camoenas , non odisse reor , neque enim , pater , ire jubebas quà via lata patet , quà pronior area lucri , certaque condendi fulget spes aurea nummi : nec rapis ad leges , malè custoditaque gentis jura , nec insulsis damnas clamoribus aures . sed magis excultam cupiens ditescere mentem , me procul urbano strepitu , sccessibus altis abductum aoniae jucunda per otia ripae phoebaeo lateri comitem finis ire beatum . officium chari taceo commune parentis , me poscunt majora , tuo pater optime sumptu cùm mihi romuleae patuit facundia linguae , et latii veneres , & quae jovis ora decebant grandia magniloquis elata vocabula graiis , addere suasisti quos jactat gallia flores , et quam degerreri novus italus ore loquelam fundit , barbaricos testatus voce tumultus , quaeque palaestinus loquitur mysteria vates . denique quicquid habet coelum , subjectaque coelo terra parens , terraeque & coelo interfluus aer , quicquid & unda tegit , pontique agitabile marmor , per te nosse licet , per te , si nosse libebit . dimotáque venit spectanda scientia nube , nudaque conspicuos inclinat ad oscula vultus , ni fugisse velim , ni sit libâsse molestum . i nunc , confer opes quisquis malesanus avitas austriaci gazas , perüanaque regna praeoptas . quae potuit majora pater tribuisse , vel ipse jupiter , excepto , donâsset ut omnia , coelo ? non potiora dedit , quamvis & tuta fuissent , publica qui juveni commisit lumina nato atque hyperionios currus , & fraena diei , et circum undantem radiatâ luce tiaram . ergo ego jam doctae pars quamlibet ima catervee victrices hederas inter , laurosque sedebo , jamque nec obscurus populo miscebor inerti , vitabuntque oculos vestigia nostra profanos . este procul vigiles curae , procul este querelae , invidiaeque acies transverso tortilis hirquo , saeva nec anguiferos extende calumnia rictus ; in me triste nihil faedissima turba potestis , nec vestri sum juris ego ; securaque tutus pectora , vipereo gradiar sublimis ab ictu . at tibi , chare pater , postquam non aequa merenti posse referre datur , nec dona rependere factis , sit memorâsse satis , repetitaque munera grato percensere animo , fidaeque reponere menti . et vos , o nostri , juvenilia carmina , iusus , si modo perpetuos sperare audebitis annos , et domini superesse rogo , lucemque tueri , nec spisso rapient oblivia nigra sub orco , forsitan has laudes , decantatumque parentis nomen , ad exemplum , sero servabitis aevo . psalm cxiv . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . philosophus ad regem quendam qui eum ignotum & in tem inter reos forte captum inscius damnaverat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haec subito misit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in effigei ejus sculptorem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad salfillum poetam romanum aegrotantem . scazontes . omusa gressum quae volens trahis claudum , vulcanioque tarda gaudes incessu , nec sentis illud in loco minus gratum , quàm cùm decentes flava dëiope suras alternat aureum ante junonis lectum , adesdum & haec s'is verba pauca salsillo ref●r , camoena nostra cui tantum est cordi , quamque ille magnis praetulit immeritò divis . haec ergo alumnus ille londini milto , diebus hisce qui suum linquens nidum polique tractum , ( pessimus ubi ventorum , insanientis impotensque pulmonis pernix anhela sub jove exercet flabra ) venit feraces itali soli ad glebas , visum superbâ cognitas urbes famâ virosque doctaeque indolem juventutis , tibi optat idem hic fausta multa salsill● , habitumque fesso corpori penitùs sanum ; cui nunc profunda bilis infestat renes , praecordiisque fixa damnosùm spirat . nec id pepercit impia quòd tu romano tam cultus ore lesbium condis melos . o dulce divûm munus , o salus hebes germana ! tuque phoebe morborum terror pythone caeso , sive tu magis paean libenter audis , hic tuus sacerdos est . querceta fauni , vosque rore vinoso colles benigni , mitis evandri sedes , siquid salubre vallibus frondet vestris , levamen aegro ferte certatim vati . sic ille charis redditus rursùm musis vicina dulci prata mulcebit cantu . ipse inter atros emirabitur lucos numa , ubi beatum degit otium aeternum , suam reclivis semper aegeriam spectans . tumidusque & ipse tibris hinc delinitus spei favebit annuae colonorum : nec in sepulchris ibit obsessum reges nimiùm sinistro laxus irruens loro : sed fraena melius temperabit undarum , adusque curvi salsa regna portumni . mansus . joannes baptista mansus marchio villensis vir ingenii laude , tum literarum studio , nec non & bellica virtute apud italos clarus in primis est . ad quem torquati tassi dialogus extat de amicitia scriptus ; erat enim tassi amicissimus ; ab quo etiam inter campaniae principes celebratur , in illo poemate cui ritulus gerusalemme conquistata , lib. . fra cavalier magnanimi , è cortesi risplende il manso — is authorem neapoli commorantem summa benevolentia prosecutus est , multaque ei detulit humanitatis officia . ad hunc itaque hospes ille antequam ab ea urbe discederet , ut ne ingratum se ostenderet , hoc carmen misit . haec quoque manse tuae meditantur carmina laudi pierides , tibi manse choro notissime phoebi , quandoquidem ille alium haud aequo est dignatus honore , post galli cineres , & mecaenatis hetrusci . tu quoque si nostrae tantùm valet aura camoenae , victrices hederas inter , laurosque sedebis . te pridem magno felix concordia tasso junxit , & aeternis inscripsit nomina chartis . mox tibi dulciloquum non inscia musa marinum tradidit , ille tuum dici se gaudet alumnum , dum canit assyrios divûm prolixus amores ; mollis & ausonias stupefecit carmine nymphas ille itidem moriens tibi soli debita vates ossa tibi soli , supremaque vota reliquit . nec manes pietas tua chara fefellit amici , vidimus arridentem operoso ex aere poetam . nec satis hoc visum est in utrumque , & nec pia cessant officia in tumulo , cupis integros rapere orco , quá potes , atque avidas parcarum eludere leges : amborum genus , & variâ sub sorte peractam describis vitam , moresque , & dona minervae ; aemulus illius mycalen qui natus ad altam rettulit aeolii vitam facundus homeri . ergo ego te cliûs & magni nomine phoebi manse pater , jubeo longum salvere per aevum missus hyperboreo juvenis peregrinus ab axe . nec tu longinguam bonus aspernabere musam , quae nuper gelidâ vix enutrita sub arcto imprudens italas aufa est volitare per urbes . nos etiam in nostro modulantes flumine cygnos credimus obscuras noctis sensisse per umbras , quà thamesis late puris argenteus urnis oceani glaucos perfundit gurgite crines . quin & in has quondam pervenit tityrus ora● . sed neque nos genus incultum , nec inutile phoebo , quà plaga sept●●o mundi sulcata trione brumalem patitur longâ sub nocte boöten . nos etiam colimus phoebum , nos munera phoebo flaventes spicas , & lutea mala canistris , halantemque crocum ( perhibet nisi vana vetustas ) misimus , & lectas druidum de gente choreas . ( gens druides antiqua sacris operata deorum heroum laudes imitandaque gesta canebant ) hinc quoties festo cingunt altaria cantu delo in herbosâ graiae de more puellae carminibus laetis memorant corinēida loxo , fatidicamque upin , cum flavicomâ hecaêrge nuda caledonio variatas pectora fuco . fortunate senex , ergo quacunque per orbem torquati decus , & nomen celebrabitur ingens , claraque perpetui succrescet sama marini , tu quoque in ora frequens venies plausumque virorum , et parili carpes iter immortale volatu . dicetur tum sponte tuos habitâsse penates cynthius , & famulas venisse ad limina musas : at non sponte domum tamen idem , & regis adivit rura pheretiadae coelo fugitivus apollo ; ille licet magnum alciden susceperat hospes ; tantùm ubi clamosos placuit vitare bubulcos , nobile mansueti cessit chironis in antrum , irriguos inter saltus frondosaque tecta peneium prope rivum : ibi saepe sub ilice nigrâ ad citharae strepitum blandâ prece victus amici exilii duros lenibat voce labores . tum neque ripa suo , barathro nec fixa sub imo , saxa stetere loco , nutat trachinia rupes , nec sentit solitas , immania pondera , silvas , emotaeque suis properant de collibus orni , mulcenturque novo maculosi carmine lynces . diis dilecte senex , te jupiter aequus oportet nascentem , & miti lustrarit lumine phoebus , atlantisque nepos ; neque enim nisi charus ab ortu diis superis poterit magno favisse poetae . hinc longaeva tibi lento sub flore senectus vernat , & aesonios lucratur vivida fusos , nondum deciduos servans tibi frontis honores , ingeniumque vigens , & adultum mentis acumen . o mihi si mea sors talem concedat amicum phoebaeos decorâsse viros qui tam bene nôrit , si quando indigenas revocabo in carmina reges , arturumque etiam sub terris bella moventem ; ant dicam invictae sociali foedere mensae , magnanimos heroas , & ( o modo spiritus ad fit ) frangam saxonicas britonum sub marte phalanges . tandem ubi non tacitae permensus tempora vitae , annorumque satur cineri sua jura relinquam , ille mihi lecto madidis astaret ocellis , astanti sat erit si dicam sim tibi curae ; iile meos artus liventi morte solutos curaret parvâ componi molliter urnâ . forsitan & nostros ducat de marmore vultus , nectens aut paphiâ myrti aut parnasside lauri fronde comas , at ego securâ pace quiescam . tum quoque , si qua fides , si praemia certa bonorum , ipse ego caelicolûm semotus in-aethera divûm , quò iabor & mens pura vehunt , atque ignea virtus secreti haec aliquâ mundi de parte bidebo ( quantum fata sinunt ) & totâ mente serenùm ridens purpureo suffundar lumine vultus et simul aethereo plaudam mihi laetus olympo . epitaphium damonis . argumentum . thyrsis & damon ejusdem viciniae pastores , eadem studia sequuti a pueritia amici erant , ut qui plurimum . thyrsis animi causa profectus peregrè de obitu damonis nuncium accepit . domum postea reversus , & rem ita esse comperto , se , suamque solitudinem hoc carmine deplorat . damonis autem sub persona hîc intelligitur carolus deodatus ex urbe hetruriae luca paterno genere oriundus , caetera anglus ; ingenio , doctrina , clarissimisque caeteris virtutibus , dum viveret , juvenis egregius . epitaphium damonis . himerides nymphae ( nam vos & daphnin & hylan , et plorata diu meministis fata bionis ) dicite sicelicum thamesina per oppida carmen : quas miser effudit voces , quae murmura thyrsis , et quibus assiduis exercuit antra querelis , fluminaque , fontesque vagos , nemorumque recessus , dum sibi praereptum queritur damona , neque altam luctibus exemit noctem loca soia perrerans . et jam bis viridi surgebat culmus arista , et totidem flavas numerabant horrea messes , ex quo summa dies tulerat damona sub umbras , nec dum aderat thyrsis ; pastorem scilicet illum dulcis amor muste thusca retinebat in urbe . ast ubi mens expleta domum , pecorisque reli 〈…〉 i cura vocat , simul assuetâ seditque sub ulmo , tum verò amissum tum denique sen●it amicum , coepit & immensum sic exonerare dolorem . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . hei mihi ! quae terris , quae dicam numina coelo , postquam te immiti rapuerunt funere damon ; siccine nos linquis , tua sic sine nomine virtus ibit , & obscuris numero sociabitur umbris ? at non ille , animas virgâ qui dividit aureâ , ista velit , dignumque tui te ducat in agmen , ignavumque procul pecus arceat omne silentum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . quicquid erit , certè nisi me lupus antè videbit , indeplorato non comminuere sepulchro , constabitque tuus tibi honos , longúmque vigebit inter pastores : illi tibi vota secundo solvere post daphnin , post daphnin dicere laudes gaudebunt , dum rura pales , dum faunus amabit : si quid id est , priscamque fidem coluisse , piúmque , palladiásque artes , sociúmque habuisse canorum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . haec tibi certa manent , tibi erunt haec praemia damon , at mihi quid tandem fiet modò ? quis mihi fidus haerebit lateri comes , ut tu saepe solebas frigoribus duris , & per loca foeta pruinis , aut rapido sub sole , siti morientibus herbis ? sive opus in magnos fuit eminùs ire leones aut avi 〈…〉 s terrere lupos praesepibus altis ; quis fando sopire diem , cantuque solebit ? ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . pectora cui credam ? quis me lenire docebit mordaces curas , quis longam fallere noctem dulcibus alloquiis , grato cùm sibilat igni molle pyrum , & nucibus strepitat focus , at malus auster miscet cuncta foris , & desuper intonat ulmo . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . aut aestate , dies medio dum vertitur axe , cum pan aesculeâ somnum capit abditus umbrâ , et repetunt sub aquis sibi nota sedilia nymphae . pastoresque latent , stertit sub sepe colonus , q●is mihi blanditiásque tuas , quis tum mihi risus , cecropiosque sales referet , cultosque lepores ? ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat agni . at jam solus agros , jam pascua solus oberro , sicubi ramosae densantur vallibus umbrae , hic serum expecto , supra caput imber & eurus triste sonant , fractaeque agitata crepuscula silvae . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . heu quam culta mihi priùs arva procacibus herbis involvuntur , & ipsa situ seges alta fatiscit ! innuba neglecto marcescit & uva racemo , nec myrteta juvant ; ovium quoque taedet , at illae moerent , inque suum convertunt ora magistrum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . tityrus ad corylos vocat , alphesiboeus ad ornos , ad salices aegon , ad flumina pulcher amyntas , hîc gelidi fontes , hîc illita gramina musco , hîc zephiri , hîc placidas interstrepit arbutus undas ; ista canunt surdo , frutices ego nactus abibam . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . mopsus ad haec , nam me redeuntem forte notârat ( et callebat avium linguas , & sydera mopsus ) thyrfi quid hoc ? dixit , quae te coquit improba bilis ? aut te perdit amor , aut te malè fascinat astrum , saturni grave saepe fuit pastoribus astrum , intimaque obliquo figit praecordia plumbo . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . mirantur nymphae , & quid te thyrsi futurum est ? quid tibi vis ? aiunt , non haec solet esse juventae nubila frons , oculique truces , vultusque severi , illa choros , lususque leves , & semper amorem jure petit , bis ille miser qui serus amavit . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . venit hyas , dryopéque , & filia baucidis aegle docta modos , citharaeque sciens , sed perdita fastu , venit id manii chloris vicina fluenti ; nil me blanditiae , nil me solantia verba , nil me , si quid adest , movet , aut spes ulla futuri . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . hei mihi quam similes ludunt per prata juvenci , omnes unanimi secum sibi lege sodales , nec magis hunc alio quisquam secernit amicum de grege , sic densi veniunt ad pabula thoes , inque vicem hirsuti paribus junguntur onagri ; lex eadem pelagi , deserto in littore proteus agmina phocarum numerat , vilisque volucrum passer habet semper quicum sit , & omnia circum farra libens volitet , serò sua tecta revisens , quem si fo rs letho objecit , seu milvus adunco fata tulit rostro , seu stravit arundine fossor , protinus ille alium socio petit inde volatu . nos durum genus , & diris exercita fatis gens homines aliena animis , & pectore discors , vix sibi quisque parem de millibus invenit unum , aut si sors dederit tandem non aspera votis , illum inopina dies quâ non speraveris horâ surripit , aeternum linquens in saecula damnum . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . heu quis me ignotas traxit vagus error in oras ire per aêreas rupes , alpemque nivosam ! ecquid erat tanti romam vidisse sepultam ? quamvis illa foret , qualem dum viseret olim , tityrus ipse suas & oves & rura reliquit ; ut te tam dulci possem caruisse sodale , possem tot maria alta , tot interponere montes , tot sylvas , tot saxa tibi , fluviosque sonantes . ah certè extremùm licuisset tangere dextram , et bene compositos placidè morientis ocellos , et dixi●●e vale , nostri memor ibis ad astra . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . quamquam etiam vestri nunquam meminisse pigebit pastores thusci , musis operata juventus , hic charis , atque lepos ; & thuscus tu quoque damon . antiquâ genus unde petis lucumonis ab urbe . o ego quantus eram , gelidi cum stratus ad arni murmura , populeumque nemus , quà mollior herba , carpere nunc violas , nunc summas carpere myrtos , et potui lycidae certantem audire menalcam . ipse etiam tentare ausus sum , nec puto multùm displicui , nam sunt & apud me munera vestra fiscellae ; calathique & cerea vincla cicutae , quin & nostra suas docuerunt nomina fagos et datis , & francinus , erant & vocibus ambo et studi●● noti , lydorum sanguinis ambo . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . haec mihi tum laeto dictabat roscida luna , dum solus teneros claudebam cratibus hoedos . ah quoties dixi , cùm te cinis ater habebat , nunc canit , aut lepori nunc tendit retia damon , vimina nunc texit , varios sibi quod sit in usus ; et quae tum facili sperabam mente futura arripui voto levis , & praesentia finxi , heus bone numquid agis ? nisi te quid forte retardat , imus ? & argutâ paulùm recubamus in umbra , aut ad aquas colni , aut ubi jugera cassibelauni ? tu mihi percurres medicos , tua gramina , succos , helleborúmque , humilésque crocos , foliúmque hyacinthi ' quasque habet ista palus herbas , artesque medentûm , ah pereant herbae , pereant artesque medentûm gramina , postquam ipsi nil profecere magistro . ipse etiam , nam nescio quid mihi grande sonabat fistula , ab undecimâ jam lux est altera nocte , et tum forte novis admōram labra cicutis , dissiluere tamen rupta compage , nec ultra ferre graves potuere sonos , dubito quoque ne sim turgidulus , tamen & referam , vos cedite silvae . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . ipsa ego dardanias rutupina per aequora puppes dicam , & pandrasidos regnum vetus inogeniae , brennùmque arviragúmque duces , priscùmque belin 〈…〉 et tandem armoricos britonum sub lege colonos ; tum gravidam arturo fatali fraude jogernen mendaces vultus , assumptáque gorlōis arma , merlini dolus . o mihi tum si vita supersit , tu procul annosa pendebis fistula pinu multùm oblita mihi , aut patriis mutata camoenis brittonicum strides , quid enim ? omnia non licet uni non sperâsse uni licet omnia , mi satis ampla merces , & mihi grande decus ( sim ignotus in aevum tum licet , externo penitúsque inglorius orbi ) si me flava comas legat usa , & potor alauni , vorticibúsque frequens abra , & nemus omne treantae , et thamesis meus ante omnes , & fusca metallis tamara , & extremis me discant orcades undis . ite domum impasti , domino jam non vacat , agni . haec tibi servabam lentâ sub cortice lauri , haec , & plura simul , tum quae mihi pocula mansus , mansus chalcidicae non ultima gloria ripae bina dedit , mirum artis opus , mirandus & ipse , et circùm gemino caelaverat argumento : in medio rubri maris unda , & odoriferum ver littora longa arabum , & sudantes balsama silvae , has inter phoenix divina avis , unica terris caerulcùm fulgens diversicoloribus alis auroram vitreis surgentem respicit undis . parte alia polus omnipatens , & magnus olympus , quis putet ? hic quoque amor , pictaeque in nube pharetrae , arma corusca faces , & spicula tincta pyropo ; nec tenues animas , pectúsque ignobile vulgi hinc ferit , at circùm flammantia lumina torquens semper in erectum spargit sua tela per orbes impiger , & pronos nunquam collimat ad ictus , hinc mentes ardere sacrae , formaeque deorum . tu quoque in his , nec me fallit spes lubrica damon , tu quoque in his certè es , nam quò tua dulcis abiret sanctáque simplicitas , nam quò tua candida virtus ? nec te lethaeo fas quaesivisse sub orco , nec tibi conveniunt lacrymae , nec flebimus ultrà , ite procul lacrymae , purum colit aethera damon , aethera purus habet , pluvium pede reppulit arcum ; heroúmque animas inter , divósque perennes , aethereos haurit latices & gaudia potat ore sacro . quin tu coeli post jura recepta dexter ades , placidúsque fave quicunque vocaris , seu tu noster eris damon , sive aequior audis diodotus , quo te divino nomine cuncti coelicolae nôrint , sylvisque vocabere damon . quòd tibi purpureus pudor , & sine labe juventus grata fuit , quòd nulla tori libata voluptas , en etiam tibi virginei servantur honores ; ipse caput nitidum cinctus rutilante corona , letáque frondentis gestans umbracula palmae aeternum perages immortales hymenaeos ; cantus ubi , choreisque furit lyra mista beatis , festa sionaeo bacchantur & orgia thyrso . jan. . . ad joannem rousium oxoniensis academiae bibliothecarium . de libro poematum amisso , quem ille sibi denuo mitti postulabat , ut cum aliis nostris in bibliotheca publica reponeret , ode . strophe . gemelle cultu simplici gaudens liber , fronde licet geminâ , munditiéque nitens non operosâ , quam manus attulit juvenilis olim , sedula tamen haud nimii poetae ; dum vagus ausonias nunc per umbras nunc britannica per vireta lusit insons populi , barbitóque devius indulsit patrio , mox itidem pectine daunio longinquum intonuit melos vicinis , & humum vix tetigit pede ; antistrophe . quis te , parve liber , quis te fratribus subduxit reliquis dolo ? cum tu missus ab urbe , docto jugiter obsecrante amico , illustre tendebas iter thamesis ad incunabula caerulei patris , fontes ubi limpidi aonidum , thyasusque sacer orbi notus per immensos temporum lapsus redeunte coelo , celeberque futurus in aevum ; strophe . modò quis deus , aut editus deo pristinam gentis miseratus indolem ( si satis noxas luimus priores mollique luxu degener otium ) tollat nefandos civium tumultus , almaque revocet studia sanctus et relegatas sme sede musas jam penè totis finibus angligenûm ; immundasque volucres unguibus imminentes figat apollineâ pharetrâ , phinéamque abigat pestem procul amne pegaséo . antistrophe . quin tu , libelle , nuntii licet malâ fide , vel oscitantiâ semel erraveris agmine fratrum , seu quis te teneat specus , seu qua te latebra , forsan unde vili callo teréris institoris insulsi , laetare felix , en iterum tibi spes nova fulget posse profundam fugere lethen , vehique superam in jovis aulam remige pennâ ; strophe . nam te roüsius sui optat peculî , numeróque justo sibi pollicitum queritur abesse , rogatque venias ille cujus inclyta sunt data virûm monumenta curae : téque adytis etiam sacris voluit reponi quibus & ipse praesidet aeternorum operum custos fidelis , quaestorque gazae nobilioris , quàm cui praefuit iön clarus erechtheides opulenta dei per templa parentis fulvosque tripodas , donaque delphica iön actaea genitus creusâ . antistrophe . ergo tu visere lucos musarum ibis amoenos , diamque phoebi rursus ibis in domum oxoniâ quam valle colit delo posthabitâ , bifidóque parnassi jugo : ibis honestus , postquam egregiam tu quoque sortem nactus abis , dextri prece sollicitatus amici . illic legéris inter alta nomina authorum , graiae simul & latinae antiqua gentis lumina , & verum decus . epodos . vos tandem haud vacui mei labores , quicquid hoc sterile fudit ingenium , jam serò placidam sperare jubeo perfunctam invidiâ requiem , sedesque beatas quas bonus hermes et tutela dabit solers roüsi , quò neque lingua procax vulgi penetrabit , atque longè turba legentum prava facesset ; at ultimi nepotes , et cordatior aetas judicia rebus aequiora forsitan adhibebit integro sinu . tum livore sepulto , si quid meremur sana posteritas sciet roüsio favente . ode tribus constat strophis , totidémque antistrophis unâ demum epodo clausis , quas , tametsi omnes nec versuum numero , nec certis ubique colis exactè respondeant , ita tamen secuimus , commodè legendi potius , quam ad antiquos concinendi modos rationem spectantes . alioquin hoc genus rectiùs fortasse dici monostrophicum debuerat . metra partim sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . phale●cia quae sunt , spondaeum tertio loco bis admittunt , quod idem in secundo loco catullus ad libitum fecit . of education . to master samuel hartlib . written above twenty years since . mr. hartlib , i am long since perswaded , that to say , or do ought worth memory and imitation , no purpose or respect should sooner move us , then simply the love of god , and of mankind . nevertheless to write now the reforming of education , though it be one of the greatest and noblest designs that can be thought on , and for the want whereof this nation perishes , i had not yet at this time been induc't , but by your earnest entreaties , and serious conjurements ; as having my mind for the present half diverted in the pursuance of some other assertions , the knowledge and the use of which , cannot but be a great furtherance both to the enlargement of truth , and honest living , with much more peace . nor should the laws of any private friendship have prevail'd with me to divide thus , or transpose my former thoughts , but that i see those aims , those actions which have won you with me the esteem of a person sent hither by some good providence from a far country to be the occasion and the incitement of great good to this island . and , as i hear , you have obtain'd the same repute with men of most approved wisdom , and some of highest authority among us . not to mention the learned correspondence which you hold in forreign parts , and the extraordinary pains and diligence which you have us'd in this matter both here , and beyond the seas ; either by the definite will of god so ruling , or the peculiar sway of nature , which also is gods working . neither can i think that so reputed , and so valu'd as you are , you would to the forfeit of your own discerning ability , impose upon me an unfit and over-ponderous argument , but that the satisfaction which you profess to have receiv'd from those incidental discourses which we have wander'd into , hath prest and almost constrain'd you into a perswasion , that what you require from me in this point , i neither ought , nor can in conscience deferre beyond this time both of so much need at once , and so much opportunity to try what god hath determin'd . i will not resist therefore , whatever it is either of divine , or humane obligement that you lay upon me ; but will forthwith set down in writing , as you request me , that voluntary idea , which hath long in silence presented it self to me , of a better education , in extent and comprehension far more large , and yet of time far shorter , and of attainment far more certain , then hath been yet in practice , brief i shall endeavour to be ; for that which i have to say , assuredly this nation hath extream need should be done sooner then spoken . to tell you therefore what i have benefited herein among old renowned authors , i shall spare ; and to search what many modern janua's and didactics more then ever i shall read , have projected , my inclination leads me not . but if you can accept of these few observations which have flowr'd off , and are , as it were , the burnishing of many studious and contemplative years altogether spent in the search of religious and civil knowledge , and such as pleas'd you so well in the relating , i here give you them to dispose of . the end then of learning is to repair the ruines of our first parents by regaining to know god aright , and out of that knowledge to love him , to imitate him , to be like him , as we may the neerest by possessing our souls of true vertue , which being united to the heavenly grace of faith makes up the highest perfection . but because our understanding cannot in this body found it self but on sensible things , nor arrive so clearly to the knowledge of god and things invisible , as by orderly conning over the visible and inferior creature , the same method is necessarily to be follow'd in all discreet teaching . and seeing every nation affords not experience and tradition enough for all kind of learning , therefore we are chiefly taught the languages of those people who have at any time been most industrious after wisdom ; so that language is but the instrument conveying to us things usefull to be known . and though a linguist should pride himself to have all the tongues that babel cleft the world into , yet , if he have not studied the solid things in them as well as the words & lexicons , he were nothing so much to be esteem'd a learned man , as any yeoman or tradesman competently wise in his mother dialect only . hence appear the many mistakes which have made learning generally so unpleasing and so unsuccessful ; first we do amiss to spend seven or eight years meerly in scraping together so much miserable latine and greek , as might be learnt otherwise easily and delightfully in one year . and that which casts our proficiency therein so much behind , is our time lost partly in too oft idle vacancies given both to schools and universities , partly in a preposterous exaction , forcing the empty wits of children to compose theams , verses and orations , which are the acts of ripest judgment and the final work of a head fill'd by long reading and observing , with elegant maxims , and copious invention . these are not matters to be wrung from poor striplings , like blood out of the nose , or the plucking of untimely fruit : besides the ill habit which they get of wretched barbarizing against the latin and greek idiom , with their untutor'd anglicisms , odious to be read , yet not to be avoided without a well continu'd and judicious conversing among pure authors digested , which they scarce taste , whereas , if after some preparatory grounds of speech by their certain forms got into memory , they were led to the praxis thereof in some chosen short book lesson'd throughly to them , they might then forthwith proceed to learn the substance of good things , and arts in due order , which would bring the whole language quickly into their power . this i take to be the most rational and most profitable way of learning languages , and whereby we may best hope to give account to god of our youth spent herein : and for the usual method of teaching arts , i deem it to be an old errour of universities not yet well recover'd from the scholastick grossness of barbarous ages , that in stead of beginning with arts most easie , and those be such as are most obvious to the sence , they present their young unmatriculated novices at first comming with the most intellective abstractions of logick and metapysicks : so that they having but newly left those grammatick flats and shallows where they stuck unreasonably to learn a few words with lamentable construction , and now on the sudden transported under another climate to be tost and turmoil'd with their unballasted wits in fadomless and unquiet deeps of controversie , do for the most part grow into hatred and contempt of learning , mockt and deluded all this while with ragged notions and babblements , while they expected worthy and delightful knowledge ; till poverty or youthful years call them importunately their several wayes , and hasten them with the sway of friends either to an ambitious and mercenary , or ignorantly zealous divinity ; some allur'd to the trade of law , grounding their purposes not on the prudent and heavenly contemplation of justice and equity which was never taught them , but on the promising and pleasing thoughts of litigious terms , fat contentions , and flowing fees ; others betake them to state affairs , with souls so unprincipl'd in vertue , and true generous breeding , that flattery , and court shifts and tyrannous aphorisms appear to them the highest points of wisdom ; instilling their barren hearts with a conscientious slavery , if , as i rather think , it be not fain'd . others lastly of a more delicious and airie spirit , retire themselves knowing no better , to the enjoyments of ease and luxury , living out their daies in feast and jollity ; which indeed is the wisest and the safest course of all these , unless they were with more integrity undertaken . and these are the fruits of mispending our prime youth at the schools and universities as we do , either in learning meer words or such things chiefly , as were better unlearnt . i shall detain you no longer in the demonstration of what we should not do , but strait conduct ye to a hill side , where i will point ye out the right path of a vertuous and noble education ; laborious indeed at the first ascent , but else so smooth , so green , so full of goodly prospect , and melodious sounds on every side , that the harp of orpheus was not more charming . i doubt not but ye shall have more adoe to drive our dullest and laziest youth , our stocks and stubbs from the infinite desire of such a happy nurture , then we have now to hale and drag our choisest and hopefullest wits to that asinine feast of sowthistles and brambles which is commonly set before them , as all the food and entertainment of their tenderest and most docible age . i call therefore a compleat and generous education that which fits a man to perform justly , skilfully and magnanimously all the offices both private and publick of peace and war. and how all this may be done between twelve , and one and twenty , less time then is now bestow'd in pure trifling at grammar and sophistry , is to be thus order'd . first to find out a spatious house and ground about it fit for an academy , and big enough to lodge a hundred and fifty persons , whereof twenty or thereabout may be attendants , all under the government of one , who shall be thought of desert sufficient , and ability either to do all , or wisely to direct , and oversee it done . this place should be at once both school and university , not needing a remove to any other house of schollership , except it be some peculiar colledge of law , or physick , where they mean to be practitioners ; but as for those general studies which take up all our time from lilly to the commencing , as they term it , master of art , it should be absolute . after this pattern , as many edifices may be converted to this use , as shall be needful in every city throughout this land , which would tend much to the encrease of learning and civility every where . this number , less or more thus collected , to the convenience of a foot company , or interchangeably two troops of cavalry , should divide their daies work into three parts , as it lies orderly . their studies , their exercise , and their diet. for their studies , first they should begin with the chief and necessary rules of some good grammar , either that now us'd , or any better : and while this is doing , their speech is to be fashion'd to a distinct and clear pronuntiation , as near as may be to the italian , especially in the vowels . for we englishmen being far northerly , do not open our mouths in the cold air , wide enough to grace a southern tongue ; but are observ'd by all other nations to speak exceeding close and inward : so that to smatter latine with an english mouth , is as ill a hearing as law-french . next to make them expert in the usefullest points of grammar , and withall to season them , and win them early to the love of vertue and true labour , ere any flattering seducement , or vain principle seise them wandering , some easie and delightful book of education would be read to them ; whereof the greeks have store , as cebes , plutarch , and other socratic discourses . but in latin we have none of classic authority extant , except the two or three first books of quintilian , and some select pieces elsewhere . but here the main skill and groundwork will be , to temper them such lectures and explanations upon every opportunity , as may lead and draw them in willing obedience , enflam'd with the study of learning , and the admiration of vertue ; stirr'd up with high hopes of living to be brave men , and worthy patriots , dear to god , and famous to all ages . that they may despise and scorn all their childish , and ill-taught qualities , to delight in manly , and liberal exercises : which he who hath the art , and proper eloquence to catch them with , what with mild and effectual perswasions , and what with the intimation of some fear , if need be , but chiefly by his own example , might in a short space gain them to an incredible diligence and courage : infusing into their young brests such an ingenuous and noble ardor , as would not fail to make many of them renowned and matchless men . at the same time , some other hour of the day , might be taught them the rules of arithmetick , and soon after the elements of geometry even playing , as the old manner was . after evening repast , till bed-time their thoughts will be best taken up in the easie grounds of religion , and the story of scripture . the next step would be to the authors agriculture , cato , varro , and columella , for the matter is most easie , and if the language be difficult , so much the better , it is not a difficulty above their years . and here will be an occasion of inciting and inabling them hereafter to improve the tillage of their country , to recover the bad soil , and to remedy the waste that is made of good : for this was one of hercules praises . ere half these authors be read ( which will soon be with plying hard , and daily ) they cannot chuse but be masters of any ordinary prose . so that it will be then seasonable for them to learn in any modern author , the use of the globes , and all the maps ; first with the old names , and then with the new : or they might be then capable to read any compendious method of natural philosophy . and at the same time might be entring into the greek tongue , after the same manner as was before prescrib'd in the latin ; whereby the difficulties of grammar being soon overcome , all the historical physiology of aristotle and theophrastus are open before them , and as i may say , under contribution . the like access will be to vitruvius , to seneca's natural questions , to mela , celsus , pliny , or solinus . and having thus past the principles of arithmetick , geometry , astronomy , and geography with a general compact of physicks , they may descend in mathematicks to the instrumental science of trigonometry , and from thence to fortification , architecture , enginry , or navigation . and in natural philosophy they may proceed leisurely from the history of meteors , minerals , plants and living creatures as far as anatomy . then also in course might be read to them out of some not tedious writer the institution of physick ; that they may know the tempers , the humours , the seasons , and how to manage a crudity : which he who can wisely and timely do , is not only a great physitian to himself , and to his friends , but also may at some time or other , save an army by this frugal and expenseless means only ; and not let the healthy and stout bodies of young men rot away under him for want of this discipline ; which is a great pity , and no less a shame to the commander . to set forward all these proceedings in nature and mathematicks , what hinders , but that they may procure , as oft as shal be needful , the helpful experiences of hunters , fowlers , fishermen , shepherds , gardeners , apothecaries ; and in the other sciences , architects , engineers , mariners , anatomists ; who doubtless would be ready some for reward , and some to favour such a hopeful seminary . and this will give them such a real tincture of natural knowledge , as they shall never forget , but daily augment with delight . then also those poets which are now counted most hard , will be both facil and pleasant , orpheus , hesiod , theocritus , aratus , nicander , oppian , dionysius , and in latin lucretius , manilius , and the rural part of virgil. by this time , years and good general precepts will have furnisht them more distinctly with that act of reason which in ethics is call'd proairesis : that they may with some judgement contemplate upon moral good and evil . then will be requir'd a special reinforcement of constant and sound endoctrinating to set them right and firm , instructing them more amply in the knowledge of vertue and the hatred of vice : while their young and pliant affections are led through all the moral works of plato , xenophon , cicero , plutarch , laertius , and those locrian remnants ; but still to be reduc't in their nightward studies wherewith they close the dayes work , under the determinate sentence of david or salomon , or the evanges and apostolic scriptures . being perfect in the knowledge of personal duty , they may then begin the study of economics . and either now , or before this , they may have easily learnt at any odd hour the italian tongue . and soon after , but with wariness and good antidote , it would be wholsome enough to let them taste some choice comedies , greek , latin , or italian : those tragedies also that treat of houshold matters , as trachiniae , alcestis , and the like . the next remove must be to the study of politicks ; to know the beginning , end , and reasons of political societies ; that they may not in a dangerous fit of the common-wealth be such poor , shaken , uncertain reeds , of such a tottering conscience , as many of our great counsellers have lately shewn themselves , but stedfast pillars of the state. after this they are to dive into the grounds of law , and legal justice ; deliver'd first , and with best warrant by moses ; and as far as humane prudence can be trusted , in those extoll'd remains of grecian law-givers , licurgus , solon , zaleucus , charondas , and thence to all the roman edicts and tables with their justinian ; and so down to the saxon and common laws of england , and the statutes . sundayes also and every evening may be now understandingly spent in the highest matters of theology , and church history ancient and modern : and ere this time the hebrew tongue at a set hour might have been gain'd , that the scriptures may be now read in their own orginal ; where●o it would be no impossibility to add the chaldey , and the syrian dialect . when all these employments are well conquer'd , then will the choise histories , heroic poems , and attic tragedies of stateliest and most regal argument , with all the famous political orations offer themselves ; which if they were not only read ; but some of them got by memory , and solemnly pronounc't with right accent , and grace , as might be taught , would endue them even with the spirit and vigor of deviosthenes or cicero , euripides , or sophocles . and now lastly will be the time to read with them those organic arts which inable men to discourse and write perspicuously , elegantly , and according to the f 〈…〉 d stile of lofty , mean , or lowly . logic therefore so much as is useful , 〈◊〉 to be referr'd to this due place withall her well coucht heads and topics , untill it be time to open her contracted palm into a gracefull and ornate rhetorick taught out of the rule of plato , aristotle , phalereus , cicero , hermogenes , longinus . to which poetry would be made subsequent , or indeed rather precedent , as being less suttle and fine , but more simple , sensuous and passionate . i mean not here the prosody of a verse , which they could not but have hit on before among the rudiments of grammar ; but that sublime art which in aristotles poetics , in horace , and the italia 〈…〉 commentaries of castelvetro , tasso , mazzoni , and others , teaches what the laws are of a true epic poem , what of a dramatic , what of a lyric , what decorum is , which is the grand master-piece to observe . this would make them soon perceive what despicible creatures our comm rimers and play-writers be , and shew them , what religious , what glorious and magnificent use might be made of poetry both in divine and humane things . from hence and not till now will be the right season of forming them to be able writers and composers in every excellent matter , when they shall be thus fraught with an universal insight into things . or whether they be to speak in parliament or counsel , honour and attention would be waiting on their lips . there would then also appear in pulpits other visages , other gestures , and stuff otherwise wrought then what we now sit under , oft times to as great a trial of our patience as any other that they preach to us . these are the studies wherein our noble and our gentle youth ought to bestow their time in a disciplinary way from twelve to one and twenty ; unless they rely more upon their ancestors dead , then upon themselves living . in which methodical course it is so suppos'd they must proceed by the steddy pace of learning onward , as at convenient times for memories sake to retire back into the middle ward , and sometimes into the rear of what they have been taught , untill they have confirm'd , and solidly united the whole body of their perfeted knowledge , like the last embattelling of a roman legion . now will be worth the seeing what exercises and recreations may best agree , and become these studies . their exercise . the course of study hitherto briefly describ'd , is , what i can guess by reading , 〈◊〉 to those ancient and famous schools of pythagoras , plato , isocrates , aristotle and such others , out of which were bred up such a number of renowned philosophers , orators , historians , poets and princes all over greece , italy , and asia , besides the flourishing studies of cyrene and alexandria . but herein it shall exceed them , and supply a defect as great as that which plato noted in the common-wealth of sparta ; whereas that city train'd up their youth most for war , and these in their academies and lycaeum , all for the gown , this institution of breeding which i here delineate , shall be equally good both for peace and war. therefore about an hour and a half ere they eat at noon should be allow'd them for exercise and due rest afterwards : but the time for this may be enlarg'd at pleasure , according as their rising in the morning shall be early . the exercise which i commend first , is the exact use of their weapon , to guard and to strike safely with edge , or point ; this will keep them healthy , nimble , strong , and well in breath , is also the likeliest means to make them grow large and tall , and to inspire them with a gallant and fearless courage , which being temper'd with seasonable lectures and precepts to them of true fortitude and patience , will turn into a native and heroick valour , and make them hate the cowardise of doing wrong . they must be also practiz'd in all the locks and gripes of wrastling , wherein english men were wont to excell , as need may often be in fight to tugg or grapple , and to close . and this perhaps will be enough , wherein to prove and heat their single strength . the interim of unsweating themselves regularly , and convevenient rest before meat may both with profit and delight be taken up in recreating and composing their travail'd spirits with the solemn and divine harmonies of musick heard or learnt ; either while the skilful organist plies his grave and fancied descant , in lofty fugues , or the whole symphony with artful and unimaginable touches adorn and grace the well studied chords of some choice composer ; sometimes the lute , or soft organ stop waiting on elegant voices either to religious , martial , or civil ditties ; which if wise men and prophets be not extreamly out , have a great power over dispositions and manners , to smooth and make them gentle from rustick harshness and distemper'd passions . the like also would not be unexpedient after meat to assist and cherish nature in her first concoction , and send their minds back to study in good tune and satisfaction . where having follow'd it close under vigilant eyes till about two hours before supper , they are by a sudden alarum or watch word , to be call'd out to their military motions , under skie or covert , according to the season , as was the roman wont ; first on foot , then as their age permits , on horseback , to all the art of cavalry ; that having in sport , but with much exactness , and daily muster , serv'd out the rudiments of their souldiership in all the skill of embattelling , marching , encamping , fortifying , besieging and battering , with all the helps of ancient and modern stratagems , tacticks and warlike maxims , they may as it were out of a long war come forth renowned and perfect commanders in the service of their country . they would not then , if they were trusted with fair and hopeful armies , suffer them for want of just and wise discipline to shed away from about them like sick feathers , though they be never so oft suppli'd : they would not suffer their empty and unrecrutible colonels of twenty men in a company to quaff out , or convey into secret hoards , the wages of a delusive list , and a miserable remnant : yet in the mean while to be over-master'd with a score or two of drunkards , the only souldery left about them , or else to comply with all rapines and violences . no certainly , if they knew ought of that knowledge that belongs to good men or good governours , they would not suffer these things . but to return to our own institute , besides these constant exercises at home , there is another opportunity of gaining experience to be won from pleasure it self abroad ; in those vernal seasons of the year , when the air is calm and pleasant , it were an injury and sullenness against nature not to go out , and see her riches , and partake in her rejoycing with heaven and earth . i should not therefore be a perswader to them of studying much then , after two or three year that they have well laid their grounds , but to ride out in companies with prudent and staid guides , to all the quarters of the land : learning and observing all places of strength , all commodities of building and of soil , for towns and tillage , harbours and ports for trade . sometimes taking sea as far as to our navy , to learn there also what they can in the practical knowledge of sailing and of sea-fight . these ways would try all their peculiar gifts of nature , and if there were any secret excellence among them , would fetch it out , and give it fair opportunities to advance it self by , which could not but mightily redound to the good of this nation and bring into fashion again those old admired vertues and excellencies , with far more advantage now in this purity of christian knowledge . nor shall we then need the monsieurs of paris to take our hopefull youth into their slight and prodigal custodies and send them over back again transform'd into mimicks , apes and kicshoes . but if they desire to see other countries at three or four and twenty years of age , not to learn principles but to enlarge experience , and make wise observation , they will by that time be such as shall deserve the regard and honour of all men where they pass , and the society and friendship of those in all places who are best and most eminent . and perhaps then other nations will be glad to visit us for their breeding , or else to imitate us in their own country . now lastly for their diet there cannot be much to say , save only that it would be best in the same house ; for much time else would be lost abroad , and many ill habits got ; and that it should be plain , healthful , and moderate i suppose is out of controversie . thus mr. hartlib , you have a general view in writing , as your desire was , of that which at several times i had discourst with you concerning the best and noblest way of education ; not beginning as some have done from the cradle , which yet might be worth many considerations , if brevity had not been my scope , many other circumstances also i could have mention'd , but this to such as have the worth in them to make trial , for light and direction may be enough . only i believe that this is not a bow for every man to shoot in that counts himself a teacher ; but will require sinews almost equal to those which homer gave ulysses , yet i am withall perswaded that it may prove much more easie in the assay , then it now seems at distance , and much more illustrious : howbeit not more difficult then i imagine , and that imagination presents me with nothing but very happy and very possible according to best wishes ; if god have so decreed , and this age have spirit and capacity enough to apprehend . the end . a catalogue of some books printed for and sold by tho. dring at the blew anchor over against fetter lane in fleet-street . law books . the statutes at large by ferdinando pulton , and continued to the year . by t. manby of lincolns inn esq in folio , price . s. a collection of entries , &c. by w. rastal esq newly amended and much enlarged with many good presidents of late times , whereof divers are upon sundry statutes , and noted in the end of the table , in fol. price . l. a book of entries , containing presidents of counts , declarations , informations , &c. by sir edward coke knight , in fol. price . l. the . reports of the lord coke in french with a table , fol. price . l. the whole office of a sheriff : by mich. dalton , with very large additions since mr. daltons death , in fol. price . s. the country justice , containing the practice of the justices of peace , as well in as out of sessions ; by mich. dalton with additions , in fol. price . s. cokes commentary on littleton , printed . fol. price . s. formulae bene placitandi , a book of entries containing variety of choice presidents , of counts , declarations , &c. and divers other pleadings collected from the manuscrips , as well as some of the late learned prothonotaries of the court of common pleas , as of other eminent practisers in the court of kings bench , never before in print , methodically digested under apt titles , with an exact table ; by w. b. a clerk of the common pleas , in folio , printed . price . . s. lord dyers reports , with a table never before printed with it , in fol. printed . price . s. thesaurus brevium , in fol. price . s. brevia judicialia , being a collection of of presidents for writs in the kings bench , fol. price . s. actions on the case for slander ; by w. sheppard , in fol. price . s. a collection of all the acts and statutes made in the reigns of king charles the first and king charles the second , with the abridgment of such as stand repealed or expired , continued after the method of mr. pulton , with notes of reference one to the other ; to which also is added the statutes and private acts of parliament passed by their said majesties , untill the year . with a table directing to the principal matters of the said statutes ; by tho. manby of lincolns inn esq fol. price . s. tables to most of the printed presidents of pleading , writs , and return of writs at the common law , collected by george townsend , fol. price . s. the law of common assurances touching deeds in general , viz. feoffments gifts , grants , leases , &c. with two alphabetical tables ; by w. sheppard esq fol. price . s. modern reports ; by william style of the inner temple esq fol. price . s. compleat clerk , containg forms of all sorts of presidents for conveyances and assurances , and other instruments now in use and practice , the third edition , very much enlaged in quarto , price . s. a treatise of the forest laws ; by jo. manwood , the third edition corrected and enlarged , in quarto , price . s. the compleat attorney , shewing the office of an attorney in the court of kings bench , common pleas , and pleas of the exchequer , the manner of their proceeding , with instructions for the sollicitation of any cause in the chancery , exchequer chamber , dutchy chamber , in oct. price . s. . the young clerks guide , or an exact collection of choice english presidents according to the best forms now used , very useful and necessary for all , but chiefly for those that intend to follow the attorneys practice , in oct. price . s. fitzherberts natura brevium , corrected and amended , printed , large octavo , price . s. practical register , or the accomplished attorney , consisting of rules , orders and the most principal observation of the practice of the common law in his majesties courts , but more particularly applicable to the proceedings in the kings bench , the second edition very much enlarged , in oct. price . s. . d. parsons law , or a view of advowsons , wherein is contained the right of patrons , ordinaries and incumbents to advowsons of churches and benefices and cure of souls and other spiritual promotions , the third edition , enlarged by w. hughes , in oct. price . s. . d. terms of the law with additions , in oct. price . s. an abridgement of all the statutes from magna charta , untill the year ; by e. wingat , in oct. price . s. compleat justice , being an exact collection out of such as have treated of the office of justice of the peace , in twelves , price . s. lord cokes compleat copy-holder , whereunto is added a large treatise by way of supplement , printed . in . price . s. . d. doctor and student in english , in oct. printed . price . s. fortescue de laudibus legum angliae , with notes on fortescue and hengam ; by john selden esq in smal oct. price . s. printed . tractatus de legibus & consuetudinibus per ranulphum de glanvillia , in oct. price . s. littletons tenures in french and english , carefully corrected and amended , printed . 〈◊〉 quarto , price . s. . a philosophical commentary , or an illustration of the most obvious and useful terms in the law ; by edw. leigh gent. sometimes of the middle temple , in oct. price . s. . d. a profitable book of the laws of england ; by john perkins , in small oct. price . s. studii legalis ratio , or directions for the study of the law under these seven heads , viz. the qualifications for study , the nature means , method , time and place of study , in twelves , price . s. . d. statuta vetera & recentiora , a methodical collection and abridgement of the statutes that relate to the practice of the common law , in smal oct. price . s. speculum juris anglicani , or a view of the laws of england , as they are divided into statutes , common law and customs , incidently of the customs of the famous city of london , never before printed , together with resolutions on several of them , by the reverend judges at westminster , in oct. price . s. by john brydall esquire . young clerks tutor , being a collection of the best presidents of recognisances , obligations , conditions , acquittances , bills of sale , warrants of attorney , &c. in twelves , price . . d. jus sigilli , or the law of england , touching his majesties four principal seals , viz. the great seal , the privie seal , the exchequer seal , and the signet ; also of those grand officers to whose custody these seals are committed , in small twelves , price . d. young clerks companion , or a manual for his daily practice , wherein are contained the most absolute modern presidents , fitted for all occasions of present use , in a more accurate and facile method then ever yet was published , in : price . s. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * gnorera . * gnashanta . * shalish . * play , * jilgnagu . * be sether ragnam . * bagnadath-●l . † bekerev . * tishphetu gnavel . * shiphtu-dal . † hatzdiku . * jimmotu . * shiphta . * jehemajun . † jagnarimu † sod . * jithjagnatsugnal . * tsephuneca . † levjachdau . † neoth elohim bears both . * they seek thy name , heb. † heb. the burning heat of thy wrath . * heb turn to quicken us . † heb. i am good , loving , a doer of good and holy things . * heb. a man without manly strength , * the hebr. bears both . † heb. prae concussione . accedence commenc't grammar, supply'd with sufficient rules for the use of such (younger or elder) as are desirous, without more trouble than needs to attain the latin tongue the elder sort especially, with little teaching and their own industry / by john milton. milton, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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[ ], p. printed for s.s., and are to be sold by john starkey ..., london : . errata on p. . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng latin language -- grammar. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion accedence commenc't grammar , supply'd with sufficient rules , for the use of such ( younger or elder ) as are desirous , without more trouble than needs to attain the latin tongue ; the elder sort especially , with little teaching , and their own industry . by john milton . london , printed for s. s. and are to be sold by john starkey at the miter in fleet-street , near temple-bar . . to the reader it hath been long a general complaint not without cause , in the bringing up of youth , and still is , that the tenth part of mans life , ordinarily extended , is taken up in learning , and that very scarcely , the latin tongue . which ●…ardy proficience may be attributed to several causes ; in particular , the making two labours of one , by learning first the accedence , then the grammar in latin , ere the language of those rules be understood . the only remedy of this , was to joyn both books into one , and in the english tongue ; whereby the long way is much abbreviated , and the labour of understanding much more easie : a work suppos'd not to have been done formerly , or if done , not without such difference here in brevity and alteration , as may be found of moment . that of grammar , touching letters and syllables , is omitted , as learnt before , and little different from the english spelling-book ; especially , since few will be perswaded to pronounce latin otherwise then thir own english. what will not come under rule , by reason of too much variety in declension , gender , or construction , is also here omitted , least the course and clearness of method be clog'd with catalogues instead of rules , or too much interruption between rule and rule : which linaker setting down the various idiomes of many verbs , was fore't to do by alphabet ; and therefore , though very learned , not thought fit to be read in schools . but in such words , a dictionary stor'd with good authorities will be found the readiest guide . of figurate construction what is usefull is digested into several rules of syntaxis : and prosodie , after this grammar well learnt , will not need to be englisht for him who hath a mind to read it . account might be now givn what addition or alteration from other grammars hath been here made , and for what reason . but he who would be short in teaching , must not be long in prefacing : the book it self follows , and will declare sufficiently to them who can discern . j. m. accedence commenc't grammar . latin grammar is the art of right understanding , speaking , or writing latine , observd from them who have spoken or written it best . grammar hath two parts : right-wording , usually call'd etymologie , and right-joyning of words , or syntaxis . etymologie , or right-wording , teacheth what belongs to every single word or part of speech . of latin speech are eight general parts : declin'd . noun pronoun verb participle undeclin'd . adverb conjunction preposition interjection declin'd are those words which have divers endings ; as homo a man , hominis of a man ; amo i love , amas thou lovest . undeclin'd are those words which have but one ending , as bene well , cum when , tum then . nounes , pronounes , and participles , are declin'd with gender , number , and case ; verbs , as hereafter in the verb. of genders . genders are three , the masculin , feminin , and neuter . the masculin may be declin'd with this article hic , as hic vir a man ; the feminin with this article haec , as haec mulier a woman ; the neuter with this article hoc , as hoc s●…um a stone . of the masculin are generally all nounes belonging to the male kind , as also the names of rivers , months , and winds . of the feminin , all nounes belonging to the female kind , as also the names of countries , cities , trees , some few of the two latter excepted : of cities , as agragas and sulmo , masculin ; argos , tibur , praen●…ste , and such as end in um , neuter ; anxur both . of trees , oleaster and spinus , masculin ; but oleaster is read also feminin , cic. verr. . acer , siler , suber , thus , robur , neuter . and of the neuter are all nouns , not being proper names , ending in um , and many others . some nouns are of two genders , as hic or haec dies a day ; and all such as may be spoken both of male and female , as hic or haec parens a father or mother ; some be of three , as hic haec and hoc pelix happy . of numbers . words declin'd have two numbers , the singular , and the plural . the singular speaketh but of one , as lapis a stone . the plural of more then one , as lapides stones ; yet sometimes but of one , as athenae the city athens , literae an epistle , aedes aedium a house . note that some nounes have no singular , and some no plural , as the nature of thir signification requires . some are of one gender in the singular ; of another , or of two genders in the plural , as reading will best teach . of cases . nounes , pronounes , and participles are declin'd with six endings , which are called cases , both in the singular and plural number . the nominative , genitive , dative , accusative , vocative , and ablative . the nominative is the first case , and properly nameth the thing , as liber a book . the genitive is englisht with this sign of , 〈◊〉 libri of a book . the dative with this sign to , or for , as libro to or for a book . the accusative hath no sign . the vocative calleth or speaketh to , as o liber o book , and is commonly like the nominative . but in the neuter gender the nominative , accusative , and vocative , are like in both numbers , and in the plural end alwayes in a. the ablative is englisht with these signs , in , with , of , for , from , by , and such like , as d●… libro of or from the book , pro libro for the book and the ablative plural is alwayes like the dative . note , that some nouns have but one ending throughout all cases , as frugi , nequam , nihil ; and all words of number from three to a hundred , a●… quatuor four , quinque five , &c. some have but one , some two , some three cases only , in the singular or plural , as use will best teach . of a noune . a noune is the name of a thing , as manus a hand , do●… a house , bonus good , pulch●…r fair. nounes be substantives or adjectives . a noun substantive is understood by it self , as homo a man , domus a house . an adjective , to be well understood , requireth a substantive to be joyn'd with it , as bonus good , parvus little , which cannot be well understood unless somthing good or little be either nam'd , as bonus vir a good man , parvus puer a little boy ; or by use understood , as honestum an honest thing , boni good men . the declining of substantives . nounes substantive have five declensions or forms of ending thir cases , chiefly distinguisht by the different ending of thir genitive singular . the first declension . the first is when the genitive and dative singular end in ae , &c. as in the example following . singular . plural . nom. voc. abl. musa nom. voc. musae gen. dat. musae gen. musar um acc. musam dat. abl. mus●…s .   acc. musas this one word familia joyn'd with pater , mater , filius , or filia , endeth the genitive in as , a●… pater familias , but somtimes familiae : dea , mu●… , equa , liberta , make the dative and ab●…ative plural in abus ; filia and nata in is or abus . the first declension endeth alwayes in a , unless in some words deriv'd of the greek : and is always of the feminin gender , except in names attributed to men , according to the general rule , or to stars , as cometo , planeta . nounes , and especially proper names derived of the greek , have here three endings , as , es , e , and are declin'd in some of thir cases after the greek form . aeneas , acc . aenean , voc aene●… . anchises , acc . anchisen , voc anchise or anchisa , ●…bl . anchise . penelope , penelopes , penelope , penelopen , voc . abl . penelope . somtimes following the latin , as marsya , philocteta , for as and es ; philoctetam , eriphylam , for an and en . cic. the second declension . the second is when the genitive singular endeth in i , the dative in o , &c. sing . plur. nom. voc. liber nom. voc. libri gen. libri gen. librorum dat. abl. libr●… dat. abl. libr●… acc. librum acc. libros . note that when the nominative endeth in us , the vocative shall end in e , as dominus ô domine , except deus ô deus . and those following , ag●…us , lucus , vulgus , populus , chorus , f●…vius , e or us . when the nominative endeth in ius , if it be the proper name of a man , the vocative shall end in i , as georgius ô georgi ; hereto add filius ô fili , and genius ô geni . all nounes of the second declension are of the masculin or neuter gender ; of the masculin , such as end in ir , or , or us , except some few , humus , domus , alvus , and others deriv'd of the greek , as methodus , antidotus , and the like , which are of the feminin , and some of them somtimes also masculin , as atomus , phaselus ; to which add f●…us the name of a disease , grossus , pampinus , and rubus . those of the neuter , except virus , pelagus , and vulgus ( which last is sometimes masculin ) end all in 〈◊〉 , and are declin'd as followeth : sing . plur. nom. ac. voc. studium nom. ac. voc. studia gen. studii gen. studiorum dat. abl. studio dat. abl. studiis . some nouns in this declension are of the first example singular , of the second plural , as pergamus the city troy , plur. haec pergama ; and some names of hills , as maenalus , ismarus , haec isma ra ; so also tartarus , and the lake avernus ; others are of both , as sibilus , jocus , locus , hi lo●…i , or haec loca . some are of the second example singular , of the first plural , as argos , caelum , plur. hi caeli ; others of both , as rastrum , capistrum , filum , fraenum ; plur. fraeni or fraena . nundinum , & epulum , are of the first declension plural , nundinae , epulae ; balneum of both , balneae or balnea . greek proper names have here three endings , os , on , and us long from a greek diphthong . haec delos , hanc delon . hoc ilion . the rest regular , hic panthus , ô panthu , virg. the third declension . the third is when the genitive singular endeth in is , the dative in i , the accusative in om and somtimes in im , the ablative in e , and somtimes in i , the nom. acc. voc. plural in es , the genitive in um and somtimes in ium , &c. sing . plur. nom. gen. voc. panis nom. ac. vo. panes dat. pani gen panum acc. panem dat. abl. panibus . abl. pane   sing plur. nom. voc. parens no. ac. voc. parentes gen. parentis gen. parentum dat. parenti dat. abl. parentibus . acc. parentem   abl. parente   this third declension , with many endings , hath all genders , best known by dividing all nounes hereto belonging into such as either increase one syllable long or short in the geni●…ive , or increase not at all . such as increase not in the genitive are generally feminin , as nubes nubis , caro carnis . except such as end in er , as hic venter ventris , and these in is following , natalis , aqualis , lienis , ●…rbis , callis , caulis , collis , follis , mensis , ensis , fustis , funis , panis , penis , crinis , ignis , cassis , fascis , to●…is , ●…iscis , unguis , vermis , vectis , postis , a●…is , and the compounds of assis , as centussis . but canalis , finis , clunis , restis , sentis , amnis , cor●…is , linter , torquis , anguis , hic or haec ; to these add ●…epres . such as end in e are neuters , as mare , rete , and two greek in es , as hippomanes , cacoëthes . nounes encreasing long. nounes encreasing one syllable long in the genitive are generally feminin , as haec pietas pietatis , virtus virtutis . except such as end in ans masculin , as dodrans , quadrans , sextans ; in ens , as oriens , torrens , bidens a pick-axe . in or , most commonly deriv'd of verbs , as ●…or , clamor ; in o , not thence deriv'd , as ternio , senio , ser●…o , temo , and the like . and these of one syllable , sal , sol , ren , splen , as , bes , pes , mos , flos , ros , dens , mons , pons , sons , grex . and words deriv'd from the greek in e●… , as lichen ; in er , as crater ; in as , as adamas ; in es , as lebes ; to these , hydrops , thorax , phaenix . but scrobs , rudens , stirps the body or root of a tree , and calx a heel , hic or haec . neuter , these of one syllable , mel , sel , lac , sar , ver , cor , aes , vas vasis , os ossis , os oris , rus , thus , jus , crus , pus . and of more syllables in al and ar , as capital , laquear , but halec hoc or haec . nounes encreasing short. nounes encreasing short in the genitive are generally masculin , as hic sanguis sanguinis , lapis lapidis . except , feminin all words of many syllables ending in do or go , as dulcedo , compago , arbor , hyems , cuspis , pecus , pecudis : these in ex , forfex , carex , tomex , supellex : in ix , appendix , histrix , co●…endix , filix . greek nounes in as and is , as lampas , iaspis : to these add chlamys , bacehar , syndon , icon . but margo , cinis , pulvis , adeps , forceps , pumex , vamex , imbrex , obex , silex , cortex , onix and sardonix , hic or haec . neuters are all ending in a as problema , in en , except hic pecten , in ar as jubar , in er these , verber , iter , uber , cadaver , zinziber , laser , cicer , siser , piper , papaver ; somtimes in ur , except hic furfur , in us as onus , in ut as caput ; to these , marmor , aequor , ador . greek proper names here end in as , an , is and eus , and may be declin'd some wholly after the greek form , as pollas pallados palladi pallada ; others in some cases , as atlas , acc . atlanta , voc . atla . goramas , plur . garamantes , acc . garàmantas . pan panos pana phyllis phyllidos , voc phylli , plur . phyll●…des , acc . phyllidas . tethys , tethyos , acc . tethyn , voc . tethy . neapolis , neapolios , acc . neapolin . paris , paridos or parios , acc . parida or parin . orpheus orpheos orphei orphea orpheu . but names in eus borrow somtimes thir genitive of the second declension , as erechtheus , erech●…hei . cic. achilles or achilleus , achillei ; and somtimes their accusative in on or um , as orpheus orpheon , theseus theseum , perseus perseum , which somtimes is formd after greek words of the first declension latin , perseus or perses , persae persae persen persae persa . the fourth declension . the fourth is when the genitive singular endeth in us , the dative singular in ui , and somtimes in u , plural in ibus and sometimes in ubus . sing . plur. nom. gen. vo. sensus nom. ac voc. sensus dat. sensui gen. sensuum acc. sensum dat. abl sensibus . abl. sensu   the fourth declension hath two endings , us and u ; us generally masculin , except some few , as haec manus , ficus the fruit of a tree , acus , porticus , tribus : but penus and specus hic or haec . u of the neuter , as gelu , genu , veru ; but in the singular most part defective . proper names in os and o long pertaining to the fourth declension greek , may belong best to the fourth in latin , as androgeos , gen. androgeo , acc. androgeon . hic athos , hunc atho , virg. haec sappho , gen. sapphus , acc. sappho . better authors follow the latin form . as dido didonis didonem . but iesus iesu iesu iesum iesu iesu. the fifth declension . the fifth is when the genitive and dative singular end in ei , &c. sing . plur. nom. voc. res nom. acc. voc. res gen. dat. rei gen. rerum acc. rem dat. abl. rebus . abl. re   all nounes of the fifth declension are of the feminin gender , except dies hic or haec , and his compound meridies hic only . some nounes are of more declensions then one , as vas vasis of the third in the singular , of the second in the plural vasa vasorum . colus , laurus , and some others , of the second and fourth . saturnalia saturnalium or saturnaliorum saturnalibus , and such other names of feasts , poēmata poēmatum , poëmatis or poëmatibus , of the second and third plural . plebs of the third and fifth , plebis or plebei . the declining of adjectives . a noun adjective is declin'd with three terminations , or with three articles . an adjective of three terminations is declin'd like the first and second declension of substantives joyn'd together after this manner . sing . plur. nom. bonus bona bonum nom. vo. boni bonae bona gen. boni bonae boni gen. bonorum bonarum bonorum dat. bono bonae bono dat. abl. bonis ac. bonum bonam bonum ac. bonos bonas bona . voc. bone bona bonum   abl. bono bona bono   in like manner those in er and ur , as sacer sacra sacrum , satur satura saturum : but unus , totus , solus , alius , alter , ullus , uter , ●…ith their compounds neuter , uterque , and the like , make thir genitive singular in in s , the dative in i , as unus una unum , gen. unius , dat. uni , in all the rest like bonus , save that olius maketh in the neuter gender aliud , and in the dative alii , and somtimes in the genitive . ambo and duo be thus declin'd in the plural only . nom. voc. ambo ambae ambo . gen. amborum ambarum amborum . dat. abl. ambobus ambabus ambobus . acc. ambos or ambo , ambas ambo . adjectives of three articles have in the nominative either one ending , as hic , haec , & hoc felix ; or two , as hic & haec tristis , & hoc triste ; and are declin'd like the third declension of substantives , as followeth . sing . plur. nom. hic haec & hoc felix nom. hi & hae felices ; & haec felicia gen. felicis gen. felicium dat. felici dat. abl. felicibus acc. hunc & hanc felicem , & hoc felix acc. hos & has felices , & haec felicia voc. ô felix voc. ô felices , & ô felicia . abl. felice or felici   sing . plur. no. hic & haec tristis , & hoc triste nom. hi & hae tristes ; & haec tristio gen. tristis gen. tristium dat. abl. tristi dat. abl. tristibus acc. hunc & hanc trist●… , & hoc triste acc. hos & has tristes , & haec tristia voc. ô tristis , & ô triste voc. ô tristes , & ô tristia . there be also another sort which have in the nominative case three terminations and three articles , as hic acer , hic & haec acris , hoc acre . in like manner be declined equester , volucer , and some few others , being in all other cases like the examples beforegoing . comparisons of nounes . adjectives , whose signification may increase or be diminish't , may form comparison , whereof there be two degrees above the positive word it self , the comparative , and superlative . the positive signifieth the thing it self without comparing , as durus hard . the comparative exceedeth his positive in signification , compar'd with some other , as durior harder ; and is formd of the first case of his positive that endeth in i , by putting thereto or and us , as of duri , hic & haec durior , & hoc durius ; of dulci , dulcior dulcius . the superlative exceedeth his positive in the highest degree , as durissimus hardest ; and it is formd of the first case of his positive that endeth in is , by putting thereto simus , as of duris durissimus , dulcis dulcissimus . if the positive end in er , the superlative is formd of the nominative case by putting to rimus , as pulcher pulcherrimus . like to these are vetus veterrimus , maturus maturimus ; but dexter dextimus , and sinister sinisterior sinistimus . all these nouns ending in lis make the superlative by changing is into limus , as humilis , sunilis , facilis , gracilis , agilis , docilis docillimus . all other nounes ending in lis do follow the general rule , as utilis utilissimus . of these positives following are formd a different sort of superlatives ; of superus , supremus and summus ; inferus , infimus and imus ; exterus , extimus and extremus ; posterus postremus . some of these want the positive , and are form'd from adverbs ; of intra , interior intimus , ultra ulterior ultimus , citra citerior citimus , priden●… prior primus , prope propior proximus . others from positives without case , as nequam nequior nequissimus . some also from no positive , as ocior ocissimus . some want the comparative , as novus novissimus , sacer sacerrimus . some the superlative , as senex senior , juvenis junior , adol●…scens adolescentior . some ending in us , frame thir comparative as if they ended in e●…s , benevolus , maledicus , magnificus magnificentior magnificentissimus . these following are without rule , bonus melior optimus , malus pejor pessimus , magnus major maxi●… , porvus minor minimus ; multus plurimus , multa plurima , multum plus plurimum . if a vowel come before us , it is compared with magis and maximè , as pius , magis pius , maximè pius ; idoneus , magis and maximè idoneus . yet some of these follow the general rule , as assiduus assiduissimus , strenuus strenuior , exiguus exiguissimus , tenuis tenuior tenuissimus . of a pronoun . a pronoun is a part of speech that standeth for a noun substantive , either at present or before spoken of , as ille he or that , hic this , qui who . there be ten pronounes , ego , tu , su●… , ille , pse , iste , hic , is , qui and quis , besides their co●…pounds , egomet , t●…e , hic●…e , idem , quisnam , aliq●… , and such others . the rest so call'd , a●… 〈◊〉 , ●…uus , suus , noster , vester , nostras , vestras , cuj●… and cujas , are not pronouns , but adjectives ●…hence deriv'd . of pronounes such as shew the thing present are called demonstrotives , as ego , tu , hic ; and such as refer to a thing antecedent or spoken of before are called relatives , as qui who or which . quis , and often qui , because they ask a question , are called interrogatives , with their compounds ecquis , numquis . declensions of pronouns are three . ego , tu , sui , be of the first declension , and be thus declin'd . sing . plur. nom. ego nom. acc. nos gen. mei gen. nostrum or nostri dat. mihi dat abl. nobis acc. abl. me   voc. caret voc. caret . sing . plur. nom. voc. tu nom. acc. voc vos gen. tui gen. vestrum or vestri dat. tibi dat. abl. vobis . acc. abl. te   sing . nom. voc caret dat. sibi plur. gen. sui acc. abl. se. from these three be deriv'd meus , tuus , suus , noster , vestor , nostras , vestras , ( which are called possessives ) whereof the former five be declin'd like adjectives of three terminations , except that meus in the vocative case maketh mi , m●… , meum ; nostras , vestras , with three articles , as hic & haec nostras & hoc nostrate , vestrate . in other case●… according to rule . these three , ille , iste , ipse , be of the second declension , making thir genitive singular in ius , their dative in i ; and the former two be declin'd like the adjective alius , and the third like unus before spoken of . sing . nom. ille illa illud , gen. illius , dat. illi . nom. iste ista istud , gen istius , dat. isti . nom. ipse ipsa ipsum , gen ipsius , dat. ipsi . these four , hic , is , q●… and quis , be of the third declension , making thir genitive singular in jus , with j consonant , and be declin'd after this manner . sing . plur. nom. hic haec hoc nom. hi hae haec gen. hujus gen. horum harum horum dat. huic dat. abl. his acc. hunc hanc hoc acc. hos has haec voc. caret voc. caret abl. hoc hac hoc   of iste and hic is compounded istic istaec , istoc or istuc . acc. istunc istanc , istoc or istuc . abl. istoc istac istoc . plur. istaec only . sing . plur. nom. is ea id nom. ii eae ea gen. ejus gen. eorum earū eorum dat. ei dat. abl. iis or eis acc. eum eām id acc. eos eas ea voc. caret voc. caret abl. eo ea eo   sing . plur. nom. qui quae quod nom. qui quae quae gen. cujus gen. quorum quarum quorum ( queis dat. cui dat. abl. quibus or acc. quem quam quod acc. quos quas quae voc. caret voc. caret abl. quo qua , quo or qui   in like manner quivi●… , quilibet , and quicunque the compounds . sing . nom. quis , qua or quae , quid . gen : &c. like qui. so quisquam , quisnam , compounds . of quis are made these pronoun adjectives , cujus cuja cujum , whose : and hic & haec cujas and hoc cujato , of what nation . quisquis is defective , and thus declin'd . no. quisquis quicquid ac. quicquid ab. quoquo quaqua quoquo of a verb. a verb is a part of speech , that betokeneth being , as sum i am , or doing , as laudo i praise : and is declin'd with mood , tense , number and person . moods . there be four moods , which express the manner of doing : the indicative , the imperative , the potential or subjunctive , and the infinitive . the indicative mood sheweth or declareth , as laude i praise . the imperative biddeth or exherteth , as lauda praise thou . the potential or subjunctive is englisht with these signs , may , 〈◊〉 , might , would , could , should ; or without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indicative , if a conjunction go 〈◊〉 ●…llow . as laudem . i may or ●…an prais●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when i praised . ca●… , si prae●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bewar'd if i ha●… 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 is englisht with this sign to , a●… laudare to praise . tenses . the●… be three tenses which express th●… time of doing : the present , the preterit o●… past , and the future . the present tense speaketh of the time tha●… now is , as laudo i praise . the preterit speaketh of the time past , and i●… 〈◊〉 by three degrees : the preterimperfect , the preterperfect , and the preterpluperfect●… the preterperfect speaketh of the time n●… perfectly past , as laudabam i praised or did praise . the preterperfect speaketh of the time perfectly past , as laudavi i have praised . the preterpluperfect speaketh of the time mor●… then perfectly past , as laudaveram i had praised . the future tense speaketh of the time to come as laudabo i shall or will praise . persons . through all moods , except the infinitive , there be three persons in both numbers , as sing . laudo i praise , laudas thou praisest , lauda●… he praiseth ; plur. laudamus we praise , laudati●… ye praise , laudant they praise . except some verb●… which are declin'd or form'd in the third person only , and have before them this sign , it ; a●… taedet it irketh , oportet it behoveth , and are called impersonals . the verb which betokeneth being , is properly this verb sum only , which is therefore call'd a verb substantive , and formd after this manner . indicative . pres. sing . i am . sum , es , est , plur. sumus , estis , sunt . pret. imp . i was . eram , eras , erat , pl. eramus , eratis , erant . pret. perfect i have been . fui . fuisti , fuit , plur. suimus , fuistis , fuerunt or fuere . pret. plup . i had been . fueram , fueras , fuerat , pl. fueramus , fueratis , fuerant . future . i shall or will be . ero , eris , erit , pl. erimus , eritis , erunt . imperative . be thou . sing . plur. sis , es , esto . sit , esto . simus , sitis , este , estote . sint , sunto potential . pres. sing . i may o●… can be . sim , sis , sit , pl. simus , sitis , sint . preter impers i might or could be . essem or forem , es , et , pl. essemus , esse tis , essent or sorent . preterperfect i might or could have been . fuerim , ris , rit , pl. rimus , ritis , rint . preterplup . with a conjunction . si if i had been . fuissem , es , et , pl. emus , etis , ent . future si if i shall be or shall have been . fuero , ris , rit , pl. rimus , ritis , rint . infinitive . pres. and preterimperf esse , to be . preterperfect , & pret . pluper . fuisse , to have or had been . future fore , to be hereafter . in like manner are form'd the compounds : absum , adsum , desum , obsum , praesum , prosum , possum ; but possum somthing varies after this manner . indicat . pres. sing . possum , potes , potest , plur. possumus , potestis , possunt . the other are regular , pot●…ram , potui , potuer●…m , potero . imperative it wants . potent . pres. possim , &c. preterimperfect , possem . infin . pres. posse . preterit . potuisse . voices . in verbs that betoken doing are two voices , the active and the possive . the active signifieth to do , and always endeth in o , as doceo , i teach . the passive signifieth what is done to one by another , and always endeth in or , as doceor i am taught . from these are to be excepted two sorts of verbs . the first are called neuters , and cannot take or in the passive , as curro i run , sodeo i sit ; yet signifie somtimes passively , as vapulo i am beaten . the second are call'd deponents , and signifie actively , as loquor i speak ; or neuters , as glorior i boast : but are form'd like passives . conjugations . verbs both active and passive have four conjugations , or forms of declining , known and distinguisht by thir infinitive mood active , which alwayes endeth in re . in the first conjugation , after a long , as laudare to praise . in the second , after e long , as habere to have . in the third , after e short , as legere to read . in the fourth , after i long , as audire to hear in these four conjugations , verbs are declin'd or formd by mood , ●…ense , number , and person , after these examples . indicative mood , present tense singular . plural . i praise . thou praisest . he praiseth we praise . te praise . they praise . laudo , laudas , laudat , laudamus , laudatis , laudant . habeo , habes , habet , habemus , habetis , habent . lego , legis , legit , legimus , legitis , legunt . audio , audis , audit , audimus , auditis , au●…t . i praisd or did praise . preterimperfect tens . sing . laudabam , habebam , legebam , audiebam , bas , bat , plur. bamus , batis , bant . i have praisd . preterperfect tens . sing . laudavi habui legi audivi isti , it , plur. imus , istis , erunt or ere . i had praisd . preterpluperfect tense sing . laudaveram habueram legeram audiveram ras , rat , plur. ramus , ratis , rant . future tense sing . i shall or will praise . laudabo habebo bis , bit , plur. bimus , bitis , bunt . legam audiam es , et , plu. emus , etis , ent . imperative mood . pres. sing .   praise thou . let him praise . let us praise . praise ye . let them praise . lauda , laudato . laudet laudato . pl. laudemus . laudate , laudatote . laudent , laudanto . habe , habeto . habeat habeto . pl. habeamus , habete , habetote . habeant , habento . lege , legito . legat legito . pl. legamus . legite , legitote . legant , legunto . audi , audito . audiat audito . pl. audiamus . audite , auditote . audiant , audiunto . potential mood . i may or can praise . present tense sing . laudem , laudes , laudet , pl. laudemus , laudetis , laudent . habeam , legam , audiam , as , at , pl. amus , atis , ant . i might or could praise . preterimperfect t●…nse sing . lauda●…em , haberem , legerem , audirem , res , ret , plur. remus , retis , rent . i might or should have praisd . preterperfect tense sing . laudaverim , habuerim , legerim , audiverim , ris , rit , pl. rimus , ritis , rint . if i had praisd . preterplu . sing . with a conjunction . si laudavissem , habuissem , legissem , audivissem , ses , set , pl. semus , setis , sent . if i shall praise or shall have praisd . future tense sing . si laudavero , habuero , legero , audivero , ris , rit , plur. rimus , ritis , rint . infinitive mood . present and preterimperfect tense laudare , habere legere , audire , to praise . have . read. hear . preterperfect & preterpluperfect tense . laudavisse , habuisse , legisse , audivisse , to have or had praised . read. heard . verbs of the third conjugation irregular in some tenses of the active voice . indicative mood present tense singular . volo , vis , vult , plur. volumus , vultis , volunt . nolo , — plur. nolumus , — nolunt . the rest is wanting in this tense . malo , mavi●… , mavult plur. malumus , mavultis , malunt . preterit . volui . nolui . malui . volo and malo want the imperative mood . imperative . sing . noli , nolito . plur. nolite , nolitote . potential . present tens . sing . velim , nolim , malim , is , it , plur. imus , itis , in t . preterim perfect tens . sing . vellem , nollem , mallem , es , et , pl. emus , etis , ent . infinitive . present . velle , nolle , malle . indicat . pres. edo , edis or es , edit or est ; plur. editis or estis . imper. ede or es , edito or esto . edat , edito or esto . plur. edite este editote estote . poten . preterimperfect tense , ederem or essem . infinit . edere or esse . verbs of the fourth conjugation irregular in some tenses active . eo and queo , with his compound nequeo , make ●…unt and qu●…unt in the plural indicative present , and in thir preterimperfect ibam and quibam , thir future i●…o and quibo . imperat. i , ito . eat , ito . plur. eamus . ito , itote . eant , eunto . potent . eam . irem . &c. the forming of the passive voice . indicative . i am praised . pres. sing . laudor , aris or are , atur , habeor , eris or ere , etur , legor , eri●… or ere , itur , audior , iris or ire , itur , plur. amur , amini , antur . emur , emini , entur . imur , imini , untur . imur , imini , iuntur . i was praisd . preterim . perfect ●…ens . sing . laudabar , habebar , legebar , audiebar , baris or bare , batur , plur. bamur , bamini , bantur . note that the passive voice hath no preterperfect , nor the tenses deriv'd from thence in any mood . i shall or will be praisd . future tense sing . laudabor , habebor , beris or bere , bitur , plur. bimur , bimini , buntur . legar , audiar , eris or ere , etur , plu. emur , emini , entur . imperative . prese●…t 〈◊〉   be thou praisd . let him be praisd . let us be praisd . be ye praisd . let them be praisd . laudare , laudator . laudetur , laudator . pl. laudemur . laudamini , laudaminor . laudentur , laudantor habere , habetor . habeatur , habetor . p. habeamur . habemini , habeminor . habeantur , habentor . l●…gere , legitor . legatur , legitor . pl. legamur . legimini , legiminor . legantur , leguntor . audire , auditor . audiatur , auditor . p. audiamur . audimini , audiminor . audiantur , audiuntor . potential . i may or can be praisd . present sing . lauder , eris or ere , etur , plur. emur , emini , entur . habear , legar , audiar , aris or are , atur , plu. amur , amini , antur . i might or should be praisd . preterimperfect sing . laudarer , haberer , legerer , audirer , reris or rere , retur , pl. remur , remini , rentur . infinitive . present & preterimperfect laudari haberi legi audiri to be praisd . had. read. heard . verbs irregular in some tenses passive . edor , editur or estur : the test is regular . the verb fio , is partly of the third , and partly of the fourth conjugation , and hath only the infinitive of the passive form. indicat . pres. sing . fio , fis , fit , plur fim●…s , fitis , fiunt . preterimperfect , fieb●…m . preterperfect it wants . future fiam , &c. imperat. fi , fito . plur fite , fitot●… . fiant , fi●…mo . potent . pres. fiom , &c. preterimperfect , 〈◊〉 . infinit . fieri . also this verb fero , 〈◊〉 contracted or short'n'd in some tenses , both active and passive , as f●…rs , ●…rt , for fer●… , ferit , &c. indicat . pres. sing . fero , fers , fert , plur. — ●…ertis is , — preterperfect , tuli imperat. ●…er ferto , &c. plur. forto ●…ertote . potent . preterimperfect , f●…rrem , &c. infinit . ferre . passive . indicat . pres. sing . feror , ●…rris or ferre , f●…rtur , &c. imperat. sing . forro , fertor , &c. potent . preterimperfect , ferrer . infinit . ferri . of gerunds and supines . there be also belonging to the infinitive mood of all verbs certain voi●…es called g●…runds and supines , both of the active and passive signification the first gerund endeth in di , as laudandi of praising or of bei●…g praisd . the second in do , as laudando in praising or in being praisd . the third in dum , as laud●…ndum to praise or to be praisd . note that in the two latter conjugation●… , the gerunds end s●…ntimes in undi , do , dum , as dicendi or 〈◊〉 : but from eo alwayes eundi , except in the compound ambiendi . supines are two . the first signifieth actively , a●… laudatum to praise ; the latter passively , as laudatu to be praised . note that most neuters of the second conjugation , and volo , nolo , malo , with many other verbs , have no supine . verbs of the four conjugations irregular in the preterperfect tense or supines . verbs of the first conjugation form thir preterperfect tense in avi , supine in atum , as laudo laudavi laudatum . except , poto potavi potatum ox potu●… ; neco necavi necatum or nectum . domo , tono , sono , crepo , veto , ●…ubo , form ui , itum , as cubui cubitum ; but secui sectum , fricui frictum , ●…ico micui : yet some of these are found regular in the preterperfect tense or supine , especially compounded , as increpavit , dis●…repavit , dimicavit , sonatum , dimicatum , intonatum , infricatum , and the like . plico and his compounds form ui or avi , as explicui explicavi explicitum or explicatum ; except supplico , and such as are compounded with a noun , as duplico multiplico in avi only . but lavo lavi lautum lotum or lavatum , juvo juvi , adjuvo adjuvi adiutum . do dedi datum , sto ●…eti statum , in the compounds , s●…isi , stitum and somtimes stotum , as presto prestiti prestitum and prestatum . verbs of the second conjugation form thir thir preterperfect tense in ui , thir supine in itum , as habeo habui habitum . some are regular in thir preferperfect tense ; but not in thir supines , as doceo docui doctum , misceo miscui mi●…um , teneo tenui , torreo tortui tostum , censeo censui censum , pateo patui passum , careo carui cassum and caritum . others are irregular both in preterperfect tense and supines , as jubeo jussi jussum , sorbeo sorbui sorpsi sorptum , mulceo mulsi mulsum , luceo luxi . deo in di , as sedeo sedi sessum , video vidi visum , prandeo prondi pransum . and some in si , as suadeo suasi suasum , rideo risi risum , ardeo a●…si arsum . four double thir first letters , as pondeo pependi pensum , mordeo momordi morsum , spondeo spopondi sponsum , tondeo totondi tonsum , but not in thir compounds , as dependi depensum . geo in si , and some in xi , as urgeo ursi , mulgeo mulsi mulxi mulctum , augeo auxi auctum , indulgeo indulsi indultum , frigeo frixi , lugeo luxi . ieo leo and neo nevi , vieo vievi vietum , but cieo cievi citum , deleo delevi deletum , fleo flevi fletum , ●…mpleo complevi completum ; as also the compounds of oleo , except redoleo and suboleo ; but adolevi adul●…m , neo nevi netum , but maneo mansi , torqueo torsi tortum , haereo haesi . veo in vi , as serveo servi , but deferveo deferbui , conniveo connivi and connioci , movi motum , vovi vo●…m , cavi cautum , savi saut●… . the third conjugation sormeth the preterperfect tense , by changing o of the present tense into i ; the supine without certain rule , as lego legi lectum bibo bibi bibitum , lambo lambi , scabo s●…abi , ico ici ictum , mando mandi mansum , pando pandi 〈◊〉 , edo edi esum or estum , in like manner comedo , the other compounds esum only ; rudo rudi , s●…lla salli salsum , psallo psalli , emo emi emptum , viso visi visum , verto verti versum , solvo solvi solutum , volvo volvi volutum , exuo exui exutum , but ruo rui ruitum , in compound rutum , as derui derutum ; ingruo , metuo metui . others are irregular both in preterperfect tense and supine . in bo , scribo scripsi scriptum , nubo nupsi nuptum , cumbo cubui cubitum . in co , vinco visi victum , dico dixi dictum , in like manner duco , parco peperci and parsi parsum and parcitum . in do , these three loos n , findo fidi fissum , s●…indo scidi scissum , fundo fudi fusum . these following , vado , rado , laedo , ludo , divido , trudo , claudo , plaudo , rodo , si and sum , as rosi rosum , but cedo cessi cessum . the rest double thir first letter in the preterperfect tense , but not compounded , as tundo tu●…udi tunsum , contundo contudi contusum , and so in the other compounds . pendo pependi pensum , dependo dependi , tendo tetendi tensum and tentum , contendo contendi , pedo pepedi peditum , c●…do cecidi casum , occido , recido recidi recasum . the other compounds have no supine . caedo cecidi caesum , occido occidi occisum . to these add all the compounds of do in this conjugation , addo , credo , edo , dedo , reddo , perdo , ab●…lo , obdo , condo , indo , trado , prodo , vendo vendidi venditum , except the double compound , abscondo abseondi . in go , ago egi actum , dego degi , satago sategi , frango fregi fractum , pango to joyn pegi pactum , pango to sing panxi , ango anxi , jungo junxi junctum ; but these five , fingo , mingo , pingo , stringo , ringo , loos n in their supines , as finxi fictum , ningo ninxi , figo fixi fixum , ●…go ve●…i v●…ctum ; diligo , negligo , intelligo , le●…i lectum , spargo sparsisparsum . these double thir first letter , tango tetigi tactum , but not in his compounds , as contingo contigi , pango to bargain pepigi pactum , pungo and repungo pupugi and pun●…i punctum the other compounds punxi only . ho in xi , 〈◊〉 traxi tractum , veho vexi vectum . in lo , vello velli and vulfi vulsum , colo colui cul●… ; excello , precello , cellui celsum ; ●…lo alui alitum ●…ltum . the rest , not compounded , double thir first letter , fallo fefelli falsum , refello refelli , pello pepuli ●…ulsum , compello compuli , cello ceculi , percello perculi perculsi perculsum . in mo , vomo vomui vomitum , tremo tremui , premo pressi pressum , como , promo , demo , sumo , after the 〈◊〉 manner , as sumpsi , sumptum . in no , sino sivi s●…um , sterno stravi stratum , sp●…rno sprevi spretum , lino levi lini and livi litum , cerno 〈◊〉 cretum , tomno tempsi , contemno contempsi contemp●… , gigno genui genitum , pono posui positum , cano ●…ini ●…ntum , con●…ino concinui concentum . in po , ●…umpo rupi ruptum , scalpo scalpsi scalptum , the rest in 〈◊〉 , as strepo strepui strepitum . in qu●… , linquo liqui , relinquo reliqui relictum , coque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in ●…o , verro verri and versi versum , sero to sow s●…vi satum , in compound situm , as insero insitum ; sero of another signification most us'd in his compounds , ●…ssero , consero , desero exero , serui ●…rium , 〈◊〉 ussi ust●…m , gero gessi gestum , quaero quaesivi quae●…um , tero trivi tri●…um , curro , excurro , prae●…urro , cucurri cursum , the other compounds double not , as concurro concurr●… . in so , accerso , arcesso , incesso , i●…cesso , ivi itum , ●…pesso both i and iv●… , pinso pinsui pistum and pin●… . in sco , pasco pavi pastum ; compesco , d●…spesco , u●… ; posco poposci , disco didici , quinisco quexi , nosco novi notum , but agnosco ognitum , cognosco cognitum . in to , sisto stiti statum , flecto flexi flexum , pecto pexui pexi pexum and pectitum , necto nexui nexi nexum , plecto plexi plexum , sterto stertui , meto messui messum , mitto misi missum , peto petivi petitum . in vo , vivo vi●… victum . in xo texo texui textum , nexo nexui nexum . in cio , fa●…io feci factum , jacio jeci jactum , lacio lexi lectum , specio spexi spectum , with thir compounds , but elicio elicui elicitum . in dio , fodio fodi fossum . in gio , fugio fugi fugitum . in pio , capio cepi captum , ●…apio ●…epui ●…aptum , cupio cupivi ●…upitum , sapio sapui sapivi sapitum . in rio , pario peperi partum . in tio , quatio quassi quassum , concutio concussi concussum . in uo , pluo plui pluvi plutum , struo struxi structum , fluo fluxi fluxum . the fourth con●…ugation sormeth the preterperfect tense in ivi , the supine in itum . except , venio vent ventum comperio , reperio , reperi reper●… , ●…ambio ●…ampsi ●…ampsum , sepio sepsi septum , sa●…cio sarsi sar●…um , ●…cio farsi fartum , fulceo fulsi ful●…um , se●…tio sensi 〈◊〉 , haur●… hausi haustum , sancio sa●… sanctum ●…itum vin●… , vin●… vin●… s●…lio ●…alui saltum , in compound sultum , as desilio desilui d●…sultum , amicio amicui ●…ctum , aperio , ●…erio pe●…ui pe●…tum , ve eo v●…nivi venum , singultivi singultum , sepelivi sepultum . of verbs compounded . these verbs compounded change a into e throughout , damno , lacto , sacro , fallo , arceo , tracto , partio , sarcio , carpo , patro , scando , spargo , as conspergo conspersi conspersum . these following change thir first vowel into i , and some of them thir supines into e , habeo , lateo , salio , statuo , cado , laedo , cano , quaero , caedo , tango , egeo , teneo , taceo , sapio , rapio , placeo , displiceo , displicui displicitum ; except complaceo , perplaceo , posthabeo . scalpo , calco , salto , change a into u , as exculpo . claudo , quatio , lavo loos a , as excludo , excutio , eluo. these following change thir first vowel into i , but not in the preterperfect tense , and somtimes a into e in the supine , emo , sedeo , rego , frango , capio , jacio , lacio , specio , premo , as comprimo compressi compressum , conjicio conjeci conjectum , pango in two only , compingo , impingo : ago , in all but perago , satago , circumago , dego and cogo coegi : facio with a preposition only , not in other compounds , as inficio , olfacio : lego in these only , diligo , eligo , intelligo , negligo , seligo , in the rest not , as praelego , add to these supersedeo . of verbs defective . verbs called inceptives ending in sco , borrow thir preterperfect tense from the verb whereof they are deriv'd , as tepesco tepui from tepeo , ingemisco ingemui from ingemo ; as also these verbs , cerno to see , vidi from video , sido sedi from sedeo , fero tuli from tulo out of use , in the supine latum , tollo sussuli sublatum from suffero . these want the preterperfect tense . verbs ending in asco , as puerasco ; in isco , as satisco ; in urio , except parturio , osurio : these also , vergo , ambigo , ferio , furo , polleo , nideo , have no preterperfect tense . contrary , these four , odi , caepi , novi , memini , are found in the preterperfect tense only , and the tenses thence deriv'd , as odi , oderam , oderim , odissem , odero , odisse , except memini , which hath memento mementote in the imperative . others are defective both in tense and person , us aio , ais , ait , plur. aiunt . the preterimperfect aiebam is intire . imperative , ai . potential , aia●… , aiat , plur. ●…iamus , aiant . ausim for ausus sim , ausis , ausit , plur. ausint . salveo , salvebis , salve salveto , salvete salvetote , salvere . ave aveto , avete avetote . faxo , faxis , faxit , faxint . quaeso , plur. quaesimus . infit , infiunt inquio or inquam , inquis inquit , plur inquiunt . inquibat , cic topic. inquisti , inquit . future , inquies , inquiet imperat. inque inquito . potent inquia●… . dor the first person passive of do , and for before faris or fare in the indicative , are not read , nor d●… or fer in the potential . of a participle . a participle is a part of speech , partaking with the verb from whence it is deriv'd in voice , tense , and signification , and with a noun adjective in manner of declining . participles are either of the active or passive voice . of the active two. one of the present tense ending in ans , or ens , as laudans praising , habens , legens , audiens , and is declin'd like faelix , as hic haec and ho●… habens , gen. habentis , dat habenti , &c. docens docentis , &c. but from eo , euns , and in the compounds iens euntis , except ambiens ambientis . note that some verbs otherwise defective , have this participle , as aiens , inquiens . the other of the future tense is most commonly formd of the first supine , by changing m into rus , as of laudatum laudaturus to praise or about to praise , habiturus , lecturus , auditurus ; but some are not regularly formd , as of sectum secaturus , of jutum juvaturus , sonitum sonaturus , partum pariturus , argutum arguiturus , and such like ; of sum , futurus : this , as also the other two participles following are declin'd like bonus . this participle , with the verb sum , affordeth a second future in the active voice , as laudaturus sum , es , est , &c. as also the future of the infinitive , as laudaturum esse to praise hereafter , futurum esse , &c. participles of the passive voice are also two , one of the preterperfect tense , another o●… the future . a participle of the preterperfect tense , is formd of the latter supine , by putting thereto s , as of laudatu laud●…us praisd , of habitu habitus , lectu lectus , auditu audit●… . this par●…iciple joyn'd with the verb sum , supplyeth the w●…nt of a pre●…erperfect and preterpluperfect ●…ense in the indicative ●…od passive , and both them and the future of the potential ; as also the preterperfect and preterpluperfect of the infinitive , and with ire or fore the future ; as laudatus sum or sui i have been praisd , plur. laudati sumus or suimus we have been praisd , laudatus eram or fueram , &c. potential , laudatus sim or ●…uerim , laudatus essem or fuissem , laudatus ero or fuero , infinit . laudatum esse or fuisse to have or had been praisd ; laudatum ire or fore to be praisd hereafter . nor only passives , but some actives also or neuters , besides thir own preterperfect tense , borrow another from this participle ; caeno caenavi and caenatus sum , juravi and ●…uratus , potavi and potus sum , titubavi and tituba●…us , car●… car●…i cassus sum , prandeo prandi and pransus , pateo p●…tui and passus sum , pla●…eo placui pla●…tus , sues●…o suevi suetus sum , liber libuit and libitum est , licet li●…uit licitum , pudet puduit puditum , piget piguit pigitum , taedet teduit p●…rtaesum est , and this deponent me●…eor m●…rui and meritus sum these neuters following , like passives , have no other preterperfect tense , but by this participle , gaudeo g●…isus sum , fido fisus , audeo ausus , fio fact●… soleo solitus sum . these deponents also form this participle from supines irregular ; labor lapsus , patior passus , perpetior perpessus , fateor fassus , conf●…eor , diffiteor diffessus , gradior gressus , ingredior ingressus , fati●…or fessus , metior mensus , utor usus , ordior to spin orditus , to begin orsus , nitor nisus and nixus , ●…iscor ultus , irascor iratus , reorratus , obliviscor oblitus , fruor fructus or fruitus , miserior misertus , tuor and tueor tuitus , loquor locutus , sequor secutus , experior expertus , paciscor pactus , ●…anciscor nactus , apiscor aptus , adipiscor adeptus , queror questus , proficiscor profectus , expergiscor experrectus , comminiscor commentus , nascor natus , morior mortuus , orior ortus sum . a participle of the future passive is formd of the gerund in dum , by changing m into s , as of laudandum laudandus to be praisd , of habendum habendus , &c. and likewise of this participle with the verb sum , may be formd the same tenses in the passive , which were form'd with the participle of the preterperfect tense , as laudandus sum or fui , &c. infinit . laudandum esse , or fore . of verbs deponent come participles , both of the active and passive form , as loquor loquens locutus locuturus loquendus ; whereof the participle of the preter tense signifieth somtimes both actively and passively , as dignatus , testatus , meditatus , and the like . of an adverb . an adverb is a part of speech ioynd with some other to explain its signification , as valdè probus very honest , benè est it is well , valdè doctus very learned , benè mane early in the morning . of adverbs , some be of time , as hodiè to day , cras to morrow , &c. some be of place , as ubi where , ibi there , &c. and of many other sorts needless to be here set down . certain adverbs also are compar'd , as doct●… learnedly , doctiùs doctissimè , fortiter fortiùs fortissimè , saepe saepius saepissime , and the like . of a conjunction . a conjunction is a part of speech , that joyneth words and sentences together . of conjunctions some be copulative , as 〈◊〉 and , quoque also , nec neither . some be disjunctive , as aut or . some be causal , as nom for , quia because , and many such like . adverbs when they govern mood and tense , and joyn sentences together , as cum , ubi , postquam , and the like , are rather to be call'd conjunctions . of a preposition . a preposition is a part of speech most commonly , either set before nouns in apposition , as ad patrem , or joyn'd with any other words in composition , as indoctus . these six , di , dis , re , se , am , con , are not read but in composition . as adverbs having cases after them , may be call'd prepositions , so prepositions having none , may be counted adverbs . of an interjection . an interjection is a part of speech , expressing some passion of the mind . some be of sorrow , as heu , hei . some be of marvelling , as papae . some of disdaining , as vah . some of praising , as euge . some of exclaiming , as ô , proh , and such like . figures of speech . words are somtimes encreast or diminisht by a letter or syllable in the beginning , middle or ending , which are call'd figures of speech : encreast in the beginning , as gnatus for natus , tetuli for tuli . prothesis . in the middle , as rettulit for retulit , cinctutus for cinctus . epenthesis . in the end , as dicier for dici . paragoge . diminisht in the beginning , as ruit for eruit . apherisis . in the middle , as audiit for audivit , dixti for dixisti , ●…amna for lamina . syncope . in the end , as cons●…i for consilii ; scin for scisne . apocope . the second part of grammar , commonly called syntaxis , or construction . hitherto the eight parts of speech declin'd and undeclin'd have been spoken of single , and each one by it self : now followeth syntaxis or construction , which is the right joyning of these parts together in a sentence construction consisteth either in the agreement of words together in number , gender , case , and person , which is call'd concord ; or the governing of one the other in such case or mood as is to follow . of the concords . there be three concords or agreements . the first is of the adjective with his substantive . the second is of the verb with his nominative case . the third is of the relative with his antecedent . an adjective ( under which is comprehended both pronoun and participle ) with his substantive or substantives , a verb with his nominative case or cases , and a relative with his antecedent or antecedents , agree all in number , and the two latter in person also : as amicus certus . viri docti . praeceptor praelegit , vos vero negligitis . xenophon & plato fuere aequales . vir sapit , qui pauca loquitur . pater & praeceptor veniunt . yea though the conjunction be disjunctive , as quos neque d●…sidia neque luxuria vitiarant . celsus . pater & praeceptor , quos quaeritis . but if a verb singular follow many nominatives , it must be applyed to each of them apart , as nisi foro & curiae officium ac verecundia sua constiterit . val. max. an adjective with his substantive , and a relative with his antecedent agree in gender and case ; but the relative not in case alwayes , being oft-times govern'd by other constructions : as amicus certus in re incerta cernitur . liber quem dedisti mihi . and if it be a participle serving the infinitive mood future , it oft-times agrees not with the substantive neither in gender nor in number , as hanc sibi rem praesidio sperat futurum . cic. audierat non datum ire filio uxorem . terent. omnia potius actum iri puto quam de provinciis . cic. but when a verb cometh between two nominative cases not of the same number , or a relative between two substantives not of the same gender , the verb in number , and the relative in gender may agree with either of them ; as amantium irae amoris integratio est . quid enim nisi vota supersunt . tuentur illum globum qui terra dicitur . animal plenum rationis , qu●…m vocamus hominem . lutetia est quam nos parisios dicimus . and if the nominative cases be of several persons , or the substantives and antecedents of several genders , the verb shall agree with the second person before the third , and with the first before either ; and so shall the adjective or relative in thir gender ; as ego & tu sumus in tuto . tu & pater periclitamini . pater & mater mortui sunt . frater & soror quos vidisti . but in things that have not life , an adjective or relative of the neuter gender , may agree with substantives or antecedents , masculin or feminin , or both together ; as arcus & calami sunt bona . arcus & calami quae fregisti . pulcritudinem , constantiam , ordinem in consiliis factisque conservanda putàt . cic. off. . ira & aegritudo permista sunt . sal. note that the infinitive mood , or any part of a sentence may be instead of a nominative case to the verb , or of a substantive to the adjective , or of an antecedent to the relative , and then the adjective or relative shall be of the neuter gender ; and if there be more parts of a sentence then one , the verb shall be in the plural number ; diluculo sur●…ere saluberrimum est . virtutem sequi , vita est honestissima . audito proconsulem in ciliciam tendere . in tempore veni , quod omnium rerum est primum . tu multum dormis & saepe potas , quae duo sunt corpori inimica . somtimes also an adverb is put for the nominative case to a verb , and for a substantive to an adjective ; as partim signorum sunt combust●… . propè centies & vicies erogatum est . cic. verr . . somtimes also agreement , whether it be in gender or number , is grounded on the sense , not on the words ; as illum senium for illum senem . iste scelus for iste scelestus . ter. transtulit in eunuchum suam , meaning comaediam . ter. pars magna obligati , meaning homines . liv. impliciti laqueis nudus uterque for ambo. ov. alter in alterius jactantes lumina vultus , ovid. that is , alter & alter . insperanti ipsa refers te nobis , for mihi . catul. disco omn●… . virg. aen. . for tu quisquis es . duo importuna prodigia , quos egestas tribuno plebis constrictos addix●…rat . cic. pro sest pars mersi tenuere ratem . rhemus cum fratre quirino jura dab●…nt . virg. that is , rhemus & frat●… quirinus . divillimur inde iphitus & pelias 〈◊〉 . virg. construction of substantives . hitherto of concord or agreement ; the other part followeth , which is governing , whereby one part of speech is govern'd by another , that is to say , is put in such case or mood as the word that governeth or goeth before in construction requireth . when two substantives come together , betokening divers things , whereof the former may be an adjective in the neuter gender taken for a substantive ; the latter ( which also may be a pronoun ) shall be in the genitive case ; as facundia ciceronis . amator studiorum . ferimur per opaca locorum . corruptus vanis rerum . hor. desiderium tui . pater ejus . somtimes the former substantive , as this word officium or mos , is understood ; as oratoris est , it is the part of an oratour . extremae est dementiae , it is the manner of extream madness . ignavi est , it is the quality of a sloathful man. ubi ad dianae veneris ; templum is understood . justitiaene prius mirer belline laborum . virg. understand causâ . neque illi sepositi ciceris , neque longae invidit avenae . hor. supply partem . but if both the substantives be spoken of one thing , which is call'd apposition , they shall be both of the same case ; as p●…ter meus vir , amat me puerum . words that signifie quality , following the substantive whereof they are spoken , may be put ●…n the genitive or ablative case ; as puer bonae indolis , or bona indole . some have a genitive only ; as ingentis rex nominis . liv. decem annorum puer . hujusmodi pax . hujus generis animal . but genus is sometimes in the accusative : as si hoc genus rebus non proficitur . varr. de re rust . and the cause or manner of a thing in the ablative only ; as sum tibi natura parens , preceptor consiliis . opus and usus when they signifie need , require an ablative ; as opus est mihi tuo judicio . vigint●… minis usus est filio . but opus is somtimes taken for an adjective undeclin'd , and signifieth needful ; as dux nobis & author opus est . alia quae opus sunt para . construction of adjectives , governing a genitive . adjectives that signifie desire , knowledge , ignorance , remembrance , forgetfulness , and such like ; as also certain others deriv'd from verbs , and ending in ax , require a genitive ; as cupidus auri . peritus belli . ignarus omnium . m●…mor praeteriti . reus surti . tenax propositi . tempus edax rerum . adjectives call'd nouns partitive , because they signifie part of some whole quantity or number , govern the word that signifieth the thing parted or divided , in the genitive ; as aliquis nost●…um . primus omnium . aurium mollior est sinistra . oratorum eloquentissimus . and oft in the neuter gender ; as multum lucri . id negotii . hoc noctis . sometimes , though seldom , a word signifying the whole is read in the same case with the partitive , as habet duos gladios quibus altero te occisurum minatur , altero villicum , plaut . for quorum altero . magnum opus habeo in manibus ; quod jampridem ad hunc ipsum ( me autem dicebat ) quaedam institui . cic. acad. . quod quaedam for cujus quaedam . a dative . adjectives that betoken profit or disprofit , likeness or unlikeness , fitness , pleasure , submitting , or belonging to any thing , require a dative ; as labor est utilis corpori . aequalis hectori . idoneus bello . jucundus omnibus . parenti supplex . mihiproprium . but such as betoken profit or disprofit have somtimes an accusative with a preposition ; as homo ad nullam partem utilis . cic. inter se aequales . and some adjectives signifying likeness , unlikeness , or relation , may have a genitive . par hujus . ejus culpae affines . domini similis es . commune onimantium est conjunctionis appetitus . alienum dignitatis ejus . cic. fin. . fuit hoc quondam proprium populi romani longè a domo bollare . but propior and proximus admit somtimes an accusative ; as proximus pompeium sedebam . cic. an accusative . nouns of measure are put after adjectives of like signification in the accusative , and somtimes in the ablative ; as turris alta centum pedes . arbor lata tres digitos . liber crassus tres pollices , or tribus pollicibus . somtimes in the genitive ; as areas latas pedum denûm facito . all words expressing part or parts of a thing , may be put in the accusative , or somtimes in the ablative ; as saucius frontem or fronte . excepto quòd non simul esses caetera laetus . hor. nudapedom . ov. os humerosque deo similis . virg. somtimes in the genitive , as dubius mentis . an ablative . adjectives of the comparative degree , englisht with this sign then or by , as also dignus , indignus , praeditus , contentus , and these words of price , carus , vilis , require an ablative ; as frigidior glacie . multo doctior . uno pede altior . dignus honore . virtute praeditus . sorte sua contentus . asse charum . but of comparatives , plus , amplius , and minus , may govern a genitive , also a nominative , or an accusative ; as plus quinquaginta hominum . amplius duorum millium . ne plus tertia pars eximatur mellis . varro . paulo plus quingentos passus . ut ex sua cujusque parte n●… minus dimidium ad fratrem perveniret . cic. verr. . and dignus , indignus , have somtimes a genitive after them ; as militia est operis altera dign●…tui . indignus avorum . virg. adjectives betokening plenty or want , will have an ablative , and somtimes a genitive ; as vacuus ira , or irae . nulla epistola inanis re aliqua . ditissimus agri . stultorum plena sunt omnia integer vitae , scelerisque purus . expers omnium . vobis immunibus hujus esse mali dabitur . words also betokening the cause , or form , or manner of a thing , are pu●… after adjectives in the ablative case ; as pallidus i●…a . trepidus morte futura . nomine grammaticus , re ba●…s . of pronouns . pronouns differ not in construction from nouns , except that possessives , meus , tuus , suus , noster , vester , by a certain manner of speech , are sometimes joyn'd to a substantive , which governs thir primitive understood with a noun or participle in a genitive case ; as di●…o mea unius opera 〈◊〉 esse liberatam cic. for mei unius o●…era . in like manner nostra , duorum , trium , pau●…um , omnium virtute , for nostrum duorum , &c. meum solius peccatum , cic ex tuo ipsius animo , for ●…ui ipsius . ex sua cujusque parte , id. verr. ●… . ne tua quidem recentia proximi praetoris vestigia persequi po●…erat . cic. verr . . si meas presentis preces non pu●…as profuisse , id . pro planc . nostros vidisti slentis ocellos . ovid. also a relative , as qui or is , somtimes answers to an antecedent noun or pronoun primitive understood in the possessive ; as omnes laudare fortunas meas qui fi●…ium haberem tali ingenio praeditum . terent. construction of verbs . verbs for the most part govern either one case after them , or more then one in a different manner of construction . of the verb substantive sum , and such like , with a nominative , and other oblique cases . verbs that signifie being , as sum , existo , fio ; and certain passives , as dicor , vocor , salutor , appellor , habeor , existimor , videor ; also verbs of motion or rest , as incedo , discedo , sed●…o , with such like , will have a nominative case after them as they have before them , because both cases belo●…g to the same person or thing , and the latter is rather in apposition with the former , then govern'd by the verb ; as temperantia est virtus . horatius silutatur poeta . ast ego quae divum incedo regina . and if est be an impersonal , it may sometimes govern a genitive , as usus poetae , ut moris est , licentia , phaedrus l. . neg●…vit moris esse graecorum , ut &c cic. verr . . but if the following noun be of another person , or not directly spoken of the former , both after sum and all his compounds , except possum , it shall be put in the dative ; as est mihi do●…i pater . multa petentibus desunt multa . and if a thing be spoken of , relating to the person , it may be also in the dative ; as sum tibi praesidio . haecres est mihi voluptati . qu●…rum alteri capitoni cogn men fuit . cic. pastori nomen 〈◊〉 fuisse serunt . liv. of verbs transitives with an accusitive , and the exceptions thereto belonging . verbs active or deponent , call'd transitive , because thir action passeth forth on some person or thing , will have an accusative after them of the person or thing to whom the action is done ; as amo te . vitium fuge . deu●… venerare . usus promptos facit . juvat me . oporte●… te . also verbs call'd neuters , may have an accusative of thir own signification ; as duram servit servitutem . longam ire viam . endimion●… somnum dormis . pastillos rufillus olet . ne●… vox hominem sonat . cum glaucum saltasset . paterc . agit laetum convivam . horat. hoc me latet . but these verbs , though transitive , misereor and miseresco , pass into a genitive ; as miserer●… mei . somtimes into a dative . huic misereor . sen. dilige bonos , miseresce malis . boet. reminiscor , obliviscor , recordor , and memini , somtimes also require a genitive ; as datae fidei veminis●…itur . memini tai . obliviscor carminis . somtime retain the accusative ; as recordor pueritiam . omnia quae curant senes meminerunt . plaut . these impersonals also , interest and resert , signifying to concern , require a genitive , except in these ablatives feminine , moa , tua , sua , nostra , vestra , c●…ja . and the measure of concernment is often added in these genitives , magni , parvi , tanti , quanti , with thir compounds ; as interest omnium rectè agere . tua resert teipsum nosse . vestra parvi interest . but verbs of profiting or disprofiting , believing , pleasing , obeying , opposing , or being angry with , pass into a dative ; as non potes mihi commodare nec incommodare . placeo omnibus . crede mihi . nimium ne crede colori . pareo parentibus . tibi repugno . adolescenti nihil est quod succenseat . but of the first and third sort , juvo , adjuvo , laedo , offendo , retain an accusative . lastly , these transitives , fungor , fruor , utor , potior , and verbs betokening want , pass direct into an ablative . fungitur officio . aliena frui insania . utere sorte tua . but fungor , fruor , utor , had antiently an accusative . verbs of want , and potior , may have also a genitive . pecuniae indiget . quasi ●…u hujus indigeas patris . potior urbe , or urbis . somtimes a phrase of the same signification with a single verb , may have the case of the verb after it ; as id operam do , that is to say , id ago . idne estis authores mihi ? for id suadetis . quid mo vobis tactio est ? for tangitis . plaut . quid tibi hanc curatio est rem ? id. the accusative with a genitive . hitherto of transitives governing thir accusative , or other case , in single and direct construction : now of such as may have after them more cases then one in construction direct and oblique , that is to say , with an accusative , a genitive , dative , other accusative , or ablative . verbs of esteeming , buying or selling , besides thir accusative , will have a genitive betokening the value of price , flocci , nihili , pili , hujus , and the like after verbs of esteeming : tanti , quanti , pluris , minoris , and such like , put without a substantive , after verbs of buying or selling ; as non hujus te aestimo . ego illum flocci pendo . aequi boni hoc facio or consulo . quanti mercatus es hunc equum ? pluris quam vellem . but the word of value is somtimes in the ablative ; as parvi or parvo aestimas probitatem . and the word of price most usually ; as teruncio eum non emerim . and particularly in these adjectives , vili , paulo , minimo , magno , nimio , plurimo , dimidio , duplo , put without a substantive , as vili vendo triticum . redimete captum quàm queas mini●…o . and somtimes minore for minoris . nam a caelio propinqui minore centessimis nummum movere non possunt . cic. att. l. . e●…t verbs neuter or parsive have only the oblique cases after them ; as tanti eris aliis , quanti ribi 〈◊〉 . pudor parvi penditur . which is also to be observ'd in the following rules . and this neuter valeo governeth the word of value in the accusative●… ; as denarii dicti quod denes aeris valebant . varr. verbs of admonishing , accusing , condemning , acquitting , will have , besides thir acc●…sative , a genitive of the crime , or 〈◊〉 , or thing ; a●… admonuit me errati . accusas me 〈◊〉 ●…em sc●…leris damnat . furem d●…pli 〈◊〉 . and somtimes an ablative with a preposition , or without ; ●…s condemnsbo eodem ego to 〈◊〉 . accusas furti , an stu●…ri , an utroque ? de repetundis accusavit , or d●…mnavit . cic. also these impersonals , poenitet , taedet , miseret , miserescit , pudet , piget , to thir accusative will have a genitive , either of the person , or of the thing ; as nostri no●…met poenitet . urbis me taedet . miseret ●…e tui . pudet me negligentiae . an accusative with a dative . verbs of giving or restoring , promising or paying , commanding or shewing , trusting or threatning , add to thir accusative a dative of the person ; as fortuna multis nimium d●… dit . haec tibi promitto . aes alienum mihi numeravit . frumentum imperat civitatibus . q●…id & cui dicas , videto . hoc tibi suadeo . tibi or ad te s●…ribo . pecuniam omnem tibi credo . utrique mortem minatu●… est . to these add verbs active compounded with hese prepositions , prae , ad , ab , con , de , ex , ante , sub , post , ob , in and inter ; as praecipio hoc tibi . admovit urbi 〈◊〉 . collegae suo imperium abrogavit . sic parvis componere magna solebam . neuters have a dative only ; as meis majoribus virtute praeluxi . but some compounded with prae and ante may have an accusative ; as praestat ingenio alius alium . multos anteit sapientia . o●…hers with a preposition ; as quae ad ventris victum conducunt . in haec studia incumbite . cic. also all verbs active , betokening acquisition , likening , or relation , commonly englisht with to or for , have to thir accusative a dative of the person ; as magnam laudem sibi peperit . huic habeo non tibi . se illis aequarunt . expedi mihi hoc negotium : but mihi , tibi , sibi , somtimes are added for el●…gance , the sense not requiring ; as suo hunc sibi iugul●…t gladio . terent neuters a dative only ; as non omnibus dormio . libet mihi . tibi licet somtimes a verb transitive will have to his accusative a double dative , one of the person , another of the thing ; as do tibi vestem pignori . verto hoc tibi vitio . hoc tu tibi laudi du●… . a double accusative . verbs of asking , teaching , arraying , and concealing , will have two accusatives , one of the person , another of the thing ; as rogo is pecuniam . doceo te literas . quod te jamdudum h●…rtor . induit se calceos . hoc me cel●…bas . and being passives , they retain one accusative of the thing , as sumptumque recingitur anguem , ovid. met. . induitur togam . mart. but verbs of arraying somtimes change the one accusative into an ablative or dative ; as induo to tunica , or tibi tunicam . instravit equum penula , o●… eque penulam . an accusative with an ablative . verbs transitives may have to thir accusative an ablative of the instrument or cause , matter , or manner of doing ; and neuters the ablative only ; as ferit eum gladio . taceo metu . ma●…is gaud●… alienis . summa eloquentia causam egit . capitolium sa●…o quadrato substructum est . tuo consilio ni●… . 〈◊〉 pan●… . affluis opibus . amore abundas . somtimes with a preposition of the manner ; as summa ●…um humanitate me tractavit . verbs of endowing , imparting , depriving , discharging , filling , emptying , and the like , will have an ablative , and somtimes a genitive ; as dono te ●…oc 〈◊〉 . plurima salute ●…e impertit . aliquem 〈◊〉 suo sermone participavit . paternum servum ●…ui participavit consilii . interdico tibi aqua & igni , ●…ibero ●…e hoc metu . impl●…ntur veteris bacchi . also verbs of comparing , or exceeding , will have an ablative of the excess ; as praefero hunc ●…ultis gradibus . magno intervallo eum superat . after all manner of verbs , the word signifying any part of a thing , may be put in the gènitive , accusative , or ablative ; as absurdè facis qui angas 〈◊〉 animi . p●…et animi . dis●…rucior animi . desipit ●…entis . conde●… dentes . rubet capillos . aegrot●…t ani●… , magu quàm corpors . nouns of time and place after verbs . nouns betokening part of time , be put after verbs in the ablative , and somtimes in the accusative ; as nocte vigilas , luce dormis . nullam partem noctis requiescit . cic. abhinc triennium ex andro comigravit . tit. respondit triduo illum , ad summum quatriduo periturum , cic. or if continuance of time , in the accusative , somtimes in the ablative : as sexaginta annos natus . hyemem totam stertis . imperium deponere maluerunt , quam id tenere punctum temporis contra religionem . cic. imperavit triennio , & decem mensibus . suet. somtimes with a preposition ; as ferè in diebus paucis , quibus haec acta sunt . ter. rarely with a genitive ; as temporis angusti mansit concordia discors . lucan . also nouns betokening space between places are put in the accusative , and somtimes in the ablative ; as pedem hinc ne discesseris . abest ab uybe quingentis milibus passuum . terra marique gentibus imperavit . nouns that signifie place , and also proper names of greater places , as countries , be put after verbs of moving or remaining , with a preposition , signifying to , from , in , or by , in such case as the preposition requireth ; as proficiscor ab urbo . vivit in anglia . veni per galliam in italiam . but if it be the proper name of a lesser place , as of a city , town , or lesser island , or any of these four , humus , domus , militia , bellum , with these signs , on , in , or at before them , being of the first or second declension , and singular number , they shall be put in the genitive ; if of the third declension , or plural number , or this word rus , in the dative or ablative ; as vixit romae , londini . ea habitabat ●…hodi . conon plurimum cypri vixit . cor. nep. pro●…bit 〈◊〉 bos . domi bellique simul viximus . militavit carthagini or carthagine . s●…duit athenis . ruri or rure educatus est . if the verb of moving be to a place , it shall be put in the accusative ; as eo romam , domum , ru●… . if from a place , in the ablative ; as discessie londino . abii●… domo . rure est reversui . somtimes with a preposition : as a brundisio profectus est . cic. manil. ut ab athenis in boeotian●… trem . sulpit. apud . cic. fam. l. . cum te profectum ab domoscirem . liv. l. . construction of passives . a verb passive will have after it an ablative of the doer , with the preposition a or ab before it , somtimes without , and more often a dative : as virgilius legitur a me . fortes creantur sortibus . hor. tibi sama petatur . and neutropassives , as vapulo , veneo , liceo , exulo , 〈◊〉 , may have the same construction ; as ab hoste ●…enire . somtimes an accusative of the thing is found after a passive ; as coronari olympia . hor. epist. i. cycl●… movetur . hor. for salta●… or agit . purgor ●…ilem . id. construction of gerunds and supines . gerunds and supines will have such cases as the verb from whence they come ; as otium scrib●…ndi literas . eo ●…uditum poe●…s . ad consulendum tibi . a gerund in di is commonly govern'd both of substantives and adjectives in manner of a genitive ; as causa videndi . amor habendi . cupidus visendi . certus eundi . and sometimes governeth a genitive plural ; as illorum videndi gratia . ter. gerunds in do are us'd after verbs in manner of an ablative , according to former rules , with or without a preposition ; as defessus sum ambulando . a discendo facile deterretur . caesar dando , sublevando , ignoscendo , gloriam adeptus est . in apparando consumunt diem . a gerund in dum is us'd in manner of an accusative after prepositions governing that case ; as ad capiendum hostes . ante domandum ingentes tollent animos . virg. ob redimendum captivos . inter ●…nandum . gerunds in signification are o●…t-times us'd as participles in dus ; tuorum consiliorum reprimendorum causa . cic. orationem latinam legendis nost is 〈◊〉 pleniorem . cic. ad accusandos homines praemio ducitur . a gerund in dum joyn'd with thè impersonal est , and implying some necessity or duty to do a thing , may have both the active and passive construction of the verb from whence it is deriv'd ; as utendum est aetate . ov. pacem trojano a rege pe●…endum . virg. iterandum eadem ista mihi . cic serviendum est mihi amicis . plura dixi quam di●…endum suit . cic. pro sest . construction of verb with verb. when two verbs come together without a nominative case between them , the latter shall be in the infinitive mood ; as cupio discere . or in the first supine after verbs of moving ; a●… eo cubitum , spectatum . or in the latter with an adjective ; as turpe est dictu . facile sactu opus scitu . but if a case come between , not govern'd of the former verb , it shall alwayes be an accusative before the infinitive mood ; as te rediisse incolumem gaudeo . 〈◊〉 me divitem esse , quam haberi . and this infinitive esse , will have alwayes after it an accusative , or the same case which the former verb governs ; as expedit bonos esse vobis . quo mihi commisso , non licet esse piam . but this accusative agreeth with another understood before the infinitive ; as expedit vobis vos esse bonos . natura be●…tis omnibus esse dedit . nobis non licet esse tam di ortis . the same construction may be us'd after other infinitives neuter or passive like to esse in signification ; as maximo tibi post●…a & civi , & duci 〈◊〉 con●… . val. max. l. . somtimes a noun ●…ctive or substantive governs an infinitive ; as audax omnia perpeti . dignus amari . consilium ceperunt ex oppido profugere . caes. minari divisoribus ratio non erat . cic. verr . . somtimes the infinitive is put absolute for the preterimperfect or preterperfect tense ; as ego ●…lud sedulo negare factum . ter. galba autem mul●…as similitudines afferre . cic. ille contra haec omnia ●…uere , agere vitam . ter. construction of participles . participles govern such cases as the verb from whence they come , according to their active or passive signification ; as fruiturus amicis . nunquam audita mihi . diligendus ab omnibus . sate sanguine divûm . yelamone creatus . corpore mortali cretus . lucret. note deâ . edite regibus . laevo suspensi loculos tabulasq●…e locerto . hor. census eque strem summam . id. abeundum est mihi . venus orta mari . exosus bella. virg. exosus diis . gell. ar●…a perosus . ovid. but pertaesus hath an accusative otherwise then the verb ; as pertaesus ●…gnaviam . semet ipse portaesus . suet. to these add participia●… adjectives ending in bilis of the passive signification , and requiring like case after them ; as nulli penetrabilis astro lucus erat . participles chang'd into adjectives have thir construction by the rules of adjectives ; as appetens vini , fugitans litium . fidens animi . an ablative put absolute . two nouns together , or a noun and pronoun with a participle express or understood , put absolutely , that is to say , neither governing nor govern'd of a verb , shall be put in the ablative ; as authore sena●…u bellum geritur . me duce vinces . caesare veniente hostes fugerunt . sublato clamore praelium committitur . construction of adverbs . en and ecce will have a nominative , or an accusative , and somtimes with a dative ; as en priamus . ecce tibi status noster . en habitum . ecce au●…em alterum . adverbs of quantity , time , and place require a genitive ; as satis loquentiae , sapientiae parum sa●… also compounded with a verb ; as is rerum suarum satagit . tunc temporis . ubique gentium . ed impudentiae processit . quoad ejus fieri poterit . to these add ergo signifying the cause ; as illius ergo virg. virtutis ergo . fugae atque formidinis ergo non abiturus liv. others will have such case as the nouns from whence they come ; as minime gentium . optime omnium . venit ob●…iam illi . canit similiter huic . albanum , sive falernum te magis appositis delectat . hor. adverbs are joyn'd in a sentence to several moods of verbs . of time , ubi , postquam , cum or quum , to an indicative or subjunctive ; as haec ubi dicta de●…it . ubi nos laverimus . postquam excessit ex ephebis . cum faciam vitula virg. cum canerem reges . id. donec while , to an indicative . donec er is feliae . donec untill , to an indicative or subjunctive ; cogere donec oves jussit . virg. donec ea aqua decocta sit . colum. dum while , to an indicative . dum apparatur virgo . dum untill , to an indicative or subjunctive ; as dum redeo . tertia dum latio regnante●… viderit aestas . dum for dummodo so as , or , so that , to a subjunctive . dum prosim tibi . quoad while , to an indicative . quoad expectas contubernalem . quoad untill , to a subjunctive . omnia integra servabo , quoad exercitus huc mittatur . simulac , simulatque to an indicative or subj●…ctive ; a●… simulac belli patiens erat simulatque adoleverit atas . ut as , to the same moods . ut salutabis , ita resalutaberis . ut sementem feceris , ita & metes . hor. ut so soon as , to an indicative only : as ut ventum est in urbem . quasi , tanquam , perinde , ac si , to a subjunctive only ; as quasi non nori●…us nos inter nos . tanquam feceris ipse aliquid . ne of forbidding , to an imperative or subjunctive ; as ne saevi . ne metuas . certain adverbs of quantity , quality , or cause ; as quam , quoties , cur , quare , &c. thence also qui , quis , quantus , qualis , and the like , coming in a sentence after the principal verb , govern the verb following in a subjunctive ; as vide●…e quàm valdè mal●…tiae suae considat . cic. quid est cur tu in isto loco sedeas ? cic pro cluent . subsideo mihi diligentiam comparavi quae quanta sit intelligi non potest , nisi &c. cic. pro quint. nam quid hoc iniquius dici potest , quam me qui caput alterius fortunasque defendam , priore loco dicere . ibid. nullum est officium tam sanctum atque solenne , quod non avaritia violare s●…leat . ibid. non me fallit , si consulamini quid sitis responsuri . ibid. dici vix potest quam multa sint quae respondeatis ante fieri oportere . ibid. docui quo die hunc fibi promisisse dicat , eo die ne romae quidem eum fuisse . ibid. conturbatus discedit neque mirum , cui haec optio tam misera daretur , ibid. narrat quo in loco viderit quintium . ibid. recte majores eum qui socium fefellisse●… in virorum bonorum numero non putarunt haberi oportere . cic. pro rosc. am. quae concursatio percontantium 〈◊〉 praetor edixisset , ubi caenaret , quid enuntiasset . cic. agrar. . of conjunctions . conjunctions copulative and disjunctive , and these four , quam , nisi , ●…raeterquam , an , couple like cases ; as socrates docuit xenophontem & platonem . aut dies est , aut nox . nescio albus an ater sit . est minor natu quàmtu . nemini placet praeterquam sibi . except when some particular construction requireth otherwise ; as studui romae & athenis . emi fundum centum nummis & pluris . accusas furti , on stupri , an utroque ? they also couple for the most part like moods and tenses ; as recto stat corpore , despicitque terras . but not alwayes like tenses ; as nisi mo lactasses , & vana spe produceres . et habetur , & referetur tibi a me gratia . of other conjunctions , some govern an indicative , some a subjunctive , according to thir several significations . etsi , tametsi , etiamsi , quanquam an indicative ; quamvis and licet most commonly a subjunctive ; as etsi nihil novi afferrebatur . quanquam animus meminisse horret . quamvis elysios miretur graecia campos . ipse li●…et venias . ni , nisi , si , siquidem , quod , quia , postquam , posteaquam , antequam , priusquam an indicative or subjunctive ; as nisivi mavis eripi . ni faciat . cas●…go te , non quòd odeo habeam , sed quòd amem . antequam dicam . si for quamvis a subjunctive onely . redeam ? non si me obsecret . si also conditional may somtimes govern both verbs of the sentence in a subjunctive ; as respiraro , si te videro . cic ad attic. quando , quandoquidem , quoniam , an indicative ; as dicite quandoquidem in molli consedimus herba . quoniam convenimus ambo cum seeing that , a subjunctive ; as cum sis officiis gradive virilibus aptus . ne , an , num , of doubting , a subjunctive ; as nihil resert , fecerisne , an persuaseris . vise num redierit . interrogatives also of disdain or reproach understood govern a subjunctive ; as tantum dem , quantum ille poposcerit ? cic. verr . . sylvam tu scantiam vendas ? cic. agrar. hunc tu non ames ? cic. ad attic. ●…urem aliquem aut rapacem accusaris ? vitanda semper erit omnis avaritiae suspicio . cic. verr . . sometimes an infinitive ; as méne incaepto desistere victam ? virg. ut that , lest not , or although , a subjunctive ; as te aro , ut redeat jam in viam . metuo ut substes hospes . ut omnia contingant quae volo . of prepositions . of prepositions , some will have an accusative after them , some an ablative , some both , according to thir different signification . an accusative these following , ad , apud , ante , adversus adversum , cis citra , circum circa , circiter , contra , erga , extra , inter , intra , infra , juxta , ob , ponè , per , propè , propter , post , penes , praeter , secundùm , supra , secùs , trans , ultra , usque , versus ; but versus is most commonly set after the case it governs , as londinum versus . and for an accusative after ad , a dative somtimes is us'd in poets ; as it clamor coel●… . virg. coelo si gloria tollit aeneadum . sil. for ad coelum . an ablative these , a , ab , abs , absque , cum , coram , de , e , ex , pro , prae , palàm , sine , tenus , which last is also put after his case , being most usually a genitive , if it be plural ; as capulo tenus . aurium tenus . these , both cases , in , sub , super , subter , clam , procul . in , signifying to , towards , into , or against , requires an accusative ; as pisces emptos obolo in coenam seni . animus in teu●…ros benignus . versa est in cineres troja . in te committere tantum quid troes potuere ? lastly , when it signifies future time or for ; as bellum in triges●…um diem indixerunt . designati consules in annum sequentem . alii pretia faciunt in singula capita canum . var. otherwise in will have an ablative ; as in urbe . in te●…ris . sub , when it signifies to , or in time , about , or a little before , requires an accusative ; as sub umbram properemus . sub id tempus . sub noctem . otherwise an ablative . sub pedibus . sub umbra . super signifying beyond , or present time , an accusative ; as super garamantas & indos . super coenam . ●…uet . at supper time . of or con●…erning , an ablat●…ve ; as multa super priamo rogitans . super hac re . super , over or upon , may have either case ; as super ripas tiberis effusus , saeva s●…dens super arma . fronde super viridi . so also may subter ; as pugnatum est super subterque terras . subter densa testudine . virg. clam patrem or patre . procul muros . liv. patria pr●…ul . prepositions in composition govern the same cases as before in apposition . adibo hominem . petrudunt n●…ves scopulo . and the preposition is somtimes repeated ; as detrahere de tua f●…ma nunquam ●…ogitovi . and somtimes understood , governeth his usuall case ; as habeo te loco parentis . apparuit humana specie . cumis erant oriundi . liv. liberis parentibus oriundus . colum muta●… quadrotarotundis . hor. pridie compitalia . pridie nonas or calendas . postridie idus . postridie ludos . before which accusatives ante or post is to be understood , filii id aetatis . cic. hoc noctis . liv. understand secundum . or refer to part of time . omnia mercurio similis . virg. understand per. of interjections . certain interjections have several cases after them . o , a nominative , accusative or vocative ; as o sestus d●…es hominis . o ego l●…vus . hor. o fortunatos . o formose puer . others a nominative , or an accusative ; as heu prisca fides ! heu stirpem invisam ! proh sancte jupiter ! proh deum atque hominum fidem ! hem tibi davum ! yea , though the interjection be understood ; as me miserum ! me coecum , qui haec ante non viderim ! others will have a dative ; as hei mihi . vae misero mihi . terent. finis . errata . page . line . for hoc nostrate read hoc nostras or nostrate . p. . l. . f. visi r. vici . p. . l. : f. quaesimus r. quaesumus . p. . l. . f. transitives r. transitive . p. . l. . f. tit. r. ter. a discourse shewing in what state the three kingdomes are in at this present this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) a discourse shewing in what state the three kingdomes are in at this present milton, john, - . [ ] p. s.n.] [london? : . "by john milton?" -- halkett and laing. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -- history -- charles i, - -- sources. a r (wing m ). civilwar no a discourse shewing in what state the three kingdomes are in at this present. [no entry] a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse shewing in what state the three kingdomes are in at this present . printed in the yeare , . in what state the three kingdomes are at this present . sir , as the faces of all britane shew their hearts and inclinations , so if their hearts were glazed with a christall , they would appeare fearefull of the future : were not the representative body of the state carefull to cure the present malady , purge the distempered humours and save the much gangrend body , by cutting some rotten and putrifide members off ; which infect , infest and invade the republique ; this makes me cheerefull to discover the conceptions of the wise , and not as an orator , but relate their opinion as their auditor : i hope it will take away from me ostentation , and trouble from the reader even to give ease of discourse . their profound sighes and earnest prayers might quicken my ingenie , better then the sound of excellent instruments can revive the spirit ; to present this with all obedience to my soveraigne , and faith to the country , and declare what is convenient to be done at this time , submitting my self modestly to head and body . now if those streame of teares and sweet perfumes , make not my penne fruitfull and odoriferous , pardon my rudenesse , and consider the state we are now in . when our miserable condition perceived ( before the accesse of the universall body ) by the wrinckles , put on the brow of ruined affaires , councell weakned , and reputation of state blasted , that the people crie out against such instruments ; what miserable condition are wee brought to ? oh god! suffer not ill councellors to be as a bad spleene , to swell so big as to make leane the common-wealth , that our empty purses bee not filled with bloud , though with teares : wherefore i humbly beseech the head to produce such effect , as the sunne on moist and cold grounds , to reduce the generall capacity to such an influence of justice , peace , religion and liberty ; and that in lieu thereof , the people may make him a rich and potent king . as all rivers returne to the ocean , so shall the laborinth we are in , be by the helpe of wise ariadnes escaped , and the golden fleece , continuance of gospell , justice , peace and downy tranquility , with helpe of those godly medeas , be preserved and procured : therefore not as a lawyer , give mee leave as a welwisher to the state , to put the case by way of supposition . if the fundamentall lawes bee quite overthrowne , religion altered , the nobility taken away by counsells of warre ( as the lord mount noris should have beene ) the meaner sort used as pryn , burton & bastwick ; the propriety of goods taken away from the subject ; an army force an arbitrary way of government , and justice bought & sold ; what misery will follow ? when the judges shall affirm it legall , the clergie wrongfully in their pulpits teach it , and the cabinet councell authorize the conveniency for matter of state ; therefore to have our lawes established , religion maintained , the pride of prelates abased , justice administred , liberty settled , and peace continued for after times : it is necessary the king lords and commons , joyne in a most severe punishment , that none in the postea , dare to enterprise the surprise and ruine of the common good , for it is an infallible maxime , the king is richer in the hearts , then in the treasures of his subjects . surely there was never a fitter time , nor a more convenient occasion then now , when three kingdomes unite for their owne safety ; when the scot hath an army on foote for this purpose , and the king hath promised they shall not be interrupted in their counsells , and god requires it for his glory . especially when ministers of state have begun to act this fatall tragedy , the guiltinesse by so many lively testimonies proved , and the treason by presidents & weighty authority assured , by law maintained , and by all the commons house adjudged , who have power by . ed. . and when it is brought to so good a passe by the lords , who both have legislative power , why should not lords and commons bring it to perfection ; that the king signe ; that who shall dare to alter religion , innovate law , or take away liberty of the subject , be condignly punished , and for the future , cause an expresse law to be made on purpose , to attaint bloud , forfeit life , lands and goods , if any shall assay such crying exorbitances . if by the law it bee high treason to kill a commissioner of oyer and terminer , in feare of justice ; à majore to confound the whole body , when a commissioner is but one poore member of the body politique . . to make a law , none be capable of any place of government , that hath or shall give such counsell , and leave the rest to the trienniall parliament , and not graspe too much , lest all the harpies flie away . likewise it is necessary to make a remonstrance of the necessity of giving . to the scots , to give satisfaction to future ages , that it was no pusilanimity , but upon mature deliberation ; because the evident necessity and inevitable dangers cast upon us by ill counsell , justly caused it . to the purpose , the house of commons hath done wisely , to endeavour to clip the wings of the clergy , that they may fly into no temporall place , whose pens and tongues have uttered such poison against the common good , and in their pride would willingly adhere to rome , as by many superstitions it plainly appeares ; they have introduced some babilonian ceremonies , and made a bridge unto the church by the arminian opinion , to passe over to popery . the state of venice jealous of any their members , confederating with enemies cause them to bestrangled and hanged up betweene columnes , confiscate their goods and estates , bannish their children and make them incapable of government : if for jealousie , much more for so foule acts committed , ought they dye , by the law of god and man . among the athenians , lacedemonians and romans ; whosoever should goe about to alter the forme of government , or lawes without publique consent , hath been ever accounted the highest traitor ; witnesse their ostracisme , and many such exemplary punishments , used to such wretches . if destroying the head bee high treason , then ruining the state of the body must be ; for if it be suffocated with grosse spirits the head will not onely ake , but bee apoplecticall or lethargicall , such a sympathy or rather relation is betwixt head and members , that no rhetorique or eloquence can take it away : in this case it is no pitty , but convenient to destroy the brood of such vipers , and by our law the intention makes it treason . but how many waies the lord of strafford hath perpetrated this intention , hath been often proved . in . and . iacobi , the whole house adjudged it treason , to alien the hearts of the subjects from the soveraigne , which hath beene done by his counsellors . his imprisoning without law , was high treason , in sir haukin hanby . e. . art. . who was drawne , hanged and quartered . judge thorpe for giving such an oath contrary to law , was high treason ; and is not his ? the reason rich. . was deposed ( plainly manifested ) was because he suffered divers malefactors to escape , ( condemned by parliament ) which caused the oppression of the subject and ruine of the kingdome . in all ages a lethargy in kings hath caused their ruine : witnesse ed. . rich. . and h. . ( i humbly desire god to blesse his majesty . ) but consider wee , that the three kingdomes will not be satisfied unlesse the wrong received be expiated with the oblation of some , have caused a heretick condition . the lord of strafford hath had counsell in case of treason , when none hath had the like since the conquest . so the whole world may see with what temper , gravity and patience they proceed . ed. earle of northumberland , in the . of rich. . ( because his deputy let the scots take barwicke castle ) was condemned of high treason , and yet he never consented thereunto , for it was done without his privity : but the lord of strafford writ to the major of newcastle to let in the scots , and caused the arms to be taken away from the foure adjacent counties , making them incapable of defence . wherefore it is visible as the sunne , he is guilty , besides his other crimes ; now his delay of punishment hath kindled such a fire , as all the subjects of the three kingdomes are on a flame , and wil not be satisfied : ex parvis magna crescunt . i pray god divert the evill , and give us true repentance . finis . brief notes upon a late sermon, titl'd, the fear of god and the king preach'd, and since publish'd by matthew griffith ... wherin many notorious wrestings of scripture, and other falsities are observed / by j.m. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) brief notes upon a late sermon, titl'd, the fear of god and the king preach'd, and since publish'd by matthew griffith ... wherin many notorious wrestings of scripture, and other falsities are observed / by j.m. milton, john, - . [ ] p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. eng griffith, matthew, ?- . -- fear of god and the king. sermons, english -- th century. a r (wing m ). civilwar no brief notes upon a late sermon, titl'd, the fear of god and the king; preachd [sic], and since publishd [sic], by matthew griffith, d.d. and milton, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - kirk davis sampled and proofread - kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion brief notes upon a late sermon , titl'd , the fear of god and the king ; preachd , and since publishd , by matthew griffith , d.d. and chaplain to the late king . wherin many notorious wrestings of scripture , and other falsities are observd by i.m. london , printed in the year . brief notes upon a late sermon , titl'd , the fear of god and the king , &c. i affirmd in the preface of a late discourse , entitl'd , the ready way to establish a free commonwealth , and the dangers of readmitting kingship in this nation , that the humor of returning to our old bondage , was instilld of late by some deceivers ; and to make good , that what i then affirmd , was not without just ground , one of those deceivers i present here to the people : and if i prove him not such , refuse not to be so accounted in his stead . he begins in his epistle to the general ; and moves cunningly for a licence to be admitted physitian both to church and state ; then sets out his practice in physical terms , an wholsom electuary to be taken every morning next our hearts : tells of the opposition which he met with from the colledge of state-physitians , then laies before you his drugs and ingredients ; strong purgatives in the pulpit , contemperd of the myrrhe of mortification , the aloes of confession and contrition , the rubarb of restitution and satisfaction ; a pretty fantastic dos of divinity from a pulpitmountibanck , not unlike the fox , that turning pedler , opend his pack of ware before the kid ; though he now would seem to personate the good samaritan , undertaking to describe the rise and progress of our national malady , and to prescribe the onely remedy : which how he performs , we shall quickly see . first , he would suborn saint luke as his spokesman to the general , presuming , it seems , to have had as perfect understanding of things from the very first , as the evangelist had of his gospel ; that the general who hath so eminently born his part in the whole action , might know the certainty of those things better from him a partial sequesterd enemy : for so he presently appears , though covertly and like the tempter , commencing his address with an impudent calumnie and affront to his excellence , that he would be pleasd to carry on what he had so happily begun in the name and cause not of god onely , which we doubt not , but of his anointed , meaning the late kings son : which is to charge him most audaciously and falsly with the renouncing of his own public promises and declarations both to the parlament and the army , and we trust his actions ere long will deterr such insinuating slanderers from thus approaching him for the future . but the general may well excuse him ; for the comforter himself scapes not his presumption , avouchd as falsly , to have impowrd to those designs him and him only , who hath solemnly declar'd the contrary . what phanatique against whom he so often inveighs , could more presumptuously affirm whom the comforter hath impowrd , then this antifanatic , as he would be thought ? the text . prov. . . my son , fear god and the king , and meddle not with them that be seditious , or desirous of change , &c. letting pass matters not in controversie , i come to the main drift of your sermon , the king ; which word here is either to signifie any supreme magistrate , or else your latter object of fear is not universal , belongs not at all to many parts of christendom , that have no king ; and in particular , not to us . that we have no king since the putting down of kingship in this commonwealth , is manifest by this last parlament , who to the time of thir dissolving not onely made no address at all to any king , but summond this next to come by the writ formerly appointed of a free commonwealth , without restitution or the least mention of any kingly right or power ; which could not be , if there were at present any king of england . the main part therefore of your sermon , if it mean a king in the usual sense , is either impertinent and absurd , exhorting your auditory to fear that which is not , or if king here be , as it is , understood for any supreme magistrate , by your own exhortation they are in the first place not to meddle with you , as being your self most of all the seditious meant here , and the desirous of change , in stirring them up to fear a king , whom the present government takes no notice of . you begin with a vain vision , god and the king at the first blush ( which will not be your last blush ) seeming to stand in your text like those two cherubims on the mercy-seat , looking on each other . by this similitude , your conceited sanctuary , worse then the altar of ahaz , patternd from damascus , degrades god to a cherub , and raises your king to be his collateral in place , notwithstanding the other differences you put : which well agrees with the court-letters , lately publishd from this lord to tother lord , that cry him up for no less then angelical and celestial . your first observation , pag. . is . that god and the king are coupl'd in the text , and what the holy ghost hath thus firmely combin'd , we may not , we must not dare to put asunder ; and your self is the first man who puts them asunder by the first proof of your doctrine immediately following , iudg. . . which couples the sword of the lord and gideon , a man who not only was no king , but refus'd to be a king or monarch , when it was offered him , in the very next chapter , vers. , . i will not rule over you , neither shall my son rule over you ; the lord shall rule over you . here we see that this worthy heroic deliverer of his country thought it best governd , if the lord governd it in that form of a free commonwealth , which they then enjoid without a single person . and this is your first scripture , abus'd and most impertinently cited , nay against your self , to prove that kings at thir coronation have a sword given them , which you interpret the militia , the power of life and death put into thir hands , against the declar'd judgement of our parlaments , nay of all our laws , which reserve to themselves only the power of life and death , and render you in thir just resentment of this boldness , another doctor manwaring . your next proof is as false and frivolous , the king , say you , is gods sword-bearer ; true , but not the king only , for gideon by whom you seek to prove this , neither was , nor would be a king ; and as you your self confess , pag. . there he divers forms of government . he bears not the sword in vain , rom. . . this also is as true of any lawful rulers , especially supreme , so that rulers , vers. . and therefor this present government , without whose authority you excite the people to a king , bear the sword as well as kings , and as little in vain . they fight against god , who resist his ordinance , and go about to wrest the sword out of the hands of his anointed ? this is likewise granted : but who is his anointed ? not every king , but they only who were anointed or made kings by his special command ; as saul , david , and his race , which ended in the messiah , ( from whom no kings at this day can derive thir title ) iehu , cyrus , and if any other were by name appointed by him to some particular service : as for the rest of kings , all other supreme magistrates are as much the lords anointed as they ; and our obedience commanded equally to them all ; for there is no power but of god , rom. . . and we are exhorted in the gospell to obey kings , as other magistrates , not that they are call'd anywhere the lord 's anointed , but as they are the ordinance of man , . pet. ● . . you therefor and other such false doctors , preaching kings to your auditory , as the lord's only anointed , to withdraw people from the present government , by your own text are self condemnd , and not to be followd , not to be medl'd with , but to be noted , as most of all others the seditious and desirous of change . your third proof is no less against your self . psal. . . touch not mine anointed . for this is not spoken in behalf of kings , but spoken to reprove kings , that they should not touch his anointed saints and servants , the seed of abraham , as the verie next before might have taught you : he reproved kings for their sakes ; saying , touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harm ; according to that cor. . . he who hath anointed us , is god . but how well you confirme one wrested scripture with another ; sam. . . they have not rejected thee , but me : grosly misapplying these words , which were not spoken to any who had resisted orrejected a king , but to them who much against the will of god had sought a king , and rejected a commonwealth , wherin they might have livd happily under the raign of god only , thir king . let the words interpret themselves : v. . . but the thing displeased samuel , when they said , give us a king to judge us : and samuel prayed unto the lord . and the lord said unto samuel , hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee ; for they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , that i should not reign over them . hence you conclude , so in dissoluble is the conjunction of god and the king . o notorious abuse of scripture ! whenas you should have concluded , so unwilling was god to give them a king , so wide was the disjunction of god from a king . is this the doctrin you boast of to be so clear in it self , and like a mathematical principle , that needs no farther demonstration . bad logic , bad mathematics ( for principles can have no demonstration at all ) but wors divinitie . o people of an implicit faith no better then romish , if these be thy prime teachers , who to thir credulous audience dare thus jugle with scripture , to alleage those places for the proof of thir doctrin , which are the plane refutation : and this is all the scripture which he brings to confirm his point . the rest of his preachment is meer groundless chat , save heer and there a few granes of corn scatterd to intice the silly fowl into his net , interlac't heer and there with som human reading ; though slight , and notwithout geographical and historical mistakes ▪ as page , suevia the german dukedom , for suecia the northern kingdom : philip of macedon , who is generally understood of the great alexanders father only , made contemporanie , page , with t. quintus the roman commander , instead of t. quintius and the latter philip : and page , tully cited in his third oration against verres , to say of him , that he was a wicked consul , who never was a consul : nor trojan sedition ever portraid by that verse of virgil , which you cite page , as that of troy : school-boyes could have tould you , that ther is nothing of troy in that whole portraiture , as you call it , of sedition . these gross mistakes may justly bring in doubt your other loos citations ; and that you take them up somwhere at the second or third hand rashly and without due considering . nor are you happier in the relating or the moralizing your fable . the frogs ( being once a free nation saith the fable ) petitioned iupiter for a king : he tambl'd among them a log . they found it insensible : they petitioned then for a king that should be active : he sent them a crane ( a stork saith the fable ) which straight fell to pecking them up . this you apply to the reproof of them who desire change : wheras indeed the true moral shews rather the folly of those , who being free seek a king ; which for the most part either as a log lies heavie on his subjects , without doing aught worthie of his dignitie and the charge to maintain him , or as a stork is ever pecking them up and devouring them . but by our fundamental laws , the king is the highest power , page . if we must hear mooting and lawlectures from the pulpit , what shame is it for a dr. of divinitie , not first to consider , that no law can be fundamental , but that which is grounded on the light of nature or right reason , commonly call'd moral law : which no form of government was ever counted ; but arbitrarie , and at all times in the choice of every free people , or thir representers . this choice of government is so essential to thir freedom , that longer then they have it , they are not free . in this land not only the late king and his posteritie , but kingship it self hath bin abrogated by a law ; which involves with as good reason the posteritie of a king forfeited to the people , as that law heretofore of treason against the king , attainted the children with the father . this law against both king and kingship they who most question , do no less question all enacted without the king and his antiparlament at oxford , though call'd mungrell by himself . if no law must be held good , but what passes in full parlament , then surely in exactness of legalitie , no member must be missing : for look how many are missing , so many counties or cities that sent them , want thir representers . but if being once chosen , they serve for the whole nation , then any number which is sufficient , is full , and most of all in times of discord , necessitie and danger . the king himself was bound by the old mode of parlaments , not to be absent , but in case of sickness ; or som extraordinary occasion , and then to leave his substitute ; much less might any member be allowd to absent himself . if the king then and many of the members with him , without leaving any in his stead , forsook the parlament upon a meer panic fear , as was at that time judg'd by most men , and to leavie warr against them that sat , should they who were left sitting , break up , or not dare enact aught of neerest and presentest concernment to public safety , for the punctilio wanting of a full number , which no law book in such extraordinary cases hath determind ? certainly if it were lawfull for them to fly from thir charge upon pretence of privat safety , it was much more lawfull for these to sit and act in thir trust what was necessary for public . by a law therefor of parlament , and of a parlament that conquerd both ireland , scotland , & all thir enemies in england , defended thir friends , were generally acknowledgd for a parlament both at home & abroad , kingship was abolishd : this law now of late hath bin negatively repeald ; yet kingship not positively restor'd ; and i suppose never was establishd by any certain law in this land , nor possibly could be : for how could our forefathers binde us to any certain form of government , more then we can binde our posteritie ? if a people be put to warre with thir king for his misgovernment , and overcome him , the power is then undoubtedly in thir own hands how they will be governd . the warr was granted just by the king himself at the beginning of his last treatie ; and still maintaind to be so by this last parlament , as appears by the qualification prescrib'd to the members of this next ensuing , that none shall be elected , who have born arms against the parlament since . if the warr were just , the conquest was also just by the law of nations . and he who was the chief enemie , in all right ceasd to be the king , especially after captivitie , by the deciding verdit of warr ; and royaltie with all her laws and pretentions , yet remains in the victors power , together with the choice of our future government . free commonwealths have bin ever counted firtest and properest for civil , vertuous and industrious nations , abounding with prudent men worthie to govern : monarchie fittest to curb degenerate , corrupt , idle , proud , luxurious people . if we desire to be of the former , nothing better for us , nothing nobler then a free commonwealth : if we will needs condemn our selves to be of the latter , desparing of our own vertue , industrie and the number of our able men , we may then , conscious of our own unworthiness to be governd better , sadly betake us to our befitting thraldom : yet chusing out of our own number one who hath best aided the people , and best merited against tyrannie , the space of a raign or two we may chance to live happily anough , or tolerably . but that a victorious people should give up themselves again to the vanquishd , was never yet heard of ; seems rather void of all reason and good policie , and will in all probabilitie subject the subduers to the subdu'd , will expose to revenge , to beggarie , to ruin and perpetual bondage the victors under the vanquishd : then which what can be more unworthie ? from misinterpreting our law , you return to do again the same with scripture ; and would prove the supremacy of english kings from pet. . . as if that were the apostles work : wherin if he saith that the king is supreme , he speaks so of him but as an ordinance of man , and in respect of those governours that are sent by him , not in respect of parlaments , which by the law of this land are his bridle ; in vain his bridle , if not also his rider : and therefor hath not only coordination with him , which you falsly call seditious , but hath superioritie above him , and that neither against religion , nor right reason : no nor against common law ; for our kings reignd only by law : but the parlament is above all positive law , whether civil or common , makes or unmakes them both , & still the latter parlament above the former , above all the former lawgivers , then certainly above all precedent laws , entaild the crown on whom it pleasd ; and , as a great lawyer saith , is so transcendent and absolute , that it cannot be consin'd either for causes or persons , within any bounds . but your cry is , no parlament without a king . if this be so , we have never had lawfull kings , who have all bin created kings either by such parlaments , or by conquest : if by such parlaments , they are in your allowance none : if by conquest , that conquest we have now conquerd . so that as well by your own assertion as by ours , there can at present be no king . and how could that person be absolutely supreme , who reignd , not under law only , but under oath of his good demeanour given to the people at his coronation , ere the people gave him his crown ? and his principal oath was to maintain those laws which the people should chuse ? if then the law it self , much more he who was but the keeper and minister of law , was in thir choice ; and both he subordinat to the performance of his duty sworn , and our sworn allegiance in order only to his performance . you fall next on the consistorian schismatics ; for so you call presbyterians , page ; and judge them to have enervated the kings supremacie by thir opinions and practice , differing in many things only in terms from poperie ; though some of those principles which you there cite concerning kingship , are to be read in aristotles politics , long ere popery was thought on . the presbyterians therefor it concerns to be well forewarnd of you betimes ; and to them i leave you . as for your examples of seditious men , page , &c. cora , absalom , zimri , sheba , to these you might with much more reason have added your own name , who blow the trumpet of sedition from your pulpit against the present government : in reward wherof they have sent you by this time , as i hear , to your own place , for preching open sedition , while you would seem to preach against it . as for your appendix annext of the samaritan reviv'd , finding it so foul a libell against all the well-affected of this land , since the very time of ship-money , against the whole parlament , both lords and commons , except those that fled to oxford , against the whole reformed church , not only in england and scotland , but all over europ ( in comparison wherof you and your prelatical partie are more truly schismatics and sectarians , nay more properly fanatics in your fanes and guilded temples , then those whom you revile by those names ) and meeting with no more scripture or solid reason in your samaritane wine and oyle , then hath already bin found sophisticated and adulterate , i leave your malignant narrative , as needing no other confutation , then the just censure already pass'd upon you by the councel of state . of reformation touching chvrch-discipline in england, and the cavses that hitherto have hindred it two bookes, written to a freind [sic] milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) of reformation touching chvrch-discipline in england, and the cavses that hitherto have hindred it two bookes, written to a freind [sic] milton, john, - . [ ], p. printed for thomas underhill, [london?] : . the first of milton's pamphlets written in support of the five protestant ministers in the smectymnuus controversy. attributed to john milton. cf. blc. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng smectymnuus. church of england -- discipline. great britain -- religion -- th century. a r (wing m ). civilwar no of reformation touching church-discipline in england: and the causes that hitherto have hindred it. two bookes, written to a freind. milton, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of reformation touching chvrch-discipline in england : and the cavses that hitherto have hindred it . two bookes , written to a freind . printed , for thomas vnderhill . faults escap't in the printing are heer corrected . page . l. . at frequent must be a comma , p. . l. . sensual . p. . l. . exorcism . p. . l. . at adoration a comna . p. . l. . in ignorance there wants an a. l. . she taught . p. . l. . adde in discipline , which is the execution . p. . l. . collegues . l. . known . p. . l. . yea other nattonsp . . l. . each other state . l. . at common is no period , but a comma . of reformation in england , and the cavvses that hitherto have hindred it . sir , amidst those deepe and retired thoughts , which with every man christianly instructed , ought to be most frequent , of god , and of his miraculous ways , and works , amongst men , and of our religion and worship , to be perform'd to him ; after the story of our saviour christ , suffering to the lowest bent of weaknesse , in the flesh , and presently triumphing to the highest pitch of glory , in the spirit , which drew up his body also , till we in both be united to him in the revelation of his kingdome : i do not know of any thing more worthy to take up the whole passion of pitty , on the one side , and joy on the other , then to consider first , the foule and sudden corruption , and then after many a tedious age , the long-deferr'd , but much more wonderfull and happy re●…ormation of the church in these latter dayes . sad it is to thinke how that doctrine of the gospel , planted by teachers divinely inspir'd , and by them winnow'd , and sifted , from the chaffe of overdated ceremonies , and refin'd to such a spirituall height , and temper of purity , and knowledge of the creator , that the body , with all the circumstances of time and place , were purifi'd by the affections of the regenerat soule , and nothing left impure , but sinne ; faith needing not the weak , and fallible office of the senses , to be either the vshers , or interpreters of heavenly mysteries , save where our lord him-selfe in his sacraments ordain'd ; that such a doctrine should through the grossenesse , and blindnesse , of her professors , and the fraud of deceivable traditions , drag so downwards , as to backslide one way into the jewish beggery of old cast rudiments , and stumble forward another way into the new-vomited paganisme of sensuall idolatry , attributing purity , or impurity , to things indifferent , that they might bring the inward acts of the spirit to the outward , and customary ey-service of the body , as if they could make god earthly , and fleshly , because they could not make themselves hea●…enly , and spirituall : they began to draw downe all the divine intercours , betwixt god , and the soule , yea , the very shape of god himselfe , into an exterior , and bodily forme , urgently pretending a necessity , and obligement of joyning the body in a formall reverence , and worship circumscrib'd , they hallow'd it , they fum'd it , they sprincl'd it , they be deck't it , not in robes of pure innocency , but of pure linnen , with other deformed , and fantastick dresses in palls , and miters , gold , and guegaw's fetcht from arons old wardrope , or the flamins vestry : then was the priest set to con his motions , and his postures his liturgies , and his lurries , till the soule by this meanes of over bodying her selfe , given up justly to fleshly delights , bated her wing apace downeward : and finding the ease she had from her visible , and sensuous collegue the body in performance of religious duties , her pineons now broken , and flagging , shifted off from her selfe , the labour of high soaring any more , forgot her heavenly flight , and left the dull , and droyling carcas to plod on in the old rode , and d●…udging trade of outward conformity . and here out of question from her pervers conceiting of god , and holy things , she had faln to beleeve no god at all , had not custome and the worme of conscience nipt her incredulity hence to all the duty 's of evangelicall grace instead of the adoptive and cheerefull boldnesse which our new alliance with god requires , came servile , and thrallike feare : for in very deed , the superstitious man by his good will is an atheist ; but being ●…carr'd from thence by the pangs , and gripes of a boyling conscience , all in a pudder shuffles up to himselfe such a god , and such a worship as is most agreeable to remedy his feare , which feare of his , as also is his hope , fixt onely upon the flesh , renders likewise the whole faculty of his apprehension , carnall , and all the inward acts of worship issuing from the native strength of the sovle , run out lavishly to the upper skin , and there harden into a crust of formallitie . hence men came to scan the scriptures , by the letter , and in the covenant ofour redemption , magnifi'd the external signs more then the quickning power of the spirit , and yet looking on them through their own guiltinesse with a servile feare , and finding as little comfort , or rather terror from them againe , they knew not how to hide their slavish approach to gods behests by them not understood , nor worthily receav'd , but by cloaking their servile crouching to all religious presentments , somtimes lawfull , sometimes idolatrous , under the name of humility , and terming the py-bald frippery , and oftentation of ceremony's , decency . then was baptisme chang'd into a kind of exorcisme , and water sanctifi'd by christs institute , thought little enough to wash off the originall spot without the scratch , or crosse impression of a priests fore-finger : and that feast of free grace , and adoption to which christ invited his disciples to sit as brethren , and coheires of the happy covenant , which at that table was to be seal'd to them , even that feast of love and heavenly-admitted fellowship , the seale of filiall grace became the subject of horror , and glouting adoration , pageanted about , like a dreadfull idol : which sometimes deceve's wel-meaning men , and beguiles them of their reward , by their voluntary humility , which indeed , is fleshly pride , preferring a foolish sacrifice , and the rudiments of the world , as saint paul to the colossians explaineth , before a savory obedience to christs example . such was peters unseasonable humilitie , as then his knowledge was small , when christ came to wash his feet ; who at an impertinent time would needs straine courtesy with his master , and falling troublesomly upon the lowly , alwise , and unexaminable intention of christ in what he went with resolution to doe , so provok't by his interruption the meeke lord , that he threat'nd to exclude him from his heavenly portion , unlesse he could be content to be lesse arrogant , and stiff neckt in his humility . but to dwell no longer in characterizing the depravities of the church , and how they sprung , and how they tooke increase ; when i recall to mind at last , after so many darke ages , wherein the huge overshadowing traine of error had almost swept all the starres out of the firmament of the church ; how the bright and blissfull reformation ( by divine power ) strook through the black and settled night of ignornnce and antichristian tyranny , me thinks a soveraigne and reviving joy must needs rush into the bosome of him that reads or heares ; and the sweet odour of the returning gospell imbath his soule with the fragrancy of heaven . then was the sacred bible sought out of the dusty corners where prophane falshood and neglect had throwne it , the schooles opened , divine and humane learning rak't out of the embers of forgotten tongues , the princes and cities trooping apace to the new erected banner of salvation ; the martyrs , with the unresistable might of weaknesse , shaking the powers of darknesse , and scorning the fiery rage of the old red dragon . the pleasing pursuit of these thoughts hath oft-times led mee into a serious question and debatement with my selfe , how it should come to passe that england ( having had this grace and honour from god to bee the first that should set up a standard for the recovery of lost truth , and blow the first evangelick trumpet to the nations , holding up , as from a hill , the new lampe of saving light to all christendome should now be last , and most unsettl'd in the enjoyment of that peace , whereof we taught the way to others ; although indeed our wicklefs preaching , at which all the succeding reformers more effectually lighted their tapers , was to his countrey-men but a short blaze soone dampt and stifl'd by the pope , and prelates for sixe or seven kings reignes ; yet me thinkes the precedencie which god gave this iland , to be the first restorer of buried truth , should have beene followed with more happy successe , and sooner attain'd perfection ; in which , as yet we are amongst the last : for , albeit in purity of doctrine we agree with our brethren ; yet in execution and applying of doctrine home , and laying the salve to the very orifice of the wound ; yea tenting and searching to the core , without which pulpit preaching is but shooting at rovers ; in this we are no better then a schisme , from all the reformation , and a sore scandall to them ; for while wee hold ordination to belong onely to bishops , as our prelates doe , wee must of necessity hold also their ministers to be no ministers , and shortly after their church to be no church . not to speake of those sencelesse ceremonies which wee onely retaine , as a dangerous earnest of sliding back to rome , and serving meerely , either as a mist to cover nakednesse where true grace is extinguisht ; or as an enterlude to set out the pompe of prelatisme . certainly it would be worth the while therefore and the paines , to enquire more particularly , what , and how many the che●…we causes have been , that have still hindred our vniforme con●… to the rest of the churches abroad , ( at this time especially ) when the kingdome is in a good propensity thereto ; and all men in prayers , in hopes , or in disputes , either for or against it . yet will i not insist on that which may seeme to be the cause on gods part ; as his judgement on our sinnes , the tryall of his owne , the unmasking of hypocrites ; nor shall i stay to speake of the continuall eagernes and extreame diligence of the pope and papists to stop the furtherance of reformation , which know they have no hold or hope of england their lost darling , longer then the government of bishops bolsters them out ; and therefore plot all they can to uphold them , as may bee seene by the booke of santa clara the popish preist in defence of bishops , which came out piping hot much about the time that one of our own prelats out of an ominous feare had writ on the same argnment ; as if they had joyn'd their forces like good confederates to support one falling babel . but i shall cheifly indeavour to declare those causes that hinder the forwarding of true discipline , which are among our selves . orderly proceeding will divide our inquirie into our fore-fathers dayes , and into our times . henry the . was the first that rent this kingdome from the popes subjection totally ; but his quarrell being more about supremacie , then other faultinesse in religion that he regarded , it is no marvell if hee stuck where he did . the next default was in the bishops , who though they had renounc't the pope , they still hugg'd the popedome , and shar'd the authority among themselves , by their sixe bloody articles persecuting the protestants no slacker then the pope would have done . and doutles , when ever the pope shall fall , if his ruine bee not like the sudden down-come of a towre , the bishops , when they see him tottering , will leave him , and fall to scrambling , catch who may , hee a patriarch-dome , and another what comes next hand ; as the french cardinall of late , and the see of canterbury hath plainly affected . in edward the . dayes , why a compleate reform was not effected , to any considerate man may appeare . first , he no sooner entred into his kingdome , but into a warre with scotland ; from whence the protector returning with victory had but newly put his hand to repeale the . articles , and throw the images out of churches , but rebellions on all sides stir'd up by obdurate papists , and other tumults with a plaine warre in norfolke , holding tack against two of the kings generals , made them of force content themselves with what they had already done . hereupon follow'd ambitious contentions among the peeres , which ceas'd not but with the protectors death , who was the most zealous in this point : and then northumberland was hee that could doe most in england , who little minding religion , ( as his apostacie well shew'd at his death , bent all his wit how to bring the right of the crowne into his owne line . and for the bishops , they were so far from any such worthy attempts , as that they suffer'd themselvs to be the commō stales to coun tenance with their prostituted gravities every politick fe●…ch that was then on foot , as oft as the potent statists pleas'd to employ them . never do we read that they made use of their authority and high place of accesse , to bring the jarring nobility to christian peace , or to withstand their di●…oyall projects ; but if a toleration for masse were to be beg'd of the king for his sister mary , lest charles the fifth should be angry ; who but the grave prelates cranmer and ridley must be sent to extort it from the young king ? but out of the mouth of that godly and royall childe , christ himselfe return'd such an awfull repulse to those halting and time-serving prelates , that after much bold importunity , they went their way not without shame and teares . nor was this the first time that they discover'd to bee followers of this world ; for when the protectors brother , lord sudley , the admirall through private malice and mal-engine was to lose his life , no man could bee found fitter then bishop latimer ( like another doctor shaw ) to divulge in his sermon the forged accusations laid to his charge , thereby to defame him with the people , who else was thought would take ill the innocent mans death ; unlesse the reverend bishop could warrant them there was no foule play . what could be more impious then to debarre the children of the king from their right to the crowne ? to comply with the ambitious ●…urpation of a traytor ; and to make void the last will of henry , to which the breakers had sworne observance ? yet bishop cranmer , one of the executors , and the other bishops none refusing , ( lest they should resist the duke of northumberland ) could find in their consciences to set their hands to the disinabling and defeating not onely of princesse mary the papist , but of elizabeth the protestant , and ( by the bishops judgement ) the lawfull issue of king henry . who then can thinke , ( though these prelates had sought a further reformation ) that the least wry face of a politician would not have hush't them . but it will be said , these men were martyrs : what then ? though every true christian will be a martyr when he is called to it ; not presently does it follow that every one suffering for religion , is without exception . saint paul writes , that a man may give his body to be burnt , ( meaning for religion ) and yet not have charitie : he is not therfore above all possibility of erring , because hee burnes for some points of truth . witnes the arians and pelagians which were slaine by the heathen for christs sake ; yet we take both these for no true friends of christ . if the martyrs ( saith cyprian in his ●… . epistle ) decree one thing , and the gospel another , either the martyrs must lose their crowne by not observing the gospel for which they are martyrs ; or the majestie of the gospel must be broken and lie flat , if it can be overtopt by the novelty of any other decree . and heerewithall i invoke the immortall deitie reveler and judge of secrets , that wherever i have in this booke plainely and roundly ( though worthily and truly ) laid open the faults and blemishes of fathers , martyrs , or christian emperors ; or have otherwise inveighed against error and superstition with vehement expressions : i have done it , neither out of malice , nor list to speak evill , nor any vaine-glory ; but of meere necessity , to vindicate the spotlesse truth from an ignominious bondage , whose native worth is now become of such a low esteeme , that shee is like to finde small credit with us for what she can say , unlesse shee can bring a ticket from 〈◊〉 , latimer , and ridley ; or prove her selfe a retainer to constantine , and weare his badge . more tolerable it were for the church of god that all these names were utterly 〈◊〉 , like the brazen serpent ; then that mens fond opinion should thus idolize them , and the heavenly truth be thus captivated . now to proceed , whatsoever the bishops were , it seemes they themselves were unsatisfi'd in matters of religion , as they then stood , by that commission granted to . bishops , . other divines , . civilians , . common lawyers , to frame ecclesiasticall constitutions ; which no wonder if it came to nothing ; for ( as hayward relates ) both their professions and their ends were different . lastly , we all know by examples , that exact reformation is not perfited at the first push , and those unweildy times of edward . may hold some plea by this excuse : now let any reasonable man judge whether that kings reigne be a fit time from whence to patterne out the constitution of a church discipline , much lesse that it should yeeld occasion from whence to foster and establish the continuance of imperfection with the commendatory subscriptions of confessors and martyrs , to intitle and ingage a glorious name to a grosse corruption . it was not episcopacie that wrought in them the heavenly fortitude of martyrdome ; as little is it that martyrdome can make good episcopacie : but it was episcopacie that led the good and holy men through the temptation of the enemie , and the snare of this present world to many blame-worthy and opprobrious actions . and it is still episcopacie that before all our eyes worsens and sluggs the most learned , and seeming religious of our ministers , who no sooner advanc't to it , but like a seething pot set to coole , sensibly exhale and reake out the greatest part of that zeale , and those gifts which were formerly in them , settling in a skinny congealment of ease and sloth at the top : and if they keep their learning by some potent sway of nature , 't is a rare chance ; but their devotion most commonly comes to that queazy temper of luke-warmnesse , that gives a vomit to god himselfe . but what doe wee suffer mis-shapen and enormous 〈◊〉 , as we do , thus to blanch and varnish her 〈◊〉 with the faire colours , as before of mar●…yrdome , so now of episcopacie ? they are not 〈◊〉 , god and all good men know they are not , that have fill'd this land with late confusion and violence ; but a tyrannicall crew and corporation of impostors , that have blinded and abus'd the world so long under that name . he that inabl'd with gifts from god , and the lawfull and primitive choyce of the church assembl'd in convenient number , faithfully from that time forward feeds his parochiall flock , ha's his coequall and compresbyteriall power to ordaine ministers and deacons by publique prayer , and vote of christs congregation in like sort as he himselfe was ordain'd , and is a true apostolick bishop . but when hee steps up into the chayre of pontificall pride , and changes a moderate and exemplary house , for a mis-govern'd and haughty palace , spirituall dignity for carnall precedence , and secular high office and employment for the high negotiations of his heavenly 〈◊〉 , then he degrades , then hee un-bishops himselfe ; hee that makes him bishop makes him no bishop . no marvell therfore if s. martin complain'd to sulpitius severus that since hee was bishop he felt inwardly a sensible decay of those vertues and graces that god had given him in great measure before ; although the same sulpitius write that he was nothing tainted , or alter'd in his habit , dyet , or personall demeanour from that simple plainnesse to which he first betook himselfe . it was not therfore that thing alone which god tooke displeasure at in the bishops of those times , but rather an universall rottennes , and gangrene in the whole function . from hence then i passe to qu. elizabeth , the next protestant prince , in whose dayes why religion attain'd not a perfect reducement in the beginning of her reigne , i suppose the hindring causes will be found to bee common with some formerly alledg'd for king edward . the greennesse of the times , the weake estate which qu. mary left the realme in , the great places and offices executed by papists , the judges , the lawyers , the justices of peace for the most part popish , the bishops firme to rome , from whence was to be expected the furious 〈◊〉 of excommunications ; and absolving the people from their obedience . next , her private councellours , whoever they were perswaded her ( as camden writes ) that the altering of ecclesiasticall policie would move sedition . then was the 〈◊〉 given to a number of moderate 〈◊〉 , and sir tho. smith a statesman to bee purg'd , and physick't : and surely they were moderate divines indeed , neither hot nor cold ; 〈◊〉 grindall the best of them , afterwards arch bishop of canterbury lost favour in the court , and i think was discharg'd the goverment of his see for favouring the ministers , though camden seeme willing to finde another cause : therefore about her second yeare in a parliament of men and minds some scarce well grounded , others belching the soure crudities of yesterdayes poperie , those constitutions of edw. . which as you heard before , no way satisfi'd the men that made them , are now establish't for best , and not to be mended . from that time follow'd nothing but imprisonments , troubles , disgraces on all those that found fault with the decrees of the conv●…cation , and strait were they branded with the name of puritans . as for the queene her selfe , shee was made beleeve that by putting downe bishops her prerogative would be infring'd , of which shall be spoken anon , as the course of method brings it in . and why the prelats labour'd it should be so thought , ask not them , but ask their bellies . they had found a good tabernacle , they sate under a spreading vine , their lot was fallen in a faire inheritance . and these perhaps were the cheife impeachments of a more sound rectifying the church in the queens time . from this period i count to begin our times , which , because they concerne us more neerely , and our owne eyes and eares can give us the ampler scope to judge , will require a more exact search ; and to effect this the speedier , i shall distinguish such as i esteeme to be the hinderers of reformation into . sorts , antiquitarians ( for so i had rather call them then antiquaries , whose labours are usefull and laudable ) . libertines , . polititians . to the votarists of antiquity i shall think to have fully answer'd , if i shall be able to prove out of antiquity , first , that if they will conform our bishops to the purer times , they must mew their feathers , and their pounces , and make but curttail'd bishops of them ; and we know they hate to be dockt and clipt , as much as to be put down outright . secondly , that those purer times were corrupt , and their books corrupted soon after . thirdly , that the best of those that then wrote , disclaim that any man should repose on them , and send all to the scriptures . first therfore , if those that over-affect antiquity , will follow the square therof , their bishops must be elected by the hands of the whole church . the ancientest of the extant fathers ignatius , writing to the philadelphians saith , that it belongs to them as to the church of god to choose a bishop . let no man cavill , but take the church of god as meaning the whole consistence of orders and members , as s. pauls epistles expresse , and this likewise being read over : besides this , it is there to be mark'd , that those philadelphians are exhorted to choose a bishop of antioch . whence it seems by the way that there was not that wary limitation of dioces in those times , which is confirm'd even by a fast friend of episcopacie , camden , who cannot but love bishops , as well as old coins , and his much lamented monasteries for antiquities sake . he writes in his description of scotland , that over all the world bishops had no certaine dioces , till pope dionysius about the yeare . did cut them out , and that the bishops of scotland executed their function in what place soever they came indifferently , and without distinction till king malcolm the third , about the yeare . whence may be guest what their function was : was it to goe about circl'd with a band of rooking officials , with cloke bagges full of citations , and processes to be serv'd by a corporalty of griffonlike promooters , and apparitors ? did he goe about to pitch down his court , as an empirick does his banck , to inveigle in all the mony of the con̄trey ? no certainly it would not have bin permitted him to exercise any such function indifferently wherever he came . and verily some such matter it was as want of a fat dioces that kept our britain bishops so poore in the primitive times , that being call'd to the councell of ariminum in the yeare . they had not wherewithall to defray the charges of their journey , but were fed ; and lodg'd upon the emperors cost , which must needs be no accidentall , but usuall poverty in them , for the author sulp. severus in his booke of church history praises them , and avouches it praise-worthy in a bishop , to be so poore as to have nothing of his own . but to return to the ancient election of bishops that it could not lawfully be without the consent of the people is so expresse in cyprian , and so often to be met with , that to cite each place at large , were to translate a good part of the volume , therfore touching the chief passages , i referre the rest to whom so list peruse the author himselfe : in the . epist. if a bishop saith he , be once made and allow'd by the testimony and judgement of his collegues , and the people , no other can be made . in the . when a bishop is made by the suffrage of all the people in peace . in the . marke but what he saies , the people chiefly hath power , either of choosing worthy ones , or refusing unworthy : this he there proves by authorities out of the old and new testament , and with solid reasons : these were his antiquities . this voyce of the people to be had ever in episcopal elections was so well known , before cyprians time , even to those that were without the church , that the emperor alexander severus desir'd to have his governours of provinces chosen in the same manner , as 〈◊〉 can tell : so little thought it he offensive to monarchy ; and if single authorities perswade not , hearken what the whole generall councel of nicaea the first and famousest of all the rest determines , writing a synodal epist. to the african churches , to warn them of arrianisme , it exhorts them to choose orthodox bishops in the place of the dead so they be worthy , and the people choose them , whereby they seem to make the peoples assent so necessary ; that merit without their free choyce were not sufficient to make a bishop . what would ye say now grave fathers if you should wake and see unworthy bishops , or rather no bishops , but egyptian task-masters of ceremonies thrust purposely upon the groaning church to the affliction , and vexation of gods people ? it was not of old that a conspiracie of bishops could frustrate and fob off the right of the people , for we may read how s. martin soon after constantine was made bishop of turon in france by the peoples consent from all places thereabout m●…ugre all the opposition that the bishops could make . thus went matters of the church almost . yeare after christ , and very probably farre lower , for nicephorus phocas the greek emperour , whose reign fell neare the . year of our lord , having done many things tyrannically , is said by cedrenus to have done nothing more grievous and displeasing to the people , then to have in-acted that no bishop should be chosen without his will ; so long did this right remain to the people in the midst of other palpable corruptions : now for episcopall dignity , what it was , see out of ignatius , who in his epistle to those of trallis confesseth that the presbyters , are his fellow counsellers , and fellow benchers . and cyprian in many places , as in the . . . epist. speaking of presbyters , calls them his compresbyters , as if he deem'd himself no other , whenas by the same place it appeares he was a bishop , he calls them brethren ; but that will be thought his meeknesse : yea , but the presbyters and deacons writing to him think they doe him honour enough when they phrase him no higher then brother cyprian , and deare cyprian in the . epist. for their authority 't is evident not to have bin single , but depending on the counsel of the presbyters , as from 〈◊〉 was ere while alledg'd ; and the same cyprian acknowledges as much in the epist. and addes therto that he had determin'd from his entrance into the office of bishop to doe nothing without the consent of his people , and so in the . epist , for it were tedious to course through all his writings which are so full of the like assertions , insomuch that ev'n in the womb and center of apostacy rome it selfe , there yet remains a glimps of this truth , for the pope himselfe , as a learned english writer notes well , performeth all e●…clesiasticall jurisdiction as in consistory amongst his cardinals , which were originally but the parish priests of rome . thus then did the spirit of unity and meeknesse inspire , and animate every joynt , and sinew of the mysticall body , but now the gravest , and worthiest minister , atrue bishop of his fold shall be revil'd , and ruffl'd by an insulting , and only-canon-wise prelate , as if he were some slight paltry companion : and the people of god redeem'd , and wash'd with christs blood , and dignify'd with so many glorious titles of saints , and sons in the gospel , are now no better reputed then impure ethnicks , and lay dogs ; stones & pillars , and crucifixes have now the honour , and the almes due to christs living members ; the table of communion now become a table of separation stands like an exalted platforme upon the brow of the quire , fortifi'd with bulwark , ●…and barricado , to keep off the profane touch of the laicks , whilst the obscene , and surfered priest scruples not to paw , and mammock the sacramentall bread , as familiarly as his tavern bisket . and thus the people vilifi'd and rejected by them , give over the earnest study of vertue , and godlinesse as a thing of greater purity then they need , and the search of divine knowledge as a mystery too high for their capacity's , and only for church-men to meddle with , which is that the prelates desire , that when they have brought us back to popish blindnesse we might commit to their dispose the whole managing of our salvation , for they think it was never faire world with them since that time : but he that will mould a modern bishop into a primitive , must yeeld him to be elected by the popular voyce , undiocest , unrevenu'd , unlorded , and leave him nothing but brotherly equality , matchles temperance , frequent fasting , incessant prayer , and preaching , continual watchings , and labours in his ministery , which what a rich bootie it would be , what a plump endowment to the many-benefice-gaping mouth of a prelate , what a relish it would give to his canary-sucking , and swan-eating palat , let old bishop mountain judge for me . how little therfore those ancient times make for moderne bishops hath bin plainly discours'd , but let them make for them as much as they will , yet why we ought not stand to their arbitrement shall now appeare by a threefold corruption which will be found upon them . times were spreadingly infected . men of those times fouly tainted . writings of those men dangerously adulterated . these positions are to be made good out of those times witnessing of themselves . first , ignatius in his early dayes testifies to the churches of asia , that even then heresies were sprung up , and rife every where , as eusebius relates in his . book , . chap. after the greek number . and hegesippus a grave church writer of prime antiquity affirms in the same book of euseb. c. . that while the apostles were on earth the depravers of doctrine did but lurk , but they once gon , with open forehead they durst preach down the truth with falsities : yea those that are reckon'd for orthodox began to make sad , and shamefull rents in the church about the trivial celebration of feasts , not agreeing when to keep easter day , which controversie grew so hot , that victor the bishop of rome excommunicated all the churches of asia for no other cause , and was worthily therof reprov'd by irenaeus . for can any sound theologer think that these great fathers understood what was gospel , or what was excommunication ? doubtlesse that which led the good men into fraud and error was , that they attended more to the neer tradition of what they heard the apostles somtimes did , then to what they had left written , not considering that many things which they did , were by the apostles themselves profest to be done only for the present , and of meer indulgence to some scrupulous converts of the circumcision , but what they writ was of firm decree to all future ages . look but a century lower in the . cap. of eusebius . book . what a universal tetter of impurity had invenom'd every part , order , and degree of the church , to omit the lay herd which will be little regarded , those that seem'd to be our pastors , saith he , overturning the law of gods worship , burnt in contentions one towards another , and incresing in hatred and bitternes , outragiously sought to uphold lordship , and command as it were a tyranny . stay but a little , magnanimous bishops , suppresse your aspiring thoughts , for there is nothing wanting but constantine to reigne , and then tyranny her selfe shall give up all her cittadels into your hands , and count ye thence forward her trustiest agents . such were these that must be call'd the ancientest , and most virgin times between christ and constantine . nor was this general contagion in their actions , and not in their writings : who is ignorant of the foul errors , the ridiculous wresting of scripture , the heresies , the vanities thick sown through the volums of justin mar●…yr , clemens , origen , 〈◊〉 and others of eldest time ? who would think him fit to write an apology for christian faith to the roman senat , that would tell them how of the angels , which he must needs mean those in gen. call'd the sons of god , mixing with women were begotten the devills , as good justin martyr in his apology told them . but more indignation would it move to any christian that shall read tertullian terming s. paul a novice and raw in grace , for reproving s. peter at antioch , worthy to be blam'd if we beleeve the epistle to the galatians : perhaps from this hint the blasphemous jesuits presum'd in italy to give their judgement of s. paul , as of a hot headed person , as sandys in his relations tells us . now besides all this , who knows not how many surreptitious works are ingrass'd into the legitimate writings of the fathers , and of those books that passe for authentick who knows what hath bin tamper'd withall , what hath bin raz'd out , what hath bin inserted , besides the late legerdemain of the papists , that which sulpitius writes concerning origens books gives us cause vehemently to suspect , there hath bin packing of old . in the third chap. of his . dialogue , we may read what wrangling the bishops and monks had about the reading , or not reading of origen , some objecting that he was corrupted by hereticks , others answering that all such books had bin so dealt with . how then shall i trust these times to lead me , that restifie so ill of leading themselvs , certainly of their defects their own witnesse may be best receiv'd , but of the rectitude , and sincerity of their life and doctrine to judge rightly , wee must judge by that which was to be their rule . but it wil be objected that this was an 〈◊〉 state of the church wanting the temporall magistrate to suppresse the licence of false brethren , and the extravagancy of still-new opinions , a time not imitable for church government , where the temporall and spirituall power did not close in one beleife , as under constantine . i am not of opinion to thinke the church a vine in this respect , because , as they take it , she cannot subsist without clasping about the elme of worldly strength , and felicity , as if the heavenly city could not support it selfe without the props and buttresses of secular authoritie . they extoll constantine because he extol'd them ; as our homebred monks in their histories blanch the kings their benefactors , and brand those that went about to be their correctors . if he had curb'd the growing pride , avarice , and luxury of the clergie , then every page of his story should have swel'd with his faults , and that which zozimus the heathen writes of him should have come in to boot : wee should have heard then in every declamation how hee slew his nephew commodus a worthy man , his noble and eldest son crispus , his wife fausta , besides numbers of his friends ; then his cruell exactions , his unsoundnesse in religion , favoring the arrians that had been condemn'd in a counsell , of which himselfe sate as it were president , his hard measure and banishment of the faithfull and invincible athanasius , his living unbaptiz'd almost to his dying day ; these blurs are too apparent in his life . but since hee must needs bee the lord-starre of reformation as some men clatter , it will be good to see further his knowledge of religion what it was , and by that we may likewise guesse at the sincerity of his times in those that were not hereticall , it being likely that hee would converse with the famousest prelates ( for so he had made them ) that were to be found for learning . of his arianisme we heard , and for the rest , a pretty scantling of his knowledge may be taken by his deferring to be baptiz'd so many yeares , a thing not usuall , and repugnant to the tenor of scripture , philip knowing nothing that should hinder the eunuch to be baptiz'd after profession of his beleife . next , by the excessive devotion , that i may not say superstition both of him and his mother helena , to find out the crosse on which christ suffer'd , that had long lien under the rubbish of old ruines , ( a thing which the disciples and kindred of our saviour might with more ease have done , if they had thought it a pious duty : ) some of the nailes whereof hee put into his helmet , to beare off blowes in battell , others he fasten'd among the studds of his bridle , to fulfill ( as he thought , or his court bishops perswaded him ) the prophesie of zachariah ; and it shall be that that which is in the bridle shall be holy to the lord . part of the crosse , in which he thought such vertue to reside , as would prove a kind of palladium to save the citie where ever it remain'd , he caus'd to be laid up in a pillar of porphyrie by his statue . how hee or his teachers could trifle thus with halfe an eye open upon saint pauls principles , i know not how to imagine . how should then the dim taper of this emperours age that had such need of snuffing , extend any beame to our times wherewith wee might hope to be better lighted , then by those luminaries that god hath set up to shine to us far neerer hand . and what reformation he wrought for his owne time it will not be amisse to consider , hee appointed certaine times for fasts , and feasts , built stately churches , gave large immunities to the clergie , great riches and promotions to bishops , gave and minister'd occasion to bring in a deluge of ceremonies , thereby either to draw in the heathen by a resemblance of their rites , or to set a glosse upon the simplicity , and plainnesse of christianity which to the gorgeous solemnities of paganisme , and the sense of the worlds children seem'd but a homely and yeomanly religion , for the beauty of inward sanctity was not within their prospect . so that in this manner the prelates both then and ever since comming from a meane , and plebeyan life on a sudden to be lords of stately palaces , rich furniture , delicious fare , and princely attendance , thought the plaine and homespun verity of christs gospell unfit any longer to hold their lordships acquaintance , unlesse the poore thred-bare matron were put into better clothes ; her chast and modest vaile surrounded with celestiall beames they overlai'd with wanton tresses , and in a a●…aring tire 〈◊〉 her with all the gaudy allurements of a whore . thus flourish't the church with constantines wealth , and thereafter were the effects that follow'd ; his son con●…antius prov'd a flat arian , and his nephew iulian an apostate , 〈◊〉 there his race ended ; the church that before by insensible degrees welk't and impair'd , now with large steps went downe hill decaying ; at this time antichrist began first to put forth his horne , and that saying was common that former times had woodden chalices and golden preists ; but they golden chalices and woodden preists . formerly ( saith sulpitius ) martyrdome by glorious death was sought more greedily , then now bishopricks by vile ambition are hunted after ( speaking of these times ) and in another place ; they gape after possessions , they tend lands and livings , they coure over their gold , they buy and sell : and if there be any that neither possesse nor traffique , that which is worse , they sit still , and expect guifts , and prostitute every indu●…ment of grace , every holy thing to sale . and in the end of his history thus he concludes , all things went to wrack by the faction , wilfulnesse , and avarice of the bishops , and by this means gods people , & every good man was had in scorn and derision ; which s. martin found truly to be said by his friend sulpitius ; for being held in admiration of all men , he had onely the bishops his enemies , found god lesse favorable to him after he was bishop then before , & for his last . yeares would come at no bishops meeting . thus you see sir what constantines doings in the church brought forth , either in his own or in his sons reigne . now lest it should bee thought that somthing else might ayle this author thus to hamper the bishops of those dayes ; i will bring you the opinion of three the famousest men for wit and learuing , that italy at this day glories of , whereby it may be concluded for a receiv'd opinion even among men professing the romish faith , that constantine marr'd all in the church . dante in his . canto of inferno hath thus , as i will render it you in english blank verse . ah constantine , of how much ill was cause not thy conversion , but those rich demaines that the first wealthy pope receiv'd of thee . so in his . canto of paradise hee makes the like complaint , and petrarch seconds him in the same mind in his . sonnet which is wip't out by the inquisitor in some editions ; speaking of the roman antichrist as meerely bred up by constantine . founded in chast and humble povertie , 'gainst them that rais'd thee dost thou lift thy horn , impudent who●…e , where hast thou plac'd thy hope ? in thy adulterers , or thy ill got wealth ? another constantine comes not in hast . ariosto of ferrara after both these in time , but equall in fame , following the scope of his poem in a difficult knot how to restore orlando his chiefe hero to his lost senses , brings astolfe the english knight up into the moone , where s. john , as he feignes , met him . cant. . and to be short , at last his guid him brings into a goodly valley , where he sees a mighty masse of things strangely confus'd , things that on earth were lost , or were abus'd . and amongst these so abused things listen what hee met withall , under the conduct of the evangelist . then past hee to a flowry mountaine greene , which once smelt sweet , now stinks as 〈◊〉 ; this was that gift ( if you the truth will have ) that constantine to good sylvestro gave . and this was a truth well knowne in england before this poet was borne , as our chaucers plowman shall tell you by and by upon another occasion . by all these circumstances laid together , i do not see how it can be disputed what good this emperour constantine wrought to the church , but rather whether ever any , though perhaps not wittingly , set open a dore to more mischiefe in christendome . there is just cause therefore that when the prelates cry out let the church be reform'd according to constantine , it should sound to a judicious eare no otherwise , then if they should say make us rich , make us lofty , make us lawlesse , for if any under him were not so , thanks to those ancient remains of integrity , which were not yet quite worne out , and not to his government . thus finally it appears that those purer times were no such as they are cry'd up , and not to be follow'd without suspicion , doubt and danger . the last point wherein the antiquary is to bee dealt with at his owne weapon , is to make it manifest , that the ancientest , and best of the fathers have disclaim'd all sufficiency in themselves that men should rely on , and sent all commers to the scriptures , as all sufficient ; that this is true , will not be unduly gather'd by shewing what esteeme they had of antiquity themselves , and what validity they thought in it to prove doctrine , or discipline . i must of necessitie begin from the second ranke of fathers , because till then antiquitie could have no plea . cyprian in his . epistle . if any , saith he , of our auncestors either ignorantly or out of simplicity hath not observ'd that which the lord taught us by his example ( speaking of the lords supper ) his simplicity god may pardon of his mercy , but wee cannot be excus'd for following him , being instructed by the lord . and have not we the same instructions , and will not this holy man with all the whole consistorie of saints and martyrs that liv'd of old rise up and stop our mouthes in judgement , when wee shall goe about to father our errors , and opinions upon their authority ? in the . epist. hee adds , in vaine doe they oppose custome to us if they be overcome by reason ; as if custome were greater then truth , or that in spirituall things that were not to be follow'd , which is revel'd for the better by the holy ghost . in the . neither ought custome to hinder that truth should not prevaile , for custome without truth is but agednesse of error . next lactantius , he that was prefer'd to have the bringing up of constantines children in his second booke of institutions , chap. . & . disputes against the vaine trust in antiquity , as being the cheifest argument of the heathen against the christians , they doe not consider , saith he , what religion is , but they are confident it is true , because the ancients deliver'd it , they count it a trespasse to examine it . and in the eighth , not because they went before us in time , therefore in wisedome , which being given alike to all ages , cannot be prepossest by the ancients ; wherefore seeing that to seeke the truth is inbred to all , they bereave themselves of wisedome the gift of god who without judgement follow the ancients , and are led by others like bruit beasts . st. austin writes to fortunatian that he counts it lawfull in the bookes of whomsoever to reject that which hee finds otherwise then true , and so hee would have others deale by him . he neither accounted , as it seems , those fathers that went before , nor himselfe , nor others of his rank , for men of more then ordinary spirit , that might equally deceive , and be deceiv'd . and oftimes , setting our servile humors aside , yea god so ordering , we may find truth with one man , as soon as in a counsell , as cyprian agrees . epist. many things , saith he , are better reveal'd to single persons . at 〈◊〉 in the first , and best reputed counsell of all the world , there had gon out a canon to divorce married priests , had not one old man paphnutius stood up , and reason'd against it . now remains it to shew clearly that the fathers referre all decision of controversie to the scriptures , as all-sufficient to direct , to resolve , and to determine . ignatius taking his last leave of the asian churches , as he went to martyrdome exhorted them to adhere close to the written doctrine of the apostles , necessarily written for posterity : so farre was he from unwritten traditions , as may be read in the . c. of eusebius . b. in the . epist. of cyprian against stefan bish. of rome imposing upon him a tradition , whence , quoth he , is this tradition ? is it fetcht from the authority of christ in the gospel , or of the apostles in their epistles : for god testifies that thosi things are to be done which are written : and then thus ; what obstinacie , what presumption is this to preferre humane tradition before divine ordinance ? and in the same epist. if we shall return to the head , and beginning of divine tradition ( which we all know he means the bible ) humane error ceases , and the reason of heavenly misteries unfolded , whatsoever was obscure , becomes leare . and in the . distinct . of the same epist directly against our modern fantasies of a still visible church , he teaches ; that succession of truth may fail , to renew which we must have 〈◊〉 to the fonntaines , using this excellent similitude , if a channel , or conduit pipe which brought in water plentifully before , suddenly fail , doe we not goe to the fountaine to know the cause , whether the spring affords no more , or whether the vein be stopt , or turn'd aside in the midcourse : thus ought we to doe , keeping gods precepts , that if in ought the truth shall be chang'd , we may repaire to the gospel , and to the apostles , that thence may arise the reason of our doings , from whence our order , and beginning arose . in the . he inveighs bitterly against pope stefanus , for that he could boast his succession from peter , and yet foist in traditions that were not apostolicall . and in his book of the unity of the church he compares those that neglecting gods word , follow the doctrines of men , to corch , dathan , and abiram . the very first page of 〈◊〉 against the gentiles , averres the scriptutes to be sufficient of themselves for the declaration of truth ; and that if his friend macarius read other religious writers , it was but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} come un virtuoso , ( as the italians say , ) as a lover of elegance : and in his d tome the . pag , after he hath rekon'd up the canonicall books , in these only , saith he , is the doctrine of godlinesse 〈◊〉 , let us man 〈◊〉 to these , or take from these ; and in his 〈◊〉 having again set down all the writers of the old & new testament , these , saith he , be the anchors , and props of our faith : besides these , millions of other books have bin written by great and wise men according to rule , and agreement with these , of which i will not now speak , as being of infinite number , and meer dependance on the canonical books . basil in his d tome writing of true faith , tells his auditors he is bound to teach them that which he hath learn't out of the bible : and in the same treatise , he saith , that seeing the commandments of the lord , are faithfull and sure for ever ; it is a plain falling from the faith , and a high pride either to make void any thing therin , or ●…o introduce any thing not there to be found : and he gives the reason for christ saith , my sheep heare my voyce , they will not follow another , but fly from him , because they know not his voyce . but not to be endlesse in quotations , it may chance to be objected , that there be many opinions in the fathers which have no ground in scripture ; so much the lesse , may i say , should we follow them , for their own words shall condemn them , and acquit us , that lean not on them ; otherwise these their words shall acquit them , and condemn us . but it will be reply'd , the scriptures are difficult to be understood , and therfore require the explanation of the fathers , 't is true there be some books , and especially some places in those books that remain clouded ; yet ever that which is most necessary to be known is most easie ; and that which is most difficult , so farre expounds it selfe ever , as to tell us how little it imports our saving knowledge . hence to inferre a generall obscurity over all the text , is a meer suggestion of the devil to disswade men from reading it , and casts an aspersion of dishonour both upon the mercy , truth , and wisdome of . god : we count it no gentlenesse , or fair dealing in a man of power amongst us , to require strict , and punctual obedience , and yet give out all his commands ambiguous and obscure , we should think he had a plot upon us , certainly such commands were no commands , but ●…nares . the very essence of truth is plainnesse , and brightnes ; the darknes and crookednesse is our own . the wisdome of god created understanding , fit and proportionable to truth the object , and end of it , as the eye to the thing visible . if our understanding have a film of ignorance over it , or be blear with gazing on other false glisterings , what is that to truth ? if we will but purge with sovrain eyesalve that intellectual ray which god hath planted in us , then we would beleeve the scriptures protesting their own plainnes , and perspicuity , calling to them to be instructed , not only the wise , and learned , but the simple , the poor , the babes , foretelling an extraordinary effusion of gods spirit upon every age , and sexe , attributing to all men , and requiring from them the ability of searching , trying , examining all things , and by the spirit discerning that which is good ; and as the scriptures themselvs pronounce their own plainnes , so doe the fathers testifie of them . i will not run into a paroxysm of citations again in this point , only instance athanasius in his fore-mention'd first page ; the knowledge of truth , saith he , wants no humane lore , as being evident in it selfe , and by the preaching of christ now opens brighter then the sun . if these doctors who had scarse half the light that we enjoy , who all except or were ignorant of the hebrew tongue , and many of the greek , blundring upon the dangerous , and suspectfull translations of the apostat aquila , the heretical theodotion , the judaiz'd symmachus ; the erroneous origen ; if these could yet find the bible so easie , why should we doubt , that have all the helps of learning , and faithfull industry that man in this life can look for , and the assistance of god as neer now to us as ever . but let the scriptures be hard ; are they more hard , more crabbed , more abstruse then the fathers ? he that cannot understand the sober , plain , and unaffected stile of the scriptures , will be ten times more puzzl'd with the knotty africanisms , the pamper'd metafors ; the intricat , and involv'd sentences of the fathers ; besides the fantastick , and declamatory flashes ; the crosse-jingling periods which cannot but disturb , and come thwart a setl'd devotion worse then the din of bells , and rattles . now sir , for the love of holy reformation , what can be said more against these importunat clients of antiquity , then she her selfe their patronesse hath said . whether think ye would she approve still to dote upon immeasurable , innumerable , and therfore unnecessary , and unmercifull volumes , choosing rather to erre with the specious name of the fathers , or to take a ●…ound truth at the hand of a plain upright man that all his dayes hath bin diligently reading the holy scriptures , and therto imploring gods grace , while the admire●…s of antiquity have bin beating their brains about their ambones , their diptychs , and meniaia's ? now , he that cannot tell of stations , and indictions ; nor has wasted his pretious howrs in the endles conferring of councels and conclaves that demolish one another , although i know many of those that pretend to be great rabbies in these studies have scarce saluted them from the strings , and the titlepage , or to give 'em more , have bin but the ferrets and moushunts of an index : yet what pastor , or minister how learned , religious , or discreet soever does not now bring both his cheeks full blown with oecumenical , and synodical , shall be counted a lank , shallow , unsufficient man , yea a dunce , and not worthy to speak about reformation of church discipline . but i trust they for whom god hath reserv'd the honour of reforming this church will easily perceive their adversaries drift in thus calling for antiquity , they feare the plain field of the scriptures ; the chase is too hot ; they seek the dark , the bushie , the tangled forrest , they would imbosk : they feel themselvs strook in the transparent streams of divine truth , they would plunge , and tumble , and thinke to ly hid in the foul weeds , and muddy waters , where no plummet can reach the bottome . but let them beat themselvs like whales , and spend their oyl till they be dradg'd ashoar : though wherfore should the ministers give them so much line for shifts , and delays ? wherfore should they not urge only the gospel , and hold it ever in their faces like a mirror of diamond , till it dazle , and pierce their misty ey balls ? maintaining it the honour of its absolute sufficiency , and supremacy inviolable : for if the scripture be for reformation , and antiquity to boot , 't is but an advantage to the dozen , 't is no winning cast : and though antiquity be against it , while the scriptures be for it , the cause is as good as ought to be wisht , antiquity it selfe sitting judge . but to draw to an end ; the second sort of those , that may be justly number'd among the hinderers of reformation , are libertines , these suggest that the discipline sought would be intolerable : for one bishop now in a dioces we should then have a pope in every parish . it will not be requisit to answer these men , but only to discover them , for reason they have none , but lust , and licentiousnes , and therfore answer can have none . it is not any discipline that they could live under , it is the corruption , and remisnes of discipline that they seek . episcopacy duly executed , yea the turkish , and jewish rigor against whoring , and drinking ; the dear , and tender discipline of a father ; the sociable , and loving reproof of a brother ; the bosome admonition of a friend is a presbytery , and a consistory to them . 't is only the merry frier in chaucer can disple them . full sweetly heard he confession and pleasant was his absolution , he was an easie man to give pennance . and so i leave them : and referre the political discourse of episcopacy to a second book . of reformation , &c. the second book . sir , it is a work good , and prudent to be able to guide one man ; of larger extended vertue to order wel one house ; but to govern a nation piously , and justly , which only is to say happily , is for a spirit of the greatest size , and divinest mettle . and certainly of no lesse a mind , nor of lesse excellence in another way , were they who by writing layd the solid , and true foundations of this science , which being of greatest importance to the life of man , yet there is no art that hath bin more canker'd in her principles , more soyl'd , and slubber'd with aphorisming pedantry then the art of policie ; and that most , where a man would thinke should least be , in christian common-wealths . they teach not that to govern well is to train up a nation in true wisdom and vertue , and that which springs from thence magnanimity , ( take heed of that ) and that which is our beginning , regeneration , and happiest end , likenes to god , which in one word we call godlines , & that this is the true florishing of a land , other things follow as the shadow does the substance : to teach thus were meer pulpitry to them . this is the master-piece of a modern politician , how to qualifie , and mould the sufferance and subjection of the people to the length of that foot that is to tread on their necks , how rapine may serve it selfe with the fair , and honourable pretences of publick good , how the puny law may be brought-under the wardship , and controul of lust , and will ; in which attempt if they fall short , then must a superficial colour of reputation by all means direct or indirect be gotten to wash over the unsightly bruse of honor . to make men governable in this manner their precepts mainly tend to break a nationall spirit , and courage by count'nancing open riot , luxury , and ignorance , till having thus disfigur'd and made men beneath men , as juno in the fable of 〈◊〉 , they deliver up the poor transformed heifer of the commonwealth to be ●…ung and vext with the breese , and goad of oppression under the custody of some argus with a hundred eyes of jealousie . to be plainer sir , how to soder , how to stop a leak , how to keep up the floting carcas of a crazie , and diseased monarchy , or state betwixt wind , and water , swimming still upon her own dead lees , that now is the deepe designe of a politician . alas sir ! a common-welth ought to be but as one huge christian personage , one mighty growth , and stature of an honest man , as big , and compact in vertue as in body ; for looke what the grounds , and causes are of single happines to one man , the same yee shall find them to a whole state , as 〈◊〉 both in his ethicks , and politiks , from the principles of reason layes down by consequence therfore , that which is good , and agreeable to monarchy , will appeare soonest to be so , by being good , and agreeable to the true wel-fare of every christian , and that which can be justly prov'd hurtfull , and offensive to every true christian , wil be evinc't to be alike hurtful to monarchy : for god forbid , that we should separate and distinguish the end , and good of a monarch , from the end and good of the monarchy , or of that , from christianity . how then this third , and last for t that hinder reformation , will justify that it stands not with reason of state , i much muse ? for certain i am ●…he bible is shut against them , as certaine that neither plato , nor aristotle is for their turnes , what they can bring us now from the schools of loyola with his jesuites , or their malvezzi that can cut tacitus into slivers and steaks , we shall presently hear . they alledge . that the church government must be conformable to the civill politie , next , that no forme of church government is agreeable to monarchy , but that of bishops . must church government that is appointed in the gospel , and has chief respect to the soul , be conformable , and pliant to civil , that is arbitrary , and chiefly conversant about the visible and external part of man ? this is the very maxim that moulded the calvs of bethel and of dan , this was the quintessence of jeroboams policy , he made religion conform to his politick interests , & this was the sin that watcht over theisraelites till their final captivity if this state principle come from the prelates , as they affect to be counted statists , let them look back to elutherius bishop of rome , and see what he thought of the policy of england ; being requir'd by lucius the first christian king of this iland to give his counsel for the founding of religious laws , little thought he of this sage caution , but bids him betake himselfe to the old , and new testament , and receive direction from them how to administer both church , and common-wealth ; that he was gods vicar , and therfore to rule by gods laws , that the edicts of caesar we may at all times disallow , but the statutes of god for no reason we may reject . now certaine if church-goverment be taught in the gofpel , as the bishops dare not deny , we may well conclude of what late standing this position is , newly calculated for the altitude of bishop elevation , and lettice for their lips . but by what example can they shew that the form of church discipline must be minted , and modell'd out to secular pretences ? the ancient republick of the jews is evident to have run through all the changes of civil estate , if we survey the story from the giving of the law to the herods , yet did one manner of priestly government serve without inconvenience to all these temporal mutations : it serv'd the mild aristocracy of elective dukes , and heads of tribes joyn'd with them ; the dictatorship of the judges , the easie , or hard-handed monarchy's , the domestick , or forrain tyrannies , lastly the roman senat from without , the jewish senat at home with the galilean te●…rarch , yet the levites had some right to deal in civil affairs : but seeing the euangelical precept forbids church-men to intermeddle with worldly imployments , what interweavings , or interworkings can knit the minister , and the magistrate in their several functions to the regard of any precise correspondency ? seeing that the churchmans office is only to teach men the christian faith , to exhort all , to incourage the good , to admonish the bad , privately the lesse offender , publickly the scandalous and stubborn ; to censure , and separate from the communion of christs flock , the contagious , and incorrigible , to receive with joy , and fatherly compassion the penitent , all this must be don , and more then this is beyond any church autority . what is all this either here , or there to the temporal regiment of wealpublick , whether it be popular , princely , or monarchical ? where doth it intrench upon the temporal governor , where does it come in his walk ? where does it make inrode upon his jurisdiction ? indeed if the ministers part be rightly discharg'd , it renders him the people more conscionable , quiet , and easie to be gov●…'d , if otherwise his life and doctrine will declare him . if therfore the constitution of the church be already set down by divine prescript , as all sides confesse , then can she not be a handmaid to wait on civil commodities , and respects and if the nature and limits of church discipline be such , as are either helpfull to all political estates indifferently , or have no particular relation to any , then is there no necessity , nor indeed possibility of linking the one with the other in a speciall conformation . now for their second 〈◊〉 , that no form of church government is agreeable to monarchy , but that of bishops , although it fall to pieces of it selfe by that which hath 〈◊〉 sayd ; yet to give them play front , and 〈◊〉 , it shall be my task to prove that episcopacy with that autority which it challenges in england is not only not agreeable , but tending to the destruction of monarchy . while the primitive pastors of the church of god labour'd faithfully in their ministery , tending only their sheep , and not seeking , but avoiding all worldly matters as clogs , and indeed derogations , and debasements to their high calling , little needed the princes , and potentates of the earth , which way soever the gospel was spread , to study ways how to make a coherence between the churches politic , and theirs : therfore when pilate heard once our saviour christ professing that his kingdome was not of this world , he thought the man could not stand much in caesars light , nor much indammage the roman empire : for if the life of christ be hid to this world , much more is his scepter unoperative , but in spirituall things . and thus liv'd , for or ages , the successors of the apostles . but when through constantines lavish superstition they forsook their first love , and set themselvs up two gods instead , mammon and their belly , then taking advantage of the spiritual power which they had on mens consciences , they began to cast a longing eye to get the body also , and bodily things into their command , upon which their carnal desires , the spirit dayly quenching and dying in them , they knew no way to keep themselves up from falling to nothing , but by bolstering , and supporting their inward rottenes by a carnal , and outward strength . for a while they rather privily sought opportunity , then hastily disclos'd their project , but when constantine was dead , and or emperors more , their drift became notorious , and offensive to the whole world : for while theodosius the younger reign'd , thus writes socrates the historian in his th book , . chap. now began an ill name to stick upon the bishops of rome , and alexandria , who beyond their priestly bounds now long agoe had stept into principality and this was scarse . years since their raising from the meanest worldly condition . of courtesie now let any man tell me , if they draw to themselves a temporall strength and power out of caesars dominion , is not caesars empire thereby diminisht ? but this was a stolne bit , hitherto hee was but a caterpiller secretly gnawing at monarchy , the next time you shall see him a woolfe , a lyon , lifting his paw against his raiser , as petrarch exprest it , and finally an open enemy , and subverter of the greeke empire . philippicus and leo , with divers other emperours after them , not without the advice of their patriarchs , and at length of a whole easterne counsell of . hundred thirty eight bishops , threw the images out of churches as being decreed idolatrous . upon this goodly occasion the bishop of rome not only seizes the city , and all the territory about into his owne hands , and makes himselfe lord thereof , which till then was govern'd by a greeke magistrate , but absolves all italy of their tribute , and obedience due to the emperour , because hee obey'd gods commandement in abolishing idolatry . mark sir here how the pope came by s. peters patrymony , as he feigns it , not the donation of constantine , but idolatry and rebellion got it him . yee need but read sigonius one of his owne sect to know the story at large . and now to shroud himselfe against a storme from the greek continent , and provide a champion to beare him out in these practises , hee takes upon him by papall sentence to unthrone chilpericus the rightfull k. of france , and gives the kingdome to pepin for no other cause but that hee seem'd to him the more active man . if he were a freind herein to monarchy i know not , but to the monarch i need not aske what he was . having thus made pepin his fast freind , he cals him into italy against aistulphus the lombard , that war●…'d upon him for his late usurpation of rome as belonging to ravenna which he had newly won . pepin , not unobedient to the popes call , passing into italy , frees him out of danger , and wins for him the whole exarchat of ravenna , which though it had beene almost immediately before , the hereditary possession of that monarchy which was his cheife patron , and benefactor , yet he takes , and keepes it to himselfe as lawfull prize , and given to st. peter . what a dangerous fallacie is this , when a spirituall man may snatch to himselfe any temporall dignity , or dominion under pretence of receiving it for the churches use ; thus he claimes naples , sicily , england , and what not ? to bee short , under shew of his zeale against the errors of the greeke church , hee never ceast baiting , and goring the successors of his best lord constantine what by his barking curses , and excommunications , what by his hindering the westerne princes from ayding them against the sarazens , and turkes , unlesse when they humour'd him ; so that it may be truly affirm'd , he was the subversion , and fall of that monarchy , which was the hoisting of him ; this , besides petrarch , whom i have cited , our chaucer also hath observ'd , and gives from hence a caution to england to beware of her bishops in time , for that their ends , and aymes are no more freindly to monarchy then the popes . thus hee brings in the plow-man speaking , . part. stanz. . the emperour yafe the pope sometime so high lordship him abovt that at last the silly kime , the proud pope put him out , so of this realme is no doubt , but lords beware , and them d●…fend , for now these folks be wonders ●…out the king and lords now this amend and in the next stanza which begins the third part of the tale he argues that they ought not to bee lords . moses law forbode it tho that preists should no lordships welde christs gospell biddeth also , that they should no lordships held ne christs apostles were never so bold no such lordships to hem embrace but smeren her sheep , and keep her fold . and so forward . whether the bishops of england have deserv'd thus to bee fear'd by men so wise as our chaucer is esteem'd , and how agreeable to our monarchy , and monarchs their demeanour ha's been , he that is but meanly read in our chronicles needs not be instructed . have they not been as the canaanites , and philistims to this kingdom ? what treasons , what revolts to the pope , what rebellions , and those the basest , and most preten selesse have they not been chiefe in ? what could monarchy think when becket durst challenge the custody of rotchester-castle , and the tower of london , as appertaining to his signory ? to omit his other insolencies and affronts to regall majestie , till the lashes inflicted on the a●…ointed body of the king washt off the holy vnction with his blood drawn by the polluted hands of bishops , abbots , and monks . what good upholders of royalty were the bishops , when by their rebellious opposition against king john , normandy was lost , he himselfe depos'd , and this kingdom made over to the pope ? when the bishop of winchester durst tell the nobles , the pillars of the realme , that there were no peeres in england , as in france , but that the king might doe what hee pleas'd . what could tyranny say more ? it would bee petty now if i should insist upon the rendring up of tournay by woolseyes treason , the excommunications , cursings , and interdicts upon the whole land . for haply i shall be cut off short by a reply , that these were the faults of the men , and their popish errors , not of episcopacie , that hath now renounc't the pope , and is a protestant . yes sure ; as wise and famous men have suspected , and fear'd the protestant episcopacie in england , as those that have fear'd the papall . you know sir what was the judgement of padre paolo the great venetian antagonist of the pope , for it is extant in the hands of many men , whereby he declares his feare , that when the hierarchy of england shall light into the hands of busie and audacious men , or shall meet with princes tractable to the prelacy , then much mischiefe is like to ensue . and can it bee neerer hand , then when bishops shall openly affirme that , no bishop , no king ? a trimme paradox , and that yee may know where they have beene a begging for it , i will fetch you the twin-brother to it out of the jesuites cell ; they feeling the axe of gods reformation hewing at the old and hollow trunk of papacie , and finding the spaniard their surest friend , and safest refuge , to sooth him up in his dreame of a fift monarchy , and withall to uphold the decrepit papalty have invented this super-politick aphorisme , as one termes it , one pope , and one king . surely there is not any prince in christendome , who hearing this rare sophistry can choose but smile , and if we be not blind at home we may as well perceive that this worthy motto , no bishop , no king is of the same batch , and infanted out of the same feares , a meere ague-cake coagulated of a certaine fever they have , presaging their time to be but short : and now like those that are sinking , they catch round at that which is likeliest to hold them up . and would perswade regall power , that if they dive , he must after . but what greater debasement can there be to royall dignity , whose towring , and stedfast heighth rests upon the unmovable foundations of justice , and heroick vertue , then to chaine it in a dependance of subsisting , or ruining to the painted battlements , and gaudy rottennesse of prelatrie , which want but one puffe of the kings to blow them down like a past bord house built of court-cards . sir the little adoe , which me thinks i find in untacking these pleasant sophismes , puts mee into the mood to tell you a tale ere i proceed further ; and menenius agrippa speed us . upon a time the body summon'd all the members to meet in the guild for the common good ( as aesops chronicles averre many stranger accidents ) the head by right takes the first seat , and next to it a huge and monstrous wen little lesse then the head it selfe , growing to it by a narrower excrescency . the members amaz'd began to aske one another what hee was that took place next their chief ; none could resolve . whereat the wen , though unweildy , with much adoe gets up and bespeaks the assembly to this purpose . that as in place he was second to the head , so by due of merit ; that he was to it an ornament , and strength , and of speciall neere relation , and that if the head should faile , none were fitter then himselfe to step into his place ; therefore hee thought it for the honour of the body , that such dignities and rich indowments should be decreed him , as did adorne , and set out the noblest members . to this was answer'd , that it should bee consulted . then was a wise and learned philosopher sent for , that knew all the charters , lawes , and tenures of the body . on him it is impos'd by all , as chiefe committee to examine , and discusse the claime and petition of right put in by the wen ; who soone perceiving the matter , and wondring at the boldnesse of such a swolne tumor , wilt thou ( quoth he ) that art but a bottle of vitious and harden'd excrements , contend with the lawfull and free-borne members , whose certaine number is set by ancient , and unrepealable statute ? head thou art none , though thou receive this huge substance from it , what office bearst thou ? what good canst thou shew by thee done to the common-weale ? the wen not easily dash't replies , that his office was his glory , for so oft as the soule would retire out of the head from over the steaming vapours of the lower parts to divine contemplation , with him shee found the purest , and quietest retreat , as being most remote from soile , and disturbance . lourdan , quoth the philosopher , thy folly is as great as thy filth ; know that all the faculties of the soule are confin'd of old to their severall vessels , and ventricles , from which they cannot part without dissolution of the whole body ; and that thou containst no good thing in thee , but a heape of hard , and loathsome uncleannes , and art to the head a foul disfigurment and burden , when i have cut thee off , and open'd thee , as by the help of these implements i will doe , all men shall see . but to return , whence was digress't , seeing that the throne of a king , as the wise k. salomon often remembers us , is establisht in justice , which is the universall justice that aristotle so much praises , containing in it all other vertues , it may assure us that the fall of prelacy , whose actions are so farre distant from justice , cannot shake the least fringe that borders the royal canopy : but that their standing doth continually oppose , and lay battery to regal safety , shall by that which follows easily appear . amongst many secondary , and accessory causes that support monarchy , these are not of least reckning , though common to all other states : the love of the subjects , the multitude , and valor of the people , and store of treasure . in all these things hath the kingdome bin of late sore weak'nd , and chiefly by the prelates . first let any man consider , that if any prince shall suffer under him a commission of autority to be exerciz'd , till all the land grone , and cry out , as against a whippe of scorpions , whether this be not likely to lessen , and keel the affections of the subject . next what numbers of faithfull , and freeborn englishmen , and good christians have bin constrain'd to forsake their dearest home , their friends , and kindred , whom nothing but the wide ocean , and the savage de●…erts of america could hide and shelter from the fury of the bishops . o sir , if we could but see the shape of our deare mother england , as poets are wont to give a personal form to what they please , how would she appeare , think ye , but in a mourning weed , with ashes upon her head , and teares abundantly flowing from her eyes , to behold so many of her children expos'd at once , and thrust from things of dearest necessity , because their conscience could not assent to things which the bishops thought indifferent . what more binding then conscience ? what more free then indifferency ? cruel then must that indifferency needs be , that shall violate the strict necessity of conscience , merc●…les , and inhumane that free choyse , and liberty that shall break asunder the bonds of religion . let the astrologer be dismay'd at the portentous blaze of comets , and impressions in the aire as foretelling troubles and changes to states : i shall beleeve there cannot be a more ill-boding ●…gne to a nation ( god turne the omen from us ) then when the inhabitants , to avoid insufferable grievances at home , are inforc'd by heaps to forsake their native country . now wheras the only remedy , and amends against the depopulation , and thinnesse of a land within , is the borrow'd strength of firme alliance from without , these priestly policies of theirs having thus exhausted our domestick forces , have gone the way also to leave us as naked of our firmest , & faithfullest neighbours abroad , by disparaging , and alienating from us all protestant princes , and common-wealths , who are not ignorant that our prelats , and as many as they can infect , account them no better then a sort of sacrilegious , and puritanical rebels , preferring the spaniard our deadly enemy before them , and set all orthodox writers at nought in comparison of the jesuits , who are indeed the onely corrupters of youth , and good learning ; and i have heard many wise , and learned men in italy say as much . it cannot be that the strongest knot of confederacy should not dayly slak'n , when religion which is the chiefe ingagement of our league shall be turn'd to their reproach . hence it is that the prosperous , and prudent states of the united provinces , whom we ought to love , if not for themselves , yet for our own good work in them , they having bin in a manner planted , and erected by us , and having bin since to us the faithfull watchmen , and discoverers of many a popish , and austrian complotted treason , and with us the partners of many a bloody , and victorious battell , whom the similitude of manners and language , the commodity of traffick , which founded the old burgundian league betwixt us , but chiefly religion should bind to us immortally , even such friends as these , out of some principles instill'd into us by the prelates , have bin often dismist with distastfull answers , and somtimes unfriendly actions : nor is it to be consider'd to the breach of confederate nations whose mutual interest is of such high consequence , though their merchants bicker in the east indies , neither is it safe , or warie , or indeed christianly , that the french king , of a different faith , should afford our neerest allyes as good protection as we . sir , i perswade my selfe , if our zeale to true religion , and the brotherly usage of our truest friends were as notorious to the world , as our prelatical schism , and captivity to rotchet apothegmes , we had ere this seene our old conquerours , and afterward liege-men the normans , together with the brittains our proper colony , and all the gascoins that are the rightfull dowry of our ancient kings , come with cap , and knee , desiring the shadow of the english scepter to defend them from the hot per●…ecutions and taxes of the french . but when they come hither , and see a tympany of spanioliz'd bishops swaggering in the fore-top of the state , and meddling to turne , and dandle the royall ball with unskilfull and pedantick palmes , no marvell though they think it as 〈◊〉 to commit religion , and liberty to their arbitrating as to a synagogue of iesuites . but what doe i stand reck'ning upon advantages , and gaines lost by the mis-rule , and turbulency of the prelats , what doe i pick up so thriftily their scatterings and diminishings of the meaner subject , whilst they by their seditious practises have indanger'd to loose the king one third of his main stock ; what have they not done to banish him from his owne native countrey ? but to speake of this as it ought would ask a volume by it selfe . thus as they have unpeopl'd the kingdome by expulsion of so many thousands , as they have endeavor'd to lay the skirts of it bare by disheartning and dishonouring our loyallest confederates abroad , so have they hamstrung the valour of the subject by seeking to effeminate us all at home . well knows every wise nation that their liberty consists in manly and honest labours , in sobriety and rigorous honour to the marriage bed , which in both sexes should be bred up from chast hopes to loyall enjoyments ; and when the people slacken , and fall to loosenes , and riot , then doe they as much as if they laid downe their necks for some wily tyrant to get up and ride . thus learnt cyrus to tame the lydians , whom by armes he could not , whilst they kept themselves from luxury ; with one easy proclamation to set up stews , dancing , feasting , & dicing he made them soone his slaves . i know not what drift the prelats had , whose brokers they were to prepare , and supple us either for a forreigne invasion or domestick oppression ; but this i am sure they took the ready way to despoile us both of manhood and grace at once , and that in the shamefullest and ungodliest manner upon that day which gods law , and even our own reason hath consecrated , that we might have one day at least of seven set apart wherein to examin and encrease our knowledge of god , to meditate , and commune of our faith , our hope , our eternall city in heaven , and to quick'n , withall , the study , and exercise of charity ; at such a time that men should bee pluck't from their soberest and saddest thoughts , and by bishops the pretended fathers of the church instigated by publique edict , and with earnest indeavour push't forward to gaming , jigging , wassailing , and mixt dancing is a horror to think . thus did the reprobate hireling preist balaam seeke to subdue the israelites to moab , if not by force , then by this divellish pollicy , to draw them from the sanctuary of god to the luxurious , and ribald feasts of baal-peor . thus have they trespas't not onely against the monarchy of england , but of heaven also , as others , i doubt not , can prosecute against them . i proceed within my own bounds to shew you next what good agents they are about the revennues and riches of the kingdome , which declares of what moment they are to monarchy , or what availe . two leeches they have that still suck , and suck the kingdome , their ceremonies , and their courts . if any man will contend that ceremonies bee lawfull under the gospell , hee may bee answer'd otherwhere . this doubtlesse that they ought to bee many and over-costly , no true protestant will affirme . now i appeale to all wise men , what an excessive wast of treasury hath beene within these few yeares in this land not in the expedient , but in the idolatrous 〈◊〉 of temples beautified exquisitely to out-vie the papists , the costly and deare-bought scandals , and snares of images , pictures , rich coaps , gorgeous altar-clothes : and by the courses they ●…ooke , and the opinions they held , it was not likely any stay would be , or any end of their madnes , where a pious pretext is so ready at hand to cover their insatlate desires . what can we suppose this will come to ? what other materials then these have built up the spirituall babel to the heighth of her abominations ? beleeve it sir right truly it may be said , that antichrist is mammons son . the soure levin of humane traditions mixt in one putrifi'd masfe with the poisonous dregs of hypocrisie in the hearts of prelates that lye basking in the sunny warmth of wealth , and promotion , is the serpents egge that will hatch an antichrist wheresoever , and ingender the same monster as big , or little as the lump is which breeds him . if the splendor of gold and silver begin to lord it once againe in the church of england , wee shall see antichrist shortly wallow heere , though his cheife kennell be at rome . if they had one thought upon gods glory and the advancement of christian faith , they would be a meanes that with these expences thus profusely throwne away in trash , rather churches and schools might be built , where they cry out for want , and more added where too few are ; a moderate maintenance distributed to every painfull minister , that now scarse sustaines his family with bread , while the prelats revell like belshazzar with their full carouses in goblets , and vessels of gold snatcht from gods temple . which ( i hope ) the worthy men of our land will consider . now then for their covrts . what a masse of money is drawne from the veines into the ulcers of the kingdome this way ; their extortions , their open corruptions , the multitude of hungry and ravenous harpies that swarme about their offices declare sufficlently . and what though all this go not oversea ? 't were better it did : better a penurious kingdom , then where excessive wealth flowes into the 〈◊〉 and injurious hands of common sponges to the impoverishing of good and loyall men , and that by such execrable , such irreligious courses . if the sacred and dreadfull works of holy discipline , censure , pennance , excommunication , and absolution , where no prophane thing ought to have accesse , nothing to be assistant but sage and christianly admonition , brotherly love , flaming charity , and zeale ; and then according to the effects , paternall sorrow , or paternall joy , milde severity , melting compassion , if such divine ministeries as these , wherin the angel of the church represents the person of christ jesus , must lie prostitute to sordid fees , and not passe to and fro betweene our saviour that of free grace redeem'd us , and the submissive penitent , without the truccage of perishing coine , and the burcherly execution of tormentors , rooks , and rakeshames sold to 〈◊〉 , then have the babilonish marchants of soules just excuse . hitherto sir you have heard how the prelates have weaken'd and withdrawne the externall accomplishments of kingly prosperity , the love of the people , their multitude , their valour , their wealth ; mining , and sapping the out-works , and redoubts of monarchy ; now heare how they strike at the very heart , and vitals . we know that monarchy is made up of two parts , the liberty of the subject , and the supremacie of the king . i begin at the root . see what gentle , and benigne fathers they have beene to our liberty . their trade being , by the same alchymy that the pope uses , to extract heaps of gold , and silver out of the drossie bullion of the peoples sinnes , and justly fearing that the quick-sighted protestants eye clear'd in great part from the mist of superstition , may at one time or other looke with a good judgement into these their deceitfull pedleries , to gaine as many associats of guiltines as they can , and to infect the temporall magistrate with the like lawlesse though not sacrilegious extortion , see a while what they doe ; they ingage themselves to preach , and perswade an assertion for truth the most false , and to this monarchy the most pernicious and destructive that could bee chosen . what more banefull to monarchy then a popular commotion , for the dissolution of monarchy slides aptest into a democracy ; and what stirs the englishmen , as our wisest writers have observ'd , sooner to rebellion , then violent , and heavy hands upon their goods and purses ? yet these devout prelates , spight of our great charter , and the soules of our progenitors that wrested their liberties out of the norman gripe with their dearest blood and highest prowesse , for these many years have not ceas't in their pulpits wrinching , and spraining the text , to set at nought and trample under foot all the most sacred , and life blood lawes , statutes , and acts of parliament that are the holy cov'nant of union , and marriage betweene the king and his realme , by proscribing , and confiscating from us all the right we have to our owne bodies , goods and liberties . what is this , but to blow a trumpet , and proclaime a fire-crosse to a hereditary , and perpetuall civill warre . thus much against the subjects liberty hath been assaulted by them . now how they have spar'd supremacie , or likely are here-after to submit to it , remaines lastly to bee consider'd . the emulation that under the old law was in the king toward the preist , is now so come about in the gospell , that all the danger is to be fear'd from the preist to the king . whilst the preists office in the law was set out with an exteriour lustre of pomp and glory , kings were ambitious to be preists ; now priests not perceiving the heavenly brightnesse , and inward splendor of their more glorious evangelick ministery with as great ambition affect to be kings ; as in all their courses is easie to be observ'd . their eyes over imminent upon worldly matters , their desires ever thirsting after worldly employments , in stead of diligent and fervent studie in the bible , they covet to be expert in canons , and decretals , which may inable them to judge , and interpose in temporall causes , however pretended 〈◊〉 . doe they not hord up plefe , seeke to bee porent in secular strength , in state affaires , in lands , lordships , and demeanes , to sway and carry all before them in high courts , and privie counsels , to bring into their grasp , the high , and principall offices of the kingdom ? have they not been bold of late to check the common law , to slight and brave the indiminishable majestie of our highest court the law-giving and sacred parliament ? doe they not plainly labour to exempt church-men from the magistrate ? yea , so presumptuously as to question , and menace officers that represent the kings person for using their authority against drunken preists ? the cause of protecting murderous clergie-men was the first heart-burning that swel'd up the audacious becket to the pestilent , and odious vexation of henry the second . nay more , have not some of their devoted schollers begun , i need not say to nibble , but openly to argue against the kings supremacie ? is not the ch●…ife of them accus'd out of his owne booke , and his late canons to affect a certaine unquestionable patriarchat , independent and unsubordinate to the crowne ? from whence having first brought us to a servile estate of religion , and manhood , and having predispos'd his conditions with the pope , that layes claime to this land , or some pepin of his owne creating , it were all as likely for him to aspire to the monarchy among us , as that the pope could finde meanes so on the sudden both to bereave the emperour of the roman territory with the favour of italy , and by an unexpected friend out of france , while he was in danger to lose his new-got purchase , beyond hope to leap in to the faire exarchat of ravenna . a good while the pope suttl'y acted the lamb , writing to the emperour , my lord tiberius , my lord mauritius , but no sooner did this his lord pluck at the images , and idols , but hee threw off his sheepes clothing , and started up a wolfe , laying his pawes upon the emperours right , as forfeited to peter . why may not wee as well , having been forewarn'd at home by our renowned chaucer , and from abroad by the great and learned padre paolo , from the like beginnings , as we see they are , feare the like events ? certainly a wise , and provident king ought to suspect a hierarchy in his realme , being ever attended , as it is , with two such greedy purveyers , ambition and 〈◊〉 , i say hee ought to suspect a hierarchy to bee as dangerous and derogatory from his crown as a tetrarchy o●… a hepiarchy . yet now that the prelates had almost attain'd to what their insolent , and unbridl'd minds had hurried them ; to thrust the lai●…●…der the despoticall rule of the monarch , that they themselves might confine the monarch to a kind of pupillag●… under their hierarchy , observe but how their own ●…inciples combat one another , and supplant each one his fellow . having fitted us only for peace , and that a servile peace , by lessening our numbers , dreining our estates , enfeebling our bodies , cowing our free spirits by those wayes as you have heard , their impotent actions cannot sustaine themselves the least moment , unlesse they rouze us up to a warre fit for cain to be the leader of ; an abhorred , a cursed , a fraternall warre . england and scotland dearest brothers both in natnre , and in christ must be set to wade in one anothers blood ; and ireland our free denizon upon the back of us both , as occasion should serve : a piece of service that the pope and all his factors have beene compassing to doe ever since the reformation . but ever-blessed be he , and ever glorifi'd that from his high watch-tower in the heav'ns discerning the crooked wayes of perverse , and cruell men , hath hitherto maim'd , and insatuated all their damnable inventions , and deluded their great wizzards with a delusion fit for fooles and children : had god beene so minded hee could have sent a spirit of mutiny amongst us , as hee did betweene abimilech and the sechemites , to have made our funerals and slaine heaps more in number then the miserable surviving remnant , but he , when wee least deserv'd , sent out a gentle gale , and message of peace from the wings of those his cherubins , that fanne his mercy-seat . nor shall the wisdome , the moderation , the christian pietie , the constancy of our nobility and commons of england be ever forgotten , whose calme , and temperat connivence could sit still , and smile out the stormy bluster of men more audacious , and precipitant , then of solid and deep reach , till their own fury had run it selfe out of breath , assailing , by rash and heady approches , the impregnable situation of our liberty and safety , that laught such weake enginry to scorne , such poore drifts to make a nationallwarre of a surplice brabble , a tippet-scuffle , and ingage the unattainted honour of english knighthood , to unfurle the streaming red crosse , or to reare the horrid standard of those fatall guly dragons for so unworthy a purpose , as to force upon their fellow-subjects , that which themselves are weary of , the skeleton of a masse-booke . nor must the pat●…ence , the fortitude , the firme obedience of the nobles and people of scotland striving against manifold provocations , nor must their sincere and moderate proceedings hitherto , be unremember'd , to the shamefull conviction of all their detractors . goe on both hand in hand o nations never to be dis-united , be the praise and the heroick song of all posterity ; merit this , but seeke onely vertue , not to extend your limits ; for what needs ? to win a fading triumphant lawrell out of the teares of wretched men , but to settle the pure worship of god in his church , and justice in the state . then shall the hardest difficulties smooth out themselves before ye ; envie shall sink to hell , craft and malice be confounded , whether it be homebred mischeif , or outlandish cunning : yea 〈◊〉 other nations will then cover to serve ye , for lordship and victory are but the pages of justice and vertue . commit securely to true wisdome the vanquishing and uncasing of craft and suttlerie , which are but her two runnagates : joyn your invincible might to doe worthy , and godlike deeds , and then he that seeks to break your union , a cleaving curse be his inheritance to all generations . sir , you have now at length this question for the time , and as my memory would best serve me in such a copious , and vast theme , fully handl'd , and you your selfe may judge whether prelacy be the only church-government agreeable to monarchy . seeing therfore the perillous , and confused estate into which we are faln , and that to the certain knowledge of all men through the irreligious pride and hatefull tyranny of prelats ( as the innumerable , and grievous complaints of every shire cry out ) if we will now resolve to settle affairs either according to pure religion , or sound policy , we must first of all begin roundly to cashier , and cut away from the publick body the noysom , and diseased tumor of prelacie , and come from schisme to 〈◊〉 with out neighbour reformed sister churches , which with the blessing of peace and pure doctrine have now long time flourish'd ; and doubtles with all hearty joy , and gratulation , will meet , and welcome our christian union with them , as they have bin all this while griev'd at our strangenes and little better then separation from them . and for the discipline propounded , seeing that it hath bin inevitably prov'd that the natural , and fundamental causes of political happines in all governments are the same , and that this church discipline is taught in the word of god , and , as we see , agrees according to wish with all such states as have receiv'd it , we may infallibly assure our selvs that it will as wel agree with monarchy , though all the tribe of aphorismers , and politicasters would perswade us there be secret , and misterious reasons against it . for upon the setling hereof mark what nourishing and cordial restorements to the state will follow , the ministers of the gospel attending only to the work of salvation every one within his limited charge , besides the diffusive blessings of god upon all our actions , the king shall sit without an old disturber , a dayly incroacher , and intruder ; shall ridde his kingdome of a strong sequester'd , and collateral power ; a confronting miter , whose potent wealth , and wakefull ambition he had just cause to hold in jealousie : not to repeat the other present e●…ills which only their removal will remove . and because things simply pure are inconsistent in the masse of nature , nor are the elements or humors in mans body exactly homogeneall , and hence the best founded common-wealths , and least barbarous have aym'd at a certaine mixture and temperament , partaking the severall vertues of each other●… state , that each part drawing to it selfe may keep up a steddy , and eev'n uprightnesse in common , there is no civill goverment that hath beene known , no not the spartan , not the roman , though both for this respect so much prais'd by the wise polybius , more divinely and harmoniously tun'd , more equally ballanc'd as it were by the hand and scale of justice , then is the common-wealth of england : where under a free , and untutor'd monarch , the noblest , worthiest , and most prudent men , with full approbation , and suffrage of the people have in their power the supreame , and finall determination of highest affaires . now if conformity of church discipline to the civill be so desir'd , there can be nothing more parallel , more uniform , then when under the soveraigne prince christs vicegerent using the scepter of david , according to gods law , the godliest , the wisest , the learnedest ministers in their severall charges have the instructing and disciplining of gods people by whose full and free election they are consecrated to that holy and equall aristocracy . and why should not the piety , and conscience of englishmen as members of the church be trusted in the election of pastors to functions that nothing concerne a monarch , as well as their worldly wisedomes are priviledg'd as members of the state in suffraging their knights , and burgesses to matters that concern him neerely ? and if in weighing these severall offices , their difference in time and qualitie be cast in , i know they will not turn the beame of equall judgement the moity of a scruple . wee therfore having already a kind of apostolicall , and ancient church election in our state , what a perversnesse would it be in us of all others to retain forcibly a kind of imperious , and stately election in our church ? and what a blindnesse to thinke that what is already evangelicall as it were by a happy cha●…ce in our politie , should be repugnant to that which is the same by divine command in the ministery ? thus then wee see that our ecclesiall , and politicall choyses may consent and sort as well together without any rupture in the state , as christians , and freeholders . but as for honour , that ought indeed to be different , and distinct as either office looks a severall way , the minister whose calling and end is spirituall , ought to be honour'd as a father and physitian to the soule ( if he be found to be so ) with a son-like and disciple-like reverence , which is indeed the dearest , and most affectionate honour , most to be desir'd by a wise man , and such as will easily command a free and plentifull provision of outward necessaries , without his furder care of this world . the magistrate whose charge is to see to our persons , and estates , is to bee honour'd with a more elaborate and personall courtship , with large salaries and stipends , that hee himselfe may abound in those things whereof his legall justice and watchfull care gives us the quiet enjoyment . and this distinction of honour will bring forth a seemly and gracefull uniformity over all the kingdome . then shall the nobles possesse all the dignities and offices of temporall honour to themselves , sole lords without the improper mixture of scholastick , and pusillanimous upstarts , the parliament shall void her vpper house of the same annoyances , the common , and civill lawes shall be both set free , the former from the controule , the other from the meere vassalage and copy hold of the clergie . and wheras temporall lawes rather punish men when they have transgress't , then form them to be such as should transgresse seldomest , wee may conceive great hopes through the showres of divine benediction , watering the unmolested and watchfull paines of the ministery , that the whole inheritance of god will grow up so straight and blamelesse , that the civill magistrate may with farre lesse toyle and difficulty , and far more ease and delight steare the tall and goodly vessell of the common-wealth through all the gusts and tides of the worlds mutability . here i might have ended , but that some objections , which i have heard commonly flying about , presse mee to the endevour of an answere . we must not run they say into sudden extreams . this is a fallacious rule , unlesse understood only of the actions of vertue about things indifferent , for if it be found that those two extreames be vice and vertue , falshood and truth , the greater extremity of vertue and superlative truth we run into , the more vertuous , and the more wise , wee become ; and hee that flying from degenerate and traditionall corruption , feares to shoot himselfe too far into the meeting imbraces of a divinely-warranted reformation , had better not have run at all . and for the suddennesse it cannot be fear'd . who should oppose it ? the papists ? they dare not . the protestants otherwise affected . they were mad . there is nothing will be remoov'd but what to them is profess'dly indifferent . the long affection which the people have borne to it , what for it selfe , what for the odiousnes of p●…elates , is evident : from the first yeare of qu. eliz●…beth , it hath still beene more and more propounded , desir'd , and beseech't , yea sometimes favourably forwarded by the parliaments themselves . yet if it were sudden & swift , provided still it be from worse to better , certainly wee ought to hie us from ●…ill like a torrent , and rid our selves of corrupt discipline , as wee would shake fire out of our bosomes . speedy and vehement were the reformati●…ns of all the good kings of juda , though the people had beene nuzzl'd in idolatry never so long before ; they fear'd not the bug-bear danger , nor the lyon in the way that the sluggish and timorous politician thinks he sees ; no more did our brethren of the reformed churches abroad ; they ventur'd ( god being their guide ) out of rigid popery , into that which wee in mockery call precise puritanisme , and yet wee see no inconvenience befell them . let us not dally with god when he offers us a full blessing , to take as much of it as wee think will serve our ends , and turne him back the rest upon his hands , lest in his anger he snatch all from us again . next they alledge the antiquity of episcopacy through all ages . what it was in the apostles time , that questionlesse it must be still and therein i trust the ministers will be able to satisfie the parliament . but if episcopacie be taken for prelacie , all the ages they can deduce it through , will make it no more venerable then papacie . most certaine it is ( as all our stories beare witnesse ) that ever since their comming to the see of canterbury for neere twelve hundred yeares , to speake of them in generall , they have beene in england to our soules a sad and dolefull succession of illiterate and blind guides : to our purses , and goods a wastfull band of robbers , a perpetuall havock , and rapine : to our state a continuall hydra of mischiefe , and molestation , the forge of discord and rebellion : this is the trophey of their antiquity , and boasted succession through so many ages . and for those prelat-martyrs they glory of , they are to bee judg'd what they were by the gospel , and not the gospel to be tried by them . and it is to be noted that if they were for bishopricks and ceremonies , it was in their prosperitie , and fulnes of bread , but in their persecution , which purifi'd them , and neer their death , which was their garland , they plainely dislik'd and condemn'd the ceremonies , and threw away those episcopall ornaments wherein they were instal'd , as foolish and detestable , for so the words of ridley at his degradment , and his letter to hooper expressly shew . neither doth the author of our church history spare to record sadly the fall ( for so he termes it ) and infirmities of these martyrs , though we would deify them . and why should their martyrdom more countnance corrupt doctrine , or discipline , then their subscriptions justify their treason to the royall blood of this relm ; by diverting and intaling the right of the crown from the true heires , to the houses of northumberland and suffolk , which had it tooke effect , this present king had in all likelyhood never sat on this throne , and the happy union of this iland had bin frustrated . lastly , whereas they adde that some the learnedest of the reformed abroad admire our episcopacy , it had bin more for the strength of the argument to tell us that som of the wisest states-men admire it , for thereby we might guesse them weary of the present discipline , as offensive to their state , which is the bugge we feare ; but being they are church-men , we may rather suspect them for some prelatizing-spirits that admire our bishopricks , not episcopacy . the next objection vanishes of it selfe , propounding a doubt , whether a greater inconvenience would not grow from the corruption of any other discipline , then from that of episcopacy . this seemes an unseasonable foresight , and out of order to deferre , and put off the most needfull constitution of one right discipline , while we stand ballancing the discommodity's of two corrupt ones . first constitute that which is right , and of it selfe it will discover , and rectify that which swervs , and easily remedy the pretended feare of having a pope in every parish , unlesse we call the zealous , and meek censure of the church , a popedom , which who so does let him advise how he can reject the pastorly rod , and sheep-hooke of christ , and those cords of love , and not feare to fall under the iron scepter of his anger that will dash him to peeces like a potsherd . at another doubt of theirs i wonder ; whether this discipline which we desire , be such as can be put in practise within this kingdom , they say it can not stand with the common law , nor with the kings safety ; the government of episcopacy , is now so weav'd into the common law : in gods name let it weave out againe ; let not humain quillets keep back divine authority . t is not the common law , nor the civil , but piety , and justice , that are our foundresses ; they stoop not , neither change colour for aristoc●… , democraty , or monarohy , nor yet at all interrupt their just courses , but farre above the taking notice of these inferior niceties with perfect sympathy , where ever they meet , kisse each other . lastly , they are fearfull that the discipline which will succeed cannot stand with the ks. safety . wherefore ? it is but episcopacy reduc't to what it should be , were it not that the tyranny of prelates under the name of bishops hath made our eares tender , and startling , we might call every good minister a bishop , as every bishop , yea the apostles themselves are call'd ministers , and the angels ministrîng spirits , and the ministers againe angels . but wherein is this propounded government so shrewd ? because the government of assemblies will succeed . did not the apostles govern the church by assemblies , how should it else be catholik , how should it have communion ? wee count it sacrilege to take from the rich prelates their lands , and revenu's which is sacrilege in them to keep , using them as they doe , and can we think it safe to defraude the living church of god of that right which god has given her in assemblies ! o but the consequence : assemblies draw to them the supremacy of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction . no surely , they draw no supremacy , but that authority which christ , and saint paul in his name conferrs upon them . the k. may still retain the same supremacy in the assemblies , as in the parliament , here he 〈◊〉 do nothing alone against the common law , and there neither alone , nor with consent against the scriptures . but is this all ? no , this ecclesiasticall supremacy draws to it the power to excommunicate kings ; and then followes the worst that can be imagin'd . doe they hope to avoyd this by keeping prelates that have so often don it ? not to exemplifie the malapert insolence of our owne bishops in this kind towards our kings : i shall turn back to the primitive , and pure times , which the objecters would have the rule of reformation to us . not an assembly , but one bishop alone , saint ambrose of millan , held theodosius the most christian emperor under excommunication above eight moneths together , drove him from the church in the presence of his nobles , which the good emperor bore with heroick humility , and never ceas't by prayers , and teares , till he was absolv'd , for which coming to the bishop with supplication into the salutatory , some out porch of the church , he was charg'd by him of tyrannicall madnes against god , for comming into holy ground . at last upon conditions absolv'd , and after great humiliation approaching to the altar to offer ( as those thrise pure times then thought meet ) he had scarse with-drawne his hand , and stood a while , when a bold arch-deacon comes in the bishops name , and chaces him from within the railes telling him peremptorily that the place wherein he stood , was for none but the priests to enter , or to touch : and this is another peece of pure primitive divinity . thinke yee then our bishops will forgoe the power of excommunication on whomsoever ? no certainly , unlesse to compasse sinister ends , and then revoke when they see their time . and yet this most mild , though withall dredfull , and inviolable prerogative of christs diadem excommunication servs for nothing with them , but to prog , and pandar for fees , or to display their pride and sharpen their revenge , debarring men the protection of the law , and i remember not whether in some cases it bereave not men all right to their worldly goods , and inheritanees besides the deniall of christian buriall . but in the evangelical , and reformed use of this sacred censure , no such prostitution , no such jscariotical drifts are to be doubted , as that spirituall doom , and sentence , should invade worldly possession , which is the rightfull lot and portion , even of the wicke dest men , as frankly bestow'd upon them by the al-dispensing bounty , as rain , and sun-shine . no , no , it seekes not to bereave or destroy the body , it seekes to saue the soule by humbling the body , not by imprisonment , or pecuniary mulct , much lesse by stripes or bonds , or disinheritance , but by fatherly admonishment , and christian rebuke , to cast it into godly sorrow , whose end is joy , and ingenuous bashfulnesse to sin : if that can not be wrought , then as a tender mother takes her child and holds it over the pit with scarring words , that it may learne to feare , where danger is , so doth excommunication as deerly , and as freely without money , use her wholsome and saving terrors , she is instant , she beseeches , by all the deere , and sweet promises of salvation she entices and woos , by all the threatnings , and thunders of the law , and rejected gosspel she charges , and adjures ; this is all her armory , her munition , her artillery , then she awaites with long-sufferance , and yet ardent zeale . in briefe , there is no act in all the errand of gods ministers to man-kind , wherein passes more loverlike contestation betweene christ and the soule of a regenerate man lapsing , then before , and in , and after the sentence of excommunication . as for the fogging proctorage of money , with such an eye as strooke gehezi with leprosy , and simon magus with a curse , so does she looke , and so threaten her firy whip against that banking den of theeves that dare thus baffle , and buy and sell the awfull , and majestick wrincles of her brow . he that is rightly and apostolically sped with her invisible arrow , if he cā be at peace in his soule , and not smel within him the brimstone of hell , may have faire leave to tell all his baggs over undiminish't of the least farding , may eat his dainties , drinke his wine , use his delights , enjoy his lands , and liberties , not the least skin rais'd , not the least haire misplac't for all that excommunication has done : much more may a king injoy his rights , and prerogatives unflowr'd , untouch'd , and be as absolute , and compleat a king , as all his royalties and revenu's can make him . and therefore little did theodosius fear a plot upon his empire when he stood excommunicat by saint ambrose , though it were done either with much hau●…y pride , or ignorant zeale . but let us rather look upon the reformed churches beyond the seas , the grizons the suisses , the hollanders , the french , that have a supremacy to live under as well as we , where do the churches in all these places strive for supremacy , where do they clash and justle supremacies with the civil magistrate ? in france a more severe monarchy then ours , the protestants under this church government carry the name of the best subjects the king has ; and yet presbytery , if it must be so call'd , does there all that it desires to doe : how easie were it , if there be such great suspicion , to give no more scope to it in england . but let us not for feare of a scarre-crow , or else through hatred to be reform'd stand hankering and politizing , when god with spread hands testifies to us , and points us out the way to our peace . let us not be so overcredulous , unlesse god hath blinded us , as to trust our deer soules into the hands of men that beg so devoutly for the pride , and gluttony of their owne backs , and bellies , that sue and sollicite so eagerly , not for the saving of soules , the consideration of which can have heer no place at all , but for their bishopricks , deaneries , prebends , and chanonies ; how can these men not be corrup●… , whose very ●…se is the bribe of their own pleading ; whose mo●… cannot open without the strong breath , and l●… stench of avarice , simony , and sacrilege , embe●…ling the treasury of the church on painted , 〈◊〉 guilded walles of temples wherein god ●…h testified to have no delight , warming their palace kitchins , and from thence their 〈◊〉 , and epicurean paunches , with the almes of the blind , the lame , the impotent , the ●…d , the ●…fn , the widow , for with these the ●…sury of christ ought to be , here must be his jewels bestow'd , his rich cabinet must be emptied heer ; as the constant martyr saint laurence taught the roman praetor . sir would you know what the remonst●…ance of these men would have , what their petition imply's ? they intreate us that we would not be weary of those insupportable greevances that our shoulders have hitherto 〈◊〉 under , they beseech us that we would think 'em fit to be our justices of peace , our lords , our highest officers of state , though they come furnish't with no more experience then they learnt betweene the cook , and the manciple , or more pro foundly at the colledge audit , or the regent house , or to come to their deepest insight , at their patrons table ; they would request us to indure still the russling of their silken cassocks , and that we would burst our midriffes rather then laugh to see them under sayl in all their lawn , and sarcenet their shrouds , and tackle , with a geometricall rhomboides upon their heads : they would bear us in hand that we must of duty still appear before them once a year in jerusalem like good circumcizd males , and females to be taxt by the poul , to be scons't our head money , our tuppences in their chaunlerly shop book of easter . they pray us that it would please us to let them still hale us , and worrey us with their band-dogs , and pursivants ; and that it would please the parliament that they may yet have the whipping , fleecing , and fleaing of us in their diabolical courts to tear the flesh from our bones , and into our wide wounds instead of balm , to power in the oil of tartar , vitriol , and mercury ; surely a right reasonable , innocent , and soft-hearted petition . o the relenting bowels of the fathers . can this bee granted them unlesse god have smitten us with frensie from above , and with a dazling giddinesse at ●oon day ? should not those men rather be heard that come to plead against their owne preferments , their worldly advantages , their owne abundance ; for honour , and obedience to gods word , the conversion of soules , the christian peace of the land , and union of the reformed catholick church , the unappropriating , and unmonopolizing the rewards of learning and industry , from the greasie clutch of ignorance , and high feeding . we have tri'd already , & miserably felt what ambitio●● worldly glory & immoderat wealthcan do , what the boistrous & contradictional hand of a temporall , earthly , and corporeall spiritualty can availe to the edifying of christs holy church ; were it such a desperate hazard to put to the venture the universall votes of christs congregation , the fellowly and friendly yoke of a teaching and laborious ministery , the pastorlike and apostolick imitation of meeke and unlordly discipline , the gentle and benevolent mediocritie of church-maintenance , without the ignoble hu●…sterage of pidling tithes ? were it such an incurable mischiefe to make a little triall , what all this would doe to the flourishing and growing up of christs mysticall body ? as rather to use every poore shift , and if that serve not , to threaten uproare and combustion , and shake the brand of civill discord ? o sir , i doe now feele my selfe inwrapt on the sodaine into those mazes and labyrinths of dreadfull and hideous thoughts , that which way to get out , or which way to end i know not , unlesse i turne mine eyes , and with your help lift up my hands to that eternall and propitious throne , where nothing is readier then grace and refuge to the distresses of mortall suppliants : and it were a shame to leave these serious thoughts lesse piously then the heathen were wont to conclude their graver discourses . thou therefore that sits's in light & glory unapprochable , parent of angels and men ! next thee i implore omnipotent king , redeemer of that lost remnant whose nature thou didst assume , ineffable and everlasting love ! and thou the third subsistence of divine infinitude , illumining spirit , the joy and solace of created things ! one tri-personall godhead ! looke upon this thy poore and almost spent , and expiring church , leave her not thus a prey to these importunate wolves , that wait and thinke long till they devoure thy tender flock , these wilde boares that have broke into thy vineyard , and left the print of thir polluting hoofs on the soules of thy servants . o let them not bring about their damned designes that stand now at the entrance of the bottomlesse pit expecting the watch-word to open and let out those dreadfull locusts and scorpions , to re-involve us in that pitchy cloud of infernall darknes , where we shall never more see the sunne of thy truth againe , never hope for the cheerfull dawne , never more heare the bird of morning sing . be mov'd with pitty at the afflicted state of this our shaken monarchy , that now lies labouring under her throwes , and struggling against the grudges of more dreaded calamities . o thou that after the impetuous rage of five bloody inundations , and the succeeding sword of intestine ●…rre , soaking the land in her owne gore , didst pitty the sad and ceasles revolution of our swift and thick-comming sorrowes when wee were quite breathlesse , of thy free grace didst motion peace , and termes of co●…ant with us , & having first welnigh freed us from antichristian thraldome , didst build up this britannick empire to a glorious and enviable heighth with all her daughter ilands about her , stay us in this felicitie , let not the obstinacy of our halfe obedlence and will-worship bring forth that viper of sedition , that for these fourescore yeares hath been breeding to eat through the entrals of our peace ; but let her cast her abortive spawne without the danger of this travailling & throbbing kingdome . that we may still remember in our solemne thanksgivings , how for us the northren ocean even to the frozen thule was scatter'd with the proud ship-wracks of the spanish armado , and the very maw of hell ransack't , and made to give up her conceal'd destruction , ere shee could vent it in that horrible and damned blast . o how much more glorious will those former deliverances appeare , when we shall know them not onely to have sav'd us from greatest miseries past , but to have reserv'd us for greatest happinesse to come . hitherto thou hast but freed us , and that not fully , from the unjust and tyrannous claime of thy foes , now unite us intirely , and appropriate us to thy selfe , tie us everlastingly in willing homage to the prerogative of thy eternall throne . and now wee knowe , o thou our most certain hope and defence , that thine enemies have been consulting all the sorceries of the great whore , and have joyn'd their plots with that sad intelligencing tyrant that mischiefes the world with hi●… mines of ophir , and lies thirsting to revenge his navall ruines that have larded our seas ; but let them all take counsell together , and let it come to nought , let them decree , and doe thou cancell it , let them gather themselves , and bee scatter'd , let them embattell themselves and bee broken , let them imbattell , and be broken , for thou art with us . then amidst the hymns , and halleluiahs of saints some one may perhaps bee heard offering at high strains in new and lofty measures to sing and celebrate thy divine mercies , and marvelous judgements in this land throughout all ages ; whereby this great and warlike nation instructed and inur'd to the fervent and continuall practice of truth and righteousnesse , and casting farre from her the rags of her old vices may presse on hard to that high and happy emulation to be found the soberest , 〈◊〉 , and most christian people at that day when thou the eternall and shortly-expected king shalt open the clouds to judge the severall kingdomes of the world , and distributing nationall honours and rewards to religious and just common-wealths , shalt put an end to all earthly tyrannies , proclaiming thy universal and milde monarchy through heaven and earth . where they undoubtedly that by their labours , counsels , and prayers have been earnest 〈◊〉 the common good of religion and their countrey , shall receive , above the inferiour orders of the blessed , the regall addition of principalities , legions , and thrones into their glorious titles , and in supereminence of beatifick vision progressing the da●●lesse and irrevoluble circle of eternity shall clasp inseparable hands with joy , and blisse in over measure for ever . but they contrary that by the imp●…iting and diminution of the true faith , the distresses and servitude of their countrey aspire to high dig●… , rule and pr●…ion here , after a shamefull end in thsi life ( which god grant them ) shall be thrown downe eternally in to the darkest and deepest 〈◊〉 of hell , where under the despig●… 〈◊〉 , the trample and spurne of all the other d●… , that in the anguish of their torture shall have no other case then to exercise a r●…g and ●…all tyr●…y over them as their slaves and n●… , they shall remaine in that plight for ever , the ba●… , the ●…most , the most de●…ed , most 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 v●…sals of perd●… . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- . the best . the best . the best notes for div a e- a tale .